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Nike in the Athenian Agora?

Known and Unknown Nikai in History, Art, and Life

Invited for an exhibition at the Athens National Museum to celebrate the beginning of the Greek War of Independence 200 years ago, this essay discusses the role of the goddess Nike in the sculptures of two fifth-century Athenian temples: the Hephaisteion, begun probably in the 470s and completed in the 410s, and the Temple of Ares, brought in from the Attic deme of Pallene and re-erected in the Agora under the Roman Emperor Augustus.

KNOWN AND UNKNOWN NIKAI In History, Art and Life The individual authors are responsible for views expressed in the texts. The essay on pp. 170-196 is a reprint from the edition Γ. Δεσπίνης, Μεγαρικά, Δημοτική Βιβλιοθήκη Μεγάρων, Μέγαρα 2010, chap. 1, Τα αγάλματα του Θεοχάρη Ρέντη, pp. 13-34. © National Archaeological Museum Hellenic Organization of Cultural Resources Development MINISTRY OF CULTURE AND SPORTS NATIONAL ARCHAEOLOGICAL MUSEUM Known and Unknown Nikai In History, Art and Life EDITOR Maria Lagogianni-Georgakarakos ATHENS 2021 HELLENIC ORGANIZATION OF CULTURAL RESOURCES DEVELOPMENT EDITION CONTRIBUTORS GENERAL SUPERVISION Eleni Kotsou EDITING Vasiliki Krevvata TRANSLATION Dimitris Doumas ARTISTIC SUPERVISION Stelios Skourlis PREPRESS WORK Niki Armpounioti TEXT AND FIGURE COLLECTION Kalliopi Spyrou PRINTING Printfair Hellenic Organization of Cultural Resources Development ISBN 978-960-386-512-4 ESSAY AUTHORS Athanasopoulou Sappho, Archaeologist, (ΜΑ) Museologist, National Archaeological Museum, Department of Vases, Metalwork and Minor Arts Collection Dr Avronidaki Christina, Archaeologist, National Archaeological Museum, Department of Vases, Metalwork and Minor Arts Collection Chatzipanagiotou Alexandra, Msc Archaeologist, National Archaeological Museum, Department of Vases, Metalwork and Minor Arts Collection Dr Chidiroglou Maria, Archaeologist, National Archaeological Museum, Department of Vases, Metalwork and Minor Arts Collection Goulaki-Voutyra Alexandra, Professor of Music Iconography, Aristotle University of Thessaloniki Dr Lagogianni-Georgakarakos Maria, Emerita Director of the National Archaeological Museum Leventi Iphigeneia, Associate Professor of Classical Archaeology, University of Thessaly Moustaka Aliki, Emerita Professor of Classical Archaeology, Aristotle University of Thessaloniki Palagia Olga, Emerita Professor of Classical Archaeology, National and Kapodistrian University of Athens Pandermalis Dimitris, Emeritus Professor of Classical Archaeology, Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, President of the Acropolis Museum Dr Papaefthymiou Vanda, Archaeologist, National Archaeological Museum, Department of Sculpture Collection Sourlas Dimitris, Archaeologist, Ephorate of Antiquities of the City of Athens Stewart Andrew, Professor of Ancient Mediterranean Art and Archaeology, Departments of Art History and Classics, University of California, Berkeley Dr Tolia-Christakou Maria, Archaeologist, National Archaeological Museum, Department of Vases, Metalwork and Minor Arts Collection Dr Tsouli Chrysanthi, Archaeologist, National Archaeological Museum, Department of Sculpture Collection Partial view of the exhibition “Glorious Victories. Between Myth and History”. CONTENTS PREFACES 10 INTRODUCTION MARIA LAGOGIANNI-GEORGAKARAKOS Ancient Nikai. Semiological approaches for two anniversary exhibitions .......................................................................................... 16 NIKAI – THE MESSAGE DIMITRIS PANDERMALIS The statue of Nike of Kallimachos ................................................................................................................................................................. 30 MARIA TOLIA-CHRISTAKOU From poetic word to image. Nike and her symbols in the iconography of the Archaic and Classical period ............................................................................. 34 CHRYSANTHI TSOULI Victory-bringing (Nikephoroi) Gods. The chryselephantine cult statues of Olympian Zeus and Athena Parthenos ................................................................................................................................................... 68 IPHIGENEIA LEVENTI The sculptural decoration of the temple of Athena Nike and its parapet. The Athenian victories in monumental art of the 5th c. BC ................................................................................................................. 78 OLGA PALAGIA The Nike of Paionios .......................................................................................................................................................................................... 102 ANDREW STEWART Nike in the Agora? ................................................................................................................................................................................................ 118 OLGA PALAGIA The Nike of Samothrace .................................................................................................................................................................................. 148 ΓΙΩΡΓΟΣ ΔΕΣΠΙΝΗΣ Τα αγάλματα του Θεοχάρη Ρέντη ................................................................................................................................................................... 170 ALIKI MOUSTAKA Nike in the iconography of ancient Greek coins ......................................................................................................................................... 198 DIMITRIS S. SOURLAS The Emperor’s Nike. The Nike statues in Hadrian’s Library as a means of promoting power and imperial ideology ............................................................................................................................................... 220 ALEXANDRA GOULAKI-VOUTYRA Dali - Chalepas in an unexpected encounter with an ancient Nike .............................................................................................. 236 NIKAI FROM THE COLLECTIONS OF THE NATIONAL ARCHAEOLOGICAL MUSEUM CHRISTINA AVRONIDAKI Nike secreted in the storerooms of the National Archaeological Museum ................................................................................. 252 SAPPHO ATHANASOPOULOU - ALEXANDRA CHATZIPANAGIOTOU Small bronze artworks, bearers of great messages… Nikai from the Metalwork Collection of the National Archaeological Museum ........................................................................ 280 CHRYSANTHI TSOULI Chronicle of a journey. The Nike of Megara at the National Archaeological Museum .......................................................... 304 MARIA CHIDIROGLOU Nikai for the present and beyond. Figurines, lamps and jewels in the form of Nike from the Collections of the National Archaeological Museum .......... 308 VANDA PAPAEFTHYMIOU Nike - Victoria. Roman Victoriae at the National Archaeological Museum ................................................................................. 364 ANNIVERSARY TRIBUTE TO VICTORY AND FREEDOM A TRILOGY OF EDITIONS FOR THE DIACHRONIC VICTORIES OF THE GREEKS 386 NOTES 390 BIBLIOGRAPHY 413 A s part of the celebrations of the 2500th anniversary of the Battle of Thermopylae and the Naval Battle of Salamis, a few months before the country’s milestone commemoration of the bicentennial of the 1821 Greek War of Independence that led to the Nation’s liberation from the ageold Ottoman rule and the establishment of the independent Greek State, the National Archaeological Museum staged the particularly significant temporary exhibition “Glorious Victories. Between Myth and History”. Through a wide range of exhibits – archaeological and epigraphic testimonies as well as works of art – the aim of the Exhibition was to reflect on the way in which the dramatic events of the Greco-Persian Wars, and specifically the polysemantic Greek victories, were perceived and interpreted by their contemporaries and those who followed, affecting their life and way of thinking at all levels and, by extension, highlight their influence and impact on art through the centuries. The Exhibition was initially accompanied by a comprehensive scholarly catalogue. Acclaimed researchers in the realms of archaeology and art history, aside from analysing the rationale behind the selected theme and exhibits, undertook to describe, correlate and interpret the historical framework that led to these glorious victories, but also the powerful generating influence which they later exerted on the politics, philosophy and culture of the western world and beyond. This anniversary volume completes and enriches the Exhibition Catalogue with additional studies on known and unknown works from the Collections of the National Archaeological Museum, but also composite discourses elaborated by eminent scholars centred on the concept of victory and its various facets “in history, art and life”. To these scholars – accredited academics, researchers and members of the Archaeological Service – I would like to express my deepest gratitude for their invaluable contribution. I am also indebted to the administration and staff members of the National Archaeological Museum for the scientific excellence and proficiency with which the Exhibition was brought to fruition and these two scientific volumes were compiled. On this occasion, a special mention is due to the Director of the Museum Dr Maria Lagogianni-Georgakarakos, who recently retired having completed a brilliant career in the Archaeological Service. Finally, due recognition should be given to the Hellenic Organization of Cultural Resources Development – formerly known as Archaeological Resources Fund – for its consistently valuable contribution and editing through which the publication of this second volume and the Exhibition Catalogue was made possible. 10 Dr Lina Mendoni Minister of Culture and Sports The Varvakeion Athena (NΑΜ Γ 129). T he present edited volume accompanies the scholarly catalogue of the temporary exhibition of the National Archaeological Museum titled “Glorious Victories. Between Myth and History”. In terms of its import, it is linked to the celebration of the 2500th anniversary of the epic achievement of the Greco-Persian Wars and the bicentennial of the 1821 Greek War of Independence that gave rise to the establishment of modern Greece. Through sixteen essays - contributions, written by acclaimed scholars coming from the Archaeological Service as well as Greek and foreign Universities, the book focuses on the various manifestations of the personified concept of Victory (Nike) in ancient Greek art. Our ancient ancestors venerated Nike, the young winged female figure that often carries ribbons, wreaths and palm branches in her hands, with which she hastens to crown victors. She is depicted, among others, in vases, figurines but also coins; however, the most prominent and famous examples of Nikai are found in sculpture. Nike of Archermos, Nike of Paionios at Olympia, the Nikai as supplementary decoration on Pheidias’s chryselephantine statues, the Winged Nike of Samothrace, Nike as acroterion surmounting the temples at Epidaurus and Olympia are some of her most celebrated representations. Nike statues adorn the public space of ancient cities, commemorating military successes against foreign threats, also serving as a reminder of the victorious outcome opposing any kind of enemy scheme in the future. Her cult was adopted by the Romans, who named her Victoria, and her representation was revived in sculptures and the architecture of Neoclassicism and Romanticism. In this edited collection, entitled Known and Unknown Nikai, in History, Art and Life, the multiple and diverse expressions of Nike are vividly presented in detail, in terse and highly expressive scientific language. In a time when our museums have remained temporarily closed due to the Covid-19 outbreak, the present publication conveys a message of hope that demonstrates the unflagging determination of the people of Culture despite practical difficulties to carry on their work seamlessly. May this book fly off the shelves and be soon available in the gift shops of our open museums, marking the end of the health crisis and the return of the entire world to normal life. 12 Georgios Didaskalou Secretary General of Culture The Varvakeion Athena (NΑΜ Γ 129). Parapet of Athena Nike. Nikai leading bull to sacrifice (ΑΚR 972). Nike in the Agora? Andrew Stewart 118 Introduction First, some clarifications. The modern archaeological site of the Athenian Agora (fig. 1), a rough rectangle some 12 hectares in area, is neither coextensive with the agora/civic center of ancient Athens nor the location of the only agora in the ancient city. Excavated by the Greek Archaeological Society intermittently between 1859 and 1908, the German Archaeological Institute in 1890-1891 and 1907-1908, and the American School of Classical Studies systematically since 1931, the site includes both the public and the private. Its central section comprises most of the ancient public square (its northeastern part still lies under the modern city), but over the years has extended outwards to take in the nearby ancient residential districts to the south, west and north. Even more confusingly, by Roman times (conventionally, from 31 BC through the early 6th c. AD), Athens could boast no fewer than three separate agoras, arrayed in a rough arc around the north side of the Acropolis. The Ancient Agora, its political and civic center from at least Archaic times, stood to its northeast, under modern Plaka, and remains almost entirely unexcavated. The Roman Agora, founded by Julius Caesar around 50 BC and completed by Augustus about forty years later, stood due north of the Acropolis. And the agora introduced at the outset, eventually known as the “Agora of the Kerameikos” to distinguish it from the other two, stood to its northwest, overlooked by the towering rock of the Areopagus. For clarity, we might call this third agora (fig. 1) the “Democratic Agora”. It was founded in the early 5th c. BC around the spot where the tyrannicides Harmodios and Aristogeiton killed Hipparchos, the younger brother of Hippias, ruler or “tyrant” or tyrannos (τύραννος) of Athens from 527-510 (henceforth, all dates are BC unless otherwise stated). The plot, carried out by a pair of aristo- 119 Andrew Stewart crats to avenge a personal insult, failed in its main goal of killing Hippias. Yet it soon triggered a now all-too-familiar chain of events: a clampdown, civil unrest, foreign (Spartan) intervention, Hippias’s ouster, a popular uprising against the Spartan intruders and their Athenian fellow-travelers, and finally, a giant step towards what soon became the world’s first successful democracy. To commemorate and literally to embody this proto-democratic revolution, in 508 the sculptor Antenor was commissioned to make bronze statues of the two tyrannicides (now hailed as the city’s liberators and champions of reform), to memorialize their fateful deed. Athens’ first truly political and secular icons, gradually they were joined by buildings to house the council or boulē (βουλή), standing committees or prytaneis (πρυτάνεις), law courts or dikasteria (δικαστήρια), and other institutions of the newly reorganized Athenian state (fig. 1). Soon, in 490 and again in 480-479, this fledgling democracy faced the greatest test of all, confronting the Persian invaders at Marathon, Salamis and Plataia. Against all odds, it emerged victorious across the board, though at the cost of seeing the city sacked, its shrines and cemeteries desecrated, and their monuments defaced and demolished. Where was the goddess Nike in all this? In the “democratic” Agora, nowhere – at least in person. In 480/479, the Persians had sacked the area along with the rest of the city and had carried Antenor’s Tyrannicides off to Susa. When the Athenians reoccupied its ruins in late 479, they immediately selected the celebrated bronze sculptors Kritios and Nesiotes to replace them, but commissioned no personification of Victory to stand alongside them or (as far as we know) anywhere else in the “democratic” Agora. The public buildings that replaced those destroyed in the sack, or brought in from the “Old Agora” northeast of the Acropolis, also apparently carried no Nikai acroteria (though, as recently argued, some of them did offer striking views of the Kimonian and Periklean victory dedications on the Acropolis). As will appear, the only possible candidates for such statues in this Agora (fig. 2), formerly attributed to the Stoa of Zeus Eleutherios, are now reassigned to the temple of Ares. So why am I writing this essay? Two high Classical temples on the archaeological site of Agora did carry Nikai acroteria, carved during the last quarter of the 5th century: the Hephaisteion on the hill of Kolonos Agoraios (figs. 1, 3-4) and the temple of Ares just below it to the east (figs. 1, 4). Yet strictly speaking, neither of them belonged to the “democratic” Agora proper. The Hephaisteion overlooked it but stood just outside it and the temple of Ares was a Roman-period import. Brought into the Agora under Augustus (ruled, 31 BC to 14 AD) from the parish or deme (δῆμος) of Pallene, it was re-erected stone by stone on its present site around 15 BC. And as we shall see, the Nikai acroteria that they carried celebrated more – much more – than military victory. By this time, they could signal success of any sort. 120 Nike in the Agora? Fig. 1. Plan of the Agora in the 2nd c. AD (photo courtesy: Agora Excavations). 121 Andrew Stewart Fig. 2. Temple of Ares, winged Nike, Agora S 312, from the western acroteria. Pentelic marble (photo courtesy: Agora Excavations). 122 Nike in the Agora? The Hephaisteion The Hephaisteion (figs. 1, 3-4) is the best preserved of all ancient Greek temples. Overlooking the heart of the Agora, it was situated at the easternmost point of the rich industrial deme of Melite. A broad, roughly equilateral triangle with its base at the city wall between the Sacred and Melitides Gates and its apex at the Hephaisteion, Melite was the center of the Athenian metal and ceramics industries. So, it is not surprising that around 480 (to judge by pottery discovered deep within the temple’s foundations), it came to host a temple for Hephaistos and his “consort”, Athena Hephaistia. Built of fine Pentelic marble throughout, the Hephaisteion probably was funded (mostly, at least) by the deme itself – in ancient Athens, demes functioned like miniature cities or poleis (πόλεις), with their own local governments, finances and cults. Apparently, the first such shrine to the smith god in the Greek world, it remained unique throughout antiquity. Its sculptured metopes are carved in the style of the 450s (figs. 5-6), and its continuous friezes and the few surviving fragments of its pediments belong just before and after 430, respectively. Erratic local budgets probably determined this fitful and protracted construction schedule. To incorporate Athena into the cult was all but required by her function as city goddess and goddess of applied wisdom. Her indispensable bronze shield, helmet and spear, but also her patronage of the loom, spoke volumes. Her Fig. 3. The Hephaisteion, seen from the southeast. 123 Andrew Stewart Fig. 4. Model of the northern part of the Agora in 14 AD (seen from the northeast), showing the temple of Ares (center), its altar, and Agrippa’s Odeion (left); the Hephaisteion at top right; and (from left to right) the temple of Apollo Patroos, the Stoa of Zeus Eleutherios, and the Stoa Basileios below it (photo courtesy: Agora Excavations). domain thus included all the crafts, not only metalwork, warfare and other male occupations, but also women’s work such as weaving and embroidery. Her inclusion was further justified by a mythological aition (αἴτιον): a cause and handy explanation all in one. For not only had Hephaistos enabled her birth by splitting Zeus’ skull with his trusty axe, but according to another, more X-rated, myth, he had even tried to seduce her when she dropped into his workshop to get some new armor, but (unable to contain himself) failed dismally. Recoiling in disgust, she wiped the residue from her thigh with a piece of wool and then threw it on the ground. At once, up sprang the baby hero Erichthonios, who in his persona as the “earthborn” Erechtheus was to become Athens’s greatest king. Yet since Hephaistos’s invention of metals and then of the double axe had also enabled Athena’s birth, at Athens the two divinities eventually became close associates. Like two sides of the same coin, they represented the two complementary aspects of craftsmanship (techne) in all spheres of life: the practical/skillful and the mental/creative. So as “the children of Hephaistos” (Aeschylus, Eumenides, 13), the lucky Athenians – Melite’s metalworkers included – owed the two Olympians their current supremacy, prosperity, and indeed very existence as “earthborn” or autochthonous (αὐτοχθόνοι) inhabitants of Attica. Not surprisingly, then, it appears that the Athenian state eventually decided to “nationalize” their temple and its cult. Perhaps the Peace of Nikias, which ended the first phase of the Peloponnesian War (431-421), and the ensuing drop in orders for the military had dented the deme’s finances; or maybe the Athenian demos simply wanted the cult statues of the two divinities installed in timely fashion (for their temple was still empty); or both. In any case, two state decrees of the year 421/420 (IG I3 82 and 472) not only funded two colossal – and extremely expensive – bronze cult statues of them by Pheidias’s favorite pupil, Alcamenes, but also reorganized the 124 Nike in the Agora? cult’s annual festival. Key parts of this event (especially the musical competitions, hymns to them no doubt included) perhaps took place in front of the temple, immediately below its eastern façade. Fig. 5. Hephaisteion, east metopes: Labors of Herakles. Parian marble. As usual by then, the Hephaisteion’s carved pediments, metopes, continuous friezes and acroteria provided a kind of sculpted frame for this dual cult. Sadly, though, all their metal accessories are lost; the free-standing sculptures among them have been reduced to mere rubble; and the reliefs (fig. 5) have been brutally defaced – most recently, between 1753 (when James Stuart and Nicholas Revett made drawings of the continuous friezes, still mostly intact) and Greek independence in 1830. Yet enough remains to identify their themes and to reconstruct their overall program. Fortunately, too, unlike the temple’s fabric and unlike almost all Athenian sculptures of this period, which are made of Pentelic marble, they are Parian throughout. This has proved crucial to identifying their fragments among the 3,624 carved marbles in the Agora storerooms: a painstakingly slow process even so. Leaving aside the temple’s acroteria for the moment and following in the footsteps of ancient visitors such as Pausanias (who saw it around 180 AD but unfortunately only chose to comment upon its interior), we begin with the pediments. A mere sixteen fragments of them have been identified to date, barely enough to fill a small closet: Christian iconoclasts and others had done their work thoroughly. Yet along with the sockets for them cut into the pediment floors and the fact that by this point in the history of Greek temple sculpture each divinity ideally should feature in at least one pediment, and Hephaistos preferably in both, they sharply limit the available themes. Essentially, two myths and two alone fit the bill: on the east, the Birth of Athena, and on the west, the Return of Hephaistos from his nine-year exile in an Aegean undersea grotto, after Hera had brutally tossed him from the walls of Olympos. Next, the metopes, clustered on and beside the temple’s east front, overlooking the Agora. The ten facade panels celebrate eight of the Labors of Herakles (fig. 5), flanked by four of the Deeds of Theseus on each of the temple’s north and south sides (fig. 6). Each sequence proceeded from left to right and developed technologically, from bare hands to bronze weapons – now lost, but 125 Andrew Stewart Fig. 6. Hephaisteion, south and north metopes: Deeds of Theseus. From left to right: Periphetes, Sinis, Bull, Minotaur (South); Prokrustes, Kerkyon, Skiron, Sow (North). Parian marble (reproduced by kind permission of Sir J. Boardman). obvious from the figures’ poses and now-empty fists. The Herakles series culminates on its eighth and ninth metopes with the death of Geryon, shot with the hero’s newly acquired bow (in the tenth, now all-victorious, he converses with Athena). The two Theseus quartets, however, highlighted the sword used to dispatch the Minotaur and Krommyon Sow in the last right-hand panel of each one (fig. 6). Another of Athena’s favorites, a canny Athenian and a true child of the Bronze Age, he has finally discovered the full force of Hephaistos’s metallic gifts to mankind. After this overture, the continuous friezes, situated above the front and back porches of the cult room or naos proper, featured metal weapons throughout, but only for the victors. On the east, Athenian swordsmen drive the primitive, rock-throwing, hybristic Pelasgians from the city and into exile on Lemnos; and on the west, Theseus, Peirithoos and their allies, similarly armed, rout the rock-throwing, hybristic Centaurs. Finally, like Pausanias, our visitor would have entered the cult room itself to gaze at Alkamenes’ colossal bronzes of Hephaistos and Athena Hephaistia. There, he would also have espied the Birth of Erichthonios himself, probably frescoed on the room’s side walls: the indispensable link between all these sculptures and the fifth-century Athenians who conceived and funded this lavish shrine. Finally, the acroteria. Observations made in the 1970s by W.B. Dinsmoor, Jr. on the apex of the Hephaisteion’s east pediment (before some ill-judged “consolidation” work concreted it over) show that the bases for its central, ridgetop acroteria were double-wide (fig. 7a). Each one must have accommodated a two-figure group. A splendid marble torso from one of these groups 126 Nike in the Agora? survives (fig. 8) along with a tiny fragment probably of her companion. One of the glories of the Agora, but sadly locked away in a storeroom since her return from an exhibition in the U.S. in 1993, she is Nike-like but wingless. Draped with filmy, water-soaked clothing and with a mane of thick, wavy hair cascading down her back, she may well be the sea-nymph Thetis “of the beautiful tresses” (καλλιπλοκάμος: Iliad, 18.407), who with her companion, Eurynome, kindly sheltered Hephaistos during his nine-year aquatic exile from Olympos. Mediators between heaven and earth, and between immortals and mortals, she and her companion would have been perfect choices to crown the temple’s west pediment and its joyful scene of the god’s triumphant return. After all this, it is hardly surprising to find that winged Nikai stood probably on all four corners of the roof, celebrating the successes of the battling, bronze equipped heroes in the metopes and friezes below, but also the triumphal epiphanies of Athena and Hephaistos themselves in the pediments. Their presence is signaled not only by a number of sculptural fragments (fig. 9), but also by the remains of two of their four Pentelic marble bases (fig. 7b), also identified and expertly published by Dinsmoor. Easily recognizable as corner blocks by the remnants of the temple’s raking and horizontal roof gutters or simas (σίμαι) on two of their adjoining sides, these bases carried deep circular sockets on their upper surfaces to accommodate the plinths of the figures. Shallow rectangular cuttings across the bottom of each socket served as mortises for matching tenons on the underside of its corresponding plinth. Together, they ensured that when the statues were carefully lowered by crane and the tenons dropped into place, not only would they stay put without further need of dowels or clamps, but would present exactly the right aspect (carefully calculated in advance) to the spectators standing below. Probably the very last of the temple’s exterior sculptures to be installed, and extremely fragile with their outstretched wings and flying drapery, for safety’s sake these Nikai would have been left rough and all but uncarved until firmly locked into place. Then they would have been finished in situ, painted, polished, waxed to protect them from the elements and furnished with the appropriate metal attributes: perhaps a gilded bronze crown in one hand and certainly a horned spike or meniskos (μηνίσκος) sunk into the top of the head to deter birds from perching on them – or worse. What did these Nikai look like? The few surviving pieces (fig. 9) offer some precious clues. They include a much weathered and battered female head with just such a meniskos-hole in its cranium, several beautiful wing and flying drapery fragments, a woman’s outstretched left hand holding the corner of a sail-like himation high in the air, and the right leg of a woman alighting from above. Almost life size and overlooking the Agora on the east, these Nikai referenced both the city goddess’s successful birth from Zeus and Hephaistos’s triumphant return to Olympos in the pediments, as well as (on the east) the victories of Athena’s protégés Herakles and Theseus in the metopes below. Visible from almost the entire Agora, this eastern set perpetually reminded the city of its successes, not to mention its divine and heroic sponsors and protectors. A side glance at Athena Nike, whose newly-completed shrine at the entrance to the 127 Andrew Stewart Fig. 7. Hephaisteion, central (a) and corner (b) acroterion bases (drawings and reconstructions: W.B. Dinsmoor, Jr., photo courtesy: Agora Excavations). 128 Fig. 8. Thetis, Agora S 182. Probably from the western central acroteria of the Hephaisteion. Parian marble (photo courtesy: Agora Excavations). Fig. 9. Hephaisteion, selected fragments from the Nikai acroteria, Agora S 1832 (a, b), 1895 (c, d), 1780 (e, f), 2031 (g), 1665 (h). Parian marble (photo courtesy: Agora Excavations). Andrew Stewart Acropolis was (and still is) conspicuous from both temple and Agora, seems inescapable as well. Typologically, these Nike fragments belong between Paionios’s revolutionary Nike of 425-420 (see here, O. Palagia, The Nike of Paionios), and a little Nike from Epidauros (Athens, NAM 162) of around 380, which in turn echoes the drapery-over-wing motif of one of our Nike fragments (fig. 9c-d). Together with the Thetis (fig. 8), whose bared breast surely references Paionios’ Nike, but whose drapery is even more daringly diaphanous than hers, they suggest a date in the 410s for this final stage of the Hephaisteion project, along with Alkamenes’ great cult statues. Was it completed before 413, when the Athenian invasion of Sicily collapsed in a brutal welter of chaos, death, and destruction, abruptly ending the prolonged surge of euphoria that followed the plague’s final departure in 426 and the stunning victory at Pylos in 425? 132 Nike in the Agora? The Temple of Ares On March 21, 1933, the Agora’s excavators unearthed a spectacular, almost lifesized flying Nike, Agora S 312 (figs. 2, 10), immediately identifiable as such by the two large slots in her back for separately-carved marble wings, and still in one piece with her base. Surrounded by a mass of broken Pentelic marble sculptural and architectural fragments, she had been built into an early 5th c. AD lime slaking pit in front of the projecting south wing of the Stoa of Zeus and just across the street from the temple of Ares’ northwest corner (figs. 1, 4). During the next few weeks, several dozen smaller fragments of her head, wings and drapery were recovered from the rubble, together with a second, better preserved female head (fig. 11), and, crucially, yet another left forearm and hand holding the corner of a sail-like himation (fig. 12). Clearly once raised on high, this arm was immediately recognized as belonging to an otherwise lost, mirror-image pendant to S 312. As for the new female head (fig. 11), being poised almost frontally, it clearly belonged to neither of these Nikai, so was assigned to the central figure of the set. Given their discovery around the Stoa’s south wing, all of these fragments were immediately identified as its acroteria. The dates, too, seemed to match, Fig. 10. Discovery of the winged Nike, S 312 (fig. 2), in 1933; a column drum from the temple of Ares lies in the background. Pentelic marble (photo courtesy: Agora Excavations). 133 Andrew Stewart Fig. 11. Temple of Ares (temple of Athena Pallenis), female head, Agora S 373, from the western central acroteria. Pentelic marble (photo courtesy: Agora Excavations). since both they and the stoa’s architecture evidently belonged in the 420s. Yet its two pediments, only 1.20 m high, were somewhat too small for such a figure and there was no sign whatsoever of a matching set to crown the northern one – some terracotta fragments found near it were briefly considered for the role, but their material, scale and considerably earlier date quite clearly disqualified them. Only when the Stoa Basileios was discovered in 1970, just across the Piraeus railway line to the north (figs. 1, 4), did their true provenance become clear. Noted by Pausanias (1.3.1), its terracotta acroteria featured Theseus and Skiron, and Eos and Kephalos. Roundly criticized at the time, this attribution of S 312 and her companions to the Stoa of Zeus was strongly challenged by Evelyn Harrison in the late 1960s and later. Moreover, in the meantime, the excavators had already found their real home, but remained disinclined to acknowledge it. For in 1937, a massive rectangular foundation of reused limestone blocks had appeared about 25 m to the east of the Stoa’s south wing, exactly where, around 170 AD, Pausanias had seen and briefly described a sanctuary dedicated to Ares (1.8.4-5) (figs. 1, 4): Near the portrait of Demosthenes is a hieron of Ares, where two statues of Aphrodite stand; Alkamenes made the one of Ares, but a Parian man named 134 Nike in the Agora? Lokros made the Athena. A statue of Enyo is there also, which the sons of Praxiteles made. [Τῆς δὲ τοῦ Δημοσθένους εἰκόνος πλησίον Ἄρεώς ἐστιν ἱερόν, ἔνθα ἀγάλματα δύο μὲν Ἀφροδίτης κεῖται, τὸ δὲ τοῦ Ἄρεως ἐποίησεν Ἀλκαμένης, τὴν δὲ Ἀθηνᾶν ἀνὴρ Πάριος, ὄνομα δὲ αὐτῷ Λόκρος. ἐνταῦθα καὶ Ἐνυοῦς ἄγαλμά ἐστιν, ἐποίησαν δὲ οἱ παῖδες οἱ Πραξιτέλους]. Fig. 12. Temple of Ares (temple of Athena Pallenis), left forearm, hand, and drapery, S 312 Θ, from the western acroteria (the pendant to S 312, figs. 2, 10). Pentelic marble (photo courtesy: Agora Excavations). Augustan pottery buried deep in these foundations, together with many scattered blocks of a medium-sized Doric temple of around 450-400 BC (fig. 4), several of them inscribed with mason’s marks in a late Hellenistic/Augustan script, showed that this building had been brought into the Agora from elsewhere. About 10% larger than the Hephaisteion and strikingly similar to it in style, it had been damaged and its cult statues destroyed by the invading Herulians in 267 AD, and demolished to its foundations in Late Antiquity. Of its cult statues, the Aphrodites had been used as fill in the new post-Herulian city wall along with the damaged architectural blocks and some of its exterior sculptures removed and buried in the early 5th c. AD. The rest were defaced a couple of generations later, then thoroughly destroyed probably in the mid or late 6th c. AD along with the temple itself. 135 Andrew Stewart Fast forward to 2020. Thanks to Manolis Korres, we now know that the temple was transferred to the Agora from Pallene/Stavros, at the northern end of Mt. Hymettos; thanks to Homer Thompson, that the transfer occurred around 15 BC and that the Athena seen inside it by Pausanias probably was the somewhat over life size one found a few dozen meters to its south (also known from a Roman copy in Palmyra, unfortunately mutilated by the murderous ISIS regime in 2016); thanks to Marion McAllister, that its pronaos frieze had extended out to its exterior colonnade, just like the Hephaisteion’s, and therefore must also have carried sculpture; and thanks to Patricia Boulter and Evelyn Harrison, that its eastern acroteria consisted of a spectacular wingless goddess, perhaps Hebe, flanked by two Nereids riding dolphins (figs. 13-14). Working at the Agora excavation in the 1950s, Boulter and Harrison had realized that limb fragments discovered to the east of the temple joined the “Hebe” and one of the Nereids, now displayed together in the National Museum, clinching the connection (the second Nereid, identified by Werner Fuchs in the 1950s, is in Naples; how it got there remains a mystery). These Nereids, however, were somewhat puzzling, since they were not only somewhat undersized for their role, but also clearly carved much later than the “Hebe”, around 400-390, and not obviously relevant to a cult of Ares. We shall revisit these puzzles below. As for the temple’s western acroteria (figs. 2, 11-12), the Nike S 312 not only is the right scale, but also neatly matches the peculiarly off-balance, zig-zag pose of the “Hebe” (fig. 15) when seen in profile (fig. 16). Uniquely, the lower legs of both figures incline sharply forwards at about 30-35 degrees from the vertical, evidently to ensure that their bodies would overhang the temple’s raking cornice or geison (γεῖσον) and roof gutters (σίμαι); their thighs and torsos are vertical; and their necks angle sharply forwards once more, again presumably to thrust their heads into more prominence when seen from below. So, despite their radically different styles (which one might label, for short, “Parthenonian” and “Flamboyant”), they should belong to the same ensemble, which clearly spanned an era of dramatic stylistic change. Prelude at Pallene: The Periklean phase This brings us back to the temple’s original location, function, and date. In 1997, in a brilliant feat of deduction, Manolis Korres proved that a well-preserved set of foundations discovered by chance at Pallene in 1994, a few hundred meters north of the northernmost spur of Mt. Hymettos, exactly matched its footprint as reconstructed by Marion McAllister in the Agora almost forty years earlier. Originally dedicated to Athena Pallenis, this temple had served as the cult center of an ancient four-deme league, comprising Pallene, Gargettos, Acharnai and Paiania. Further excavation has shown that it replaced a 6th-century predecessor oriented quite differently, towards the southwest at about 215°, and evidently sacked by the Persians in 480 (fig. 17). Strangely, though, this classical successor faced not due east, as one might expect, but almost southeast, at about 117.5°. In fact, as Brady Kiesling has shown, 136 Nike in the Agora? it points directly towards Delos, Apollo’s birthplace and main sanctuary in the Aegean. Fortunately, sections of the cult’s sacred law that help to explain this otherwise puzzling reorientation have been preserved in the Deipnosophistai of Athenaios of Naukratis (6.234f-235d). A sprawling pastiche composed around 200 AD, at this point the text quotes some respected Athenian antiquarians of the Hellenistic period, who had visited the sanctuary and copied down its laws. Among other provisions, they specified that when the League sacrificed to Athena Pallenis, the Acharnians had to sacrifice to Apollo. In addition, the foundations for the temple’s cult statue base occupy the entire available 4.40 m width of its cult room (ναός) between its internal colonnades: far too wide a span for only a single statue. So as well as becoming Athena’s cultic companion or theos paredros (θεὸς πάρεδρος), Apollo most likely stood alongside her in person (fig. 17). But when was he so honored and why, and what became of him? The temple’s date supplies an answer to the first two questions (the third will keep until we reach its transfer to the Agora). Although architecturally it could belong anywhere in the second half of the 5th century, stylistically and iconographically its sculptures fit snugly between the pediments of the Parthenon, completed in 433, and the friezes and highly “flamboyant” parapet of the temple of Athena Nike. Probably begun in the early 420s, the Athena Nike complex almost certainly was finished by mid-423, when a decree (IG I3 36) funded its priestess, presumably because sacrifices to the goddess could now start. These would have needed a parapet for safety, and there is no sign at all of any arrangements for a temporary barrier – let alone one as robust as its marble successor – to stop the animals from bolting and falling off it in terror. As a result, our sculptures, the Nikai acroteria included, clearly belong to the half-dozen or so years around 430: exactly when the great plague hit Athens, and a Delphic oracle was remembered that “a Dorian war shall come, and pestilence along with it” (Thucydides, 2.54.2). Probably requiring the commissioning of an ancillary cult statue, this unexpected homage to Delian Apollo looks suspiciously like an eleventh-hour attempt to avert the plague. Its timing speaks volumes. News of the plague’s approach had reached Athens in advance (Thucydides, 2.48.1) and the entire project’s apparently rapid completion, its sculptures included, is also suggestive. For while the Olympian god, Phoibos the Far-Shooter, inflicts plague (most famously in Iliad, 1.33-67), in his Pythian persona he issues oracular warnings about it (as here), and in his Delian one he heals it. In a clear reflection of the latter, it was precisely to the healer “Delian Apollo” (Dalie Paian / Δάλιε Παιάν) that the chorus in Sophokles’ Oedipus Tyrannos of around 430-426 appealed for relief from the plague or nosos (νόσος) afflicting Thebes (4-5.154-156). In short, the Pallene temple probably began life a plague temple: a desperate plea to Delian Apollo for help and an ancient Athenian counterpart to the numerous plague churches of medieval and early modern Europe. In ancient Greece, the two main motivations for making a lavish votive offering such as this were affluence and anxiety. Since the contemporary accounts of the Treasurers of Athena and the Other Gods show that the cult of Athena Pallenis also was rich (IG I3 369, lines 77, 88; 383, lines 120, 330), this move met both imperatives at once. 137 Fig. 13. Temple of Ares (temple of Athena Pallenis), “Hebe”, National Archaeological Museum 1732 + Agora S 1539, from the eastern acroteria. Pentelic marble. Fig. 14. Temple of Ares (temple of Athena Pallenis), Nereid alighting from a dolphin, National Archaeological Museum 3397 + Agora S 2091, from the eastern acroteria. Pentelic marble. Fig. 15. Temple of Ares (temple of Athena Pallenis), “Hebe” (right profile), National Archaeological Museum 1732 + Agora S 1539, from the eastern acroteria. Pentelic marble. Fig. 16. Temple of Ares (temple of Athena Pallenis), winged Nike (right profile), Agora S 312, from the western acroteria. Pentelic marble (photo courtesy: Agora Excavations). Andrew Stewart Fig. 17. Restored partial plan of the sanctuary of Athena Pallenis ca. 420. (A, B) Archaic temple and its (hypothetical) altar; (C, D) Classical temple and its (hypothetical) altar; (E) Hypostyle Hall; (F) Propylon (after Papadopoulou 2018, 105, fig. 83, with additions by R. Levitan - A. Stewart). A decade of work on the Agora’s unpublished Classical and Hellenistic sculptures by a team from the University of California at Berkeley has now identified almost a hundred fragments of the temple’s pediments, metopes and friezes, and has enabled the reconstruction of the program of this Periklean phase as follows (figs. 18a-b): Acroteria Pediments Metopes Friezes Cult Statues East “Hebe”; Unknown (2) Athena and Theseus Theseus defeats the Pallantidai Athena welcomes Apollo to Pallene West Woman (Iris?); 2 Nikai Athena; and Theseus? Theseus defeats the Amazons Sacrifices to Athena and Apollo Athena Pallenis by Lokros; Apollo Alexikakos (by Kalamis?: see below) This choice of themes addressed the dual focus of both the newly-augmented cult and the ominous oracle quite directly. First, Athena, her legendary protégés, and their martial heroics dominated the temple’s façades, then Apollo joined her in hallowed ritual in its porches. On the western one, which in clear imitation of the Parthenon frieze showed a double sacrifice to them, Nike appeared again (fig. 19), probably standing next to the goddess herself (helpfully, she wears the same tightly-wound headscarf as the Nikai of the Nike temple parapet – to which she was wrongly attributed for a while – and the Nike of Paionios). If all of this seems remarkably conventional in the face of war, invasion and pestilence, a comforting normality would have been precisely the point, emphasizing continuity over disruption, community over self-interest (both of them also stressed by Perikles in his final, “plague” speech of 429: Thucydides, 140 Nike in the Agora? 2.60.2-4, 61.3-4), divine proximity over divine remoteness, and divine concern over divine indifference. All this, in turn, makes the function of the two western Nikai crystal clear, and also explains S 312’s otherwise curiously old-fashioned “pinwheel” or Knielauf pose (fig. 2). Instead of merely alighting to grant victory to Theseus and the Athenians at Zeus’s command (a task perhaps delegated to the trio’s enigmatic central figure) (fig. 11), she and her companion are speeding out to announce it to the world. “Rejoice! Rejoice! Theseus has destroyed the Amazon hordes!”. As for S 312’s revolutionary “flamboyant” style (fig. 2), the likelihood that she was among the last of the temple’s sculptures to be carved is highly suggestive. For the years 430-425 saw, in quick, rollercoaster succession, the plague’s first onslaught from mid-430 through mid-428; a fifteen-month respite from then on, towards the end of which the orator Gorgias appeared with an embassy from Leontinoi and captivated the entire Athenian demos with his flamboyant rhetoric (Diodorus Siculus, 12.53); the plague’s almost immediate return in late 427; its final departure after the purification of Delos in winter, 426/425 (validating the decision to build this temple); the stunning news of the Spartan defeat and surrender at Pylos in summer, 425; and an immediate explosion of euphoria at Athens, whose “action horizons” (to use a war gamers’ term) now seemed to be limitless. It is hard to believe that S 312’s exuberantly flamboyant style, and that of her immediate successors on the Nike temple parapet, owed nothing to all this. In particular, a reference to the successful victory over the plague, which had finally departed in winter 426/425 after Apollo had ordered the Athenians to purify Delos, seems almost inescapable (Thucydides, 3.104; Diodorus Siculus, 12.58.6-7; cf. IG I3 1468 bis, a late 5th century altar on Delos dedicated by “Athens” (sic) to Apollo Paian and Athena). An allusion to the victory at Pylos, which would have equated Spartans and Amazons, is trickier, but becomes the more tempting the later that one dates S 312. In sum, it seems that far from originating as an “escapist” response to war and crisis, as some have argued, this flamboyant or “rich” style in its earliest, most daring, extreme, and self-indulgent form (fig. 2) was stridently positive and upbeat. Crafted to present Nike and her avatars “in the flesh”, perhaps in response to Gorgias’s rhetorical revelations of 427, the plague’s departure in 426 after Delian Apollo finally had received his due, and the annus mirabilis of 425 and its momentous cascade of thrilling events, it celebrated a true, long awaited, and joyfully welcomed reversal of fortune or peripeteia (περιπέτεια). In conclusion, the war’s onset in 431 had brought four years of hell both at home and abroad: the annual Spartan invasions; the plague’s relentless assaults; the Spartan siege and obliteration of Plataia; and the seemingly endless and financially ruinous Athenian counter-siege of Potideia. After all this pain and suffering, the enthrallingly exuberant figure of Nike herself (figs. 2, 12) perfectly expressed the heady elation of sudden, unprecedented, across-the-board success – and not merely on the battlefield. As noted earlier apropos the Hephaisteion, this state of euphoria was to last a full dozen years, through the Peace of Nicias 141 Andrew Stewart Fig. 18. Reconstructions by R. Levitan and A. Stewart of the east (a) and west (b) façades of the temple of Ares in the Periklean period (Phase 1). The carved metopes are omitted for clarity. 142 Nike in the Agora? Fig. 19. Temple of Ares (temple of Athena Pallenis), head of Nike, Agora S 1246, from the west frieze. Pentelic marble (photo courtesy: Agora Excavations). and the Syracusan expedition, before imploding spectacularly at the latter’s annihilation in 413 and the oligarchic coup of 411. Coda in the Agora: The Augustan phase Dismantled, ferried into the Agora around 15 BC and positioned roughly at right angles to the new Odeion recently donated by Augustus’s lieutenant Agrippa (figs. 1, 4), the temple immediately underwent some significant modifications, as follows (with these highlighted in italics; figs. 20-21): Acroteria Pediments Metopes Friezes Cult Statues East “Hebe”; 2 Nereids Athena and Theseus Theseus defeats the Pallantidai Introduction of Apollo to Pallene West Woman (Iris?); 2 Nikai Athena; and Theseus? Theseus defeats the Amazons Sacrifices to Athena and Apollo Aphrodite; Athena by Lokros; Ares by Alkamenes; “Aphrodite” (Aglauros?) 143 Andrew Stewart Most notably, Apollo was replaced by Ares/Mars, enabler and patron of Agrippa’s decisive naval victory over Antony and Cleopatra at Actium in 31, and thus of the Imperium Augustum itself (fig. 21). Somewhat paradoxically, all this in turn helps to explain the Nereids (figs. 14, 20). Carved a generation later than the other four acroteria (figs. 2, 11-13, 18), clearly they were brought in from elsewhere precisely to make the connection with Agrippa and Actium. Thus modified, and evidently dedicated both to Athena and Ares (despite Pausanias, by whose time the war god had clearly prevailed), the temple now became a modest local counterpart to Augustus’s great sanctuary of Mars the Avenger (Mars Ultor) at Rome. As for the two Aphrodites, also interlopers, at Rome the goddess was both Ares/Mars’s consort, and (via Aeneas) the divine ancestor of the Julian clan and thus – by adoption – of Augustus himself. At Athens, however, Ares was worshiped jointly not with Aphrodite but with Aglauros, King Cecrops’ eldest daughter, by whom he had sired a daughter. Probably, then, one of these two Aphrodites now was repurposed as she. If so, Pausanias’s guide either failed to tell him so; or he simply assumed that both of them represented Aphrodite; or, back in his study, he misread his own notes. What of the temple’s (probable) statue of Apollo as Athena’s cultic companion or theos paredros (θεὸς πάρεδρος), now displaced? Suggestively, in the late 2nd c. AD, Pausanias saw an Apollo Alexikakos (Ἀλεξίκακος) or “Averter of Evil” by the mid-fifth-century sculptor Kalamis in front of the temple of Apollo Patroos, just across the street to the west of the Ares temple (figs. 1, 4). As he was at pains to point out (twice, in fact), it had received this epithet “because by an oracle from Delphi [Apollo] had stopped the plague that afflicted the Athenians [sic] at the time of the Peloponnesian War” (Pausanias, 1.3.4, 8.41.8-9). Although no trace of this statue apparently has survived, the coincidence speaks for itself. In addition to the newly revised and augmented cult group, free-standing statues of Herakles and Theseus placed in front of the temple further underscored its connection with Athena’s favorite heroes and Athens’s heroic past (Pausanias, 1.8.4). As for the two Nikai (figs. 2, 12, 18b), their function in this new Augustan world order should now be obvious: to spread the news of its triumph throughout the inhabited world or Oikoumene (Οἰκουμένη). Vivacious and exuberant ambassadors of the Pax Romana, they proclaimed Augustus as its new Theseus, an all-victorious yet nevertheless constitutional world monarch or kosmokrator (κοσμοκράτωρ) and universal savior. 144 Nike in the Agora? Fig. 20. Reconstruction by R. Levitan and A. Stewart of the east façade of the τemple of Ares in the Augustan period (Phase 2). The carved metopes are omitted for clarity. 145 Andrew Stewart Fig. 21. Hypothetical digital reconstruction of the interior of the temple of Ares, Athens, as seen by Pausanias. From left to right: Aphrodite, Agora S 1882; Athena, Agora S 654 by Lokros of Paros, and Roman copy in Palmyra; “Borghese” Ares by Alkamenes, Agora S 475 and Paris, Louvre Ma 2414 (Roman copies); Aphrodite, Agora S 378. Far right: Enyo by Kephisodotos and Timarchos, sons of Praxiteles. S 378 perhaps was repurposed as Ares’ Athenian consort Aglauros (reconstruction: J. Juarez and A. Stewart, based on Pausanias, 1.8.4-5, and the extant remains). 146 Partial view of the exhibition “These are what we fought for. Antiquities and the Greek War of Independence”. ANNIVERSARY TRIBUTE TO VICTORY AND FREEDOM A trilogy of editions for the diachronic victories of the Greeks Antiquities and the Greek War of independence These are what we fought for Antiquities and the Greek War of Independence "These are what we fought for. Antiquities and the Greek War of Independence". Athens 2020. 472 pages. ISBN 978-960-386-441-7. 386 Glorious victories between myth And hiStory KNOWN AND UNKNOWN NIKAI In History, Art and Life Known and Unknown Nikai In History, Art and Life "Glorious Victories. Between Myth and History". Athens 2020. 512 pages. ISBN 978-960-386-441-7. "Known and Unknown Nikai, in History, Art and Life". Athens 2021. 432 pages. ISBN 978-960-386-512-4. 387 Partial view of the exhibition “Glorious Victories. Between Myth and History”. 388 389 NOTES MARIA LAGOGIANNI-GEORGAKARAKOS Ancient Nikai. Semiological approaches for two anniversary exhibitions 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 390 Victory … in golden Olympus, standing beside Zeus, you judge the achievement of excellence for immortals and mortals alike. Bacchylides. Diane Arnson Svarlien. Odes. 1991. www.perseus.tufts.edu. LIMC VI.1, 850-904, s.v. Nike (A. Goulaki-Voutira). Hesiod, Theogony, 384. Bacchylides, Epinicians, 5.33. In addition to Hesiod who described the genealogy of Nike, lyrical poets, such as Pindar, Simonides and Bacchylides, but also the tragedians Sophocles and Euripides have ascribed morphological features and significant attributes to the divine figure. See relatedly Thöne 1999, 15-16. Hesiod, Theogony, 383-385. See here, Ch. Tsouli, Victory-bringing (Nikephoroi) Gods: the chryselephantine cult statues of Olympian Zeus and Athena Parthenos, pp. 68-77. Hesiod, Theogony, 392-399. Apollodorus, Bibliotheca, 1.2. Nonnus, Dionysiaca, 2.205 ff., 414 ff., 699712. According to Hesiod, Theogony, 399-401, Zeus, after his triumph, instituted a sacred oath sworn upon the name of Styx and decided for Nike and her siblings to live with him. In Greek art, the beautiful figure was never worshipped on her own. See relatedly Gulaki 1981, 134 ff. See also here, I. Leventi, The sculptural decoration of the temple of Athena Nike and its parapet. The Athenian victories in monumental art of the 5th c. BC, pp. 78-101. Thöne 1999, 17-27. National Archaeological Museum Γ 21. See relatedly Α. Μουστάκα, Αγαλμάτιο φτερωτής γυναικείας μορφής από τη Δήλο, in Δεσπίνης - Καλτσάς 2014, 36-41, no. Ι.1.13-13, figs. 58-69. Also known from the inscribed base kept in the National Archaeological Museum. See relatedly Α. Μουστάκα, Ενεπίγραφη βάση από τη Δήλο, in Δεσπίνης Καλτσάς 2014, 41-43, no. Ι.1.13α, figs. 70-71. Thöne 1999, 18 ff., 77 ff. P. Valavanis, Nike ever-present in life and art, in Lagogianni-Georgakarakos 2020, 162-177. Ch. Tsouli, Commemorating Victory: Representations of Nike and victories in competitions in Attic stone votive monuments, in Lagogianni-Georgaka- 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 rakos 2020, 178-197. See also here, M. Tolia-Christakou, From poetic word to image. Nike and her symbols in the iconography of the Archaic and Classical period, pp. 34-67. Thöne 1999, 32-35. Ch. Avronidaki, Aresterion to Nike, in Lagogianni-Georgakarakos 2020, 212217. M. Tolia-Christakou, The memory of the Greco-Persian Wars, in LagogianniGeorgakarakos 2020, 218-243. Thöne 1999, 33-35. Lagogianni-Georgakarakos 2020, 41-48. V. Lambrinoudakis, The Victory of life, in Lagogianni-Georgakarakos 2020, 148161. E. Vivliodetis, Daemonic or divine creatures? The interpretation of winged female figures in nuptial iconography, in Lagogianni-Georgakarakos 2020, 198-209. As autonomous goddess, with a cult of her own, the winged Victoria of the Romans glorifies the emperor and his military achievements. From the 2nd c. AD, she is conceptually enriched, as she appears in funerary art also, symbolizing the eschatological reward offered to those who excelled in life. See generally Ηölscher 1967. See especially here, M. Chidiroglou, Nikai for the present and beyond. Figurines, lamps and jewels in the form of Nike from the Collections of the National Archaeological Museum, pp. 308-363. In Early Christian art, Victoria is transformed into an angel holding the cross and the orb of the Roman ecumene. See here, V. Papaefthymiou, Nike - Victoria. Roman Victoriae at the National Archaeological Museum, pp. 364-383. A. Goulaki-Voutyra, Representations of Nike in modern art, in Lagogianni-Georgakarakos 2020, 286-320. Th. Koutsogiannis, Thermopylae in European Neoclassicism and Philhellenic art, in Lagogianni-Georgakarakos 2020, 258273. D. Pavlopoulos, Representations of the naval battle of Salamis in modern visual arts, in Lagogianni-Georgakarakos 2020, 274-285. M. Lagogianni-Georgakarakos - Th. Koutsogiannis, These are what we fought for. Antiquities and the Greek War of Independence, exhibition catalogue, National Archaeological Museum, Athens 2020. The exhibition was inaugurated on 11.2.2020. A video is available on the channel of the Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports on YouTube at https:// youtube.com/watch?v=RZSVC3NhzoA. 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 Also, a 360° visual tour at: https://www. namuseum.gr/vr_21. Βλαχογιάννης 1947, Γ1, 128. See M. Lagogianni-Georgakarakos - Th. Koutsogiannis, “A dream among splendid ruins…”. Strolling through the Athens of Travelers, 17th-19th century, exhibition catalogue, Athens 2015. Makriyannis had discerned that “the antiquities are enduring entities” and that they “should be useful for the nation”. Βλαχογιάννης 1947, Γ1, 126. M. Lagogianni-Georgakarakos, Glorious Victories. Between Myth and History, exhibition catalogue, National Archaeological Museum, Athens 2020. Inaugurated on 5.10.2020. A video is available on the channel of the Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports on YouTube at: https:// www.youtube.com/watch?v=1ArdELnRDDg. Also, a 360° virtual tour at: https://www. namuseum.gr/oi-megales-nikes-sta-oria-toymythoy-kai-tis-istorias-psifiaki-periigisi. Representations of the personified Nike turned into a popular theme in vase painting after the Greco-Persian Wars, yet without entailing direct references to the historical events. M. Lagogianni-Georgakarakos - Th. Koutsogiannis, These are what we fought for. Antiquities and the Greek War of Independence, exhibition catalogue, National Archaeological Museum, Athens 2020. See here, Ch. Tsouli, Victory-bringing (Nikephoroi) Gods: the chryselephantine cult statues of Olympian Zeus and Athena Parthenos, pp. 68-77. See here, O. Palagia, The Nike of Paionios, pp. 102-117 and The Nike of Samothrace, pp. 148-169. See here, S. Athanasopoulou - A. Chatzipanagiotou, Small bronze artworks, bearers of great messages… Nikai from the Metalwork Collection of the National Archaeological Museum, pp. 280-303 and M. Chidiroglou, Nikai for the present and beyond. Figurines, lamps and jewels in the form of Nike from the Collections of the National Archaeological Museum, pp. 308-363. See here, Γ. Δεσπίνης, Τα αγάλματα του Θεοχάρη Ρέντη, pp. 170-197, Ch. Tsouli, Chronicle of a journey. The Nike of Megara at the National Archaeological Museum, pp. 304-307 and Ch. Avronidaki, Nike secreted in the storerooms of the National Archaeological Museum, pp. 252-279. See here, pp. 386-387. MARIA TOLIA-CHRISTAKOU From poetic word to image. Nike and her symbols in the iconography of the Archaic and Classical period 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 I would like to thank Dr. Christina Avronidaki, archaeologist and colleague in the Collection of Vases of the National Archaeological Museum, who catalogued the vases with representations of Nike housed in the National Archaeological Museum. The present work is largely based on her catalogue. Hesiod, Theogony, 383-388. See also Apollodorus, Bibliotheca, 1.2.4-5, in which the same genealogy is repeated. For the written sources that refer to Nike, see LIMC VI, 850-851, s.v. Nike (A. Goulaki-Voutira), where the earlier bibliography is cited; Thöne 1999, 15-16. Hesiod, Theogony, 388, 403. Nonnus, Dionysiaca, 2.700-702. Aristophanes, The Birds, 571 ff. Scholium to Aristophanes, The Birds, 574. Pliny, Naturalis Historia, 36.5. For the marble statue of a winged female figure from Delos (NAM Γ 21) that has been associated with Nike of Archermos, see LIMC VI, 853, no. 16 (Α. Moustaka), with the earlier bibliography; Καλτσάς 2001, 55, no. 59; Thomsen 2011, 165-166, fig. 67. Gerhard 1866. Kieseritzky 1876. Knapp 1876. Kenner 1939. Isler-Kerényi 1969. Thöne 1999. Thomsen 2011. For the personifications and their iconography, see Roscher, ML (1897-1909), 2068-2169, s.v. Personifikationen abstracter Begriffe (L. Deubner); Pollitt 1987, 14-15, n. 12; Shapiro 1993, 14-16; Borg 2002, 37 ff.; Smith 2011. On the winged figures of Archaic vase painting and the problem of their interpretation, see Kenner 1939, 92; Brijder 1983, 116-118 with emphasis on the tondos of the Siana cups; Isler-Kerényi 1969; Shapiro 1993, 53-54; Thomsen 2011, passim. CVA Athènes, Musée National (3) 57 (text on table 47.1-3). Webster 1972, 152. Thöne 1999, 23. Homer, Iliad, 8.398, 11.185. The same epithet is also used in the Homeric Hymn to Demeter, 314; in Nonnus, Dionysiaka, 20.251 and 31.124; in Eustathios, Commentaries on Homer’s Iliad and Odyssey, 3.179.17. LIMC V, 744, no. 4, s.v. Iris I (A. Kossatz-Deissmann). For Iris in Iliad, see LIMC V, 741, s.v. Iris I (A. Kossatz-Deissmann). 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 London, British Museum 1971.11-1.1 (Beazley, Para 19, 16 bis; BAPD 350099). Florence, Museo Archeologico Nazionale 4209 (ABV 76.1, 682; BAPD 300000). On the iconography of Iris, see LIMC V, 741, s.v. Iris I (A. Kossatz-Deissmann), where the earlier bibliography is cited; Thomsen 2011, 247-261. Berlin, Staatliche Museen - Antikensammlung F 1775 (Heilmeyer 1988, 76, no. 1; Τιβέριος 1996; BAPD 207). On the iconography of Eris, see LIMC III, 846-850, s.v. Eris (H. Giroux); Shapiro 1993, 51-61; Borg 2002, 106-108; Thomsen 2011, 261262. Isler-Kerényi 1969, 34-35. Hesiod, Works and Days, 24. In Theogony (225-226) reference is made only to the drear Eris. Isler-Kerényi 1969 (op. cit., n. 18) identifies the figure on the Berlin cup with that Eris. Shapiro 1993, 55-57, has expressed his objection to this view. On the meaning of good Eris in Hesiod’s Works and Days, see also Scodel 2018, 29-33. Red-figure lekythos imitating the style of the Brygos Painter in Syracuse, Museo Archeologico Regionale Paolo Orsi (n. inv. no.) (Thomsen 2011, 170, fig. 70; BAPD 9026917). Red-figure calyx-krater attributed to the Painter of Munich 2335 in Larisa, Diachronic Museum 86.101 (Τιβέριος 1989; BAPD 44648) (hydria, wreath); red-figure lekythos attributed to the Providence Painter in New York, Metropolitan Museum of Art 07.286.67 (ARV2 641.90; Thomsen 2011, 173, fig. 72; ΒΑPD 207442) (hydria); red-figure pelike attributed to the Group of Polygnotos in Plovdiv, Regional Museum of Archaeology 1812 (ARV2 1044.9, 1562; BAPD 213559) (wreaths, branch, phiale); hydria decorated in Six’s technique in London, British Museum Ε 251 (CVA London, British Museum [6] III I c, pl. 101.1; BAPD 11818) (phiale and incense burner). Red-figure pelike attributed to the Lycaon Painter in London, British Museum Ε 379 (ARV2 1045.3, 1579; Matheson 1995, 90, pl. 66; BAPD 213554); red-figure pelike attributed to the Lycaon Painter at the Vatican, Museo Gregoriano Etrusco 16574 (ARV2 1045.4; Matheson 1995, 90, pl. 67; BAPD 213555). Red-figure calyx-krater in the style of the Peleus Painter in Ferrara, Museo Nazionale di Spina 2892 (ARV2 1041.6, 1679; CVA Ferrara [1], pl. 19.1-2; BAPD 213529). 25 Red-figure pyxis attributed to the workshop of the Meidias Painter in Athens, Ephorate of Antiquities of the City of Athens Α 8922 (Kaltsas - Shapiro 2009, 180-181, no. 76 [Μ. Zapheiropoulou]). 26 Red-figure hydria in Berlin, Staatlichen Museen - Antikensammlung F 2634 (ARV2 1187.33; CVA Berlin [9], pl. 34; BAPD 215723). 27 Red-figure bell-krater imitating the style of the Kadmos Painter in Vienna, Kunsthistorisches Museum 1144 (CVA Wien [3], pl. 118, figs. 4-5; BAPD 215733). For the interpretation of the representation, see Ηοοker 1950. 28 Fragmentary red-figure cup attributed to Makron in Bochum, Ruhr Universität, Kunstsammlungen S1062 (CVA Bochum [2], pls. 42.3, 44.2; BAPD 13378). 29 White-ground aryballoid lekythos resembling the manner of the Shuvalov Painter in Brussels, Musées Royaux d’Art et d’Histoire A 1021 (ARV2 1213.3; CVA Brussels [3] ΙΙΙ J b 4, pl. 5.1; BAPD 216552). 30 Kaltsas 2006, 234-235, no. 122 (Ε. Vivliodetis). Σερμπέτη 2007. BAPD 207770. 31 Representations in which Nike performs or takes part in libations or carries the necessary vessels for the libation ritual prevail in her iconography in the first half of the 5th c. BC. See relevantly Thöne 1999, 36-58. In at least one representation of a red-figure pelike attributed to the Painter of the Birth of Athena in Kurashiki-Ninagawa-Museum 40 (BAPD 275985) Iris – identified by inscription – is also depicted holding libation vessels (oenochoe and phiale). Cf. also the red-figure pyxis by Agathon in Berlin, Staatliche Museen - Antikensammlung V. I. 3308 (ARV2 977.1; BAPD 213302), on which Nike, who is depicted wingless, as well as Iris, also without wings, participate in a cultic scene together with Zeus and Hera. 32 On the problem, see also Arafat 1986. 33 Over her head a nonsense inscription. 34 LIMC VIII, 336, no. 82, s.v. Zeus (M. Tiverios). G. Kavvadias explicitly identifies her as Iris, see Τσαγκάρη 2011, 33, no. 25 (Γ. Καββαδίας); Sánchez - Escobar 2015, 376, no. 24 (G. Kavvadias). 35 Red-figure pelike attributed to the Villa Giulia Painter in London, British Museum 1895.8-31.1 (ARV2 622.50; BAPD 207204). 36 Fragmentary red-figure pelike attributed to the Argos Painter in Berlin, Staatliche Museen - Antikensammlung F 2166 (ARV2 288.5; BAPD 202612); fragmentary red-figure pelike attributed to the Argos 391 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 392 Painter, once in Berlin, Staatliche Museen - Antikensammlung F 2167 (ARV2 288.6; BAPD 202625). Athens, Acropolis Museum 690. For the Kallimachos’ votive offering on the Acropolis, see Gulaki 1981, 18-27; LIMC VI, 853-854, no. 23, s.v. Nike (Α. Moustaka), with the earlier bibliography; Korres 1994; Thöne 1999, 18-20; Keesling 2010. See also here, D. Pandermalis, The statue of Nike of Kallimachos, pp. 30-33. ARV2 303.10. Lagogianni-Georgakarakos 2020, 21, fig. 5. Red-figure lekythos in the manner of the Providence Painter in Moscow, Pushkin State Museum of Fine Arts (CVA Moscow [4], pl. 30.1-3; BAPD 41489). For the personification of Ananke, see LIMC I, 757-758, s.v. Ananke (E. Simon), with the earlier bibliography; Smith 2011, 20-21. J.D. Beazley (ARV2 520, no. 46) calls the figure Nike; however, Nicole 1911, 219, no. 1031 identifies her with Eos, whereas H. Immerwahr (CAVI 0868) also considers the identification with the latter more probable. For the vase, see also Brückner 1907, 103, n. 1; LIMC III, 787, no. 334, s.v. Eos (C. Weiss). For these representations, see LIMC III, 787-788, s.v. Eos (C. Weiss). See relatedly LIMC III, 758-779, s.v. Eos (C. Weiss). Tzachou-Alexandri 1989, 306. Α catalogue of vases with representations of tripod lebetes is included in Benton 19341935, 102-108. For sites at which bronze tripod lebetes were found, see Benton 1934-1935, 118 and passim. For the bronze tripod lebetes and their use as prizes, see Benton 1934-1935, 114; Κεφαλίδου 1996, 104, n. 42, with earlier bibliography; Κεφαλίδου 2007; Τιβέριος 2011, 353, nn. 20 and 21. For bronze tripod lebetes from the Athenian Acropolis, see Raubitschek 1949, 337 ff. CVA Athènes, Musée National (2) III H d, text on pl. 10. Homer, Iliad, 23.262-265. A tripod is referred to in the Iliad as a prize at a chariot race in Elis by Nestor when narrating the feats of his youth (Iliad, 23.700). Homer, Iliad, 23.702. For the prize tripods in the Homeric epics, see Papalexandrou 2005, 28-30. For the mythological funeral games, see Roller 1981; Weiler 1974; Καββαδίας 2010; ThesCRA VII, 8, n. 21, s.v. Festivals and Contests (A. Chaniotis), with 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 bibliography. For the performance of funeral games in historical times (ἀγὼν ἐπιτάφιος) in honour of mythical heroes and historical figures, see Deubner 1932, 230-231; Amandry 1971, 612-620; ThesCRA VII, op. cit. The theme that was elaborately rendered on the famous larnax of Kypselos (Pausanias, 5.17.9), but also the throne of Apollo Amyklaios (Pausanias, 3.18.16), was the subject of a Stesichoros’ poem of which only excerpts are preserved, see Bowra 1989, vol. Α΄, 158-160; Davies 1991, 152-153, psg. 178-180. For the tripod in the iconography and the various problems in the interpretation of its depiction, see Κεφαλίδου 1996, 104-109. For the dedication of prizes to sanctuaries by the victors, see ThesCRA VII, 22, n. 179, s.v. Festivals and Contests (A. Chaniotis), 27, n. 238. Κεφαλίδου 1996, 108. Reisch 1890, 63 ff. RE V, 1217, s.v. Dithyrambos (O. Crusius). Froning 1971, 2 ff., 13 ff. Pickard-Cambridge 1988, 36. See also Τιβέριος 1988. Froning 1971, 1 ff., 13 ff. Pickard-Cambridge, 1 ff., 35 ff. Kunisch 1964. LIMC VI, 866, nos. 168-172, s.v. Nike (A. Gulaki-Voutira). Κεφαλίδου 1996, 105, nn. 47 and 48, with extensive bibliography and examples from the iconography. Thöne 1999, 68-69. Op. cit., n. 30. Cf. red-figure pelike attributed to the Group of Polygnotos in Plovdiv, Regional Museum of Archaeology 1812 (ARV2 1044.9, 1562; BAPD 213559), in which four Nikai crown a kitharode or kithara-player, while inscriptions commemorate his corresponding four victories at the Panathenaea, the Nemean and the Isthmian Games as well as at Marathon. For the repetition of the figure of Nike and its interpretation, see also Τιβέριος 1989, 48-50. ThesCRA VII, 22, n. 179, s.v. Festivals and Contests (A. Chaniotis), in which ancient sources are cited. For the wreath and the crowning, in general, see Klein 1912; Blech 1982. Blech 1982, 127-138. Blech 1982, 138-145. Scholium to Pindar, Olympian Ode, 5.8. For the sources, see Blech 1982, 109, n. 2. For the announcement, see Κεφαλίδου 1996, 61-62. Harris 1962, 22-23 has observed that all epigraphic attestations that refer to ἱερὸν στέφανον are associated with the pank- 64 65 66 67 68 69 70 71 72 73 74 75 76 77 78 79 80 81 82 83 84 ration or the pentathlon. See also Blech 1982, 111, n. 12; ThesCRA VII, 26, s.v. Festivals and Contests (A. Chaniotis). RE XVIII.1, 33, s.v. Olympia (Ziehen). Blech 1982, 111, n. 12. ThesCRA VII, 26, n. 222, s.v. Festivals and Contests (A. Chaniotis). Harris 1962, 19-21. ThesCRA VII, 22, n. 123, s.v. Festivals and Contests (A. Chaniotis). Plutarch, Questionum convivalium, 723.Β.56. Pausanias, 8.48.2. Pausanias, 8.48.3. Similar reference also in Plutarch, Theseus, 21.3. For the sources, see Blech 1982, 111, n. 19, with bibliography. Scholium to Euripides’ Hecuba, 573; Suda, s.v. Περιαγειρόμενοι. On the phyllobolia and the periagermos, see Giglioli 1950; Blech 1982, 112 ff; Κεφαλίδου 1996, 52-60, with extensive analysis and commentary of the sources and iconography. Suda, op. cit., n. 67, «κύκλῳ περιπορευομένους τοὺς ἀθλητὰς ἐπαγείρειν καὶ λαμβάνειν τὰ διδόμενα». For the tainiai (fillets), see Blech 1982, 113, n. 21; Κεφαλίδου 1996, 55-56, 62-66. Kaltsas 2004, 336, no. 206 (Ch. Avronidaki). Αβρονιδάκη 2007. Dio Chrysostom, Isthmian Discourse, 14. The victor’s chaplet referred to in the sources may have served the same function, see relatedl, Κεφαλίδου 1996, 55-56, n. 14. Valavanis 1990, 352. Βαλαβάνης 1991, 109. Κεφαλίδου 1996, 64-66, 69-72. Κεφαλίδου 2004. On the polysemy of these symbols, see Κεφαλίδου 1996, 70 ff., with bibliography. Blech 1982, 177-181. Thöne 1999, 94. Βαλαβάνης 1991, 157-158. Κεφαλίδου 2004, 76 refers, with some reservation, to this figure as keryx; Valavanis 1990, 343, n. 81, considers him a judge and ascribes his portrayal with chlamys and petasos to misinterpretation of the Attic prototype by the Boeotian vase painter. Κεφαλίδου 2004, 76, fig. 3. Op. cit., n. 72. For the judges at the games, see Schween 1911; Βαλαβάνης 1991, 138-141; Κεφαλίδου 1996, 49. Βαλαβάνης 1991, 146-152. See Blech 1982, 117-121; Κεφαλίδου 1996, 92, n. 62; Schäfer 1996. Cf. indicatively the tondo of the red-figure cup attributed to the Antiphon Painter in Braunschweig, Herzog Anton Ulrich Museum 558 (ARV2 340.70; BAPD 203503); 85 86 87 88 89 90 91 92 93 94 95 96 97 98 99 100 101 tondo of the red-figure cup by Onesimos in Heidelberg, Ruprecht-Karls-Universität 62 (ARV2 324.69; BAPD 203319); whiteground alabastron whose style is compared to the Foundry Painter in Berlin, Staatlichen Museen - Antikensammlung F 2258 (ARV2 405; BAPD 204394). Καλτσάς 2001, 88-89, no. 152. IG II2 2311, 78. On the race, see Kyle 1987, 193-194; Kyle 2015, 157. For the rendering of athletes in sculpture, see Tsouli 2020. IG II2 2311. Aristotle, Athenian Constitution, 60, 3, «ἔστι γὰρ ἆθλα τοῖς μὲν τὴν μουσικὴν νικῶσιν ἀργύριον καὶ χρυσᾶ…». Τιβέριος 1989, 31-33, n. 57, with collected bibliography on metal vases as prizes awarded to the winners. ARV2 1123.1. Tzachou-Alexandri 1988, 317, no. 202. BAPD 214854. Cf. also the red-figure volute-krater attributed to the Altamura Painter in Padula, Museo Archeologico Provinciale della Lucania Occidentale (n. inv. no.) (ARV2 590.8 bis; BAPD 206825). Cf. red-figure calyx-krater attributed to the Manner of the Peleus Painter in London, British Museum Ε 460 (ARV2 1041.2; BAPD 213525), on which Nike flies towards the musician holding two phialae, the one inside the other. On the theme, see Τιβέριος 1989, 30; Thöne 1999, 48; Κεφαλίδου 1996, 101-102. Collected by Thöne 1999, 48, n. 223. See also Robinson 1942, 180-181, n. 37. Cf. also Callimachus (psg. 22) «κάλπιδες οὐ κόσμου σύμβολον ἀλλὰ πάλης». IG I3 585. Κεφαλίδου 1996, 114, no. 9. Graef - Langlotz II, pl. 89; CAVI 1484. Op. cit., n. 88. Deubner 1932, 215, n. 2. Parke 2000, 140, n. 110. The games are known only from the inscriptions on prizes, see relatedly Amandry 1971, 615, no. ΙΙ; Κεφαλίδου 1996, 117, no. 22. For the Anakeia, see Deubner 1932, 216. The prizes that include, among others, lebetes bear the inscription ΑΘΕΝΑΙΟΙ ΑΘΛΑ ΕΠΙ ΤΟΙΣ ΕΝ ΤΟΙ ΠΟΛΕΜΟΙ. See Vanderpool 1969; Amandry 1971, 605-610, 615; Κεφαλίδου 1996, 116, no. 21; Jung 2006, 63-64; Guggisberg 2008, 292-293. For the funeral games, see also above, n. 48. Diehl 1964, 176-179. Amandry 1971, 615. Κεφαλίδου 1996, 116, no. 19. Amandry 1971, 617-618, no. VIII. Ζαφειροπούλου 2004, 59-60, fig. 24. 102 Κεφαλίδου 1996, πίν. 61, G14. BAPD 5556. It is believed that the depiction on side A of the vase of a reclining nude male figure inside a monopteral naiskos, bearing the iconographic features of Heracles, hints at the performance of a torch race during an agonistic festival that celebrates the hero. See relatedly Walter 1937; Deubner 1932, 226-227; Κεφαλίδου 1996, 102, 223 Λ14, where the identification of the festival with the Heracleia at Marathon is suggested. See also Petrakis 2018, who discusses the possible identification of the figure with Dionysos. 103 Op. cit., n. 72. 104 Plutarch, De genio Socratis, 587d. The bronze hydria at Providence, Rhode Island School of Design that bears the inscription ΤΟΝ ΘΗΒΑΙΣ ΑΙΘΛΟΝ written in Boeotian alphabet, constitutes a prize in Theban games, see Robinson 1942, 180-182 figs. 12-13; Diehl 1964, 217-218, no. Β 107; Papazarkadas 2014, 229, n. 29. For the games in Thebes, see Robinson 1942, 180 ff.; Papazarkadas 2014, 229-230. The Heracleia festival is also known from neighbouring Eretria, as attested by the dedicatory inscription ΕΡΕΤΡΙΑΘΕΝ ΑΘΛΟΝ ΠΑΡ ΗΕΡΑΚΛΕΟΣ on a bronze lebes of the second quarter of the 5th c. BC in Athens, National Archaeological Museum X 1318 (ΠΑΕ 1890, 95; Robinson 1942, 180, n. 29; Κεφαλίδου 1996, 116, no. 18). 105 For representations of Nike carrying a decorated stern of a ship (aphlaston) after the Greco-Persian Wars, see Thöne 1999, 115-116; Tolia-Christakou 2020, 240-241. 106 On the subject, see Beazley - Caskey 1963, no. 160, where examples have been assembled; LIMC VI, 865-866, nos. 159167, s.v. Nike (A. Gulaki-Voutira); Rabe 2008; Lissarrague 2014. 107 Μπρούσκαρη 1998. Thöne 1999, 64-73. Λεβέντη 2014, 100-106, with discussion of older views. See also here, Ι. Leventi, The sculptural decoration of the temple of Athena Nike and its parapet, pp. 78-101. 108 Boston, Museum of Fine Arts 20.187. Attributed to the Trophy Painter (ARV2 857.2; BAPD 212473). 109 Tolia-Christakou 2020, 221, fig. 1. BAPD 30667. 110 Shapiro 2009. 111 See also Thöne 1999, 69-70. 112 ARV2 1467.107. BAPD 230315. 113 See Thöne 1999, 115, 153, nos. F1-F4. Cf. also a fragment of a red-figure vase (pelike?) in Kiel, Antikensammlung B 789 (BAPD 43426). 114 As aptly pointed out by J.D. Beazley (Beazley - Caskey 1963, no. 160). 115 Oxford, Ashmolean Museum 1931.9 (ARV2 1069.2; BAPD 214406). 116 Brussels, Musées Royaux d’Art et d’Histoire A 2078 (ARV2 1043.4; BAPD 213546). 117 For the “farewell” scenes of warriors and their polysemy, see Spiess 1992; Καββαδίας 2000, 109-111; Matheson 2005; Matheson 2009; CVA Athens (7) 57 (text in pl. 40), with extensive bibliography. For the depiction of Nike in “farewell” scenes, see Lonis 1979, 250-253; LIMC VI, 876, nos. 304-314; Thöne 1999, 45-47. 118 Cf. indicatively side B of a black-figure column-krater in Ohama, Joslyn Art Museum 1965.166 (BAPD 25697); side A of a red-figure column-krater attributed to the Orchard Painter in New York, Metropolitan Museum of Art 25.78.45 (ARV2 523.6; BAPD 205883). For the depiction of the flying bird as good omen in warriors’ “farewell” scenes in vase painting, see Dillon 2017, 155-157, 159-166. CHRYSANTHI TSOULI Victory-bringing (Nikephoroi) Gods. The chryselephantine cult statues of Olympian Zeus and Athena Parthenos 1 2 3 4 5 The bibliography on the subject is particularly extensive. In the context of such a brief study, the most relevant and recent bibliography has been selected. Zeus Soter by Cephisodotos at Piraeus, known only from literary sources, was similarly depicted in the 4th c. BC as Nikephoros (Pausanias, 1.1.3; Pliny, Naturalis Historia, 34, 74). Goulaki-Voutira 1992, 868, no. 206. Hurwit 2005, 136. According to Pausanias (10.10.1-2), around 460 BC he created, from a tithe of the spoils, a sculptural group at Delphi dedicated to the victors. The thirteen bronze statues depicted the gods Athena and Apollo, the general Miltiades, victor in the battle, and the ten eponymous heroes. The colossal acrolith cult statue of Athena Areia at Plataea, made also by Pheidias, was financed from the tithe of the spoils of the same battle offered to the Plataeans (Pausanias, 9.4.1; Plutarch, Aristeides, 20.3). Harrison 1996, 34-38. Davison 2009, 39-44. For the early dating of the work around 460-450 BC, see Harrison 1996, 28-34; 393 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 394 Hurwit 2004, 79-84; Strocka 2005, 123; Lougovaya-Ast 2006, 223-224; Davison 2009, 279; Meyer 2017, 188-189. On the dissociation from the tithe of the spoils of the battle and its connection to the Periclean programme, see Palagia 2013. Hurwit 2004, 63, fig. 56. Palagia 2013, 122123. Meyer 2017, 186-187, n. 1472, 191-193, fig. 275, with earlier views collected. Collected bibliography in Nick 2002; Davison 2009, 69-272; Μeyer 2017, 193-194, n. 1539. Meyer 1989, 166-167, 244-245, nos. Α70, Α75, Α93, Α109, Α129. Nick 2002, 255257. Meyer 2017, 206-208. Karanastassis 1987, 323-339, 401-411. Nick 2002, 177-205, 236-254. For the recent publication of a head fragment of a colossal Roman copy in the NAM, see Damaskos 2008. See recently De Catalaÿ - Kan 2009; Ιακωβίδου 2010, 437-451, with earlier bibliography. Nick 2002, 254-255. On the copies of the work in general, see Leipen 1971, 2-16; Goulaki-Voutira 1992, 866-868; Lapatin 2001, 63-79; Davison 2009, 155-259; Lapatin 2018, 50-52; Palagia 2019, 333-343. Indicatively, see Leipen 1971, 3-4, no. 2; Karanastassis 1987, 408, no. ΒΙ 12; Καλτσάς 2001, 104, no. 187; Davison 2009, 106-107, no. 6; Lapatin 2018, 50; Palagia 2019, 333-334. Leipen 1971, 3, no. 1. Karanastassis 1987, 410, no. ΒΙ 13. Καλτσάς 2001, 106, no. 190. Davison 2009, 171-172, no. 7. For a commentary on the copies and various reconstructions of the Amazonomachy scene on the shield, see recently Davison 2009, figs. 6.38-6.40; Palagia 2019, 336340. The presence of the column supporting the hand of the original cult statue of Athena Parthenos has been disputed by some scholars, as in early representations of the work (clay token from the Agora and terracotta relief from Olynthos, Davison 2009, nos. 95 and 66 respectively, see also here, fig. 1) the sacred snake is depicted beneath the outstretched hand of the goddess holding Nike. The serpent may have been displaced from its original position at some point before Pausanias’ time, who describes it next to the shield, see McK Camp 1996, 241 ff.; Lapatin 2001, 67; Nick 2002, 167-171; Palagia 2019, 335-336. However, this view has not met general acceptance for structural and aesthetic reasons, but also because of early representations of the 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 work depicting the column beneath Athena’s hand (Nick 2002, pls. 17, 1-3, 18.3), while in most of the freestanding Roman copies the serpent is shown next to the shield, see Leipen 1971, 36-40; Harrison 1996, 42-43; Meyer 2017, 197, nn. 1569, 1571. For interpretations of other Nike statues as copies of Athena’s Nike, see Carpenter 1958; Lapatin 2018, 52-53. Donnay 1968, 22-25. Lapatin 2018, 50. Harrison 1982, 53-65. Harrison 1996, 5152. Palagia 2019, 335. Harrison 1996, 51-52, figs. 19-20. Palagia 2019, 335, fig. 12.5, with earlier bibliography. Λιάσκα - Τσόγκα 2021. Harrison 1996, 41, 48. Meyer 2017, 199, 201, 439, 441. Palagia 2019, 346. The association of the content and mythological decoration of the cult statue with the architectural decoration of the temple is repeated in Zeus at Olympia and has been regarded as one of Pheidias’ inventions (Ridgway 1999, 196, 199; Hurwit 2005, 141-142). Meyer 2017, 438, 442. Palagia 2019, 349-350. Lapatin 2001, 80. Davison 2009, 361-397. Lapatin 2011. See indicatively Franke 1984, 329-331, pl. 51, nos. 19-21 and 23-24, pl. 52, nos. 2-3; Grote 1992, 895; Kremydi-Sicilianou 1997, 365-366, nos. 491-506. For coins and seal stones, see Richter 1966, pls. 53-54. Vogelpohl 1980. Davison 2009, 384-394. Palagia 2019, 352-356. Guilmet 2007, 184-185, fig. 3. Roquet 2017. Koutsogiannis 2018, 406-407, fig. 13. Schiering 1999. Lapatin 2001, 81-83. Ιγνατιάδου 2013, 296-297, with earlier bibliography and thorough documentation of the data that dissociate the find from the work of Pheidias. Moreover, as Ignatiadou accurately points out herself, if Nike had featured glass elements, Pausanias would have referred to them. See also Palagia 2019, 350-351. See also here, O. Palagia, The Nike of Paionios pp. 102-117, with earlier bibliography. Barringer 2011, 64. Barringer 2015, 26, n. 22, with counter-arguments refuting Pausanias’ attestation. Barringer 2011, 64. Hurwit 2005, 137-138, 141. Barringer 2015, 26-27. For the decoration of the temple, see recently Kyrieleis 2006; Willers 2011; Trianti 2012; Patay-Horvát 2015. 32 33 34 35 36 Harrison 1996, 62. Palagia 2019, 357. Hurwit 2005, 141, n. 38. Palagia 2019, 357. Harrison 1996, 61-62. Barringer 2015, 32. Harrison 1996, 60. Anagnostou-Laoutides 2011, 30-31. 37 Overbeck 1959, 712. Harrison 1996, 60, n. 208. IPHIGENEIA LEVENTI The sculptural decoration of the temple of Athena Nike and its parapet. The Athenian victories in monumental art of the 5th c. BC 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 Λεμπιδάκη 2013, 368-370, n. 25. Μeyer 2017, 23-25, Athena, from whom Athena Nike derives, had always been venerated in the sanctuary. Λεμπιδάκη 2013, 371-372, n. 29-30. Mark 1993, 93-98. Λεμπιδάκη 2013, 389-390. For Pheidias’ Athena Parthenos, see Παλαγγιά 2019, 349-358, figs. 3, 5-6. For Athena Parthenos depicted ready for armed combat, see Davison 2009, 152. Acropolis Museum inv. nos. 4734+ 2605+2447: Λεμπιδάκη 2013, 383, n. 99; Μeyer 2017, 26, n. 141,1, 182, fig. 267; Leventi 2021. It was surrounded by a trapezoidal enclosure and has been dated by Gill 2001, 260, fig. 1 after Cleon’s victory at the Eurymedon. It generally dates back to the first half of the 5th c. BC. Cf. Λεμπιδάκη 2013, 373, n. 38; Shear 2016, 393-394. Goette 2016, 134-135, fig. 100. Gill 2001, 261. Schultz 2001, 19-28. Gill 2001, esp. 278. Schultz 2009, 128, n. 1, with bibliography, 148-152. Λεβέντη 2014, 57-64, esp. 64. Gill 2001, 265-276. Cf. Λεβέντη 2014, 57-58. On these events, see Kallet 2016, 26-31, n. 35. See Λεβέντη 2014, 60-61. Λεβέντη 2014, 61, n. 166. Μeyer 2017, 26, n. 138. Schultz 2001, 40. Λεβέντη 2014, 61. Stewart 2019, 86-87, nos. 5-6. According to Shear 2016, 346-348, the construction of the temple that was launched in the 430s BC was completed contemporaneously with these votive offerings. Schultz 2002b. Λεβέντη 2014, 90-92, n. 291. Schultz 2002a, 220-221, 233-238. Schultz 2002b. 19 Λεβέντη 2014, 92-93. 20 Shear 2001, 808-809. Λεβέντη 2014, 92, n. 294, with bibliography. 21 Λεβέντη 2014, 93, n. 297. 22 Λεβέντη 2014, 93, n. 298. Cf. Kallet 2016, 32-37, on the connection between these victories and the earlier ones against the Peloponnesians, with reference to the votive at Delphi. 23 On the early events of the war, see Kallet 2009, 98-101. 24 Lippman - Scahill - Schultz 2006, 559560. Kallet 2009, 110-118. 25 Lippman - Scahill - Schultz 2006, esp. 551556, figs. 4-6. 26 Lippman - Scahill - Schultz 2006, 552553, 560, figs. 2-3. 27 Ηarrison 1997, 110-116, figs. 2-3.4.7. Λεβέντη 2014, 67-68, figs. 10-11. 28 Λεβέντη 2014, 67-68. Cf. Harrison 1997, 111; Λεβέντη 2020, 264. 29 Λεβέντη 2014, 70-73. 30 Harrison 1997, 116, figs. 9-15. Palagia 2005, 184-185. Λεβέντη 2014, 73-76. 31 Λεβέντη 2014, 74-82. 32 Harrison 1997, 119-120, figs. 16-17 (north), 18-19 (west). 33 Schultz 2009, esp. 153, figs. 28-30. 34 Meyer 2017, 339-345. 35 Δεσπίνης 1974. Despinis 1988. Schultz 2002a, 75-91, figs. 4,5-4,10, 4,15-4,26. Λεβέντη 2014, 82-86. 36 Schultz 2001. The maximum height of the central and the side acroteria was 1.70 m and 0.95 m respectively. 37 Schultz 2001, 18-38, figs. 12, 15, 20. 38 Schultz 2001, 18-24, 28. 39 Schultz 2001, 30-36, figs. 18-23. For the Parthenon Nikai, see Λεβέντη 2014, 88, n. 284. 40 Λεβέντη 2014, 88-90. 41 Cf. Stewart 1985, 67-70· Ηölscher 1997, 157. 42 Simon 1985/1986, 26-27, n. 95. 43 Μπρούσκαρη 1998, 77-105, pls. 1-74. Λεβέντη 2014, 100-102. 44 Hölscher 1997, 155-156 has documented known examples from the votives as well as the iconography that bear witness to the offering of bulls to Athena, beyond the context of her established festivals. 45 Kunisch 1964, 64-73, for Zeus. Jameson 1994 has considered these sacrifices as propitiatory in order to ensure the successful outcome of the battle. Ηölscher 1997, 149-155 believes the sacrifices are intended for the gods of the east frieze. 46 Simon 1985/1986. Simon 1988. Simon 1997. 47 Μπρούσκαρη 1998, 84. 48 Μπρούσκαρη 1998, 202-205, pl. 58. On this issue, see also Leventi 2021. Cf. for the reliefs, Mangold 1993, 41-42, 46, 49, pls. 8,3 and 9,1. 49 Thöne 1999, 64-73. The view of Kalogeropoulos 2003, who by dating the decoration of the parapet to the decade 420410 BC, identifies allegories of the younger population of Attica is less likely to apply. 50 See Stewart 2019, 90. 51 Δεσπίνης 1971, 170-174. Μπρούσκαρη 1998, 58-59, 65-66. 52 Βurn 1987, 7-11. 53 See Λεβέντη 2014, 98-99, n. 319. 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 OLGA PALAGIA The Nike of Paionios 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 Archaeological Museum of Olympia. Treu 1897, 182-194. Hölscher 1974. Palagia 2016. See also Kreikenbom 2004, 198-199, figs. 125a-b; Kyrieleis 2011, 94-96, fig. 103. On the pillar, see Herrmann 1972. Herrmann 1972, 253-255. See also here, p. 117 with n. 35. Herrmann 1972, 253-255. Laroche - Jacquemin 2016. See also here, p. 117. ΜΕΣΣΑΝΙΟΙ ΚΑΙ ΝΑΥΠΑΚΤΙΟΙ ΑΝΕΘΕΝ ΔΙΙ / ΟΛΥΜΠΙΩΙ ΔΕΚΑΤΑΝ ΑΠΟ ΤΩΜ ΠΟΛΕΜΙΩΝ / ΠΑΙΩΝΙΟΣ ΕΠΟΙΗΣΕ ΜΕΝΔΑΙΟΣ / ΚΑΙ ΤΑΚΡΩΤΗΡΙΑ ΠΟΙΩΝ ΕΠΙ ΤΟΝ ΝΑΟΝ ΕΝΙΚΑ. Dittenberger - Purgold 1896, no. 253. Meiggs - Lewis 1988, no. 74. Jeffery 1990, 206, nos. 12-13, pl. 71. Osborne - Rhodes 2017, 382-385, no. 164, pl. 14. Osborne - Rhodes 2017, 382, no. 164. Jeffery 1990, 205, 365, no. 33. Ματθαίου - Μαστροκώστας 2000-2003, 453-454. Matthaiou 2011, 48. Rome, Capitoline Museums, Centrale Montemartini. La Rocca 1985, 25, pl. II. The only known copy of Athena Parthenos’ Nike is on the Varvakeion statuette, Athens, National Archaeological Museum, inv. no. 129. Harrison 1982, 63-64, figs. 16a-c. Palagia 2019, 333-336, fig. 12.4. Ancient Agora of Athens Museum, inv. no. S 2354 (fig. 12). Hertz head in Palazzo Venezia, Rome; bust in Vatican Museum, inv. no. 1589. Harrison 1982, 53-65, figs. 14-15. Palagia 2019, fig. 12.5. Ancient Agora of Athens Museum, inv. no. S 312. Gawlinski 2014, 56-58. Paris, Louve, inv. no. Ma 525. Kreikenbom 2004, 199, fig. 126. Athens, Acropolis Museum, inv. no. 973. Rolley 1999, fig. 103. 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 Schultz 2001, 31. On the east facade of the temple of Zeus and the restoration of the acroteria after an earthquake in the fourth century, see Grunauer 1981, with pl. 29, showing a reconstruction of the acroteria. Thucydides, 1.103.3. Diodorus Siculus, 11.84. 7-8. Luraghi 2008, 186. Matthaiou 2011, 45. Kallet 2016, 16-19. Luraghi 2008, 189. Kallet 2016, 27-28. See Matthaiou 2011, 51: the Ozolian Lokrians mentioned by Thucydides as allies of the Athenians during Demosthenes’ campaigns included the inhabitants of Naupaktos. Matthaiou 2011, 47-48. Kallet 2016, 17. Archaeological Museum of Patras. Ματθαίου - Μαστροκώστας 2000-2003. Matthaiou 2011. Osborne - Rhodes 2017, 380-382, no. 163. Matthaiou 2011, 49. Matthaiou 2011, 48. Luraghi 2008, 193. Kallet 2016, 32-33. Ματθαίου - Μαστροκώστας 2000-2003, 453. Osborne - Rhodes 2017, 382-385, no. 164. The most famous instance of not naming the enemy is the dedicatory inscription of the Athenians from the spoils of the Persian Wars placed in the Stoa of the Athenians at Delphi: Meiggs - Lewis 1988, no. 25; Jacquemin - Mulliez - Rougemont 2012, 46-47, no. 20; Bommelaer - Laroche 2015, 177, fig. 56; Jacquemin - Laroche 2019, 183, n. 3. Luraghi (2008, 188) dates it to the 450s. Thucydides, 3.105-114. Thucydides (114.1) mentions dedications in Athenian sanctuaries from the booty of this campaign. Thucydides, 4.36. Luraghi 2008, 189. Kallet 2016, 29-31. Hölscher (1974, 74-75, n. 9) has also argued that Nike of Paionios was dedicated from the cumulative spoils of different victories in the Archidamian War because the Naupaktians, even though they dedicated the Nike along with the Messenians, did not fight in Sphakteria alongside them. Lippman - Scahill - Schultz 2006. Luraghi 2008, 191, n. 67. Jacquemin - Laroche 1982, 192-204. Bommelaer - Laroche 2015, 280, fig. 69. Laroche - Jacquemin 2016. [Μ]ΕΣΣᾺΝΙΟ[Ι ΚΑΙ ΝΑΥΠΑΚΤΙΟΙ] ΑΝΕΘ[ΕΣΑΝ Α]ΠΟ ΚΑΛ[ΥΔΩΝΙΩΝ ΔΕΚΑΤΑΝ Τ]ΩΙ ΑΠ[ΟΛΩΝΙ]. SEG 32.550. Osborne - Rhodes 2017, 384. Laroche - Jacquemin 2016, 88-92. Luraghi 2008, 188. 395 37 Mentioned by Thucydides (3.94-98). For this campaign, see Luraghi 2008, 189; Kallet 2016, 34-35. For the date of the Delphi pillar, see Palagia 2016, 82. 38 Jacquemin - Laroche 1982, 205-207. Laroche - Jacquemin 2016. 39 Bommelaer - Laroche 2015, 280-281. Laroche - Jacquemin 2016. 22 23 OLGA PALAGIA The Nike of Samothrace 24 25 1 26 Paris, Louvre Ma 2369. Hamiaux 1998, 27-32. On the statue’s discovery and sculptural technique, see Hamiaux 2001; Hamiaux 2004. For a detailed study of the construction of the statue base, see Hamiaux 2006. 2 See Hamiaux - Laugier - Martinez 2014. 3 Hamiaux - Laugier - Martinez 2014, 100-102. 4 The provenance of the marble has long been known but was recently confirmed by laboratory analysis, see Maniatis et al. 2012, 270-271. 5 Knell 1995, 69-81, figs. 9-12, 60-64. Lehmann 1998, 35, 91, fig. 38. Hamiaux - Laugier - Martinez 2014, 174-179. Wescoat 2020, fig. 19.10. 6 On the base, see also Hamiaux - Laugier - Martinez 2014, 119-124, 154-163. 7 Hamiaux 1998, 32-33. Hamiaux 2004, 107-109, figs. 73-77. 8 Hamiaux 2004, figs. 9-11, 13-15. 9 Hamiaux 2004, 95-107. 10 Hamiaux 2001, fig. 7. 11 Hamiaux - Laugier - Martinez 2014, fig. 144. 12 On the type of the Nike’s ship, see Gabrielsen 1997, 92-93; Hamiaux 2006, 5356. The ship identified as a quadrireme: Stewart 2016, 404; Stewart, in Clinton et al. 2020, 565-567, fig. 8 (oar ports). 13 Mark 1998. Hamiaux 2006, 53-56. 14 For the precinct, see Hamiaux - Laugier - Martinez 2014, 174-179; Wescoat 2020, 311-315. 15 Wescoat at al. 2020, 52-53. 16 That the Nike was placed within a naiskos is strongly advocated by La Rocca 2018, 30. 17 Wescoat 2020, 312-313. 18 Wescoat (2020, 314, fig. 19.9) leaves the options open. 19 Wescoat 2013, 64. Wescoat et al. 2020, 53. Clinton et al. 2020, 558-560. 20 Wescoat 2020, 311. Clinton et al. 2020, 558. 396 21 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 Green 1990, 30, fig. 12. Mørkholm 1991, 77-78, pl. X, 162. Knell 1995, 86, fig. 66. Hamiaux 2001, fig. 9. Hamiaux - Laugier Martinez 2014, fig. 56. IG IV 1180-1183. IG IV2 306D. Palagia 2010, fig. 10.11. Kansteiner et al. 2014, no. 2455. Neudecker 2018, 149-150. Lindos II, no. 88. L’Agorà di Cirene III,1, 6264, ill. 4-5. Basch 1987, 362-363. Hamiaux 2006, 43, figs. 48-49. Hamiaux - Laugier - Martinez 2014, 167, fig. 150. Gabrielsen 1997, 88. See above, n. 13. Lindos II, no. 169. Gabrielsen 1997, 88, pl. 5. La Rocca 2018, 31, figs. 28-29. L’Agorà di Cirene III,1, 66. Grandjean - Salviat 2000, 77. L’Agorà di Cirene III,1. Hamiaux 2006, 43, fig. 47. L’Agorà di Cirene III,1, 110. L’Agorà di Cirene III,1, 78-80, 98, 132-134. Athens, National Archaeological Museum 1829. L’Agorà di Cirene III,1, figs. 39-40. Kaltsas 2002, no. 616. Kaltsas - Shapiro 2008, 88-89, no. 35. Knell 1995, 87-88, fig. 67. Nisyros Museum. Φιλήμονος-Τσοποτού 2013. See ibid, for other examples of ships supporting funerary statues. Mark (1998, 157-158), who identified the ship as a trihemiolia, believed that it pointed to a Rhodian connection. A similar case in favour of Rhodes was made by Stewart (in Clinton et al. 2020, 567-568), even though he identified the ship as a quadrireme. The statue base of the dedication of Polykles, son of Polykrates, on the acropolis of Lindos is an example out of many: Lindos II, no. 57. On Lartian marble and its employment for statue bases on Rhodes, cf. Merker 1973, 6; Bairami 2017, 337338. On the few sculptures carved out of Lartian marble, see Hamiaux 2006, 55, n. 142; Bairami 2017, 338. On the Nisyros ship made of Lartian marble (fig. 19), see above, n. 32. The case is made again by Stewart, in Clinton et al. 2020, 563-565. Clinton et al. 2020, 556-557. Paris, Louvre Ma 4194. Hamiaux - Laugier - Martinez 2014, 166-167, fig. 149. Clinton et al. 2020, 552-558, fig. 2a. Hamiaux 2006, 55-57. Helios head, Rhodes Museum E49. Bairami 2017, cat. no. 017, pls. 50-53. Seminude Aphrodite, Rhodes Museum 13634, Bairami 2017, cat. no. 002, pl. 5. Bairami admits the eclectic nature of Rhodian sculpture but nevertheless maintains 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 the Rhodian connection for the Nike of Samothrace: 455-463. Berlin, Pergamon-Museum. Carpenter 1960, 203. Mark 1998, 157. Ridgway 2000, 151. Palagia 2010, 159. Queyrel 2016, 191. Meyer 2019, 408-411. On the Great Altar of Pergamon, see Queyrel 2005; MassaPairault 2007; Scholl 2016. Scholl 2016, figs. 55 and 62. Athens, Acropolis Museum 972. Μπρούσκαρη 1998, 119-128, pls. 2 and 4. For the names of the sculptors of the gigantomachy, see Queyrel 2005, 109-111. De Luca - Radt 1999, 120-125. MassaPairault (2007, 24-28) places the construction of the Altar within the reign of Eumenes II (197-158 BC). Queyrel (2005, 123-125) downdates the altar to the reign of Attalos II (158-138 BC). By Palagia 2010 and Stewart 2016. Originally proposed by Benndorf et al. 1880, 84-86. The theory was recently revived by Bernhardt 2014. Originally proposed by Thiersch 1931; see also Mark 1998, with earlier references. For the rock-cut ship, see above, n. 25. Mark 1998, 157-158. See Hamiaux (2006, 52-55) on the history of the Rhodian connection and its problems. The lack of official contacts between the Rhodian state and Samothrace was pointed out by Ridgway 2000, 150-156. Rhodian initiates: Clinton et al. 2020, 557. Philip V’s portrait: Lehmann 1998, 106, 163, fig. 80; Wescoat 2010, 9-10, fig. 3.5; Clinton et al. 2020, 562. Badoud 2018. Contra, Stewart 2016, 404; Clinton et al. 2020, 551-552. Ridgway 2000, 156. On the reign of Perseus, see Hammond - Walbank 1988, 490-559. Mørkholm 1991, 164, pl. XXXIX, 593-594. Queyrel 2016, 191. Plutarch, Life of Marcellus, 30.4. Samothrace 1, nos. 55a-63. For the Romans’ interest in Samothrace, see also La Rocca 2018. Dimitrova 2008, 244. La Rocca 2018, 4142. Stewart 2016. Stewart, in Clinton et al. 2020, 563-570. See Green 1990, 431. On these events, see also Samothrace 1, nos. 113-127. Plutarch, Life of Aemilius Paullus, 28.4. Delphi Museum. Hammond - Walbank 1988, 613-617. Jacquemin 1999, 340, no. 348, 350, no. 424. Κολώνια 2006, 339344. Taylor 2016. 64 Livy, 45.42.1. Diodorus Siculus, 31.8.10. Pliny, Historia Naturalis, 34.13. La Rocca 2018, 41, n. 102. 65 Palagia 2010. This suggestion was endorsed by La Rocca (2018, 40-42). Wescoat (2013, 75) objected on the grounds that Roman monuments in Greece in the second century did not display allegorical figures like the Nike but confined themselves to portraits or appropriated earlier images. Carpenter (1960, 204) attributed the Nike of Samothrace to a sculptor of the Pergamene School and interpreted it as a memorial of the Pergamene fleet that assisted the Romans against Perseus. 66 Knell 1995, 82-101, figs. 68 (Augustus’ coin commemorating Actium), 77 (theatre of Pompey). 67 Wescoat 2020, 211. ALIKI MOUSTAKA Nike in the iconography of ancient Greek coins 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 The bibliography on the subject is very rich. Here, only a small selection is presented: Studniczka 1898; Isler-Kerényi 1969; LIMC VI, s.v. Nike, 850-904: Archaic period (A. Moustaka), Classical period (A. Goulaki-Voutira) and Hellenistic period (U. Grote); Thöne 1999. I would like to warmly thank Dr D. Tsangaris (Alpha Bank) and D. Gerothanasis, MA (Nomos AG) for making available the photographs. Some of the photographs come from the archive of the Banque Nationale de France (BNF), Départment Monnaies, Médailles et Antiques. Finally, it should be noted that due to the known difficulties encountered in accessing libraries at the time of writing this essay, full bibliographic updating was not always possible. Δεσπίνης - Καλτσάς 2014, I.1, 36-41, inv. no. 21, with extensive bibliography (Α. Μουστάκα). Δεσπίνης - Καλτσάς 2014, I.1, 41-43, inv. no. 21α, with extensive bibliography (Α. Μουστάκα). Seltman 1921. Seltman 1921, 4. This view was espoused by many others, such as Franke 1984, 14-26, who dates the earlier issues around 525/515 BC. On this question, see Coins of Olympia 2004 (chapter: The Coinage of the Eleans for Olympia, no p. nos.). Kyrieleis 2011, 36-38. 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 Imhoof-Blumer 1871. Bellinger - Berlincourt 1962. Νίκη - Victoria 2004. Τσέλεκας 2005. These were coins issued in 432 BC (fig. 4), cf. Τσαγκάρη 2007, 194, no. 124. Various interpretations associated mainly with athletic events have been articulated by Gabrici 1958, 201-208; Jongkees 1968, 51-63; Lacroix 1974, 13-21. Cf. Μουστάκα 1992, 39-43 in which the connection with military victories is attempted, in combination with the significance of the numerous terracotta Nikai of the Late Archaic period crowning some of the treasuries as acroteria, see Μουστάκα 1992, 41. Patay-Horvath 2013. Also based on their appearance in hoards, he considers that they comprise a close iconographic circle that cannot be dated before 420 BC, see Patay-Horvath 2013, 18. Herodotus, 9.77. Sinn 1994. Pausanias, 5.23.1-3. Plutarch, Themistocles, 17. Mallwitz - Herrmann 1980, 95-96, no. 57, with earlier bibliography. Mallwitz - Herrmann 1980, 96, no. 58, with earlier bibliography. Based on interesting arguments, Kyrieleis 2012/2013, 105-106 has discussed the possible indirect interference of Athens, under Cimon, for the implementation of this work. See above, n. 10. Boehringer 1929. Kraay - Hirmer 1966. The bibliography on the numismatic production of Syracuse is enormous, therefore, a very small selection is deemed appropriate. Οικονομίδου 1996, 212-213, no. 39 On the reverse of this coin, however, beneath the head of Arethusa, the name of the engraver Eumenes is also inscribed. Τσαγκάρη 2007, 72-73, no. 39. For the numismatic production of Katane, see Manganaro 1992. Τσαγκάρη 2014, 168-169, nos. 43-45. For the numismatic production of Messene, see Caccamo Caltabiano 1993. For the numismatic production of Akragas, see Westermark 2018. Τσαγκάρη 2007, 68-69, no. 37. For the numismatic production of Kamarina, see Jenkins 1977; Westermark, 1980. Τσαγκάρη 2014, 166-167. Regling 1906, no. 732. Holloway - Jenkins 1983. Destrooper 1979. Nomos AG, Auction 1. 36 Τσαγκάρη 2014, 138-139. 37 Franke - Hirmer 1964, 71-73, fig. 84, top left. Kray - Hirmer 1966, 242. 38 On the theme of Nike as charioteers, cf. Νίκη - Victoria 2004, 78-80 (Π. Μ.). 39 For the numismatic production of Tarentum, see Fischer-Bossert 1999. 40 Ibid, no. 793 41 Baldwin Brett 1924, pl. I.10. Franke - Hirmer 1964, 148, fig. 202, centre. 42 For the numismatic production of Abdera, see May 1966; Chryssanthaki-Nagle 2007. 43 May 2966, no. 349. 44 On this topic, see the analytical presentation in Bellinger - Berlincourt 1962, 21-43. 45 Τσαγκάρη 2009, 44-45, no. 31. 46 Οικονομίδου, 238, no. 135. 47 For the coins issued by Demetrios I of Macedon (Poliorcetes), see Newell 1927. 48 Τσαγκάρη 2007, 126-127, no. 78. 49 Τσαγκάρη 2007, 96-97, no. 55. 50 For the coins minted by Lysimachos, see Müller 1858. 51 ΒΜC 5, 111.1. 52 On the Selecuid coinage, cf. among the rich bibliography Νewell 1938, 426γ; Erikson 2019. 53 On the theme of Nike with tropaion (trophy), cf. Νίκη - Victoria 2004, 73-77 (Γ. Σ.). 54 Caccamo Caltabiano 2010. 55 Nomos AG, Auction 3, Lot no. 161. 56 Nomos AG, Auction 19, Lot no. 36. 57 Franke - Hirmer 1964, 71-72, fig. 84, bottom right. The same inscription is also encountered next to the female head on the sole surviving electrum hecte, minted on Mytilene, which according to Hurter 2001 it is dated between 370 and 360 BC. DIMITRIS S. SOURLAS The Emperor’s Nike. The Nike statues in Hadrian’s Library as a means of promoting power and imperial ideology * 1 I am indebted to Chr. Kanellopoulos, D. Tsalkanis and M. Petrakis for their permission to use their plans and digital reconstructions; also, to E. Bardani and the Archive of the National Archaeological Museum for their photographs. See Κουμανούδης 1885, 13-25; Κουμανούδης 1886, 10-11. Pittakis reports that in 1815 Lord Guilford excavated parts of the Library bringing to light many “statue fragments”, see Πιττάκης 1860, 2021; Κουμανούδης 1885, 22; Sisson 397 2 3 4 5 6 7 398 1929, 50-53 provides a good summary of the travellers’ views on the identity of the monument. See also Κνιθάκης Μαλλούχου - Τιγγινάγκα 1986, 107-124; Τιγγινάγκα 2007, 392-394; Sourlas 2014b, 20-26. I.18.9. At times, this excerpt of Pausanias has been variously interpreted by researchers, thus leading to many different identifications of the Library’s building, see analytically Σούρλας 2018, 391. For the identification of the site with the Pantheon, see Ferrero 1975, 172-185; Martini 1985, 188-191. For the identification of the site with the Panhellenion, see Monaco - Corcella - Nuzzo 2014, 49-60; Corcella - Monaco - Nuzzo 2015, 111-156. Concerning the similarities with Templum Pacis, see Τιγγινάγκα 1999, 290; Bergemann 2010, 54-62; Di Cesare 2014, 735-736 and 743, where all earlier bibliography has been assembled. See also Meneghini 2014, 284-299. Shear 1981, 375-376. See Sisson 1929, 63-66; Shear 1981, 374377; Coarelli 1991, 79-81; Castrén 1994, 2-3; Karivieri 1994; Calandra 1998; Étienne 2004, 197-198; Coarelli 2009, 72-75; Calandra 2010, 30-34; Di Cesare 2010, 243; Di Cesare 2016, 171-172, whereas Kyrieleis has identified it with the Imperial Forum, Kyrieleis 1976, 431-438. On the identification and function of the building, see also Σούρλας 2018, 391, with relevant bibliography. For the consequences of the Herulian raid on the Library’s building, see Karivieri 1994, 102-104; Χωρέμη-Σπετσιέρη - Τιγγινάγκα 2008, 116-118. The monument had possibly suffered damages of unknown extent also in 396 AD, during the incursion of the Visigoths led by Alaric I. For the history and the interventions in the monuments during Late Antiquity and the Middle Ages, see Κνιθάκης Μαλλούχου - Τιγγινάγκα 1986, 107-124; Τιγγινάγκα 1999, 297-299; Τιγγινάγκα 2007, 392-394; Μπούρας 2010, 66-68, 148-154; Bazzechi 2014/2015 234-240; Κανελλόπουλος - Σούρλας 2018, 423433. On the recent excavations at “Aiolos Hotel” and the retrieved finds associated with the Herulian raid and the construction of the so-called Late Roman Wall within the Library, see Σούρλας 2013, 149-168; Sourlas 2014a, 299-306. On the sculptural types preferred for the decoration of library buildings during the Roman period, see Spinola 2014, 154-175. 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 For the sculptures in Hadrian’s Library, see Σούρλας 2018, 391-417. From the excavation notes of Stephanos Koumanoudes of 1885-1886, kept in the archive of the Archaeological Society, it transpires that on November 18, 1885 he found a portrait of Emperor Hadrian east of Elgin’s Tower, at the south-eastern part of the site. This information now confirms its identification with the portrait image NAM 632, see Σούρλας 2018, 393. Today, the sculpture, inv. no. BA 1387 is kept in the storeroom of Hadrian’s Library. Aside from the apparent resemblance, this view is further supported by the measurements, as the preserved fragment of the foot, 0.215 m in length and 0.12 m in width at the metatarsus, is identical to its counterpart of the Nike statue which is better preserved. The Nike statue inv. no. BA 395 is displayed today in a specially arranged exhibition space alongside other finds from the archaeological site. For the statue of Nike, see Χωρέμη 1989, 13-14; Spetsieri-Choremi 1995, 137-147; especially Spetsieri-Choremi 1996, 363-390, pls. 73-79. See Spetsieri-Choremi 1996, 371-372, pl. 77, 1-4. The head fragment, inv. no. BA 1065, measuring 0.30x0.235 m, made of white Pentelic marble, is kept in the storeroom of Hadrian’s Library. The mortice measures 0.10x0.12 m and is 0.12 m deep. The book of A. Hölscher, Victoria Romana, Mainz am Rhein 1967, is a fundamental reading for the iconographic type. The senators would henceforth take an oath before the statue of Victory, which Octavian had installed at the Senate House of Curia Iulia. In front of the Altar of Victory was mounted the shield awarded to Augustus for his valour (clipeus virtutis), an event that also found expression in numismatic iconography mainly. See Dio Cassius, 51.22.1-22. For the literary sources on the subject in general, see Hölscher 1967, 7, nos. 14 and 6-17. For the provenance of the original of the Hellenistic works of Southern Italy, see Hölscher 1967, 12-17. Bellinger Berlincourt 1962, 52-53 have a different opinion as regards the identification of Nike in coins with the Victory at Curia Iulia. See also Hafner 1989, 553-558. See Hölscher 1967, 17-22; Kremydi-Sicilianou 2003, 63-84. However, it must 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 be stressed that the motif of Nike standing on a globe was used in the iconography of the Cyrenaican coinage, dating before the battle of Actium, between 31 and 28 BC, see BMCRE I, 687-688, 690. According to Choremi, the calligraphic rendering of the ocellated ends of the folds around the legs recall a similar manner in the depiction of drapery in works of the Neo-Attic workshop during Augustus’ age. In addition, she has noticed similarities to a statue of Aura found in the area of Ilisos River, now kept at the NAM, inv. no. 228, and three Nikai from regions in Italy, all dating back to the same period, see Spetsieri-Choremi 1996, 381-382. Spetsieri-Choremi 1996, 387-389. Spetsieri-Choremi 1996, 389-390. See also Burkhardt 2016, 130-131, who lays emphasis on the significance of Nike during this late period in which her presence is believed to reflect the significance of the donor – in this case Herculius. Spetsieri-Choremi 1996, 386, n. 102 Choremi has spotted similarities to the so-called Epione from the temple of Asclepius at Epidaurus, of the early 4th c. BC, mainly in the antithetical posture of the torso and the drapery, but also to figures from the Erechtheion frieze, the parapet of the Athena Nike temple as well as the frieze of the temple of Apollo at Phigaleia, see Spetsieri-Choremi 1996, 381-387. See Inan 1975, 43-47, no. 9, pl. ΧΧΙ, 133134, no. 64, pl. LXIV.1-3, 134, no. 65, pl. LXIV.4, 183, no. 129, pl. LXXXVII.2; Gulaki 1981, 195, no. 4, pl. 164, 75, figs. 32-33, 76, figs. 33-34; Αριστοδήμου 2012, 143, 354355, cat. nos. 277.1-277.5, pls. 41.7-41.11. Inan 1975, 133-134, no. 64, pl. LXIV.1-3. Gulaki 1981, 75-76, figs. 32-33. Inan 1975, 134, no. 65, pl. LXIV.4. Gulaki 1981, 76, figs. 33-34. This hypothesis is based on the connection between coins issued by emperors following their victory in an expedition or battle, such as the victory of Augustus against the Parthians, the issue of Vespasian in honour of Titus for his successful campaign against the Jews, and so on, see relatedly Hölscher 1967, 17-19. It must be noted that the representations of Nike standing on a globe in coins in Greece are relatively few. The theme appeared for the first time in Corinthian issues under Tiberius and have also been spotted in Thessaloniki, in coins of Philippi of the 1st 25 26 27 28 29 c. AD, coins issued by the Koinon of the Macedonians, the Koinon of Thessaly in the reign of Nero, in coins of Thebes under Galba and also in coins of Stobi dating back to the period of the Flavian dynasty. Based on the above, it has been argued that in the eastern provinces the image of Nike on a globe is not necessarily associated with a military event, but generally displays the emperor’s world dominance, see Kremydi-Sicilianou 2003, 71-74. Spetsieri-Choremi 1995, 146. SpetsieriChoremi 1996, 381. According to a different view, the image of the pacifist emperor Hadrian was forged after World War II by historians that saw in the emperor who refrained from embarking on bloody military operations an ideal leader, see Opper 2008, 21-22. Others have argued that the publication in 1951 by M. Yourcenar of the famous historical novel Mémoires d’Hadrien that was widely distributed and enjoyed great popularity also led to the same effect, see Hugot 2016, 79. RPC III 2015, passim. RPC III 2015, 82, no. 653. It has not been connected by his authors with a specific event. The coin belongs to a private collection in Greece. Of particular interest is the issue of a silver denarius (Rome) bearing a variation of the subject that depicts Nike setting up a tropaion (trophy), with her foot stepping on a globe. We might also take into account some examples in which Nike on globe does not constitute the main numismatic figure, but serves as supplementary element; see, for instance, coins minted in Rome (with numerous examples) with the personification of Peace (Pax) holding Nike on a globe in her right hand. A similar Greco-Roman example is a bronze coin issued at Hadriania (in Mysia) in the reign of Hadrian, featuring Zeus holding Nike standing on a globe. I would like to warmly thank my colleague, the numismatist Yannis Stogias, for all this information and his remarks. Gergel 2004, 371-409. Opper 2008, 7072. Bergmann 2010, 203-289. Spawforth 2012, 255-261. Karanastasi 2012-2013, 323-391. Cadario 2014, 106-113. Regarding the truly overemphasized philhellenic character of Hadrian by researchers, see also the view of Vout, who considers that Hadrian used the Greek historical identity and tradition motivated by his own ulterior purposes, Vout 2006, 97-123. 30 It is indicative that this serious crisis, which coincided with the assumption of power by Hadrian, broke out in remote regions, away from mainland Greece and the Aegean, with the exception of Crete and Cyrene, areas from which six out of the seventeen cuirassed statues of Hadrian come, see Vout 2006, 121. See analytically on the subject the most recent and comprehensive contribution of Karanastasi 2012-2013, 323-391, esp. 339-354. 31 Birley 1997, 96, 147, 201. 32 Spawforth 2012, 246. 33 Karivieri 2002, 40-43. 34 Σούρλας 2018, 400. 35 Shear 1981, 356-377. Boatwright 1983, 173-176. Bergemann 2010, 55. Nicholls 2013, 272-273. Di Cesare 2014, 735-736. Di Cesare 2016, 171-172. 36 Based on some of the numerous fragments, Choremi reconstructed three figures: Nike, a cuirassed statue or tropaion (trophy), judging by the portion of the right epaulet with the tasselled ends of a chitoniskos in relief (inv. no. BA 785), and the figure of the goddess Athena or deified Rome. She also mentions that alongside these sections, fragments of smaller statues were found. She has attributed the almost intact marble shield with integral fingertips on the rim (inv. no. ΒΑ 783, diam. 0.75 m) to one of these, see Spetsieri-Choremi 1996, 368-370, pl. 79.1-3. To this ensemble must be added more recent finds and particularly hands belonging to oversized figures either holding the rim of a shield or empty that had not been included in Choremi’s publication, see Σούρλας 2018, 397, 413, n. 50, 401, n. 92. 37 Choremi, in her publication of Nike, reconstructs her figure holding a shield high above and behind her head, see Spetsieri-Choremi 1996, 366-367, 373-376, fig. 3. More specifically, she associates four fragments that belong together, coming from the rim of a shield, whose estimated diameter is 0.82 m, in which one side preserves in the centre the fingertips of a figure. Based on examples, but mainly on smaller works, she maintains that the centre of the shield, which is not preserved, would have been occupied by the image of a person in the form of imago clipeata. However, due to technical reasons mainly, the proposal is rather problematic. 38 See Hölscher 1967, 102-104; Zanker 2006, 136; Kousser 2008, 68-69, 88-89. 39 Hölscher has identified seven different combinations in the representation of the goddess with shield: 1. Nike flying holding the shield before her body; 2. Nike flying to the right or left holding the shield with both hands; 3. Nike supporting with one hand the shield set against her protruding leg; 4. Nike sitting on a throne or rock keeping the shield on her lap with one hand, while writing on it with the other hand; 5. Frontally depicted Nike holding the shield with both hands above her head; 6-7. Two Nikai holding together the shield. This theme endured throughout the Imperial period in variations and with additions, see Hölscher 1967, 98-131, esp. 120-131. 40 Spetsieri-Choremi 1996, 367, pls. 78.3, 78.4, 368, pl. 79.2. 41 For the proposed interpretation of Nike as acroterion, which cannot be accepted for substantial reasons, see Corcella Monaco - Nuzzo 2015, 142 and for the opposite view, see Σούρλας 2018, 401, n. 93. The monumental wings, 31.73 m long each, were arranged on either side of the propylon, with the north flank having been preserved in better condition. The flanks featured projecting colonnades, each one consisting of seven unfluted columns made of Karystian marble whose height ranged between 7.08 and 7.15 m. Each column rests of tall pedestals (postamenta) which, in turn, are supported by plinths built of Pentelic marble. The overlying “broken” entablature consists of an undecorated banded epistyle with integral, similarly undecorated, frieze and cornice, whose lower surface is furnished with dentils and coffers that occupy the spaces in between. The cornice is integral with the sima which does not feature waterspouts. 42 The tall Attic podium extended above the cornice and followed the form of the “broken” entablature with ressauts in the place of every column. At the top surface of the cornices-simas only the sockets are preserved for the insertion of dowels supporting the stone blocks of the Attic podium, and also traces of its attachment, pry holes, differently processed surface, 1.05 to 1.10 m wide, erosive materials, etc. These traces indicate a stone block around 1 m in length. 43 The presence of an Attic podium on the walls of the facade was graphically reconstructed by Sisson in the first architectural study of the Library in 1929, who stressed that without it the monument’s facade would be incomplete. As morphologi- 399 cal parallel, he proposed Forum Transitorium, also known as Forum of Nerva, reconstructing by analogy the statues in front of it. The monument’s researchers that followed agree on the presence of the podium, yet without providing additional evidence. Cf. Sisson 1929, 54, pl. XXIIIa. For Forum Transitorium or Forum of Nerva, see Kleiner 1992, 192-194, figs. 160-161, with earlier bibliography. It should be noted at this point that Despinis considers the Library’s Attic podium as one of the possible positions of a group of reliefs dating back to that period. Excavation at Hadrian’s Library has yielded several significant new finds added to these reliefs that will be discussed in a new study, see relatedly Despinis 2003, 136. 44 Pausanias, Ι.5.5. See Boatwright 1987, 179180; Di Cesare 2016, 172. ALEXANDRA GOULAKI-VOUTYRA Dali - Chalepas in an unexpected encounter with an ancient Nike 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 400 Athens NAM no. 155. Αρχαιολογική Εφημερίς 1884, 50 ff., pl. 4, 8-9 (first publication). Crome 1951, 20-22, pls. 1-3. Yalouris 1985, II, 308-309, pls. 83-84. Gulaki 1981, 71, fig. 26. Eadem, LIMC VI, s.v. Nike, no. 144. For the temple and the sculptures, see Prignitz 2014. Athens, published by the National Bank of Greece, 1981. Fuchs 1969, 218, fig. 235. Stewart 1977, 91 ff. Gulaki 1981, 120. La Victoire de Samothrace 2014, 72-89 (M. Hamiaux). Paris, Louvre, inv. no. 2369, 190-180 BC. For Nike, see LIMC VI, s.v. Nike, no. 382 (U. Grote). Gulaki 1981, 41-49 (n. 126, with bibliography), figs. 17-18. Eadem, LIMC VI, s.v. Nike, no. 137. T. Hölscher, JdI 89 (1974), 70-111. Yannoulis Chalepas (1851-1938), Salvador Dali (1904-1989). See A. Goulaki-Voutyra, Representations of Nike in modern art, in M. Lagogianni-Georgakarakos (ed.), Glorious Victories. Between Myth and History, exhibition catalogue, National Archaeological Museum, Athens 2020 , pp. 286320. Ancient themes in Chalepas oeuvre, see Καλλιγάς 1972; Δούκας 1978, 51, 5355; Γουλάκη-Βουτυρά 1986, esp. 19-108. Γουλάκη-Βουτυρά 2007, 18-43, esp. 40 ff. For the visit to Philippotis, see Δούκας 1978, 35, 106-107. 9 10 Δούκας 1978, 35. Γουλάκη-Βουτυρά 1986, 93, fig. 302. For Nike of Epione, see op. cit., n. 1. 11 Fuchs 1969, 142, 143, figs. 134, 135. Β. Καλλιπολίτης, Ανασυγκρότηση του χάλκινου ίππου του Αρτεμισίου, ΑΑΑ V (1972), 419-426. See also ΓουλάκηΒουτυρά 1986, 41, 42. 12 See also the drawing in Γουλάκη-Βουτυρά 1986, fig. 506, together with his self-portrait of 1931, and also figs. 239, 240 (1931); he also uses it in depictions of the Nereids, fig. 234. 13 Γουλάκη-Βουτυρά 1986, 61, fig. 128. For the group of Aphrodite, Pan and Eros NAM 3335, see Fuchs 377, fig. 418. 14 See Παναθήναια 2010. For Venus de Milo with drawers, 1936-1964, bronze with white patina, 98x32.5x34 cm, see Dali, Rétrospective 1980, vol. 1, 233. 15 For Dali’s performances, see Manifeste en homage à Meissonier, exhibition catalogue, Hôtel Meurisse, Paris 1967; Bosquet 1983, 23 ff.; Dali, Rétrospective 1980, vol. 2, 163, 165, 206; Pitxot 2007; R. Descharnes - G. Neret, Salvador Dali 19041989. 2 vols. (Köln, Taschen, 2007). See also Dali’s Factory, https://www.formidablemag.com/salvador-dali-factory/(© 2011 FORMIDABLE MAG). Cf. Andy Warhol’s Factory in New York in three locations. 16 Republished in Spiteris’ book T. Σπητέρης, Ανταποκρίσεις. Καλλιτεχνικά βιώματα, Αθήνα, Πολύπλανο 1977, 160162. See Παναθήναια 2010, 35 (newspaper Ελευθερία, 6.12.64). 17 Dali refers to the preparation of a suite consisting of 16 engravings measuring 30x22.5 inches, published in 170 copies (on Arches and Japon paper). See Salvador Dali - The Mythology, 1961-1965. 18 Παναθήναια 2010, 14-15 (Χ. Τσαγκάλια) and p. 67, caricature by LOGO (Yannis Logothetis). 19 See relatedly https://gr.pinterest.com/pin/191 051209175553809/. For Dali and Amanda Lear on Hydra, see Helle Goldman’s book, When we were Almost Young, 2018, that refers to the period 1940-1980 (https://neoskosmos.com/el/188982/iydra-mias-allis-epochis/). Also, “Νταλί - Αμάντα Ληρ. Ένας μεγάλος Έρωτας”, newspaper Τα Νέα, 15.7.1985, From the Spiteris Archive at the Telloglion (GR TITSpit e273A2-61). 20 Nike, Victory Goddess of Samothrace Appears in a Tree Bathed in Light, ca. 1977. The Foundation Gala and Salvador Dali, Figueres. 21 Op. cit., n. 1. 22 The identification is ascribed to Rodin. Λαμπράκη-Πλάκα 1985, 55-56. See A. Goulaki-Voutyra, Representations of Nike in modern art, in M. Lagogianni-Georgakarakos (ed.), Glorious Victories. Between Myth and History, exhibition catalogue, National Archaeological Museum, Athens 2020, pp. 286-320. 23 In 1965 the German photographer Werner Bokelberg and the journalist Walter Hermann Schünemann visited Dali at “Le Meurice” hotel in Paris in order to photograph him for Stern magazine. Dali invited them to his residence at Port Lligat. The invitation eventually yielded the Da Da Dali Project, a performance that lasted eight days, during which Bokelberg photographed the model Lotte Tarp in surreal scenes directed by Dali. See Bokelberg 2009. See also https://www. formidablemag.com/salvador-dali-factory/(© 2011 FORMIDABLE MAG). 24 The Swiss fashion photographer Jean Clemmer (1926-2001) collaborated for many years since 1962 with Dali using as a model, during the early years, a German woman whom Dali had named Ginesta (small wildflower). Clemmer photographed the visual creations which Dali directed. The two of them had selected the fashion designer Paco Rabanne, who enjoyed Dali’s admiration, to dress with dramatic creations the models that inspired at times the painter in these happenings, namely Amanda Lear, Elsa Peretti, Donyale Luna, who were recorded in the film A Self-Portrait of Salvador Dali, a documentary narrated by Orson Welles. See the exhibition “Jean Clemmer, Collaborations Salvador Dali/Paco Rabanne”. Robert Berman Gallery, Santa Monica, CA, 6-28 April 2013. http://www. labelcuratorial.com/jean-clemmer. Also, in 2018 in New York, 10 Corso Como Gallery, in the exhibition “Salvador Dalí, Jean Clemmer. An Encounter, a Work”, organized by the Fondazione Sozzani in collaboration with the Jean Clemmer Archive, forty-two prints were presented for the first time in New York from the “Mises en scène” (1962-1967) and “Metamorphoses” (1970-1995) series, as well as photographs from the shooting of the film Le Divin Dalí, that was destroyed by fire in the film processing laboratory (see https://www.architecturaldigest. com/story/10-corso-como-salvador-dali-and-jean-clemmer). 25 See the shots Dali et Ginesta. La coupe de champagne, gelatin silver print, 50x40cm. Also, Dali et Ginesta. Le jet d’eau (l’arrosoir), possibly 1965, gelatin silver print, 37x37cm. See also the Tête d’ange by Jean Clemmer, 1967 (fig. 19), in which the posture of the model – figure wearing white leggings – resembles Nike. 3 4 CHRISTINA AVRONIDAKI Nike secreted in the storerooms of the National Archaeological Museum 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 For the early representations of Nike in athletic contexts, see Κεφαλίδου 1996, 148. See Avronidaki 2020. On the nuptial symbolism of the bundled himation in Attic iconography, see Reilly 1989, 423 and n. 70. Cf. Sabetai 1997, 321323. See Vivliodetis 2020, with the earlier bibliography on these figures. Cf. O. Dräger, CVA Erlangen 2, 96-97 (text to pl. 40,6.10.11). E. Kunze-Götte, CVA München 15, 25 (text to pl. 7.5-8.10). See Sabetai 1993, I, 82-84; Pfisterer-Haas 2003, 168-177, 189-195; Σαμπετάι 2008, 72 (text to no. 5); Dasen 2016, 75-81. See Kéi 2015, 271-280. See Kéi 2008, 197-203. Cf. Kéi 2015, 273. On the concept of aidos denoted by the himation wrapped around the body, see Ferrari 1990, 185-204; Ferrari 2002, 54-56 and 61-86, esp. 72 ff. See N. Zimmermann-Elseify, CVA Berlin 13, 45 (text to pl. 27). 5 6 7 8 9 SAPPHO ATHANASOPOULOU ALEXANDRA CHATZIPANAGIOTOU Small bronze artworks, bearers of great messages… Nikai from the Metalwork Collection of the National Archaeological Museum 1 2 The publication of C. Isler-Kerényi, Nike. Der Typus der laufenden Flügelfrau in archaischer Zeit, Erlenbach - Zürich - Stuttgart 1969 is essential. Generally, on Nike, see LIMC VI, s.v. Nike, 850-904 (A. Moustaka - A. Goulaki-Voutyra - U. Grote). Similar Nikai displayed in museums abroad (e.g., in Rome, Bonn, Karlsruhe) come from the Acropolis of Athens or Athens in general. See relatedly Mark 10 11 1988, 32-33. The unpublished Nike, inv. no. Χ 7734 (fig. 4), was purchased by the Archaeological Society and, according to the documentation in the NAM archive, it was found “North of the Acropolis”. Προσκυνητοπούλου 2006, 143-144. During the Archaic period the iconographic type of Nike had not been consolidated yet, something that occurred gradually from the Early Classical period onwards, turning the reliable identification of winged female figures difficult. However, the typological criteria as well as the thematic aspects often favour the identification of the Archaic winged figures in general as Nikai, see Thöne 1999, 18; LIMC VI, s.v. Nike, 898. Regarding the confusion in the identification of Nike with other mythological winged figures, see Vivliodetis 2020, 206-208. Fuchs - Floren 1987, 307, n. 59. According to Mark 1988, 37-38, the entire group was produced in Attica and the effort to attribute individual examples to other workshops is not convincing. Mark 1988, 34-37. Isler-Kerényi 1969, 58, 65, 66-67. De Ridder 1896, 320-321, no. 805, fig. 311. Isler-Kerényi 1969, 141, no. 108, pl. 2. Gauer 1981, 150, n. 131. Fuchs - Floren 1987, 307, n. 59 (referenced in De Ridder 1896, no. 805). LIMC VI, s.v. Nike, 856, no. 43, pl. 561 (A. Moustaka). Thöne 1999, 18, 22, n. 85. Preserved height: 0.075, max. width: 0.08 m. Payne et al. 1940, 134, pl. 42.3-4. IslerKerényi 1969, 141, no. 109. Fuchs - Floren 1987, 202, n. 109, 199, n. 88 (referenced in Payne et al. 1940, pl. 42.3-4). Stibbe 2006, 200, n. 166. Preserved height: 0.125, max. width: 0,095 m. De Ridder 1896, 316-317, no. 799, fig. 305. Isler-Kerényi 1969, 141, no. 112, pl. 4. Fuchs Floren 1987, 307, n. 59 (referenced in De Ridder 1896, no. 799). Gauer 1981, 150, n. 131. Thöne 1999, 18, 22, n. 85. Preserved height: 0.08, max. width: 0.095 m. Unpublished. Referenced in: Μυλωνάς 1878, 544 (67); De Ridder 1894, 168-169, no. 909. An exact parallel, possibly cast in the same mould, is Nike inv. no. NAM Χ 6483, that is now kept in the Acropolis Museum. See De Ridder 1896, 317, no. 800, fig. 306; Isler-Kerényi 1969, 141, no. 111, pl. 4. Preserved height: 0.108, max. width: 0.09 m. De Ridder 1896, 317-318, no. 801, fig. 307. Isler-Kerényi 1969, 142, no. 121. Fuchs Floren 1987, 307, n. 59 (referenced in De Ridder 1896, no. 801). Thöne 1999, 18, 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 22, n. 85. Preserved height: 0.075, max. width: 0.074 m. De Ridder 1896, 318-319, no. 802, fig. 308. Isler-Kerényi 1969, 142, no. 123. Fuchs Floren 1987, 307, n. 59 (referenced in De Ridder 1896, 802). Thöne 1999, 18, 22, n. 85. Καλτσάς - Shapiro 2009, 67, no. 25 (Μ. Ζαφειροπούλου). Τσαγκάρη 2011, 174, cat. no. 360 (Ν. Παλαιοκρασσά). Total height: 0.11, max. width: 0.081 m. For palmettes of the Attic type, see specifically Τarditti 2016, 217, fig. 3. They can be compared to: a) bronze feet of vessels from the Acropolis of Athens (NAM Χ 6520-Χ 6522) in the form of lion’s paws with Siren, crowned with a palmette growing from a pair of volutes (Τarditti 2016, 41, 220, F.1.I.D), and b) bronze lion paws - feet of vessels surmounted by a palmetted crown-attachment and pair of volutes, from the Athenian Acropolis, products of Attic workshops (Τarditti 2016, 43-52, 220-222, F.2.IΙ.Β and F.2.IΙ.C). Similar Nikai have been found in the sanctuary of Hera Limenia at Perachora, see relatedly Payne et al. 1940, 166, pl. 70:1,2-9, pl. 71:5,7-9 (NAM X 15174-X 15178). Goulaki-Voutyra 2020, 287, n. 8. A Nike from the British Museum (Br. Mus. 491) of unknown provenance, typologically related to the Acropolis group and possibly produced in an Attic workshop, is depicted holding a flower bud (Βοκοτοπούλου 1997, 98, 239, cat. no. 82; Rolley 1983, 107, 108, figs. 89, 110). LIMC VI, s.v. Nike, 896. Thöne 1999, 18, n. 48. The attribution to the sculptor Archermos of Chios is not well-grounded. On this statue in general and its problematic identification, see Καλτσάς 2001, 54-55, no 58; Thomsen 2011, 165; Lagogianni-Georgakarakos 2020, 324-325, cat. no. 1 (Ε. Leka). De Ridder 1896, 322-323, no. 807, fig. 313. Isler-Kerényi 1969, 141, no. 114, pl. 5. Fuchs - Floren 1987, 307, n. 59 (referenced in De Ridder 1896, no. 807). Gauer 1981, 150, n. 131. Thöne 1999, 18, 22, n. 85. Kaltsas 2006, 201, no. 95 (M. Zapheiropoulou). Preserved height: 0.088, max. width: 0.085 m. De Ridder 1896, 325, no. 811, fig. 317. Isler-Kerényi 1969, 141, no. 115, pl. 6. Fuchs - Floren 1987, 307, n. 59 (referenced in De Ridder 1896, no. 811). Gauer 1981, 150, n. 131. LIMC VI, s.v. Nike, 856, no. 47, pl. 562 (A. Moustaka). Thöne 1999, 18, 22, n. 85. Kαλτσάς - Shapiro 2009, 68, no. 26 (M. Ζαφειροπούλου). Preserved height: 0.102, max. width: 0.082 m. 401 20 De Ridder 1896, 326, no. 812, fig. 318. Isler-Kerényi 1969, 142, no. 117, pl. 8. Fuchs - Floren 1987, 307, n. 59 (referenced in De Ridder 1896, no. 812). Gauer 1981, 150, n. 131. Thöne 1999, 18, 22, n. 85. Preserved height: 0.098, max. width: 0.091 m. 21 De Ridder 1896, 326-327, no. 813, fig. 319. Isler-Kerényi 1969, 142, no. 118, pl. 8. Fuchs - Floren 1987, 307, n. 59 (referenced in De Ridder 1896, no. 813). Gauer 1981, 150, n. 131. Thöne 1999, 18, 22, n. 85. Total height: 0.100, max. width: 0.051 m. 22 De Ridder 1896, 327, no. 814, fig. 320. Isler-Kerényi 1969, 142, no. 119. Fuchs Floren 1987, 307, n. 59 (referenced in De Ridder 1896, no. 814). Gauer 1981, 150, n. 131. Thöne 1999, 18, 22, n. 85. Preserved height: 0.085, max. width: 0.082 m. 23 De Ridder 1896, 321-322, no. 806, fig. 312. Isler-Kerényi 1969, 142, no. 120, pl. 9. Tölle-Kastenbein 1980, 219, n. 440. Herfort-Koch 1986, 31, n. 109. Fuchs - Floren 1987, 307, n. 59 (referenced in De Ridder 1896, no. 806). Thöne 1999, 18, 22, n. 85. Total height: 0.152, max. preserved width: 0.125 m. 24 De Ridder 1896, 324-325, no. 810, fig. 316. Isler-Kerényi 1969, 142, no. 125, pl. 11. Fuchs - Floren 1987, 307, n. 59 (referenced in De Ridder 1896, no. 810). Thöne 1999, 18, 22, n. 85. Preserved height: 0.108, max. width: 0.095 m. 25 For the Nike of Kallimachos, see Thöne 1999, 18-20; Τριάντη 1998, 95, figs. 156-157 (without the left arm); Keesling 2010; Valavanis 2020, 164, n. 5. The monument consisted of a female statue made of Parian marble on top of an unfluted Ionic column, accompanied by an engraved epigram arranged in two lines. It was dedicated to the goddess Athena shortly after 490 BC and was installed next to the NE corner of the Older Parthenon honouring after death the polemarch Kallimachos, whose vote was decisive for the selection of Marathon as the site at which the battle would be fought (490 BC) on that day and at the specific time, thereby offering a historic victory to the Greeks against the Persians. See also here, D. Pandermalis, The statue of Nike of Kallimachos, pp. 30-33. 26 Keesling 2010, 129. 27 De Ridder 1896, 324, no. 809, fig. 315. Isler-Kerényi 1969, 141, no. 113, pl. 5. Fuchs - Floren 1987, 307, n. 59 (referenced in De Ridder 1896, no. 809). Thöne 1999, 18, 22, n. 85. Preserved height: 0.065, max. width: 0.07 m. 402 28 Isler-Kerényi 1969, 62. For the “Peplos Kore” of the Acropolis, see Καρακάση 2017, figs. 238-239, 244-247. 29 Harrison 1971, 8-9. Thöne 1999, 22, n. 85. Τσαγκάρη 2011, 174, cat. no. 360 (Ν. Παλαιοκρασσά). 30 Καλτσάς - Shapiro 2006, 67, cat. no. 25 (Μ. Ζαφειροπούλου). 31 Mark 1988, 56-59. 32 Κεφαλίδου 2004, 77-78 and for prizes in general, see 77-80. 33 Κεφαλίδου 2004, 78-79. 34 LIMC VI, s.v. Nike, 896. 35 Καλτσάς - Shapiro 2009, 68, no. 26 (Μ. Ζαφειροπούλου). For dithyrambic contests in Attica and cauldrons as prizes, see Κεφαλίδου 2004, 82; Τσούλη 2020, 181-186. 36 LIMC VI, s.v. Nike, 897. See relatedly Mark 1988, 33. 37 Harrison 1971, 8. 38 Thomsen 2011, 286, analytically 224-235. 39 Tsigarida 2018, 167, in which Corinth is discussed as a significant production centre of terracotta acroteria, but also statues, statuettes and clay figurines. For the terracotta Nikai of Olympia that cover the period from 530/520 to 490 BC, see Moustaka 1993, 64-97, pls. 52-93. For the designs of the garments, see op. cit., 66, fig. 2, for the wreaths, see op. cit., 70, pls. 58-59. On Archaic Nike acroteria in general, see Danner 1989, 42-43. 40 For Nike in numismatic issues of Olympia, see Ιακωβίδου 2013. 41 Le Roy 1967, 236-237, no. 2, pl. 86. 42 Moustaka 1993, 72. 43 Θεοφανείδου 1939-1941, 16 (reference). Height: 0.108, max. width: 0.06 m. 44 Cf. Nike - Victoria 2004, 36, 38, fig. 1. For the iconography of Nike during the Classical period, see LIMC VI, s.v. Nike, 859881; Thöne 1999, esp. 28-32, 94-96. 45 Κεφαλίδου 2004, 74, 77, 80. 46 In addition to the bibliographic references mentioned below on the specific motif of Nike in ancient art, see also the material gathered in the brief interesting essays that comprise the catalogue of the exhibition of the National Archaeological Museum “Glorious Victories. Between Myth and History”: Lambrinoudakis 2020; Valavanis 2020; Tsouli 2020. 47 Isler-Kerényi 1969. LIMC VI, s.v. Nike, nos. 1-54, 852-857 (A. Moustaka). 48 Carpenter 1971, 43, no. 27. Mark 1993, 76, 90-91. LIMC VI, s.v. Nike, 857, nos. 57 and 58 (A. Moustaka), 866, nos. 168-172, 873, nos. 272, 878, no. 337 (A. Goulaki-Voutira), 894-895, nos. 713-718 (U. Grote). 49 LIMC VI, s.v. Nike, 866, nos. 173-181, 871, nos. 237, 893-894, nos. 688-712. Μανακίδου 1994, 72-78. 50 Perdrizet 1900, 349, n. 6. Furtwängler 1900, pls. 14, 27. Lippold 1922, pl. 32,8. 51 A small number of mirrors with representations of Nike have been documented in the catalogues of the preserved ancient bronze mirrors, known in bibliography: Richter 1915; Jantzen 1937; Züchner 1942; Oberländer 1967; Lamb 1969; Keene-Congdon 1981; Zimmer 1991; Schwarzmeier 1997. 52 See representations of Nikai in nuptial vases: Vivliodetis 2020. 53 ΑΔ 30 (1975), Β1, 2, pl. 2β (Ν. Γιαλούρης). Touchais 1984, 736, fig. 4. Fuchs - Floren 1987, 307, n. 59. Diameter of mirror: 0.17 m. 54 Züchner 1942, 118. 55 Oberländer 1967, 32. 56 The conventional movement of figures in motion was already known in vase painting of the first half of the 6th c. BC. For Nikai of the “en gounasi dromos” type, see LIMC VI, s.v. Nike, 852-857, nos. 1-54; Thomsen 2011, 163-165. See also above the Nikai of the Acropolis group. 57 According to Fuchs - Floren 1987, 307, n. 59, it is dated from the 6th c. BC. 58 Züchner 1942, 47, KS 63, fig. 22. Kunisch 1964, 10, no. 5, 22 ff. Weber 1976, 154, n. 24, 159, pl. 51, 2. LIMC VI, s.v. Nike, 866, no. 170. Schwarzmeier 1997, 251, cat. no. 39. Diameter of cover: 0.163, diameter of disc: 0.16 m. 59 Confiscated from an Athenian art dealer by the Director of the National Archaeological Museum, V. Stais (Züchner 1942, 47). 60 The type emerged in the late 5th-early 4th c. BC and prevailed until the 3rd c. BC, as such mirrors were produced in large quantities in the two most significant bronzeworking centres (at Corinth and Athens), but also other workshops of toreutics, in Chalcis, Ionia, but also Magna Graecia (Züchner 1942, 119; Βοκοτοπούλου 1997, 41), whereas their production ceased in the late 3rd c. BC (Schwarzmeier 1997, 17). 61 For the repoussé technique, see Züchner 1942, 138; Stewart 1980, 25; Schwarzmeier 1997, 16. 62 Bonding and completions on the decorated surface and around the edges of the cover were undertaken as part of earlier conservation and restoration treatments of the work. Cf. Züchner 1942, 48, fig. 22, in which the work is illustrated before restoration. 63 Züchner 1942, 48 and Schwarzmeier 1997, 115, n. 607 and 194, whereas Weber considers the relation of the work to an Attic workshop more probable (Weber 1976, 159). 64 Smith 1886, 275-285. 65 LIMC VI, s.v. Nike, 866, no. 168, 873, no. 272. Valavanis 2020, 167, fig. 3. 66 Such as the marble slab from the pedestal of a choragic monument (inv. no. NAM Γ 3496) of the first quarter of the 4th c. BC from Athens, with representation of Dionysus flanked by Nikai leading bulls to sacrifice: see Tsouli 2020, 181, n. 12, fig. 4. 67 Thomsen 2011, 194-196, fig. 83, that discusses the connection between the representation of Nike - bull and the tripod - prize awarded in dithyrambic contests, not necessarily in the Great Dionysia as has often been maintained. 68 Κεφαλίδου 2004, 82. Καλτσάς 2004, 348, no. 216 (Α. Αλεξανδροπούλου). Valavanis 2020, 166-168. Tsouli 2020, 181, n. 5-8. Κεφαλίδου 1996, 155-156. Thomsen 2011, 194-195, fig. 83. 69 Κεφαλίδου 2004, 82. 70 Smith 1886, 275. LIMC VI, s.v. Nike, 866, nos. 168-172, 894-895, nos. 713-718. 71 LIMC VI, s.v. Nike, 866, no. 169, with relevant bibliography on the theme of the slabs of the Athena Nike temple, frequently copied also during the Roman period. 72 Μπρούσκαρη 1996, 80, figs. 50, 86. Carpenter 1971, 19 with Nikai leading a bull to sacrifice and 43 no. 27, pl. XVII (slab on the west face of the parapet, from the relief of which are preserved fragments depicting Nike performing the sacrifice). Smith analyses in detail the iconographic motif and its relation to Nike “bouthytousa” of the Athena Nike parapet (Smith 1886, 275-285). See also Weber 1976, 159, pl. 51, 2, in which she characteristically argues: “this motif, which still reflects in this mirror relief the ideal body of the high Classical period, is frequently reproduced in sculpture”; Thomsen 2011, 193. 73 See Mark 1988; Mark 1993; Βαλαβάνης 2013, 80. 74 Mark 1988. Βαλαβάνης 2013, 80: In the case of the sculptural decoration of the freeze and the parapet of the temple of Athena Nike, ideological goals were fulfilled, such as the honour shown to the goddess but also the promotion of military victories. 75 LIMC VI, s.v. Nike, no. 714, medallion on a guttus, second half of the 3rd c. BC (Museum of Fine Arts, Budapest, no. 50.83); 76 77 78 79 80 no. 715, medallion on a guttus with representation of Nike sacrificing a bull, from Campania, second half of the 3rd c. BC (National Museum of Denmark, Copenhagen, no. 17) and no. 716, medallion on a guttus with representation of Nike sacrificing a bull, from Campania, late 3rd-early 2nd c. BC (National Museum of Denmark, Copenhagen, no. 5000). See LIMC VI, s.v. Nike, 866, no. 171, with relevant bibliography: cameo set into a gold ring, from Crimea (no. 1834/5.9, State Hermitage Museum) with relief representation of Nike sacrificing a bull, late 5th c. BC; Walters, BM Gems, no. 568: scaraboid chalcedony with Nike sacrificing a bull, 5th/4th c. BC (British Museum); Smith 1886, 279-285, that discusses the differences in the pose, the figure and the garment of Nike, the posture of the bull, but also the rendering of the altar in some variations of a motif that had now become conventional, in examples of repoussé ring stones dating around the mid-3rd c. BC from the Collection of the British Museum; but also p. 895, no. 717, representation on a coin from Syracuse after 212 BC (SNG Copenhagen, 910) and no. 718, bronze statuette of Nike sacrificing a bull, from Magna Graecia, 3rd-1st c. BC (National Museum of Denmark, Copenhagen, Αba. 789). Smith 1886, 276, pl. D. Walters 1899, no. 290. Züchner 1942, 47, KS 62, fig. 124, which he dates around 375 BC, whereas Schwarzmeier 1997, 291, no. 138 dates it around 320 BC. Züchner 1942, 47, KS 63, fig. 22. The characteristic Corinthian mirror KS 14 with Aphrodite and Eros, in which the hair of the two figures but also the face of Aphrodite strongly recall the Nike of X 16115 has been dated by Züchner in the same period (Züchner 1942, 13, pl. 24; Walters, BM Bronzes, no. 292). Also, Weber 1976, 159, pl. 51, 2, in which her analysis endorses the chronological approach of Züchner. Schwarzmeier considers that the mirror belongs to the majority of the surviving folding mirrors dating around 330-270 BC, namely in the heyday of their production (Schwarzmeier 1997, 231, 251). Μυλωνάς 1884, 73-80, pl. 6 (1,2). De Ridder 1894, no. 158. LIMC VI, s.v. Nereides, 813, no. 398b (N. Icard - A.V. Szabados). Schwarzmeier 1997, 245-246, no. 24, fig. 6, pl. 13 (bottom). Τουλούπα 1971, 51, fig. 81 82 83 84 85 86 87 88 89 90 91 92 93 94 95 96 97 3. Züchner 1942, 89, KS 148, 90, fig. 44, 91 fig. 45. Diameter: 0.15 m. Acquired through purchase by the Archaeological Society at Athens. Μυλωνάς 1884, 75. Μανακίδου 1994, 77-78, nn. 226-233. For Nike in Attic vase painting depicted from the mid-5th c. BC onwards accompanying a racing chariot, and from the 4th c. BC to the Hellenistic period crowning the victorious charioteer or offering him the prizes or pouring a libation celebrating his victory, see Κεφαλίδου 1996, 240, no. 146; Καλτσάς 2004, 238, no. 127 (Α. Γκαδόλου). Additional information on the theme of Nike on chariot is found below, associated with the plaques from the inner concave surface of shields with inv. no. Καρ. 99, Καρ. 98, Καρ. 97. There are no similar examples on mirrors in bibliography. In a mirror cover at the British Museum, cat. no. 1910.4-12.1b, Nike is depicted in relief driving a synoris (chariot pulled by two horses) dated by Schwarzmeier to 280 BC (Schwarzmeier 1997, 300, cat. no. 161, pl. 50, 2), while, according to Züchner, it is dated to 300 BC (Züchner 1942, 49, KS 66, pl. 18). See Μυλωνάς 1884, 75, n. 2. Μυλωνάς 1884, 76. Homer, Iliad, Τ (Book 19), 1 ff. Ιακωβίδου 2010, 59, 87, 89, 465. Μυλωνάς 1884, 75. Züchner 1942, 89, KS 148, 90, fig. 44, 91, fig. 45 (ca. 350 BC). Schwarzmeier 1997, 245-246 (300/290 BC). De Ridder 1894, no. 167b. Perdrizet 1900, 348, pl. Ιb. Züchner 49, ΚS 67, pl. 24. Schwarzmeier 1997, 246, cat. no. 25, pl. 59,2. Diameter of disc: 0.09 m. The object entered the Collection of the Archaeological Society at Athens in 1891 (no. 1483) through purchase, but its provenance was never disclosed. Heydemann 1877. Perdrizet 1900, 349, n. 1,2 and 5-7. Dörig 1959, 50-51, figs. 7-11. Souchal 1961, 257-272. See Χιδίρογλου 2012, in which, aside from the analysis of the terracotta figurine of the National Archaeological Museum inv. no. 12112 from Eretria, dating to the late 4th c. BC, that depicts a maiden playing knucklebones, many similar examples in figurines, plastic works and vases are presented. Furtwängler 1900, pl. 14, no. 27, in which it is described as a finely worked object of the 4th c. BC. Lippold 1922, pl. 32, no. 8. Regling 1924, pl. 36, no. 744. Ιακωβίδου 2010, 231, 233, 234. 403 98 Perdrizet 1900, 351. 99 Thomsen 2011, 197, 200-203, fig. 85b. 100 Züchner 1942, 49, also according to the dating by De Ridder. 101 Schwarzmaier 1997, 246. 102 The hydria was found inside a cylindrical stone case covered by a Doric column drum, near a tholos tomb of the Archaic period in the cemetery of ancient Pharsalos: Βερδελής 1953, 127 (reference); Courbin 1954, 134 (reference); Cook - Boardman 1954, 158 (reference); Von Bothmer 1965, 604 (reference); Τουλουμτζίδου 2011, 641-642, 656-657, no. 5, pl. 87ε. The complete publication of the hydria is expected by M. Stamatopoulou, Associate Professor in Classical Archaeology and Art, University of Oxford. 103 Sowder 2009, 324. 104 Five vases are discussed, including the hydria NAM Χ18787: Sowder 2009, 324, n. 81, 600, Cat. 20.46, pl. Cat. 20.46 (two photographs by the author are included in pages that have not been reproduced in the publication, following her request). 105 Τουλουμτζίδου 2011, 654-656. 106 LIMC VI, s.v. Nike, 901-902. 107 Lambrinoudakis 2020, 161. 108 It was the lightest and cheapest chariot that gained popularity from the 4th c. onwards (Nike - Victoria 2004, 79). 109 Carapanos 1878, 195, pl. 19.2. Kunze 1950, 243. Kunze 1958, 94, n. 29, 97, n. 32, 105, fig. 83 (right). Bol 1989, 27, n. 104. LIMC VI, s.v. Nike, 859, no. 91, pl. 567, 91. Thöne 1999, 108, n. 605. Keesling 2010, 124, n. 70. Max. preserved height: 0.061, max. preserved width: 0.035 m. 110 Carapanos 1878, 194, pl. 19.4. Kunze 1950, 243. Kunze 1958, 97, n. 32, 105, fig. 83 (right). Bol 1989, 27, n. 104. Thöne 1999, 108, n. 605. Max. preserved height: 0.05, max. preserved width: 0.065 m. 111 Carapanos 1878, 195, pl. 19.3. Hoffmann 1964, 53-55, pl. 30. Μανακίδου 1994, 295, no. 20. Max. preserved height: 0.048, max. preserved width: 0.071 m. 112 Μανακίδου 1994, 72. 113 LIMC VI, s.v. Nike, 899, 903. It is a particularly common theme in Sicilian coins, associated with athletic games mainly, of local or Panhellenic character. The Sicilians had a long tradition in chariot races and considered the horses and their owners, who were often local tyrants, as victors, see relatedly Τσαγκάρη 2011, 176; Μπούγια 2004, 65; Nike - Victoria 2004, 78. 114 Μανακίδου 1994, 77, n. 226. The votive of the Athenians set up anew after the 404 115 116 117 118 119 120 121 122 123 destruction of the city by the Persians was considered particularly important. According to C.M. Keesling (2010, 123124), it could be the first monument to adopt an element from the iconography of athletic Games to denote a different kind of agon: “the armed conflict against the foreign intruder”. Μανακίδου 1994, 77, n. 227. Kunze 1958, 105-106, n. 56. Μανακίδου 1994, 77, n. 227. Tsouli 2020, 179. Mommsen 2002, 27. For indicative and latest bibliography on the work, see Pollitt 1986, 147, pl. 159; Moreno 1994; Καλτσάς 2001, 286, no. 603; Hemingway 2004. Height of the jockey: 0.84, height of the horse: 2.05, length without the restored tail: 2.50 m. Hemingway 2004, 71, 102, fig. 59. Κεφαλίδου 2004, 86, fig. 9. Moore 1971, 378-381. Jones 1987, 139-155. Hemingway 2004, 101. Hemingway 2004, 101, n. 90. Hemingway 2004, 101, n. 91. Fritzilas 2019, 318. Valavanis 2020, 174-175, n. 31. Valavanis 2020, 175, n. 32. 8 9 CHRYSANTHI TSOULI Chronicle of a journey. The Nike of Megara at the National Archaeological Museum 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 No. 895 of the Inventory of Stone Antiquities of the Archaeological Society. Kekulé 1869, 165, no. 379. Sybel 1881, 250, no. 3435. Purgold 1881, 275-282, pl. 1011. Καββαδίας 1890-1892, 182, no. 225. Alscher 1956, 123-125, pl. 44. Gulaki 1981, 79-88, fig. 36. LIMC VI, 882, no. 388, s.v. Nike (U. Grote). Δεσπίνης 2010, 12 ff. Κ. Πιττάκης, ΑΕ 1853, 804-805, no. 1327. Δεσπίνης 2010, 13-14. Erroneously in a document of 1827 (Πρωτοψάλτης 1967, 30-31, document no. 23) it is mentioned that Th. Rentis “had purchased the statues a few years before the revolution”, see Δεσπίνης 2010, 14, 16. Αρχεία της Eθνικής Παλιγγενεσίας 18211832. Αι Εθνικαί Συνελεύσεις, vol. 3 (Α΄), Αθήναι 1971, p. 537, article Η΄. Πρωτοψάλτης 1967, 30-32, document no. 23. Δεσπίνης 2010, 16-17. Πετράκος 2015, Ι, 59-61, ΙΙ, document no. 75. Τσούλη 2019a, 84. Πρωτοψάλτης 1967, 90-91, no. 63. Dinsmoor 1943. Δεσπίνης 2010, 22-25. Kambanis’ Catalogue of the Museum of Aegina, in Καββαδίας 1890-1892, 30, no. 10 11 12 13 14 15 309. Δεσπίνης 2010, 15, n. 11, 33-34 (with reference to the letter of Fr. Thiersch dated October 5, 1831 in which the statue is mentioned as having been moved to the Museum of Aegina already). According to G. Despinis (Δεσπίνης 2010, 18-19), the statue was most likely transferred to the Museum in May 1831 along with other antiquities from Megara and Eleusis, see Καββαδίας 1890-1892, 23. Δεσπίνης 2010, 18, 20-21, 28-33. The identification was questioned by O. Palagia (Παλαγγιά 2017, 190, nn. 35-36), because the work had been recorded by the French Scientific Expedition to the Morea at the Museum of Aegina before the end of 1829 (Blouet 1838, 22, pl. 45, fig. II). This fact does not exclude the possibility that the statue actually came from Megara, but its transfer to the Museum did not take place in May 1831 along with the rest of the Megarian antiquities (see above, n. 7), but earlier, since it was not registered in Kambanis’ Catalogue alongside the other works from Megara, but was documented as an accession. A document dated May 20, 1829 mentioning that the statues excavated by Rentis were still “half-buried in the locality of Megara” establishes a terminus post quem for the transfer of the work to Aegina (Πρωτοψάλτης 1967, 9091, no. 63). It should also be noted that, following our inspection, it was found out that other sculptures recorded at the Museum of Aegina by the French Scientific Expedition before the end of 1829 have also been documented in Kambanis’ Catalogue of the Museum of Aegina, as having entered the Museum in 1830-1831, see indicatively Tsouli 2020b, 268, n. 11. Πετράκος 2010, 51-59. Δεσπίνης 2010, 33-34. Πετράκος 2009, 275, no. 13. Δεσπίνης 2010, 19, n. 25. See also Ross 1848, 139. Α. Ραγκαβής, ΠΑΕ 1841, 122-123. Δεσπίνης 2010, 19-20. Lagogianni-Georgakarakos - Koutsogiannis 2015, no. 75. See also the photograph of the sculpture in front of the Temple of Hephaestus in 1852-1854 in Μαλλούχου-Tufano 1998, 25, fig. 18. Gulaki 1981, 82-83. Gulaki (1981, 84, 86-88) has associated the work with Demetrios of Macedon (Poliorcetes) who had conquered Megara in 306 BC and used in the coins issued under his reign the sculptural type of Nike standing on the prow of a ship. 16 See also here, O. Palagia, The Nike of Paionios, pp. 102-117 and The Nike of Samothrace, pp. 148-169. For a complete catalogue of monuments commemorating military victories on land and at sea, see indicatively Brogan 1999, Rabe 2008 and Lorenzo 2011, with earlier bibliography. 13 14 15 MARIA CHIDIROGLOU Nikai for the present and beyond. Figurines, lamps and jewels in the form of Nike from the Collections of the National Archaeological Museum 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 Hesiod, Theogony, 384, 397-403. Sources on Nike: LIMC VI, s.v. Nike, 850-851 (A. Goulaki-Voutira). Burkert 1993, 305, 359, 388. Herodotus, Histories, 8.77.2. Euripides, Orestes, 1691. Δεσποίνη 1996, 266. LIMC VI, 850-851 (A. Goulaki-Voutira). See indicatively Gulaki 1981. See analytically the relevant texts in this volume. NAM 3976: Height: 0.21 m Complete, mended. Mould-made. Reddish yellow clay, Munsell 5 YR 6/6. See Hutton 1899, 31-32, n. 3, fig. 4. Cf. Corinth XVIII.4, 28, n. 34 (Maying Group). See indicatively Jeammet - Mathieux 2010, 160-162. Cf. indicatively Delivorrias 1991, 129-157. NAM 6001: Height: 0.37 m. It entered the Museum through purchase by Erneris. Almost complete; mended. The fingertips of the right hand are missing. Mouldmade. Reddish yellow clay, Munsell 5 YR 6/6. The antiquities dealers I. and A. Erneris are referred to by Conze 1893-1922, 416, 508-509, 693, 868-869, 884, 937938, 1303, 1533, 1859, 1916. Cf. Ferruzza 2016, 131. NAM 6037/ΑΕ 1460: Height: 0.292 m. It entered the Museum through purchase by Lafazanis. Incomplete; mended. Sections of the fingers are missing. Part of the right wing is broken. Fragments of the wing that can be joined together are preserved. Traces of white slip and rosepink paint are preserved. Mould-made. Reddish yellow clay, Munsell 5 YR 6/6, 7/6. Indicatively, reference to the antiquities dealer S. Lafazanis for 1863 is found in Κουμανούδης 1871, 93, no. 711 (S. Lafazanis owned an ancient block of stone bearing the inscription Νέων Νέωνος 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 Κυδαθηναιεύς collected and documented by S. Koumanoudes). For the melon coiffure and other ancient hairstyles, see indicatively Vlachogianni 2018, 303-316. For the statue type of Praxitelean Kore, see indicatively Baumer 1997, 31-39; Καλτσάς - Δεσπίνης 2007, 42-43. Cf. the hairstyle and the wreaths in female figurines of the 3rd c. BC from Southern Italy in Leiden: Leyenaar-Plaisier 1979, 511-512, no. 1495, 1496, pl. 190. NAM 6038/ΑΕ 1461: Height: 0.245, max. width: 0.175 m. It entered the Museum through purchase by Lafazanis. Mended in the right wing and the right hand. Hollow. Traces of white slip. Mould-made. Reddish yellow clay, Munsell 5 YR 6/6, 7/6. NAM 6039/ΑΕ 1462: Height: 0.215, max. width: 0.09 m. It entered the Museum through purchase by Lafazanis. Incomplete and mended. The fingers are missing and also the left wing of which only a fragment is preserved. Traces of white slip. Mould-made. Reddish yellow clay, Munsell 5 YR 6/6, 7/6. NAM 6040/ΑΕ 1463. Height: 0.24, max. width: 0.095 m. It entered the Museum through purchase by Lafazanis. Incomplete and mended. Rosy paint is preserved on the tympanon. Mould-made. Reddish yellow clay, Munsell 5 YR 6/6, 7/6. For the Ioannis Misthos Collection that became part of the National Archaeological Museum in 1889 and 1892, see indicatively Avronidaki - Vivliodetis 2018, 5. See indicatively Mollard-Besques 1963; Burn - Higgins 2001, 113-115; Kassab Tezgör 2010, 186-188. Kassab Tezgör 2010, 186-187. Mrogenda 1996. Burn 2004, 127-128. NAM 5084: Height: 0.37 m. From Myrina, Asia Minor. Ioannis Misthos Collection. Complete, mended and restored. The fingers are missing. Traces of white slip and yellow paint on the left wing of the figure. Small triangular vent hole on the coarsely worked backside. Mouldmade. Reddish brown clay, Munsell 5 YR 5/4. See Φιλαδελφεύς 1928, pl. ΧΙΙ, 3; Lagogianni-Georgakarakos 2017, 496, no. 337 (Μ. Chidiroglou). Cf. Hamdorf 1996, 115, 207, fig. 142 (190-160 π.Χ.). Related figurines: LIMC VI, s.v. Nike, 885-890, nos. 462-548, pls. 593-597 (A. Moustaka - A. Goulaki-Voutira - U. Grote). 25 NAM 5085: Height: 0.40 m. From Myrina, Asia Minor. Ioannis Misthos Collection. Complete, mended and restored. The fingers and the left foot are missing. Traces of white slip over a large part of the surface; traces of blue paint on the peplos folds and red on the hair. Small ovoid vent hole on the coarsely worked backside. Mould-made. Light red clay, Munsell 2.5 YR 6/6, 6/8. 26 See Φιλαδελφεύς 1928, pl. ΧΙΙ, 1; Lagogianni-Georgakarakos 2017, 495, no. 336 (Μ. Chidiroglou). Cf. Burn - Higgins 2001, 121-122, nos. 2285-2286, pl. 52. Related figurines: LIMC VI, s.v. Nike, 885-890, nos. 462-548, pls. 593-597 (A. Moustaka - A. Goulaki-Voutira - U. Grote). 27 NAM 5086: Height: 0.20 m. From Myrina, Asia Minor. Ioannis Misthos Collection. Complete, mended. Mould-made. Light reddish-brown clay, Munsell 2.5 YR 6/3, 6/4. See Φιλαδελφεύς 1928, pl. ΧΙΙ, 2. The figurine was loaned by the National Archaeological Museum for the exhibition Divine Dialogues, held at the Museum of Cycladic Art in 2017. 28 NAM 5095: Height: 0.26 m. From Myrina, Asia Minor. Ioannis Misthos Collection 471. See indicatively Winter 1903, II, 188, 3a; Φιλαδελφεύς 1928, pl. Χ, 1; LIMC VI, 885, no. 463 (A. Moustaka - A. Goulaki-Voutira - U. Grote). Cf. Mendel 1908, 328-329, 513-514, nos. 2462, 3201, pl. 20: 9-10; Pottier 1909, no. 59; Kleiner 1942, 88; Mollard-Besques 1963, 66, no. MYRINA 995, Bo 96, pls. 80d, 81e; Leynaar-Plaisier 1979, 257, no. 677, pl. 95. 29 NAM 5096: Height: 0.247, max. width: 0.116 m. Ioannis Misthos Collection 472. Incomplete, mended. The fingers, the right foot and portion of the back of the head are missing. Vent hole, suspension hole and holes in the back for the attachment of wings are preserved. Traces of white slip on the face. Hollow. Mould-made. Light red clay, Munsell 2.5 YR 6/6. See indicatively Winter 1903, II, 188, 3b; LIMC VI, 885, no. 463 (A. Moustaka - A. Goulaki-Voutira - U. Grote). Cf. Mendel 1908, 328-329, 513-514, nos. 2462, 3201, pl. 20: 9-10; Pottier 1909, no. 59; Kleiner 1942, 88; Mollard-Besques 1963, 66, no. MYRINA 995, Bo 96, pl. 80d, 81e. 30 NAM 5100: Height: 0.26-0.27 m. From Myrina, Asia Minor. Ioannis Misthos Collection 473. The wings and large part of the right arm are missing. The sockets for the insertion of the wings on the top part of the back are preserved. Mould-made. 405 Light reddish-brown clay, Munsell 2.5 YR 6/4. See indicatively Winter 1903, II, 188, 3b; Φιλαδελφεύς 1928, 19, pl. Χ, 2; LIMC VI, 885, no. 463 (A. Moustaka - A. Goulaki-Voutira - U. Grote). 31 NAM 5098: Height: 0.26 m. From Myrina, Asia Minor. Ioannis Misthos Collection. Almost complete, mended. The fingertips are missing. Mould-made. Light brown clay, Munsell 7.5 YR 6/4. See indicatively Winter 1903, II, 186, 4b (or 187, 1b); LIMC VI, 887, no. 497 (A. Moustaka - A. Goulaki-Voutira - U. Grote). Cf. Mollard-Besques 1963, 66-68, no. Bo 57, LY 1592, M65, IHA 5, Bo 106, pl. 81f, 82c, e, 83d-e; Burn - Higgins 2001, 121, no. 2285, pl. 52; Burn 2004, 127-129, fig. 73. The type is also encountered during the 3rd c. BC: Mollard-Besques 1963, no. MYR 642, 65, pl. 80c (early 3rd c. BC). 32 NAM 5101: Height: 0.23 m. From Myrina, Asia Minor. Ioannis Misthos Collection. Mended. The wings, the fingertips and the right foot are missing. The sockets for the insertion of the wings on the top part of the backside are preserved. Mould-made. Reddish yellow clay, Munsell 5 YR 6/6. See Winter 1903, II, 188, 4; Φιλαδελφεύς 1928, 19, pl. ΧΙ; Burr 1934, 60, no. 70, n. 3; LIMC VI, 886, no. 478 (A. Moustaka - A. Goulaki-Voutira - U. Grote). Cf. Mollard-Besques 1963, 69, no. MYR 161, pl. 84b. 33 NAM 5102: From Myrina, Asia Minor. Ioannis Misthos Collection 499. Height: 0.30 m. The fingertips and the tips of the toes of the right foot are missing. Mouldmade. Reddish yellow clay, Munsell 7.5 YR 6/6. See indicatively Winter 1903, II, 187, 1u; LIMC VI, 885, no. 462 (A. Moustaka - A. Goulaki-Voutira - U. Grote). Cf. Mendel 1908, 328-332, 513-514, nos. 2462, 2467-2470, 2472-2473, 3201, pl. 20: 9-10; Pottier 1909, no. 59; Burr 1934, 61-62, nos. 72-74, pls. 29-30; Kleiner 1942, 88; Mollard-Besques 1963, 66, 70, no. MYRINA 995, Bo 96, MYR 168, M 61, M60, M 62, pls. 81d, e, 86c-f. 34 NAM 5099: Height: 0.26 m. From Myrina, Asia Minor. Ioannis Misthos Collection 498. Mended. The left hand is missing. Yellow paint on the stephane, brownish-red on the hair, rosy yellow on the face. Mould-made. Brown clay, Munsell 7.5 YR 5/4. See indicatively Winter 1903, II, 187, 1u; LIMC VI, 887, no. 515 (A. Moustaka - A. Goulaki-Voutira - U. Grote). Cf. Mendel 1908, 330-332, nos. 2467-2470, 2472-2473; Burr 1934, 61-62, 406 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 nos. 72-74, pls. 29-30; Mollard-Besques 1963, 70-71, nos. MYR 164, LY 1579, pls. 85f, 87b. NAM 4980: Height: 0.23 m. From Myrina, Asia Minor. Ioannis Misthos Collection 332. Mended and restored. Traces of rosy pink paint on the peplos. Mouldmade. Light red clay, Munsell 2.5 YR 6/6. See indicatively Winter 1903, II, 187, 3b; LIMC VI, 885, no. 437 (second type of Nikai with symbols, A. Moustaka - A. Goulaki-Voutira - U. Grote). Cf. Mollard-Besques 1963, 72-73, no. Bo 44, Bo 16, pl. 89d, 90e. See Mollard-Besques 1963, 212-213. NAM 4814: Height: 0.19 m. From Myrina, Asia Minor. Purchased by Erneris. The entire right arm as well as the left forearm and hand and part of the right wing are missing. Mould-made. Light red clay, Munsell 2.5 YR 6/6. See indicatively Kleiner 1942, 245, pl. 46a. Cf. Pottier - Reinach 1887, 351-353, pl. 20, 2; Mollard-Besques 1963, 66, no. LY 1596, pl. 81b. Pollux, Onomasticon, 4.154 (ἰδέα τριχῶν πλέγματος εἰς ὀξὺ ἀπολήγοντος). Dicaearchus, 1.19. The identification of the hairstyle, as this has been depicted in figures on vases, with the lampadion referred to in the sources was first made by J. Beazley, CVA Oxford 1, 37. See also Vlachogianni 2018, 305. Βαλαβάνης 1991, 107-108. NAM 5083: Height: 0.47 m. From Myrina, Asia Minor. Ioannis Misthos Collection. Mended and restored. Mouldmade. Reddish yellow clay, Munsell 7.5 YR 6/6. See Winter 1903, II, 65, 7. Cf. the coroplast’s signature ΠΛ (Poplius) and the monogram Ψ on figurines from Myrina at the Louvre: Mollard-Besques 1963, 208, 221, pls. 110c, 247c-d, 270g. Pollux, Onomasticon, 9.119 (: λίθον καταστησάμενοι πόρρωθεν αὐτοῦ στοχάζονται σφαίραις ἢ λίθοις· ὁ δ’ οὐκ ἀνατρέψας τὸν ἀνατρέψαντα φέρει, τοὺς ὀφθαλμοὺς ἐπειλημμένος ὑπ’ αὐτοῦ, ἕως ἂν ἀπλανῶς ἔλθῃ ἐπὶ τὸν λίθον, ὃς καλεῖται δίορος). Also, Pollux, Onomasticon, 9.122 (: ὁ μὲν περιάγει τῷ χεῖρε εἰς τοὐπίσω καὶ συνάπτει, ὁ δὲ κατὰ τὸ γόνυ ἐφιστάμενος αὐταῖς φέρεται ἐπιλαβὼν ταῖν χεροῖν τῷ ὀφθαλμῷ τοῦ φέροντος· ταύτην τὴν παιδιὰν ἐκάλουν καὶ ἱππάδα καὶ κυβησίνδα). Mandel 1999, 213-266. On Aphrodite Pelagia or Euploia, cf. Marcadé et al. 1996, 186-187, no. 83 (Ph. Jockey). NAM 4832: Height: 0.20 m. Possibly from Myrina, Asia Minor. Mended. The 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 entire right arm and large part of the left arm are missing. Mould-made. Light brown, reddish yellow clay, Munsell 7.5 YR 6/4, 6/6. See indicatively Winter 1903, II, 130, 4b; Φιλαδελφεύς 1928, pl. ΙΧ, 6. NAM 2044: Height: 0.22, max. width: 0.182, dimensions of base: 0.087x0.074 and height of base: 0.019 m. Mended. Traces of light blue paint are preserved on the wing facing the spectator’s left. Mould-made in combination with elements of a vase. Light red clay, Munsell 2.5 YR 6/8. Winter 1903, II, 194, 2. NAM 2076: Height: 0.216, max. width: 0.135, diameter of base: 0.075, height of base: 0.025 m. Incomplete and restored. The rim of the vase is missing. The left wing of the figure is restored. Mouldmade, in combination with elements of a vase. Light red clay, Munsell 2.5 YR 6/8. Trumpf-Lyritzaki 1969, 7-8, pl. 3. Καρούζος - Καρούζου 1981, 70, pl. 80α, β. NAM 28201: Height: 0.118, max. width: 0.086 m. Donated by P. Vlangalis. In the Museum’s Inventory it is described as plastic vase with Nike figure. However, a winged male figure is depicted, with his genitalia rendered in relief. Incomplete and restored. The lower part of the figure is missing and also the rim of the vase, which has been completed. Traces of white slip. Light red clay, Munsell 2.5 YR 6/6. NAM 5423: Preserved height: 0.04, diameter of base: 0.042, diameter of the medallion: 0.12 m. Ioannis Misthos Collection. In the Museum’s Inventory it is described as part of the bottom of a vase, as the medallion with the relief figure rests on a disc-shaped surface. However, the depiction of relief figure(s) on the medallion of a clay pyxis lid is more frequently encountered. Light red clay, Munsell 2.5 YR 6/8. NAM 3223: Height, including the surviving part of the handle: 0.027, length: 0.103, width: 0.068, diameter of discus: 0.054, diameter of base: 0.04 m. Large part of the handle is missing. Chipped discus. Light reddish-brown clay, Munsell 2.5 YR 6/4. Cf. Thompson 1933, 203-204, fig. 11. NAM 3249: Height, including the handle: 0.04, preserved length: 0.102, preserved width: 0.06, diameter of discus: 0.065, max. outer diameter: 0.085, diameter of base: 0.045 m. Incomplete. Slightly more than half of the lamp is preserved, including the pierced lug handle that features 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65 two stamped lines. Light red clay, Munsell 2.5 YR 7/6. The type Νείκη (Neike), instead of Νίκη (Nike), and its derivatives (e.g., Neikephoros [Νεικηφόρος], Neikeratos [Νεικήρατος] etc.), are encountered in the Attic as well as in local Greek alphabets, see indicatively: Attica: IG II2 1765, 1950. Laconia: IG V,1, 67. Syria: IGLSyr 2, 463. For the donation of major Collections to the National Archaeological Museum, Emmanuel Benakis (1843-1929) and the establishment of the Benaki Museum, see indicatively Κόκκου 2009, 250, 297-300. NAM Μπ 192: Length: 0.125, width: 0.125, height: 0.055 m. The tips of the two nozzles are missing. Brownish red clay, Munsell 2.5 YR 4/8, 5/8 (red). NAM Μπ 327: Length: 0.067, width: 0.058, height: 0.03 m. The tip of the nozzle is missing. Chipped discus. Light reddish-brown clay, Munsell 5 YR 6/3. NAM Μπ 340: Length: 0.105, width: 0.06, height: 0.04 m. Mended. Light reddish-brown clay, Munsell 2.5 YR 6/4. Note: “Πτολεμαϊκό: Λ. Μπενάκης, 1974”. NAM Μπ 436: Length: 0.063, width: 0.042 m. Fragment. Light reddish-brown clay, Munsell 5 YR 6/3. NAM Μπ 475: Length: 0.11, width: 0.08, height: 0.029 m. Chipped around the edges of the discus. Light reddish-brown clay, Munsell 5 YR 6/3. NAM Μπ 500: Length: 0.105, width: 0.078, height: 0.034 m. Complete, chipped. Light reddish-brown clay, Munsell 2.5 YR 6/4. Cf. Vindonissa, pl. VI, 384. NAM Μπ 509: Length: 0.09, width: 0.053, height: 0.025 m. Fragment. Red clay, Munsell 2.5 YR 5/8. Cf. Vindonissa, pl. VI, 384. NAM Μπ 510: Length: 0.07, width: 0.065, height: 0.018 m. Fragment. Light reddish-brown clay, Munsell 2.5 YR 6/4. Cf. Vindonissa, pl. VI, 384. NAM Μπ 511: Length: 0.063, width: 0.038 m. Fragment. Light reddish-brown clay, Munsell 2.5 YR 6/4. Cf. Vindonissa, pl. VI, 384. NAM Μπ 536: Length: 0.083, width: 0.061, height: 0.027 m. Complete, chipped. Light reddish-brown clay, Munsell 2.5 YR 6/4. Olmstead 2009, 24-27, 478-479. Mark 2020 (online edition). NAM Μπ 653: Length: 0.085, width: 0.056, height: 0.034 m. Complete, chipped. Reddish brown clay, Munsell 2.5 YR 5/4. 66 NAM Μπ 616: Length: 0.08, width: 0.068, height: 0.025 m. Complete, chipped. Pink clay, Munsell 5 YR 7/4. 67 The triangular lug of the handle characterizes the Delta type of oil lamps from Egypt, dating from the Late Ptolemaic period, ca. 50-100 AD; cf. indicatively Thomas 2013-2015, 11-12, fig. 31 (online edition). 68 NAM Μπ 796: Length: 0.163, width: 0.093, height: 0.073 m. Complete. Reddish brown clay, Munsell 5 YR 5/4. 69 NAM Μπ 860: Length: 0.117, width: 0.085, height: 0.043 m. Fragment. Light reddish brown, pink clay, Munsell 5 YR 6/4, 7/4. The type of Nike stepping on a globe (oikoumene) is also found in figurines, like the double figurine of Nike from Melos, NAM 5980, dated in the Hellenistic period. 70 NAM Μπ 861: Length: 0.095, width: 0.08, height: 0.033 m. Fragment. Reddish brown clay, Munsell 5 YR 4/4. 71 NAM Μπ 862: Length: 0.125, width: 0.078, height: 0.037 m. Fragment. Pink clay, Munsell 5 YR 7/3. 72 For the type Νείκη (Neike) instead of Νίκη (Nike), see the footnote on the inscription Νείκου on lamp NAM 3249. 73 NAM Μπ 958: Length: 0.078, width: 0.055, height: 0.037 m. Complete. Yellowish red clay, Munsell 5 YR 5/6. 74 According to the documentation in the Museum’s Inventory by the archaeologist L. Marangou, now emerita professor, the observation comes from L. Benakis in 1974. Cf. Agora VII, 85, no. 144, pl. 6. 75 NAM Μπ 1014: Length: 0.095, width: 0.07, height: 0.038 m. Complete, chipped. Yellowish red clay, Munsell 5 YR 5/6. 76 For the type Νείκη (Neike) instead of Νίκη (Nike), see the footnote on the inscription Νείκου on lamp NAM 3249. 77 NAM Μπ 1138: Length: 0.08, width: 0.046, height: 0.035 m. Chipped. Reddish grey clay, Munsell 5 YR 5/2. 78 NAM Μπ 2506: Diameter of discus: 0.08, length: 0.19 m. Mended. Red clay, Munsell 2.5 YR 4/6. 79 On the donation of the Collection of Eleni Stathatou to the National Archaeological Museum, see indicatively Κόκκου 2009, 250, n. 3. 80 NAM Στ 331: Outer diameter: 0.114, thickness: 0.02 m. Complete, chipped. See Amandry 1963, 276-277, no. 198, pl. XL, fig. 176. 81 NAM Στ 698: Height: 0.122, width: 0.089, thickness: 0.03 m. Complete. See Picard 82 83 84 85 86 87 88 89 90 91 92 93 94 - Sodini 1971, 55-60, pl. IX. For Nemesis, see indicatively Burkert 1993, 390. Indicatively on necklaces: Williams Ogden 1994, 61, no. 14 (400-350 BC). On earrings: Williams - Ogden 1994, 97, 170, no. 50, 107 (330-300 BC, ca. 350 BC, respectively). NAM Στ 352: Height: 0.068 m. Provenance unknown. Probably from the socalled Karpenisi Treasure. Gold sheet, repoussé, granulation, filigree wire, carnelian. See Amandry 1953, 108, no. 246, pl. XLII. NAM Στ 566-567: Height: 0.042 m. See Amandry 1963, 215-216, nos. 149/150, pl. XXXII. Χρ 12/ΑΕ 266: Length: 0,015 m. Complete. LIMC VI, no. 423, pl. 592. Williams Ogden 1994, 67, no. 21. Cf. the gold rosettes dating in 330-300 BC, from Cyme in Aeolis, now at the British Museum: Williams - Ogden 1994, 104, no. 57. Χρ 77/ΑΕ 216: Length: 0.06 m. Almost complete, with minor damages. Χρ 999a, b/15019: Length: 0.056, 0.058, max. width, for both of them: 0.02, depth of the earring, at the hook: 0.007, thickness of the sheet: 0.008 m. Complete, with very few damages. Χρ 710a-b: Length: 0.055 and 0.053, width: 0.018 and 0.017, thickness of each earring, at the hook: 0.008 and 0.007 m. Complete, with very few damages. Χρ 844: Length: 0.037, 0.0385, max. width of the figures: 0.019, 0.0225 m., weight: 3.618 gr. Complete. Submitted to the Museum from the Numismatic Museum Collection in 1906. Their provenance is unknown. Χρ 1146: Length: 0.03, width: 0.05 m. Complete with minor damages. It entered the Museum in February 1938, donated by I. Damvergis. According to the donor’s statement, the earring’s place of origin was Crete. Χρ 1591/Passas Collection 143: Length: 0.041, diameter of rosette: 0.0105, depth of the earring, at the hook: 0.007 m. Complete. For the Passas Collection, see indicatively Μ. Πουρνάρα, Μήλον της έριδος η συλλογή Πασσά, newspaper Καθημερινή, online edition, 5.2.2006. https://www. kathimerini.gr/culture/241291/milon-tis-eridos-i-syllogi-passa. See indicatively Richter 1920, 39. For the Nike Group of ring stones, see Boardman 1994, 223, 298-299, 420, nos. 617- 407 95 96 97 98 99 100 101 102 103 104 105 106 107 408 631, pls. 722-732. For the generic symbolic character of Nike reproductions, see Boardman 1994, 236. See also indicatively the ring NAM Χρ 375/9481/ΑΕ 4320 with representation of Nike to the left. Length: 0.028 m. Χρ 687/12125/ΑΕ 2131: Diameter: 0.025 m. Complete. See Kuruniotis 1913, 299, pl. XVI, 5, 5a; Boardman 1994, 417, no. 465 (The Penelope Group); Δεσποίνη 1996, 266, no. 204; Aoyagi 2015, 92, no. 88; Lagogianni-Georgakarakos 2018, 260, no. 86. Cf. Bacchylides, Epinicians, 11.6-7 (Snell). Boardman 1994, 215, 296, pl. 658. Χρ 1055a: Diameter of bezel: 0.02 m. Complete. See Aoyagi 2015, 89, no. 84; Lagogianni-Georgakarakos 2018, 64, fig. 7. Cf. Boardman 1994, 206, 223, 226, 293, 300-301, pls. 590, 724, 747, 776, 787. Χρ 454/9560/ΑΕ 3399: Diameter: 0.014 m. Complete, with minor chips. Cf. Boardman 1994, 301, pl. 771; Spier 1992, 121, no. 316. Χρ 487/9593/ΑΕ 3432: Diameter: 0.01, 0.012 m, complete. Athena is represented near the Parthenos type, cf. Spier 1992, 109, 127, nos. 274, 341. Cf. also the seated Athena Nikephoros figure in Boardman 1994, 299, pl. 744. Χρ 508/9614/ΑΕ 2007: Diameter of stone: 0.013 m. Complete. Χρ 624/10866/ΑΕ 2131: Diameter of stone: 0.013, thickness: 0.002 m. Complete. Donated to the Museum by Sophia Trikoupi in the name of Ioannis Misthos. For Sophia Trikoupi, dedicated sister of the Prime Minister of Greece Spyridon Trikoupis, see indicatively Διβάνη 2019, 327-372. See indicatively Baker 2005, 375-376. Χρ 862/13308: Diameter: 0.01, 0.012 m. Complete, with minor abrasions. Submitted to the Museum from the Numismatic Museum Collection in 1906; its provenance is unknown. Χρ 529/9635/ΑΕ 4919: Length: 0.027, width: 0.0215, thickness: 0.014 m. Possibly jasper. Complete, with minor abrasions. It entered the Museum through purchase by Nostrakis. Indicatively, the antiquities dealer Nostrakis is mentioned by Kastriotis 1924-1925, 34. See Boardman 1994, 208, 284, fig. 214. Pliny the Elder, Naturalis Historia, 35.108. Dench 2005, 301. Χρ 623/10865/ΓΕ 2131: Diameter of stone: 0.015, thickness: 0.001 m. Possibly jasper (documented as carnelian). Complete. 108 109 110 111 112 113 114 115 116 117 Donated to the Museum by Sophia Trikoupi, in the name of Ioannis Misthos. Cf. Boardman 1994, 210, 295, pl. 639. LIMC VI, no. 179, pl. 577. Williams - Ogden 1994, 220, no. 156. Representation of a tethrippon with Nike and Tyche is also found in the green ring stone Χρ 370/9476/ΑΕ 4315: Length: 0.013 m. Χρ 744: Diameter approx.: 0.04, dimensions of stone: 0.04×0.015 m. The head of Nike is missing. It was found in the Pari site, during excavations conducted by the British School at Athens in 1896 and was purchased for the Museum. Cf. Boardman 1994, 301, pl. 786 (Nike in a quadriga). For the myth of the abduction of Persephone, see Homeric Hymn to Demeter, 2; Hesiod, Theogony, 913-914; Euripides, Helen, 1301-1318; Callimachus, Hymns, 6, To Demeter; Diodorus, 5.3.1-4; Ovid, Metamorphoses, 5.385-424. Κακριδής 1986, 133-139. Χρ 683: Length: 0.25, width: 0.04 m. Diadem made of thin gold sheet, with curved ends and suspension holes. The edge of each long side is highlighted by a dotted line in relief. See Κουρουνιώτης 1898, 9899; Kuruniotis 1913, 321-326. For K. Kourouniotes, see indicatively Πετράκος 2011, 122-123. Στ 342: Length: 0.245, width: 0.02 m. See Amandry 1953, 86-88, nos. 230-231, pl. XXIV. Mitsopoulou claims the bands were made by a French goldsmith who worked in Eleusis and elsewhere in 1915: Mitsopoulou 2011, 195-204, 196, figs. 4a-b, 198-203, figs. 5a-b; Mitsopoulou 2017, 113157. The term Heracles Knot (Herakleion Hamma) has its roots in the literary and iconographic rendering of the tying of the lion pelt’s forelegs worn by Heracles, after he slew the Nemean Lion, and is used to describe a strong bond or a knot, cf. Athenaeus, Deipnosophistae, 11.500a; Pliny the Elder, Naturalis Historia, 28.17.63; Nicgorski 1995. Χρ 1535: Dimensions of the 1st and the 2nd band: 0.16×0.019, thickness: 0.002, length of the knot: 0.05, width of the knot: 0.022 m. Complete, with minor damages. It entered the Museum through purchase by An. D. Pattaras. Williams - Ogden 1994, 107, no. 61. Χρ 965/14385: Height: 0.045, max. width: 0.035 m. Complete. Found in a tomb excavated in the Ch. Kaklamanos land plot, at 11, Albanias Street, Athens. 118 Χρ 1550: Total length: 0.07 m. Kampanis confiscation. 119 Χρ 803a-b: Length: 0.083, 0.083, width: 0.05, 0.053, depth of relief: 0.006 m. Fragmentarily preserved. Found at the G. Tsitselis land plot during excavation led by the archaeologist G. Sotiriadis (1852-1942) and the Archaeological Society in 1903. See Σωτηριάδης 1906, 78, pl. 4. On Sotiriadis, see indicatively Πετράκος 2011, 141-142. 120 Χρ 1493: Total length: 0.378, height of Nike statuette: 0.035 m. Complete. See Béquignon 1931, 489-491, fig. 18; Bakhuizen 1972, 397. 121 For similar containers, cases or himatiothekai, see indicatively Richter 1996, 114 ff. 122 Α 10845: Length and width: 0.0535 and 0.0565×0.0395, height: 0.024 m. With very few losses and cracks. Small parts of the hinges are missing. VANDA PAPAEFTHYMIOU Nike - Victoria. Roman Victoriae at the National Archaeological Museum 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 Hölscher 1997, 158-159. LIMC VI, 850-851, s.v. Nike (A. Goulaki-Voutira). RE VIII A2, 2502, s.v. Victoria (St. Weinstock). Simon 1990, 243, figs. 316-317. For instance, the reverse of a silver didrachm (265-242 BC), see LIMC VIII, 242, s.v. Victoria, no. 17 pl. 168 (R. Vollkommer). See also Νίκη - Victoria 2004, 50, fig. 1. Livy, 10.47.3. LIMC VIII, 268, s.v. Victoria (R. Vollkommer) Livy, 10.33.9. Pensabene 1988, 54-67. Livy, 35.9.6. Pensabene 1988, 57-58. Simon 1990, 241, fig. 310. Hamdorf 1964, 58-59. Hölscher 1967, 137-138. LIMC VIII, 237, s.v. Victoria (R. Vollkommer). CIL VIII, 303.10832, IX 5904, XI 4367, 4371. RE VIII, A2, 2511, s.v. Victoria (St. Weinstock). Scullard 1985, 235. In cities such as Puteoli, CIL X 1887, Ficulea, CIL XIV 4002, Ancona, CIL IX 5904, Lusitania, CIL II 402 and Tipasa, CIL VIII, 10832. Ιακωβίδου 2010, 49-50. Ιακωβίδου 2010, 46. CIL III 1098, 1600, 4412, 5193, 11889, CIL VI 31140, 31149, CIL VII 220, 1114 and CIL XIII 7395, 7412, 8812. 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 CIL XIV 2258. CIL III 11082, CIL VII 217. LIMC VIII, 238, s.v. Victoria (R. Vollkommer). Cicero, Epistulae ad Atticum, 13.44.1. The first statue of Victoria must have been installed at the Circus Maximus over the same time period, see RE VIII A2, 2529, s.v. Victoria (St. Weinstock). Ovid, Αmores, 3.2.45, describes the procession of gods’ statues that took place at the Circus Maximus before the chariot races. The procession was led by the statue of Victoria, followed by those of the other deities (Neptunus, Mars, Apollo, Minerva, Ceres, Bacchus, Pollux, Castor και Venus), see Scullard 1985, 157. For the representations of Victoria with Roman emperors, see LIMC VIII, 262265, s.v. Victoria (R. Vollkommer). Victoria, therefore, is associated with Peace (Pax) and is often depicted carrying as symbol the cornucopia. For representations of Nike - Victoria as decorative motif in wall paintings, pieces of furniture, vessels, jewellery and lamps dating back to the Augustan Age, see Zanker 2006, 344-345, 353-354, figs. 208, 214, 216, 217. Hölscher 1967, 62-67. LIMC VIII, 238, 263-264, s.v. Victoria (R. Vollkommer). Ζάχος 2017, 372. Hölscher 1967, 1-2. LIMC VIII, 238, s.v. Victoria (R. Vollkommer). Victoria Britannica: CIL VIII 11018, Victoria Germanica CIL VIII 4202, 27773, Victoria Parthica CIL VIII 965, 2354, 4583, 11135, 20149, 26243. Hölscher 1967, 173-175. Stemmer 1978, 155. Hölscher 1967, 169-172. RE VIII A2, 2539, s.v. Victoria (St. Weinstock). Examples of Nikai on Roman sarcophagi holding medallion (imago clipeata) with the bust of the deceased, see Koch - Sichtermann 1982, 238, figs. 286-288. Examples of Nikai on Roman sarcophagi with garlands and Erotes, see Koch Sichtermann 1982, 238-241, figs. 480-482, 501, 509, 512, 516, 518, 527, 533, 539, 540, 562, 572, 573, 575. Most of these sarcophagi come from Asia Minor and date between 140 and 170 AD. See Schauenburg 1966, 301. LIMC VIII, 269, s.v. Victoria (R. Vollkommer). LIMC VIII, 249, nos. 143, 252, nos. 195 and 197, s.v. Victoria (R. Vollkommer). Νίκη - Victoria 2004, 59, figs. 7 and 8. 35 Νίκη - Victoria 2004, 62-63. 36 Kept in Paris (Musée du Louvre ΟΑ 9063). Volbach 1976, 47-48, no. 48, pl. 26. 37 For the transformation of Victoria into the Christian angel, see Effenberger Severin 1992, 95, no. 19; Pirani 2000, 389394; Kiilerich 2002, 137-144, pls. 52-53; Thompson 2005, 92, n. 33. 38 LIMC VIII, 241-253, s.v. Victoria (R. Vollkommer). 39 LIMC VIII, 262-266, s.v. Victoria (R. Vollkommer). Νίκη - Victoria 2004, 68-69. 40 For instance, Victoria drives Jupiter’s chariot on the reverse of a silver quadrigatus (225-212 BC), see Simon 1990, 38, fig. 40; Νίκη - Victoria 2004, 50, fig. 2. 41 Hölscher 1967, 74-80. LIMC VIII, 246-247, s.v. Victoria (R. Vollkommer). 42 Hölscher 1967, 6, pl. 1,1-3. See also LIMC VIII, 245, s.v. Victoria (R. Vollkommer). 43 Dio Cassius, 51.22.1-2. Suetonius, Augustus, 100. Herodianus, 5.5.7. 44 Statues of Victoria have been found across the entire Roman world, such as the over-life-sized statue of Victoria (raising a shield above her head) recovered at Hadrian’s Library in Athens during excavation. According to the excavator A. Choremi-Spetsieri, the statue dates between 20 and 10 BC and commemorated most likely the victory of Augustus against the Parthians. It was installed on the facade of the Roman Agora, in front of the Gate of Athena Archegetis, where other statues of members of Augustus’ family were also mounted. Χωρέμη-Σπετσιέρη - Τιγγινάγκα 2008, 124-125. See also Spetsieri-Choremi 1996, 363-390, pls. 73-79. See also here, D. Sourlas, The Emperor’s Nike. The Nike statues in Hadrian’s Library as a means of promoting power and imperial ideology, pp. 220-235. For the numerous representations of Victoria on globe, in coins, bezels, statues and statuettes, see Hölscher 1967, 34-41. 45 For the dedication of an altar to Victoria, see CIL I2, 327 and the references by ancient writers: Dio Cassius, 54.30.1; Suetonius, Augustus, 35,5; Herodianus, 7.11.3. On the reactions of the Christians in the second half of the 4th c. AD who regarded the altar to Victoria as pagan symbol, see RE VIII A2, 2541, s.v. Victoria (St. Weinstock). 46 Res Gestae, 34.2. 47 Fuchs 1993, 222-223, figs. 240-241. For the representations of Victoria holding shield, see Hölscher 1967, 120-131. 48 Hölscher 1967, 4. 49 Hölscher 1967, 122-128. Zanker 2006, 261262, figs. 152-153. The figure of Victoria depicted on lamps of the Early Imperial period holding honorific shield inscribed with the phrase ob cives servatos (for the salvation of citizens), constitutes a symbol of loyalism towards the emperor. However, later, when the representation of Nike - Victoria became widespread in the private life of the Romans, the depiction of the goddess on lamps offered by the Romans for the coming of the new year was accompanied by the inscription with New Year’s wishes “Annum novum felicem, mihi et tibi” (“Happy New Year for me and you”). Hence, Victoria now embodied personal desires and hopes for good fortune and prosperity. LIMC VIII, 268-269, s.v. Victoria (R. Vollkommer); Zanker 2006, 356. 50 Καραναστάση 1995, 212. 51 Picard 1957, 47, 53-56. 52 Hölscher 1967, 175, n. 1130. Stemmer 1978, 156, n. 660. 53 Καστριώτης 1908, 296, no. 1668. Stemmer 1978, 24-25, no. ΙΙ 4, pl. 12, 1-5. Also, Στεφανίδου-Τιβερίου - Καλτσάς 2020, ΙV.1, 206-208, cat. no. IV 1.52, figs. 221224. 54 Preserved height: 1.39 m. Probably pentelic marble. 55 For similar representations of Nikai Victoriae setting up or crowning tropaia (trophies) in cuirassed statues, see Stemmer 1978, 14-15, no. Ι 9, pls. 6, 1-2, 24, no. ΙΙ 3, pls. 11,4, 35-36, ΙΙΙ 8, pls. 20,1, 37, ΙΙΙ 12, pls. 21,3, 38-39, ΙΙΙ 15, pls. 23,1, 55-56 IVa, pls. 33,1-2, 83, VII 15, pls. 56,6 and 89, VII 27, pl. 62,4-5. 56 Hölscher 1967, 173-175. Stemmer 1978, 155, 156, 166. Contrarily, Niemeyer 1968, 49, n. 389. 57 Νίκη - Victoria 2004, 49. 58 See Karanastasis 2012-2013, 355, n. 187. 59 For the significance of emblems, see Stemmer 1978, 166, n. 732, 733; Fittschen 1976, 194-195. 60 Stemmer 1978, 24-25, no. ΙΙ,4, pl. 12,1-5. 61 Von Sybel 1881, 76, no. 421. Καστριώτης 1908, 291, no. 1644. Hekler 1919, 219220, fig. 150. Vermeule 1959, 46, no. 95. Ρωμιοπούλου 1997, 68, no. 66. Καλτσάς 2001, 339, no. 717. Κατάκης 2002, 461, n. 1322. Δεσπίνης 2010, 93-94, no. 11, fig. 55. Palagia 2017, 177. Π. Καραναστάση, in Στεφανίδου-Τιβερίου - Καλτσάς 2020, IV.1, 191-199, cat. no. IV.1.50, figs. 212-215. 62 Preserved height: 1.30 m. Pentelic marble. 409 63 Nikai are depicted on cuirass epaulettes in a wall painting of a tomb of the 3rd c. BC in Gnathia, see Hölscher 1967, 15-16, pl. 3,2. For the representations of Nikai tropaiophoroi on the epaulettes of Hellenistic cuirassed statues, see Stemmer 1978, 151, n. 611. See also the cuirassed statue of Emperor Claudius at the Archaeological Museum of Tinos (inv. no. Α184), whose right epaulette depicts Nike holding a shield in her right hand and a short sword in her left hand. The statue dates between 49 and 54 AD. See Καραναστάση 2008, 144-146, fig. 3; Queyrel 2012, 420-421, fig. 3. See also the fragment of a cuirassed statue in Copenhagen (Ny Carlsberg Glyptothek) with representation of Nike carrying tropaion (trophy), Heckler 1919, 235-237, fig. 165. For tropaia (trophies) in general, see Rabe 2008. 64 Zanker 2006, 254-255. 65 For similar representations of Nereids on cuirassed statues, see Stemmer 1978, 3334, no. III 5, pl. 18,1,63, V 12, pl. 39,2-3 and 78, VII 6, pl. 51,5. 66 Stemmer 1978, 157, n. 676-679. 67 Fittschen 1976, 194-195. 68 Καλτσάς 2001, 339, no. 717. Laube 2006, 224, n. 1982. 69 Vermeule 1959, 46, no. 95. 70 Palagia 2017, 177, n. 31. Especially, see Π. Καραναστάση, in Στεφανίδου-Τιβερίου - Καλτσάς 2020, IV.1, 191-199, cat. no. IV.1.50, figs. 212-215 71 Zanker 2006, 361-362. For Nike - Victoria on Roman sarcophagi, see Koch Sichtermann 1982, 168-169, 238-241 και 443-444. Collected representations of Victoria in funerary art in: LIMC VIII, 269, s.v. Victoria (R. Vollkommer). 72 Kunisch 1964, 20-82. 73 Carpenter 1929, 43, pl. XVII. 74 For the copies of the representation of Nike tauroktonos during the Roman period, see Borbein 1968, 43-95; Bieber 1977, 30-32. See also Faraone 2013, 108. 75 Fuchs 1959, 12-17. 76 Stemmer 1978, 156, n. 661. Representations of Nikai sacrificing bulls in cuirassed statues: Hekler 1919, 228-229. For Victoria who sacrifices a bull symbolizing Victoria Perpetua, the emperor’s eternal victory, see Borbein 1968, 114-115. 77 Handed over to the Museum in December 1960 (ΒΕ 1058/1961). Fine-grained white marble. Height 0.39, width: 0.46 m. 78 For the Roman ostothekai of Asia Minor, see Asgari 1977, 329-383; Koch - Sich- 410 79 80 81 82 83 84 termann 1982, 520-521. See also Stefanidou-Tiveriou 2014, 47-49; Tuluk 2018, 284; Korkut 2006, 19-22. Especially for the ostothekai of Ephesus, see Asgari 1977, 335-343; Koch 1993, 155, 158; for their use, see Thomas - Içten 2007, 335-344. See analogous example in an ostotheke from Ephesus: Asgari 1977, 336, fig. 16. See also ostothekai from Thessalonike: Stefanidou-Tiveriou 2014, 250-251, cat. nos. 160 and 161, pl. 79. For similar altars featuring a large pine cone on the top, coming from Asia Minor and particularly Thyateira (Berlin - Dahlem, Deutsches Archäologisches Institut) and Traianopolis (Ismir, Basmahane Museum 338, 339) dating back to the first half of the 3rd c. AD, see Pfuhl Möbius 1979, II, 551-552, no. 2289, 2290, 2291, pl. 323. See also the altar with fruits and pine cone in the famous Antinous Sylvanus relief, Museo Nazionale Romano - Palazzo Massimo alle Terme: Cadario - Giustozzi 2005, 32-33. For funerary altars crowned with pine cone and its significance, see Αδάμ-Βελένη 2002, 4344, nn. 158, 159. A small trace, possibly of the hand, is preserved in the relief field above and to the left of the central figure. The representation of Nike performing a sacrifice creates the impression of an iconographic conflation of depictions of the goddess and Mithraic reliefs of the time. It has been widely accepted in research that the representation of Nike tauroktonos served as the iconographic model of bull-slaying Mithras, see Borbein 1968, 60-62; Faraone 2013, 99. The similarities in the posture of Mithras and Nike in our representation are accentuated by the fact that Nike is not depicted wearing her typical long garment, befitting analogous scenes. However, beside her widespread wings, a distinguishing feature is that the head of Nike is lowered turning towards the head of the bull, whereas bull-slaying Mithras keeps his face frontal to the viewer or turns his head in the opposite direction. See Faraone 2013, 109-110. According to B. Tuluk, flying Nikai appear on the corners of ostothekai of the Ephesus type, while standing Nikai occupy the corners of ostothekai and sarcophagi from Docimium, Proconessos, Salagassos and Aphrodisias, Tuluk 2018, 284. Based on the Nike typology in sarcophagi of Docimium by M. Waelkens, our Nike 85 86 87 88 89 90 91 belongs to type 9, dating around 160 AD. Waelkens 1982, 10-12, fig. 8. See for instance an ostotheke in Izmir (Tire Museum) with garlands held by Nikai at the corners of the monument, Tuluk 2018, 284, fig. 1, a sarcophagus from Ephesus (SelÇuk Museum, inv. no. 4/4/74), Asgari 1977, 334, 372, fig. 9 and Koch 2017, 333, fig. 5, as well as a sarcophagus from Laodicea, Koch - Sichtermann 1982 1982, fig. 527. See also the sarcophagus at the Archaeological Museum of Veroia, inv. no. Λ 485, Stefanidou-Tiveriou 2014, 40-43. Koch - Sichtermann 1982, 477. For the iconographic theme of Nikai bearing garlands in Asia Minor sarcophagi, see Korkut 2006, 19-22. See also the sarcophagi inv. nos. 20 and 77 at the Archaeological Museum of Izmir (Koch 2017, 333-334, figs. 6 and 7), the sarcophagus from Pergamon (Koch 2017, 333-335, fig. 8), the sarcophagus from Perga (Archaeological Museum of Antalya, inv. no. Α373, Koch 334-336, fig. 10) and the sarcophagi from Side, inv. nos. 156 and 157 (Koch 2017, 334-336, figs. 11 and 12). On the workshops producing sarcophagi and ostothekai decorated with garlands carried by Nikai, see Işik 2007, 279-289, pls. 91-100. According to Ν. Asgari, the ostothekai of Ephesus feature ram, bull or Medusa heads at the corners bearing the garlands that decorate the long sides, although in two examples of ostothekai from Ephesus exported to Rome (Museo Nazionale Romano - Palazzo Massimo alle Terme inv. no. 72881 and Palazzo dei Conservatori inv. no. 2116) they are replaced by Erotes and Nikai. This may be denotative of influences from special preferences and desires of the audience of the West, see Asgari 1977, 342-343, 371 (Rom B), 372 (Rom C). B. Tuluk refers to five examples of ostothekai with Nikai, three in Ephesus, one in Izmir and one in Rome. Tuluk 2018, 284, n. 19. The narrow sides are decorated with garland and Gorgoneion, see Waelkens 1982, 9, 26, 27, pls. 5,1 and 5,3-4, 28, pls. 7,3-4, 36-37, pl. 11,1-2, but also Sphinx, e.g., NAM Γ 1177, see Papagianni 2016, 66, pl. 31,3, NAM Γ 1188, see Katakis 2018, 38-39, pl. 4, or a lion head, e.g., NAM Γ 1191, see Katakis 2018, 36-38, pl. 3. Stefanidou-Tiveriou 2014, 42. Işik 1998, 281-294, pl. 112,1-4. Işik 1998, 289. 92 The production of these sarcophagi emerged in the West in the early 2nd c. AD, see Işik 1998, 283-284. 93 Işik 1998, 288. 94 See Koch - Sichtermann 1982, 521, no. 509, 522, no. 511, 541, no. 533. See also the ostothekai of Thessalonike with garlands that draw on the ostothekai of Ephesus, Stefanidou-Tiveriou 2014, 4750. 95 See Waelkens 1982, 26, cat. no. 27 (Rom G 3), pls. 4,1.2, 5,1.2, 26-27, cat. no. 28 (Baltimore G 1), pls. 5,3.4, 6,1.2, 28, cat. no. 31 (Izmir G2), pls. 7,1-4, 36-37, cat. no. 8 (Lucca F1), pl. 11,1.2 96 See a sarcophagus from Velletri, Museo Civico, and a sarcophagus kept in Baltimore, Andrae 1963, 11-87, esp. 66-68, nn. 362-366, pl. 4. See also the sarcophagus from Kifissia with garlands and Nikai between them, dressed in peplos with deep apoptygma sacrificing a bull: Koch - Sichtermann 1982, 443-444; Giuliano 1965, 82-90, pl. 39b; Işik 1998, 285; Papagianni 2016, 66, 131, cat. no. 51, pl. 39,1-2. A large number of examples in sarcophagi and funerary altars are mentioned by Borbein 1968, 91, nn. 442 and 443. 97 Andrae 1963, 80. 98 Borbein 1968, 115, n. 585. 99 Height: 0.70, weight: 0.33, thickness: 0.11 m. Pentelic marble. Found in Athens (kept in the basement of a house scheduled for demolition) and delivered to the National Archaeological Museum in June 2003 (ΒΕ 17,3/2003). 100 This type of stele dates back to the 2nd but mainly the 3rd c. AD. See Von Moock 1998, 51, dwg. 6c. 101 The hypothesis is further reinforced by the tenth line of the epigram of Menodotus, according to which he himself had planted a vine “καὶ κλῆμα φυτεύσας”, that helps us identify him as farmer-viticulturist. Παπαευθυμίου 2013, 99-100. 102 See indicatively Conze 1911-1912, IV, 8485, nos. 2068 and 2069, pl. 453; Von Moock 1998, 61, 81. 103 The theme of Nike awarding tainia to a victor has a long tradition in Attic red-figure vase painting of the Classical period, see Κεφαλίδου 1996, 45, n. 69. 104 Gulaki 1981, 140-141. LIMC VI, 880, nos. 364-366, s.v. Nike (A. Goulaki-Voutira). 105 Schauenburg 1987, 199-232. 106 Pfuhl - Möbius 1979, II, Anhang XXI 566567, pl. 331. 107 Papaefthimiou 1992, 74-84, fig. 36a-b. SEG 42-304. 108 Koch - Sichtermann 1982, 238-241, 443444, figs. 509, 511, 512, 517, 518, 527, 533, 535. Schauenburg 1972, 501-516. LIMC VIII, 261-262, nos. 300-307. 109 See LIMC VIII, 243, no. 34, Victoria (R. Vollkommer). 110 Sinn 1987, 78-79. LIMC VIII, 245, no. 62, 253, no. 209, no. 214, 254, no. 219, 260, no. 295, 266, no. 356, s.v. Victoria (R. Vollkommer). 111 For the epigram of Aurelius Menodotus, see analytically Παπαευθυμίου 2013, 97-101. 112 See Παπαευθυμίου 2013, 97-98. 411 BIBLIOGRAPHY MARIA LAGOGIANNI-GEORGAKARAKOS Ancient Nikai. Semiological approaches for two anniversary exhibitions Βλαχογιάννης, Γ. 1947. Στρατηγού Μακρυγιάννη, Απομνημονεύματα, text - introduction - notes, 2nd ed., Αθήνα, Βιβλ. Βαγιωνάκη. Δεσπίνης, Γ. - Ν. Καλτσάς (eds.) 2014. Εθνικό Αρχαιολογικό Μουσείο. Κατάλογος γλυπτών, I.1, Ταμείο Αρχαιολογικών Πόρων, Αθήνα. Gulaki, A. 1981. Klassische und klassizistische Nikedarstellungen. Untersuchungen zur Typologie und zum Bedeutungswandel, Bonn. 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Goette: figs. 1-5, pp. 104-108, figs. 9-11, pp. 110-111, fig. 14, p. 114, fig. 3, p. 123, fig. 5, p. 125, fig. 18, p. 161, fig. 22, p. 165 G. Koulelis: figs. 4b-5, pp. 86-87, figs. 8-16, pp. 91-100 P. Magoulas: fig. 10, p. 44 C. Mauzy: fig. 2, p. 122, figs. 8-9, pp. 129-131, figs. 11-16, pp. 134-139, fig. 19, p. 143 S. Mavrommatis: fig. 25, p. 60, fig. 4a, p. 86 Εi. Miari: fig. 18, p. 53, fig. 20, p. 55, figs. 1-2, pp. 310-311, fig. 7, p. 314, figs. 13-16, pp. 319-322, fig. 19a, p. 325, fig. 50, p. 346, fig. 54, p. 348, figs. 65-68, pp. 354-357, fig. 12, p. 381 O. Palagia: fig. 8, p. 110, figs. 12-13, pp. 112-113, figs. 5-6, p. 153, figs. 8-9, p. 155, fig. 14, p. 159, figs. 16-17, p. 160 G. Patrikianos: fig. 24, p. 59, fig. 5, p. 225, fig. 8, p. 316 S. Pistas: fig. 26, p. 61 St. Stournaras: fig. 16, p. 51 V. Tsiamis: fig. 5, p. 38, fig. 6, p. 89 Κ. Xenikakis: fig. 7, pp. 40-41, fig. 17, p. 52, figs. 22-23, pp. 57-58 428