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2022, DEMO GOG Literary Magazine
https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.0148245…
5 pages
1 file
Pressed by the daily bombardment of negative news coming from the Russian-Ukrainian war front, after a month of bloody conflicts, I made sure to rediscover the ancient roots of a Renaissance that seems buried in the ashes of past laurels. On the day Dante Alighieri is celebrated, my thoughts turn to culture. So that it is not a rift in the cultural field between east and west, I think that RRM3, a spiritual and global avant-garde cultural movement, has the task of mending the tears that have occurred recently, exactly from February 24, 2022, the date of the beginning of the war. Russian-Ukrainian in the heart of Europe. The task that belongs to RRM3 is above all to mend two worlds, two cultures now conflicting after centuries of common symbiosis, even if between alternating cultural and socio-political events, not least the Russian revolution of 1917. It seems to me, therefore, necessary to write the word PEACE, the same one used by Pope Francis too, to resolve diplomatically and without the use of weapons the intricate political and socio-economic crisis that is shaking all of Europe, putting people in crisis. its geopolitical and cultural balance.
2023
Every war brings with it criminality, which is more or less pronounced depending on the type of combatants; it is accompanied by Manicheism, one-sided propaganda, war hysteria, espionage, lies, the preparation of ever more lethal weapons, errors and illusions... The war in Ukraine does not escape the logic of any war, fought between determined and bitter enemies.
2019
CFA : War and Society: Making and Experiencing War (and Peace) in 19th-21st-century Eastern / Central Europe and Eurasia. A joint project of the Chair of Ukrainian Studies at the University of Ottawa (Canada), the Institut des Sciences Sociales du Politique (France), The Center for Slavic History at the University of Paris 1 Panthéon Sorbonne (France), the LabEx “Writing a new History of Europe” (France).
Central and Eastern European Review
Taking recent events in Ukraine as central, the article examines Russian identity as a reaction against its own construction of Western identity. In the process the piece argues that Russia and the West have fundamentally different ideas of law. In the West, power is constrained by law, but in Russia power is superior to it.
Peace movements can be defined as social movements that aim to protest against the perceived dangers of political decision-making about armaments. 1 During the Cold War, the foremost aim of peace protests was to ban atomic weapons and to alert the public about the dangers of these new powerful means of destruction. These antinuclear protests during the Cold War could be seen as the embodiment of a contemporary history of Europe. Who, if not the participants in antinuclear protests, rallied for their non-violent marches and manifestations against the bomb, could be better representatives for the reinvention of Europe as a peaceful and civilised continent after the horror and devastation caused by total and genocidal warfare since 1939? There is a tendency among historians of twentiethcentury Europe to contrast the »dark continent« of the period up till 1945 with the peaceful and increasingly affluent heaven of the post-war decades. 2 The progressive activism and civilian moral certitude of the antinuclear protesters could be seen as a potentially important part of this historiographical narrative. The civil activism of peace movement mobilization could also serve to correct a bias in some of the recent accounts of European integration in the post-war period, as they tend to offer a top-down approach, focused on the workings of the bureaucratic machinery in Brussels and in the capital cities, and tend to downplay the significance of a bottom-up dynamics of interaction across Europe and of the popular attitudes towards integration. 3 Peace movements during the Cold War, with their grassroots activism, their attempts to connect across national borders and even across the Iron Curtain, seem to encapsulate the notion of a European civil society, a notion which has gained currency after the collapse of the Soviet bloc, when East Europeans challenged the ossification of a societal system that was characterised by a preponderance of organizational structures and organized forms of sociability. 4 But while it is »not surprising that peace movements have been amongst the most active trans-------
Journal of the Oxford Graduate Theological Society (JOGTS) , 2021
Considered by Thomas Mann the greatest literary critic and universal psychologist since Nietzsche and nominated for the Nobel Prize in Literature more than once, Dmitry Merezhkovsky (1865-1941) is now an almost forgotten figure. The aim of this article is to bring attention to the political and religious ideas of this twentieth-century Russian émigré and to show their lasting relevance. Merezhkovsky was a critic of positivism and atheism, of the Russian Caesaro-Papist autocracy and the Bolshevik regime. Along with his wife Zinaida Gippius, he was among the initiators of the Russian symbolist movement and a key figure of the fin-de-siècle Russian Religious Renaissance. In this short article, I summarize some of Merezhkovsky's political and religious views and explain his Solovyevian apocalyptic visions. More concretely, I present his critique of the four 'modern escapes' ('exits') from Christian faith and truth: the 'art as religion', the 'science as religion', the 'generation as religion', and 'society as religion.' 'Not peace but a sword' (Matt. 10:34) means Apocalypse, a Revelation. This is how Dmitry Merezhkovsky interpreted Jesus' words. This is also how he entitled one of his books, published
History, 2017
Pragmatism Today, 2023
In my paper, I develop a phenomenological and pragmatist reflection on the fragility of liberal democracy’s moral foundations in times of war. Following Judith Shklar’s conception of the “liberalism of fear”, the legitimacy of the liberal-democratic order is seen as grounded in experiences of suffering caused by political violence. It is also assumed that the liberalism of fear delivers an adequate conception of the normative foundations of the European project. With the help of phenomenologists such as Edmund Husserl, Maurice Merleau-Ponty and Michel Henry, the paper ants to philosophically deepen the liberalism of fear by outlining a theory of “pathic evidence” as a normative foundation and the concept of a common “flesh of the political” as a shared moral sensitivity that sets boundaries to political conflict as well as the political imaginary, excluding what I call the production of “monumental meaning”. It then examines the question which political conditions are needed for this evidence to become a shared, communal criteria of ethical thought, and considers inner and outer challenges to the transmission and reproduction of this evidence in time, drawing especially on John Dewey’s ideas of democratic communication and social intelligence. In the current war, the following problem appears as crucial for the “soul” of European democracies which are confronted with the need to respond to Russia’s attack: How can a political morality grounded in pathic evidence be sustained, once it is challenged by an aggressor who, out of cultural and political reasons, shows a higher level of toleration towards violence? Besides aggression from an external foe, there are also temporal dynamics that further the loss of the inhibiting force of pathic evidence from the inside. As it shall be argued, boredom can be such a factor. The paper concludes by drawing conclusions for the current war in Ukraine.
Journal of Catholic Social Thought, 2023
In this essay, the author describes the trajectory toward a just peace framework in contemporary Catholic social teaching, as well as similar trends in the broader Christian community. He articulates a refined just peace framework or process that has arisen from and within a pastoral approach that listens to the experiences and voices of people in conflict situations across various cultural spaces. He then turns to the recent and challenging case of the war in Ukraine to explore and argue for a just peace approach rooted in the praxis of accompaniment. The author also reflects on the distinction between and implications of an accompaniment approach and a justification-of-war approach to initiate more inquiry on this topic.
Doctoral Thesis, 2022
In the last century, the Ukrainian-Polish relationship has ranged from strategic, neighbourly cooperation to wide-scale oppression and violence. Despite political and historical attempts to address historical controversies and tragedies, there continue to be diverging meta-narratives on events such as the Volhynian massacres and Operation Vistula, which suggest a protracted conflict. Therefore, this thesis will, first, suggest that representatives of the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church (UGCC) are particularly well-suited to initiate, facilitate, and guide peacebuilding efforts in the lingering Polish-Ukrainian conflict, and second, make some suggestions of how such peacebuilding activity could take shape. To make these arguments, this study is structured in the following manner. After a thorough description of the academic and societal status quo on the Polish-Ukrainian conflict, three lines of argument will be pursued. First, by means of a qualitative analysis of interviews and focus groups with twenty-eight research participants (representatives of religious communities in Ukraine and Ukrainian experts), it will become apparent that the Polish-Ukrainian conflict is perceived to be unresolved, that there is a need for peacebuilding, that a wish for more meaningful peacebuilding exists, and what kind of peacebuilding is envisioned. Second, through an analysis of religious peacebuilding and peacebuilder characteristics, I will suggest that the UGCC and her representatives, in a variety of ways, align especially well with these characteristics. Third, the possible, future effectiveness of the UGCC and her representatives in the peacebuilding process is not merely a theoretical positum, for the history of the Polish-Ukrainian conflict shows that in people like Metropolitan Andrei Sheptyts’kyi, the UGCC finds an important precedent for such peacebuilding activities. Following these three strands, then, I will conclude with some practical suggestions of how this potential in the UGCC could be actualised.