Body Image, Gender and Food

Metadata of the chapter that will be visualized online Chapter Title Body Image, Gender, and Food Copyright Year 2013 Copyright Holder Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht Corresponding Author Family Name Moore Particle Given Name Lisa Jean Suffix Author Division Sociology and Gender Studies, Purchase College Organization State University of New York Address New York, NY, USA Family Name Mycek Particle Given Name Mari Kate Suffix Division Purchase College Organization State University of New York Address New York, NY, USA Metadata of the chapter that will be visualized online Chapter Title Body Image, Gender, and Food Copyright Year 2013 Copyright Holder Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht Corresponding Author Family Name Moore Particle Given Name Lisa Jean Suffix Author Division/Department Sociology and Gender Studies, Purchase College Organization/University State University of New York City New York State NY Country USA Email lisa-jean.moore@purchase.edu Family Name Mycek Particle Given Name Mari Kate Suffix Division/Department Purchase College Organization/University State University of New York City New York State NY Country USA Email mkmycek@gmail.com Encyclopedia of Food and Agricultural Ethics DOI 10.1007/978-94-007-6167-4_6-1 # Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht 2013 Body Image, Gender, and Food Q1 Lisa Jean Moorea* and Mari Kate Mycekb a Sociology and Gender Studies, Purchase College, State University of New York, New York, NY, USA b Purchase College, State University of New York, New York, NY, USA Synonyms Consumption; Embodiment; Identity; Representations Introduction Q2 While human bodies must consume food to live, lives are organized around the actual harvesting, gathering, preparing, and eating of food. These practices, particularly consumption, are deeply cultured and gendered. The ranges of appropriate body sizes and shapes are also highly gendered. In the USA, men on average are 5.5 in. taller and 29.3 lb heavier than women (CDC 2012). Though not all men are larger nor all women smaller, they are expected to be based on feminine and masculine body ideals. Most people strive for socially and culturally normative body sizes. The presentation of self as a gendered person is achieved through the use of markers and symbols, including clothing, hairstyles, and jewelry. Humans manage their interactions with others using behavior and physical activities considered appropriate for one’s sex category (Goffman 1959). Internal and external body image, its size, shape, contours, and ornamentation, is inextricably tied with the essential biological need to consume food as well as the validation of body presentation. Globally in heterogeneous cultures, bodies are dichotomously depicted and presented as male, whereby a body will be muscular, hairy, large, tall, and solid, or as female, whereby a body will be slender, smooth, hairless, petite, and slight. Those falling outside of the gendered descriptions of body size and appearance are often in the challenging position of sculpting, controlling, starving, or enhancing their bodies for the preferred male or female presentation of self. This entry covers the definition and ethics of body image, gendered relationships with food, disordered eating across the globe, Pro-Ana Movements, and Fatness Studies. Body Image Body image is defined as a person’s self-perception of his or her own body. Internal body image refers to the way someone feels about his or her own body; this is psychological. External body image is how others perceive and react to bodies; this is sociological. There is an ongoing interaction between the psychological and sociological perspectives of body image, which are inextricably linked: a person’s internal body image can be vastly different from their external body image. The disconnect between what is perceived about the body and how the body publically *Email: lisa-jean.moore@purchase.edu Page 1 of 10 Encyclopedia of Food and Agricultural Ethics DOI 10.1007/978-94-007-6167-4_6-1 # Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht 2013 appears has largely been accredited to sociological factors, particularly different media representations of the ideal body (Grogan 2008). People absorb revered and stigmatized images of different bodies through friends and family or via media including television, magazines, and the Internet. Constantly bombarded with these images of bodies, individuals are influenced to judge and consider their own perceived flaws and develop body projects (Brumberg 1997) to manage these “problems.” Men and women work to achieve an idealized body image and reap the rewards of prestige, attention, or accolades in the form of positive social sanctions. One of the primary ways individuals discipline human bodies to better reflect the “ideal” body type is through the selection of food and eating habits. The consumption of food and management of weight and body size are how body image is regulated. Furthermore, part of maintaining an acceptable body image goes beyond one’s physiological shape and involves bodies acting in a culturally and socially regulated way through table manners, portion control, and expression of tastes. Seemingly trivial movements such as the way one walks or holds a fork are not merely how the body functions but also cultural imprints which adapt to norms of gendered, racialized, and classed bodies (Bordo 1993). Gendered Relationships with Food Food is one of the ways to express identity and group membership – as cultured or raced, as gendered, and as part of a social class. Although consumption is universally human, the ways people eat and what they chose to eat are not universal; eating practices and preferences are culturally produced (Lupton 1996; Kluger et al. 2004). Food advertisements take advantage of the need for food in ways that appeal to specific groups of people. Men and women have been socialized to eat differently. Originating with prehistoric ideas of men as hunters and women as gatherers (Sobal 2005), eating habits and ideas transcend generations by the actions and diets of older men and women which are passed down to their children and then to their children’s children. Individuals often mimic the performances that receive favorable reaction and engender generations of similar performances (Goffman 1959). Gender can dictate the type of food that a person eats. Men are shown overwhelmingly to eat more meat and protein-based diets, in part because many societies prioritize their nutrition over that of women (Adams 2000; Lockie and Collie 1999; Rogers 2008; Nath 2011). Men also are shown and expected to eat more meat because of what animal flesh symbolically represents. Eating meat has come to represent human’s superiority over other animals because of its representation as a masculine food (Adams 2000). Eating animal flesh is used as a display of power over other animals, supposedly proving human’s strength (Fiddes 1991). Though these ideas are perpetuated daily, researchers have found flaws in their fundamental accuracy. Meat as a representation of masculinity, power, and strength contradicts with what meat actually does to the human body. Despite new scientific studies that connect the consumption of red meat to coronary heart disease, the eating of meat is still dominantly considered a means to strength, health, and virility (Nath 2011; Lockie and Collie 1999). The consumption of meat has moral implications beyond its masculine representation. Philosophers debate the ethical concerns of eating meat and other foods (Kaplan 2012). It is no coincidence that the foods marketed to women are often described as healthier and are associated with weight loss. The grand narrative of advertising food to women in high-income countries is thinness. One of the most common foods targeted at women is yogurt. Yogurt is largely considered a healthy food option. Yogurt commercials often feature dessert flavors: Boston crème Page 2 of 10 Encyclopedia of Food and Agricultural Ethics DOI 10.1007/978-94-007-6167-4_6-1 # Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht 2013 pie and strawberry cheesecake. Dieting women routinely deny themselves such foods as pie and cheesecake in order to maintain the elusive “perfect body.” This denial of food is culturally specific, often resonating in upper- and middle-class women whose food supply has never been jeopardized (Lupton 1996; Counihan 1998; Allen and Sachs 2007). Feminist scholars suggest using social, historical, and physical environment factors to explore gendered food and body image issues. Women and girls’ relationship to food and their bodies have many influences beyond being ultrathin women including participation in sports, stress, and access to food (Yancey et al. 2006). Disordered Eating Q3 Q4 Eating disorders, disordered eating, and eating disturbances are terms used to identify clinical manifestations of skewed body images and psychologically categorized pathological eating practices. In the USA, the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM-V) describes four main categories of eating disorders. These disorders include anorexia nervosa, self-starvation; bulimia nervosa, bingeing and compensatory behaviors such as self-induced vomiting; binge eating disorder, recurrent episodes of eating significantly more food in a short period of time than most people would eat under similar circumstances; and eating disorders not otherwise specified (EDNOS), any combination of signs and symptoms typical of anorexia and bulimia (American Psychological Association 2013). It is estimated that up to 24 million people in the USA suffer from an eating disorder, including anorexia nervosa, bulimia nervosa, and binge eating disorder (ANAD 2013). Up to 70 million people suffer from eating disorders around the world (Renfew 2003). Surprisingly, in industrialized countries, eating disorders have the highest mortality rate of any psychiatric illness, yet they garner the lowest funding towards prevention, education, and research (NEDA 2013). Many insurance companies do not cover treatment. Insurance that does cover treatment often has strict regulations for qualification that are not met until the eating disorder is highly developed. This time lag is especially problematic because studies overwhelmingly show eating disorders are harder to treat the longer they are present (Dias 2003; Peebles et al. 2012). Most people who are clinically diagnosed with the illness never fully recover (Boero and Pasco 2012). Studies of eating disorders largely focus on women, and erroneously there are long-held beliefs that men do not have eating disorders. Men comprise 10–15 % the total number of anorexia and bulimia cases in the USA (ANAD 2013). Studies have shown that men and women suffer from binge eating in similar numbers. Men seem to be more dissatisfied with their bodies when their body weight and height fall below average (Strother et al. 2012). Their body image dissatisfactions and how they suffer from these disorders reflect larger societal pressures (Weltzin et al 2005). Men are more likely to become obsessed with exercise because muscular toned bodies are the hegemonic masculine ideal. Muscle dysmorphia is characterized by preoccupation or obsession with muscularity and most prevalent in men, resulting in the use of anabolic steroids and growth hormones. One study suggests that the percentage of men using these substances is similar to the percentage of women with anorexia and bulimia (Strother et al. 2012). Women in other countries, both developed and undeveloped nations, are influenced by the US standards of ideal body size. Globalization has been blamed for body image dissatisfaction and eating disorders in countries outside of the USA. Women in Fuji idealized the ultrathin body for what it represents – material wealth and a consumer lifestyle – but they did not find the thin body attractive in itself (Edmonds 2012). A study in highly Westernized Belize found that despite the Page 3 of 10 Encyclopedia of Food and Agricultural Ethics DOI 10.1007/978-94-007-6167-4_6-1 # Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht 2013 high prevalence of US media, the country had no clinically significant eating disorders. A local tradition of caring for one’s own body may protect young girls from eating disorders (Edmonds 2012). Even though there are countries that defy the assumption that Westernization causes body image problems and eating disorders, there are many studies that show an increase in eating disorders outside of the USA. A study in Navarra, Spain, found that in an 18-month period, 4.8 % of a 2,509 sample of women ages 13–22 developed an eating disorder (Lahortiga-Ramos et al. 2005). Most research of eating disorders and body image is conducted within the USA, a country thought of as the root of global body dissatisfaction. Significantly, Argentinians and Brazilians have increasing rates of body dissatisfaction. It is estimated that 10 % of Argentine adolescent girls suffer from some sort of eating disorder. Brazil has the highest per capita use of diet medication in the world (Forbes et al. 2011). There are many difficulties in studying the epidemiology of eating disorders because individuals suffering from eating disorders often hide their struggle and attempt to conceal their illness from doctors, families, and friends. This secrecy and shame makes community studies of eating disorders challenging, often inaccurate. Therefore, researchers base their analyses on medical records to ascertain the incidence and prevalence rates. While this technique may provide some information, it is likely that statistics about eating disorders are underestimated (NEDA 2013; Smink et al. 2012). Studies of cultural, ethnic, and racial determinants of eating disorders and body image, mostly conducted on US-based populations, largely focus on comparative analysis of white and black women. One notable difference in body image revolves around perception. White women are found to be dissatisfied with their bodies when their weight falls into average or below average categories. Black women do not have eating disturbances until they are in overweight categories, if at all. White women suffer from anorexia and bulimia more commonly, and black women suffer from binge eating and obesity. Many researchers believe that part of the reason black women are often heavier than white women is because they are fighting multiple oppressions and are comforted by food (Lovejoy 2001; Feinson 2011). Overall, researchers find that black communities are more accepting of different body types as attractive, resulting in fewer black women being driven to extremes to achieve unattainable thinness (Kelch-Oliver and Ancis 2011). There also seems to be less pressure from family, friends, and romantic partners to conform to Western standards of beauty (Jefferson and Stake 2009). A study of adolescent Ecuadorian girls explores the pressure felt to both be “Western beautiful” and beautiful within their own culture. In interviews, the girls gave descriptions of beauty coinciding with Western ideas. Only women with very light or white skin and Caucasian features are recognized as the ideal beauty. The participants judged real women less harshly than models and celebrities, using the Ecuadorian word “arreglada,” meaning “well groomed,” to describe beauty. As long as the woman puts effort into her appearance and has a good heart, she is generally thought of as beautiful (de Casanova 2004). The Western hegemonic depictions of unrealistic ultrathin models have the potential to affect women and girls globally, resulting in body image dissatisfaction and confusion. Page 4 of 10 Encyclopedia of Food and Agricultural Ethics DOI 10.1007/978-94-007-6167-4_6-1 # Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht 2013 Pro-Ana Movements Open dialogue websites made and used by women suffering with eating disorders have become a subject of interest over the past decade. The websites often include advice, images, discussion boards, videos, and audio that explain and encourage a lifestyle that integrates eating disorders. Part of engaging in these websites involves developing an online persona. These websites, referred to as “Pro-Anorexia” or “Pro-Ana,” have been deemed problematic because of their positive reinforcement of eating disorders. Many images of models and celebrities are presented as “thinspiration.” These images are often criticized as harmful and triggering, yet Pro-Ana websites are only one of many places that pictures of extremely thin models are displayed (billboards, magazines, etc.). Importantly, many women who are often very secretive about their eating disorders in public are very open about it online, resulting in two different identity performances. These websites, accessed by anyone with the Internet, provide a space for them to discuss their issues with others who have similar problems, free from judgment (Borzekowski et al. 2010). Many of the websites have disclaimers before entering, stating that they are only meant for people who have eating disorders. Weigh-ins, posting photographs, and food journals are all used to discourage less involved users. The users of these websites struggle with bringing their real-life bodies into a disembodied space. The community is built by those who successfully display themselves as “real” anorexic bodies (Boero and Pasco 2012). Women with eating disorders are often thought of as “irrational” and “in denial” of their behavior. The narratives on Pro-Ana websites contradict these statements. Many women claim to be self-aware and are making attempts to address their disordered relationship with food. Women realize the “perfect body” is virtually unachievable, yet still aspire to it. Treatment for eating disorders is highly flawed in the USA. Fatness Studies The proliferation of an idealized thin body type is completely incongruent with real-life global bodies. According to the World Health Organization, over 50 % of the women in the regions of North America, Europe, and Eastern Mediterranean are overweight. The majority of the world lives where more people die from issues associated with obesity rather than malnourishment (WHO 2013). Fat bodies receive a comparable amount of attention as thin bodies, but in very different ways. Fat bodies are harshly criticized in the media, by the medical industrial complex, and within the general population. While fat bodies are regularly seen in public, they are rarely seen in the entertainment media, and when represented they appear as the abject body. These bodies are medicalized as unhealthy and layered with stigmatized terms such as lazy, careless, and stupid. Fat bodies have not always been depicted as unhealthy and undesired. They once symbolized wealth and prosperity, signifying access to an abundance of food rather than having to struggle for it. Somewhere between the 1880s and 1920s, messages about fatness changed from healthy and beautiful to unhealthy and unattractive (Rothbum and Solovay 2009). Since then, fat bodies have seen a steady increase of negative attention (Gilman 2008). Fat bodies are considered a risk to themselves as well as a drain on limited public resources, as fatness is associated with illness and disease such as diabetes and heart conditions. Individuals who are fat have reported being denied healthcare or forced to pay a higher medical premium. They are also subject to discrimination in the workplace, often not hired for physical jobs and/or jobs that interact with the public (Berg 2008). Page 5 of 10 Encyclopedia of Food and Agricultural Ethics DOI 10.1007/978-94-007-6167-4_6-1 # Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht 2013 Personal responsibility overshadows class, ethnic, and social explorations of body size. Many of the determinants that foster weight gain are rooted in industries and everyday life practices that are difficult to challenge. Many people work at jobs that require them to sit at a desk for the majority of the day without any physical activity. Food industries supply readily available, very cheap, and very unhealthy food (Lupton 2013). Though being extremely overweight, or in medical terms “morbidly obese,” can cause some health problems, the obsession with fat bodies as a sign of unhealthiness is often unbalanced. Researchers opposing the medicalization of fat bodies explain that there is no statistical evidence that equates fatness with ill health or disease and there is no evidence that losing body fat improves a person’s health status (Lupton 2013). Fat bodies are constantly bombarded with images of ultrathin women and how they got to be that way. Diet and fitness magazines never display fat bodies but are always talking about them (Kent 2001). In popular culture, fat bodies are consistently kept invisible. They are only shown if they are trying to become thin: “before” pictures in dieting ads and in the newly popular weight loss television series. Fat bodies are never shown as “normal” media characters or as successful, sexy, or in charge (Kent 2001). Yet, over one-third of the US population is considered obese and 69.2 % of Americans are considered overweight (CDC 2012). The lack of positive images of fat bodies serves a purpose. Fat bodies are left to feel isolated and unworthy. When they are displayed, it is only to show that there is a way to change: to choose this diet, to buy this supplement. The stigmatization of fat bodies is justified by the idea that thinness is preferred, healthy, universally achievable, and natural. Even if eating healthy and exercising regularly were an infallible way of achieving a thin body, there would still be challenges. Healthy food costs more money and time than unhealthy food. Food insecurity is described as the inability to acquire nutritionally adequate and safe foods (Smith and Bloomberg 2008). It has been acknowledged that lower socioeconomic areas lack access to healthy, affordable foods (White 2007). These areas often have limited access to large supermarkets, causing people to rely on smaller shops, convenience stores, and fast-food restaurants. The food obtained at these places may relieve hunger, but often lack nutritional value (Smith and Bloomberg 2008). To counter the oppression of fat bodies, a movement of size acceptance has emerged out of feminist and queer liberation movements. Feminists have been advocating for fat bodies for decades, discussing why fat bodies should not be disparaged (Kent 2001). Acknowledging that fat bodies are not necessarily unhealthy would also help in the acceptance of larger and different bodies. A grassroots movement of healthcare workers, researchers, consumers, and activists has been trying to shift the idea of what a healthy body looks like. Health at Every Size (HAES) emphasizes healthy everyday practices and body acceptance. The actual weight and size of a body is not as important as its overall health (Burgard 2009; Lupton 2013). Many groups and individuals protest the discrimination of fat bodies. They believe size diversity among humans is natural and should be celebrated (Berg 2008). Summary Body image is continuously changing throughout the world. A person’s external appearance converges with his or her eating practices to help form an identity. Eating and producing food is not as simple as acquiring nutrients; its symbolism is powerful and morphs and adapts through time. Page 6 of 10 Encyclopedia of Food and Agricultural Ethics DOI 10.1007/978-94-007-6167-4_6-1 # Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht 2013 Cross-References ▶ Dieting and Weight Loss ▶ Dieting, Weight Loss, Yo-Yo Dieting ▶ Ecofeminist Food Ethics ▶ Food Addiction ▶ Food and Choice ▶ Food and Eating Etiquette ▶ Food Distribution and Gender ▶ Food Marketing ▶ Food Policy and Gender ▶ Food-body Relationship ▶ Gender and Dieting ▶ Gender Norms and Food Behavior ▶ Obesity ▶ Sexism and Food References Q5 Adams, C. J. (2000). The sexual politics of meat: A feminist-vegetarian critical theory. New York: Continuum. Allen, P., & Sachs, C. (2007). Women and food chains: The gendered politics of food. International Journal of Sociology and Agriculture, 15(1), 1–23. American Psychiatric Association. (2013). Feeding and eating disorders. Resource document. http://www.dsm5.org/Documents/Eating%20Disorders%20Fact%20Sheet.pdf. Accessed 28 May 2013. Berg, M. (2008). Fat acceptance. In K. 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Q6 Please provide journal title, volume no and page range for Forbes et al. (2011). Q7 Please check if inserted publisher location for Kent (2001) is okay. Page 10 of 10