Goryeo Buddhist Painting in an Interregional Context

The Smithsonian Institution Regents of the University of Michigan Goryeo Buddhist Painting in an Interregional Context Author(s): Yukio Lippit Source: Ars Orientalis, Vol. 35 (2008), pp. 192-232 Published by: Freer Gallery of Art, The Smithsonian Institution and Department of the History of Art, University of Michigan Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/25481912 . Accessed: 20/07/2014 21:13 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org. . The Smithsonian Institution and Regents of the University of Michigan are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Ars Orientalis. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 128.103.149.52 on Sun, 20 Jul 2014 21:13:47 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions i This content downloaded from 128.103.149.52 on Sun, 20 Jul 2014 21:13:47 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions YUKIO LIPPIT GORYEO BUDDHIST AN INTERREGIONAL IN CONTEXT Abstract 1 Kim Wumun PAINTING et al.,Water-Moon Avalokitesvara, 1310,hanging scroll, ink, colors, and gold on silk, 419.5 x 101.5 cm. Kagami Shrine, Karatsu City, Saga Prefecture, Japan. Because most Korean Buddhist paintings of the Goryeo period (918-1392) have survived only in the Japanese archipelago, research on them has been carried out primarily within isolated interpretive communities in Japan and Korea. This arti cle surveys the study ofGoryeo painted icons in Japan in an effort to identifyhow the unique reception history of this genre has conditioned itshistoriography. After considering the various historical factors that led to themovement of large num bers of early Korean Buddhist works to the archipelago, the article demonstrates how these largely anonymous scrolls came to bear attributions to Chinese profes sional painters of theNingbo region. The modern Japanese historiography is then surveyed in terms of three successive stages (1932-1967,1967-1981,1981-present) characterized in general terms by cataloging projects, iconographic studies, and contextual analyses. A concluding section assesses the legacy of this historiogra phy and future avenues of research that tie Goryeo Buddhist painting to larger questions concerning the nature of the East Asian Buddhist icon in general. BUDDHIST PAINTING" designates a corpus of early Korean hanging to 160 in close that has scrolls, number, increasingly become the focus of interna tional scholarly attention in recent years. Through symposia, research articles, and "GORYEO exhibitions, the visual and iconographic characteristics of painted Buddhist icons of theGoryeo period (918-1392) have gradually come into focus.1 Goryeo Buddhist painting evokes a body ofwork characterized by its sophisticated representation of garment textures, meticulous attention to surface patterns, and abundance of Pure Land subjects with a special emphasis on two celebrated bodhisattvas of the (K. Gwaneum) and Ksitigarbha (K. Jijang). Mahayana pantheon, Avalokitesvara These characteristics can be witnessed in awork widely considered to be among the most impressive examples of the genre,Water-Moon Avalokitesvara from Kagami Shrine in Japans Saga prefecture (fig. 1). In itsmassive scale (4.2meters in height), chromatic elegance, intricate textile patterns, and silky,gauze-like veil, almost hal lucinatory in itsdiaphaneity, Water-Moon Avalokitesvara showcases the technical virtuosity of the painting workshops associated with theGoryeo court. The work's sartorial celebration of its sitterneatly encapsulates the image ofGoryeo Buddhist painting shared bymost commentators. Knowledge about early Korean Buddhist painting, however, is shaped by its subsequent exodus from the peninsula: most extant examples were transmitted early on to Japanese temples, where theywere sheltered from the frequent foreign invasions, piracy, and internecine political tensions that resulted in the destruc tion of somany Korean Buddhist artifacts later on. In Japan the geographic ori 193 This content downloaded from 128.103.149.52 on Sun, 20 Jul 2014 21:13:47 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions gins of imported Goryeo Buddhist paintings were soon forgotten; within their exilic environments theywere often thought to be theworks of renowned Chinese masters until the twentieth century, when their peninsular origins were recog nized. Since then, however, their expatriate status has caused research on Goryeo Buddhist painting to be carried out within somewhat isolated interpretive com munities in both Japan and Korea. Furthermore, although scholarly exchange between these communities has developed rapidly in recent years, new observa tions and research trends have not always received a proper introduction in the English-language sphere. Because the study ofGoryeo Buddhist painting provides insights into the nature of East Asian Buddhist art as a whole, its unfa miliarity to a larger international art-historical and Buddhological community is amatter of regret.As one modest effort to facilitate amore global conversation on somany Goryeo Buddhist painting, this article surveys its reception and study in the Japa nese archipelago throughout the premodern and modern eras, including recent research trends and insights. The primary aim of this essay is historiographical, on Japanese-language scholarship. By understand focusing for the most part most extant examples has of in which the the ways archipelagic provenance ing framed the Japanese study of early Korean painting, which in turn has shaped the entire field ofGoryeo painting studies, it is hoped that certain interpretive preju dices can be recognized, while important vectors of future research are identified. An interregional approach toGoryeo Buddhist painting not only places in higher relief the pictorial qualities, representational habits, and iconographic contours of this refugee genre, but illuminates the fluidmobility and itinerant complexity of visual forms across the entire East Asian region. Goryeo Painted Icons and Their Diaspora When theGoryeo dynasty was established byWang Geon EEli (877-943) in 918, the Korean peninsula could already boast a long and distinguished tradition of of Koguryo, Paekche, royal Buddhist patronage among the peninsular kingdoms Silla, and the Kaya Silla kingdom (668 to entrust to Buddhism the task of pro states. Like its predecessor, theUnified 935), the Goryeo government continued invasion.2 The talismanic tecting the nation against natural calamity and outside was ensured through lavish aristo efficacy of state-sponsored Buddhist ritual cratic patronage of the sangha, ormonastic community, which increasingly came to be populated with members of theGoryeo elite. Along with land grants to Bud dhist institutions and ecclesiastical promotion, an official examination system function as centrifuges for significant From the ranks of the Buddhist ecclesia intellectual developments of the period. as Uicheon ii^ (1055-1101) and Jinul ?pf ft (1158-1210), emerged scholiasts such formonks 194 ensured thatmonasteries would YUKIO LIPPIT This content downloaded from 128.103.149.52 on Sun, 20 Jul 2014 21:13:47 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions author some of themost sophisticated exegetical writings in the his tory of East Asian Buddhism.3 It comes as no surprise, then, that theGoryeo court who would and its surrounding landscape of Buddhist institutions served as a rich matrix for the production of Buddhist icons and ritual implements. The degree towhich Buddhist artifacts provided a formal language for the expression of Korean con cerns about national security in particular can be gleaned from twomajor efforts undertaken by theGoryeo court towoodblock-print the entire Tripitaka, or Bud dhist canon of sacred texts. The first effort,begun in 1011but not completed until 1087,was spurred by invasions by the semi-nomadic Khitan Liao from the north. invasion in 1232, the After the firstGoryeo Tripitaka was destroyed by aMongol carving and printing of a second Tripitaka was initiated and completed by 1254. The xylographic reproduction of the entire scriptural canon was no small under taking; the blocks from the second set,which still survive inHaiensa $5RJ^f Tem ple, total 81,258 in number. The second Goryeo Tripitaka consists of some 1,516 texts in 6,815 volumes. Due to the high quality of its craftsmanship and redaction, this latterversion became themost sought-after compilation of the Buddha sword inNortheast Asia.4 The abovementioned peninsular invasions by bellicose northern neighbors to most artworks commissioned the transience of in this era. Although point the Goryeo period represents a nearly five-hundred-year span of sustained elite Buddhist patronage, very little remains inKorea itself to document this legacy in material terms. The remarkable nonsurvival of peninsular Buddhist artifacts can historical factors, among which themost important be attributed to numerous are: 1) the ravages suffered by theGoryeo kingdom at the hands ofwarring north ern peoples, most prominently theMongols during the thirteenth century; 2) the predations of Japanese pirates; 3) the devastating military invasions by the Japa nese warlord Toyotomi Hideyoshi JtE^I pf (1536-1598) in 1592 and 1597; and 4) the periodic suppressions of Buddhist institutions throughout the Joseon dynasty to these periodic waves of destruction were those works consisting of fragilematerials such as silk and paper. As a result,most painted hanging scrolls and decorated sutras from theGoryeo period are found in (1392-1910).5 Particularly vulnerable the Japanese archipelago, where theywere preserved throughout the premodern a This archive period. Japanese represents substantial repository ofmaterial with which to assess theGoryeo legacy of elite Buddhist patronage. As a prelude to such an assessment, it ishelpful to consider the reasons why the islands so became the home for Korean Buddhist Japanese many early adoptive paintings. Although littledocumentation remains to trace the specific contexts for the importation of paintings into the archipelago, ithas long been assumed that the Hideyoshi campaigns of the 1590swere themajor catalysts of dislodgement. 195 GORYEO BUDDHIST PAINTING IN AN INTERREGIONAL This content downloaded from 128.103.149.52 on Sun, 20 Jul 2014 21:13:47 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions CONTEXT In the last decade of the sixteenth century, after successfully unifying Japan and bringing to an end more than a century of continuous battle among regional war rior houses, Hideyoshi turned his attention overseas.6 In 1592 he launched a full scale siege of the peninsula, partly because of Korean refusal to grant his armies free passage to China, the original target of his military ambitions. Hideyoshi's armies advanced as far north as theYalu River before succumbing to a combined Sino-Korean counterattack, eventually retreating from the peninsula altogether the seventh month of 1593.The warlord mounted a second, less spirited cam by paign in 1597 that only came to full closure with his death in the following year. Throughout these operations, widespread looting of temple treasures was accom panied by the forced relocation ofKorean potters and other craftsmen to the Japa nese island of Kyushu.7 While the political, social, and cultural ramifications of Hideyoshi's Korea campaigns are too complex to consider here, suffice it to state that theywere responsible for thewidespread removal of Buddhist paintings and other artifacts to the archipelago. Scores of Korean paintings of the Joseon period currently found in Japanese temples were most likely deposited there as war booty from the 1592and 1597 incursions.8 And although the importation ofGoryeo paint ing due to these invasions cannot be documented, such a scenario was attached to the biographies of numerous scrolls during the Edo period. A fourteenth-century in Saikyoji Temple (Nagasaki prefecture), for nirvana of the Buddha's depiction was brought back from Korea example, bears an old box inscription stating that it as a spoil ofwar byMatsuura Shizunobu feffiiKffit, the domainal lord ofHirado province and retainer toHideyoshi.9 The spoliation of painted Buddhist icons dating from earlier periods, how to the amphibious assaults of Japanese pirates. ever, ismore likely to have been due the term "pirates" (J. kaizoku $51$ or wako \WM) often evokes the image of bands of rogue buccaneers, during themedieval period it could also refer to a broad range of local heads of littoral communities that controlled transportation While arteries along Japanese coastal areas, especially in the Seto Inland Sea.10Occasion tomount raids of neighboring countries, ally these communities would mobilize and the Goryeo sa ifSffiife,a chronicle of the Goryeo kingdom compiled in the fifteenth century, records piratical raids of the Korean peninsula as early as the 1220s.11 Japanese freebooting became an especially acute concern to the Korean to the early fifteenth centuries, and might even be credited with a defining role in international East Asian diplomatic relations the larger ramifications of such piracy, its result during this period.12Whatever a small archipelagic market for Korean Bud ing plunder appears to have fed dhist artifacts by the fourteenth century. The Zen priest Gido Shushin H^MHK court from themid-fourteenth (1325-1388), for example, records in his diary that he facilitated the procurement I96 YUKIO LIPPIT This content downloaded from 128.103.149.52 on Sun, 20 Jul 2014 21:13:47 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions temple Ho onji through amerchant he Shrine Water-Moon Avalokitesvara applied of a Korean cast-iron bell for theKamakura knew.13An inscription on the Kagami to its surface in 1391,when the painting was donated by a certain monk Ryoken Jill to the shrine, suggests that the scroll had been circulating on themarket before settling there.14As the archipelago decentralized over the course of the late fifteenthand earlier sixteenth centuries, however, pirates continued to be active as independent maritime authorities, until their sea-based suzerainty was weakened by, among other things, Hideyoshi's edict outlawing piracy in 1588.15It has been suggested that themany Korean and Chinese paintings found in temples dotting the coasts and islands of the Seto Island Sea were donated by theMurakami family of buccaneers, who governed what amounted to a small-scale thalassocracy in the region and patronized many of its religious institutions.16 Although Japanese piracy and military aggression certainly unmoored numer ous peninsular painted icons from their natal homes, peaceful maritime trade and international diplomacy were also significant engines for the circulation of objects inNortheast Asia. Official diplomatic exchanges betweenthe Joseon kings and various elites in the Japanese archipelago, for example, were common from the late fourteenth through themid-sixteenth centuries. As Kenneth R. Robinson has demonstrated, whereas East Asian international diplomacy during this period in terms of theMing tally trade, the Joseon court conceptualized interregional diplomacy with itself at the center of a Confucian order.17 Its diplomatic transactions were carried out in an accordingly hierarchi has typically been considered cal manner, with Ryukyu kings and Japanese shoguns treated as status equals, but local Japanese elites as lesser partners. The latterwere interested in carrying on trade with the peninsula and securing the high-quality Buddhist artifacts for renowned, including large cast-iron temple bells and printed copies of the Goryeo Tripitaka.18 The Buddhist canon of scriptures was of special importance and provides a key to understanding the nexus ofmotivations that which Korea was lubricated interregionalism in this period. Due to its craftsmanship and high quality of redaction the "Tripitaka Kore ana" was sought after by elites all over Northeast Asia, both as an authoritative scriptural canon and as a form of political legitimation. Interested Ryukyuan and Japanese parties frequently sent embassies to the Joseon court in the hopes of procuring complete sets of the Buddha's teachings; fore version of the Buddhist most among them were the Ashikaga, whose eagerness to possess copies of the over took the observance of diplomatic Goryeo Tripitaka frequently precedence one niceties. On occasion the fourth shogun, Ashikaga Yoshimochi SLftlH^f even insulted his counterparts by referring to his own embassy as a (1386-1428), "Sutra Request Envoy" 197 GORYEO BUDDHIST (J. seikyoshi ft$5{|l), PAINTING in contrast to the Joseon request for IN AN INTERREGIONAL This content downloaded from 128.103.149.52 on Sun, 20 Jul 2014 21:13:47 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions CONTEXT a Reciprocal Envoy (K. huilesa, J.kaireishi [Hj^Lfli).19The shogunate and regional warrior houses also procured sutras to offer to temples they sponsored. The late Goryeo and early Joseon courts were interested in stemming the tide of piracy that was plaguing its coastal borders, but established diplomatic tieswith local elites in western Japan after quickly realizing that theAshikaga were ineffectual in itspre vention. Sutra grants were used as incentives for cooperation in keeping maraud ingmariners at bay. Once piracy subsided in the early fifteenth century, diplomatic exchanges were carried on more as a form of Confucian theater inwhich the strict of propriety was prioritized. Royal release appears to have been inti mately tied to internal Joseon politics, deeply enmeshed in competing discourses of Confucian and Buddhist influence at court. The Korean rulers did not often maintenance release sutras and other items to parties other than Ryukyuan or Japanese rulers and local warrior houses with whom the court had long-standing relations. Yet local elites such as theOuchi ^rt, Otomo j^lzl, and So zk families inKyushu and western Japan were so desperate to enter the Tripitaka Trade that they even took on imposter identities, not only assuming the face of the shogunate on occasion, but also fabricating Ryukyuan administrative titles or the names of regional Japa nese temples on whose behalf they pretended to request sutra releases.20 In this manner, Northeast Asian diplomacy during the early Joseon period took place within a heterogeneous landscape of varying diplomatic perspectives and radi cally dissimilar motivations formaritime exchange. Most of the Korean Buddhist artifacts transferred to Japan through the Tripi taka Trade were sutras and large bells formonastic use. Based on an extensive survey of the numerous inscriptions on Goryeo- and early Joseon-period Korean has sutras and cast-iron bells in Japanese collections, Kusui Takashi ffi^HLiS that these objects settled in their current locations as a result of the are found primarily periodic Joseon release of Buddhist artifacts.21Such artifacts inwestern Japan, in temples and warrior families in Kyushu and provinces such demonstrated as Suo and Nagato on thewestern end of Japan's main island. Their provenance in daimyo families closely linked to Korean-Japanese maritime relations, such as theOuchi and So families, or in temples sponsored by such families, suggests that rather than stolen booty, theywere the objects of official interaction, complicat in Japanese collections. Likewise, it is ing received etiologies of Korean objects in Japan on the coattails possible that early Korean Buddhist paintings arrived of the Tripitaka Trade, added to sutra requests by Joseon kings but not necessar were not themain objects of exchange. In 1467, for ily chronicled because they a "Buddha" to a request by example, the Joseon king Sejo "tHrll(r. 1455-68) added a Japanese woman for a copy of the Lotus Sutra.22Whether this "Buddha" refers to a painting or sculpture is unclear, but it is of interest as an example of a gift that 198 YUKIO LIPPIT This content downloaded from 128.103.149.52 on Sun, 20 Jul 2014 21:13:47 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions could occasionally be appended to a royal release. Indeed, instances of such good will gestures can be found scattered throughout the documentary record. A1422 sutra request by the shogunate includes grateful acknowledgement for a portrait of a Buddhist monk ithad received sixteen years earlier.23 In 1464, in addition to the requested Golden Light Sutra, an envoy for the So family received a painting of a Buddhist deity from the Joseon court.24 Itmay be that devout kings such as Sejo were particularly generous in adding such bonus items to their sutra releases.25 only scattered evidence remains, these examples indicate at least some of the possible routes, other than pillage and plunder, bywhich early Korean painted icons found theirway to Japan. While Archipelagic Afterlives Once in Japan,memory of the geographic origins of Goryeo paintings appears to have faded quickly, in part because these paintings often bore no signatures or inscriptions. The fewworks that did include dedications, furthermore, employed era names from the Yuan period, adopted by theGoryeo kingdom late in itsdynasty, further obfuscating for later commentators any links to a Korean pro duction context. The earliest surviving attributions to these mostly anonymous Chinese indicate that theywere often thought to be by renowned Chinese masters of Buddhist painting; such misrecognitions were common until the twentieth works century. Given the authority of Chinese cultural precedent in Japan, it is not sur prising thatmost Korean works in Japanese collections were attributed from the seventeenth century onward to a small cluster of continental painters. Four proper names in particular appear with farmore frequency than any others:Wu Daozi jU Xijin Chushiffi#Jg?, and LuXinzhong |gf?/?.26 it-?, Zhang Sigong MS, The process by which Goryeo icons came to be incorporated into the evolving Japanese canon of Chinese painting provides insight into theways painting tradi tionswere imagined in the premodern archipelago, and merits a brief excursus. painting attributions were typically drawn from Manual here of the Shogunal Attendant (J.Kundaikan sochoki?Illllfc^lfiSfS, after referred to as theKundaikan manual), a connoisseurial guide to Chinese Candidates for Buddhist luxury objects and their display compiled by cultural advisors to the Ashikaga shogunate. Over the course of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, successive Ashikaga shoguns accumulated a variety of Chinese objects (J. karamono Mtffl) used in elaborate display programs for shogunal guests.27 Decorative arrange ments of continental ceramics, lacquers, bronzes, and paintings allowed the sho an to boast alternative form of cultural refinement to that of the gunate imperial court and aristocracy, while playing an important role in the gift economy of the medieval warrior elite. The collection was curated by three generations of cul 199 GORYEO BUDDHIST PAINTING IN AN INTERREGIONAL This content downloaded from 128.103.149.52 on Sun, 20 Jul 2014 21:13:47 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions CONTEXT tural advisors to the shogunate, themost famous ofwhom were Noami fiiN^ (1397-1471), his son Geiami SN^ (1431-1485), and his grandson Soami tSN* $5 (d. i525).28The Ami advisors initially compiled theKundaikan manual as an internal reference forAshikaga chinoiserie and display practices. In tandem with the decline of the shogunate and exodus of objects from its collection in the late fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries, however, themanual circulated widely as a codification ofAshikaga taste. Such was the aura of the Ashikaga cultural sphere that in later generations theKundaikan would become the single most important model for interior display and connoisseurship of Chinese luxury imports among warrior and merchant tea circles.29 relevant to the new identities accorded Goryeo Buddhist paintings is the of theKundaikan known as the Painters List, a brief compendium of the portion lives of Chinese painting masters throughout the ages. A typical entry from the Kundaikan Painters List recorded the name of theChinese painter followed by the Most subjects forwhich he was most well-known, thus oftentimes codifying a one-to one correspondence between a given painter and subject. Although the Painters List was based on Chinese painting texts,most prominently Xia Wenyan's 1365 itwas augmented by of Painting (C. Tuhui baojian Hl^Si!:), shogunal advisors with names from signatures found on paintings in the shogu nal collection or surrounding monasteries of Kyoto.30 This manner of compila Precious Mirror tion led to the inclusion of Chinese painters otherwise forgotten on the continent, such as the heads of professional Buddhist painting studios from theNingbo ^ $? region (present-day Zhejiang province). The port city of Ningbo was long an important waystation for foreign envoys and trade missions to China, as well as the seat of a flourishing Buddhist microculture. Its painting ateliers produced col orful multi-sectarian Buddhist subjects such as the Sixteen Arhats and Ten Hell Kings in large sets for local religious institutions, but these works were also taken back to the archipelago by pilgrim-monks and other Japanese visitors to themain land.31Ningbo Buddhist painters typically inscribed their names and even their studio addresses on their paintings, possibly as a form of advertisement.32 Not highly regarded according to normative literati aesthetic standards, these scrolls failed to be preserved or recorded by Chinese collectors. Because so many such works were imported to Japan from the twelfth to fourteenth century, however, it is only there thatNingbo painters and their craft have been remembered and In all, the names of some thirteen painters from the region are known through inscription, and several found theirway into theKundaikan Painter's List, mas although misprisions could sometimes result in the creation of imaginary names the twelfth ters. In one case, that ofXijin Chushi M^feJiri (act. century), and JinChushi ^fe:^?, were mistak of two separate painters, JinDashu 4^31: appreciated. 200 YUKIO LIPPIT This content downloaded from 128.103.149.52 on Sun, 20 Jul 2014 21:13:47 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions a moniker enly assumed to refer to the same "Layman Jin" (JinChushi 4^Jgr?), derived from a misreading of the characters of the second name. The fictitious name was completed when a character (xiM or "west") from the studio addresses listed in the two painters' signatures was mistakenly assumed to be a part of their/ his surname, thereby resulting in the illusory persona "Xijin Chushi."33 The Kundaikan Painters List thus came to serve as a source fromwhich Chinese proper names were applied to hundreds of anonymous Goryeo paintings in Japa nese collections. Some of these names, such asWu Daozi, the legendary painter ofmonastic mural decor in themid-Tang period, were prominently featured in all standard accounts of Chinese painting. Others, including Zhang Sigong, Xijin Chushi, and Lu Xinzhong, resonated only in Japan. The attribution of anonymous Korean Buddhist paintings to obscure Chinese professional painters by Japanese connoisseurs points both to the fluid mobility of East Asian religious icons as well as the arbitrariness of the identities that could be projected onto them during the premodern era.34 For later generations of Japanese connoisseurs, then, the subjectivity of was Buddhist buried under the Goryeo painting prestige of Chinese textuality and the cultural aura of theAshikaga shogunate. Nationality was of less concern in the premodern period than the existence of an authoritative proper name, and by extension, genealogy or tradition, towhich a painted icon could be linked. It would be a mistake to claim that therewas no consciousness of Korean painting in Japan before the twentieth century, however. Early dedicatory inscriptions on the backs of Korean iconic scrolls occasionally make mention of their peninsu lar origins.35Unkoku-school painters inwestern Japan sometimes authenticated anonymous scrolls they came across as "Korean paintings" (J. Koma-e or Korai-e rSiillzx).36Furthermore, a text entitled Lives ofKorean Painters and Calligraphers said to be compiled by the literati painter Tani (J.Chosen shoga den MMWMiS), Buncho ^^Cfl (1760-1841), was in circulation during themid-nineteenth cen tury.37 Although this publication included entriesmostly on scholar-officials who wielded the brush, itdoes include one Goryeo monk, Hyeheo Ulit, whose name is found on a Buddhist painting that still survives, theWhite-Robed Avalokitesvara of Sensoji Temple in Tokyo.38 Nevertheless, Goryeo paintings entered themod ern era continuing to be as Chinese works, in some cases well into misrecognized the twentieth century. Early articles introducing these icons in the prestigious art history journal Kokka WM consistently refer to them by their later continental attributions.39 It is clear from these early twentieth-century publications that the legacy of theKundaikan Painters List was still alive, and that early Korean hanging scrolls were being understood as works of Chinese manufacture. More specifi cally, theywere increasingly being grouped under the rubric of the "Zhang Sigong 201 GORYEO BUDDHIST PAINTING IN AN INTERREGIONAL This content downloaded from 128.103.149.52 on Sun, 20 Jul 2014 21:13:47 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions CONTEXT 2 3 2 Anonymous, Peacock King, late eleventh century, hanging scroll, ink, colors, and gold on silk, 167.1x 102.6 cm. Ninnaji Temple, Kyoto, Japan. 3 Anonymous, Amitabha Eight Great Bodhisattvas, and the fourteenth century, hanging scroll, ink, colors, and gold on silk, 191.0 x 103.0 cm. Freer Gallery ofArt, Smithsonian Institution, Washington Charles D.C, Lang Freer (F1906.269). gift of as earthy, overly decorative, or otherwise slightly style" (J.Choshikyoyo 3SS3S1H) unorthodox Chinese works to be contrasted with the naturalism and refine ment of Buddhist paintings such as The Peacock King (fig. 2) or Thousand-Armed Avalokitesvara, from Eihoji Temple, Gifu Prefecture.40 Under the sway of this tax onomy, overseas collectors in the early years of the twentieth century often pur chased Goryeo Buddhist paintings under the assumption that theywere obtaining a scroll by a Chinese master. When Amitabha and theEight Great Bodhisattvas (fig. 3) was purchased by Charles Lang Freer (1854-1919) in 1906, it bore an attribu tion to Zhang Sigong.41 The same label was applied toKsitigarbha (fig. 4), a work in the early twentieth century.42Although purchased by Henry O. Havemeyer were such misattributions connoisseurial miscues adjusted by later generations of cognoscenti, at the time they directly reflected themanner inwhich East Asian painting history was being authored and understood. Thus the art historian Ernest Fenollosa (1853-1908) reproduced both Freer's abovementioned Amitabha and theEight Great Bodhisattvas and another work now known to be of Goryeo provenance, Water-Moon Avalokitesvara (fig.5), as representative works of "mysti cal Buddhist painting inChina" in his Epochs ofChinese and Japanese Art of'1912. True to his reputation as a leading savant of his time, however, Fenollosa could not 202 YUKIO LIPPIT This content downloaded from 128.103.149.52 on Sun, 20 Jul 2014 21:13:47 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions ^^^^^^RSifP s^sHE** 9BBBF ^^^^^^B 4 5 4 Anonymous, reconcile the obvious differences between Ksitigarbha, fourteenth century, hanging scroll, ink, colors, and gold on silk, 84.5 x 36.8 cm. Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York. 5 Anonymous, Water-Moon Avalokitesvara, fourteenth century, hanging scroll, ink, colors, and gold on silk, 98.4 x 47.8 cm. Freer Gallery ofArt, Smithsonian Washington D.C, Institution, gift of Charles Lang Freer (F1904.13). such paintings and works of Ningbo as the Five Hundred such Luohans that he admired so origin ofDaitokuji?works much.43 He thus revised the attribution of the Freer Water-Moon Avalokitesvara to that of a Song-period copy of an original by the early Tang master Yan Liben K 1L^, and already recognized in it attributes thatwould later be identified as sig nature characteristics of Goryeo Buddhist painting: "The flesh is of gold, always a feature of the Enriuhon [Yan Liben] type, and found thus combined with thick colouring in the costume down to later times inNorthern work... The head-dress is built up into an elaborate tiara of coloured gems and flowers. But the peculiar feature of this type is the enshrouding of thewhole body in an elaborate lace veil, painted in thin tones of cream over the heavy colours, and which hangs from the top of the tiara."44 The Birth of a Field the course of the century, however, an awareness began Japanese scholars that a group of scrolls scattered in various Over to emerge among temple, museum, a and private collections quite possibly reflected tradition of early Buddhist paint ing distinct from that of the Jiangnan region. These works demonstrated certain 203 GORYEO BUDDHIST PAINTING IN AN INTERREGIONAL This content downloaded from 128.103.149.52 on Sun, 20 Jul 2014 21:13:47 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions CONTEXT stylistic tics and iconographic commonalities that did not fit unproblematically under the rubric of Chinese painting. Furthermore, some of them bore inscrip tions hinting at Korean origins, which suggested that a much larger group of anonymous works herded under the banner of Zhang nated from the peninsula. Itwas with this consciousness Sigong in fact also origi that the systematic inves on tigation of Korean painting was launched and modern Japanese scholarship was will be devoted of this born. The remainder Buddhist essay painting Goryeo to an interpretive survey of some of themost important studies and observations since the inauguration ofmodern painting. For the sake of convenience, made Japanese scholarship on Korean Buddhist it is useful to divide this history broadly into three stages, each culminating in a landmark publication that encapsulates itsmost important developments. The first stage (1932-67) is characterized by a dawning awareness of a distinct corpus of Korean Buddhist paintings in Japanese collections, as well as initial attempts to introduce and inventory it.The second phase (1967-81) witnesses a focus on the earliest and finest examples of peninsular a rough profile of religious painting from the Goryeo period. During this period Buddhist the aesthetic and iconographic characteristics ofGoryeo painting is out lined. Fleshing out the framework established by these earlier periods, the third stage (1981-present) is characterized by a complexification of this profile through contextual studies of individual scrolls or groups of paintings. While these stages are merely intended to provide an easy-to-follow narrative trajectory of Japanese historiography on early Korean Buddhist painting, they are neverthe numerous less useful in highlighting the differing concerns that drove scholarly inquiry on this subject over the years. The changing nature of these concerns can be grasped through a closer look at each of these stages. The systematic investigation of Korea's cultural heritage by Japanese scholars was a legacy of the colonial period (1910-45). Soon after the annexation of the pen insula, in October 1910, the Office of the Governor General of Korea (J.Chosen initiated a thorough archaeological study of the Korean were published in various multi-volume sets, peninsula. The results of this survey awareness of Korean works in Japanese collections and had the effect of raising sotokufu ^t?$^?if?) (1868-1935), an archaeologist at Tokyo Impe rial University and a leading figure in the government surveys, wrote in his 1932 need to investigate History ofKorean Art (J.Chosen bijutsushi ISi??i#l5fe) of the in Japanese monastic systematically the existence of Korean Buddhist paintings as well.45 Sekino Tadashi (HSP^I collections. Here Sekino stated that he "would like to believe that themany Bud dhist paintings in Japan that have been attributed toZhang Sigong are [instead] by the hands of Goryeo painters."46 The proprietary claim that Japanese colonial-era scholars held on peninsular 204 YUKIO artistic traditions proved to be the earliest catalyst for LIPPIT This content downloaded from 128.103.149.52 on Sun, 20 Jul 2014 21:13:47 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions art-historical inquiry intoKorean art.47The discursive framework within which such inquiry was carried out was fraught with ambivalence. On the one hand, Korean artwas subsumed under a larger notion of Asian art, both aWest ern and Japanese colonial construct whose foundations were established by texts modern Tenshin s Ideals of the East (1903).48According to this notion, the aesthetic traditions of Asia were characterized by a spirituality that could be such as Okakura Western counterparts. On the other hand, Korean opposed to the rationality of its art became an exemplar of a simple, intuitive folk aesthetic, something that had been lost by Japan in its rush toward modernization. Along with the government sponsored surveys of Korean archaeological remains, therefore, thiswas the era of Yanagi (Muneyoshi) Soetsus ^Ptk'K (1889-1961) championing of the anony mous Korean craftsman, "the unknown potter," an imaginary representative of a distinct craft tradition for Japan s western neighbor.49 From a buddhological perspective, an emerging consciousness of a distinct tradition of "Korean Bud dhism" during the colonial period also provided a conceptual foundation for later research on Goryeo Buddhist painting.50 Research on peninsular religion also began to focus on the study of sutra scrolls produced in Korea, early examples of which were found in abundance all over Japan.51 Itwas only after the end ofWorld War II and peninsular occupation, how ever, that Japanese scholars systematically began to introduce early Korean works in Japanese collections.52 Of particular importance in the art-historical arena are at the time a researcher at the National studies by Kumagai Nobuo f s^Hl^, Institute for the Research of Cultural Properties in Tokyo. Kumagai's survey of scrolls in 1967 inaugurated the systematic study ofKorean Buddhist paint ing; as a culmination of several decades of slow and steady fieldwork in this genre, Korean it caps the first phase of Japanese historiography.53 The 1967 survey comments on each of seventy-five paintings that Kumagai believed could be of Korean manu facture, dating from the late thirteenth to the late sixteenth centuries. Kumagais periodization implies that he believes that these works were brought to Japan largely because ofHideyoshi's campaigns of the 1590s, and he does not differenti ate between Goryeo works and paintings from the first two centuries of the Joseon period. Kumagai makes several important observations in his 1967 article that bear repeating. He states that the reason why so little research has been carried out on early Korean Buddhist painting might be attributed to the biases of the Goryeo sa, the chronicle of Goryeo court history compiled by Confucian advisors to the Jeoson court during the fifteenth century. The Goryeo sa is one of the few remaining primary sources for the study of the court during this period; because the officials who compiled ithad a vested interest in the role of Bud minimalizing dhism in court affairs, their editorial strategy appears to have been reflected in the 205 GORYEO BUDDHIST PAINTING IN AN INTERREGIONAL This content downloaded from 128.103.149.52 on Sun, 20 Jul 2014 21:13:47 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions CONTEXT laconic and minimal discussion of Goryeo Buddhist patronage and ritual among the royalty. In addition, Kumagai articulates some general visual characteristics of early Korean Buddhist paintings for the first time, including its chromatic distinctiveness vis-a-vis Chinese and Japanese works, and a tendency chronicle's among Goryeo works toward stillness or lack of movement in the depiction of Buddhist icons.54The ultimate value of his study, however, lies in his first attempt at a systematic collation of available information; while Kumagai's outline would a foundation require much revision and expansion, it nevertheless established own upon which all future scholars ofGoryeo Buddhist painting could base their efforts.55 If Japanese scholarship up until Kumagai's 1967 studywas characterized pri that followed oversaw a marily by the urge to inventory, the decade-and-a-half sustained effort to define the representational characteristics of what had been inventoried. The focus narrowed to theGoryeo period, which had been fixed in the historical imaginary as the golden era of Buddhist art patronage on the peninsula. introduction of newly discovered works continued to revise, in some cases Buddhist scrolls.56 dramatically, the horizon of knowledge concerning Goryeo This steady stream of research paralleled a systematic survey of Chinese Buddhist overseen by Suzuki Kei #p7M|S( of the Univer paintings in Japanese collections in which of excavating numerous works hidden in temple collections sity Tokyo, of continental religious paint helped to significantly advance the understanding a For first the in the time, comparative perspective could Jiangnan region.57 ing be brought to bear on Buddhist painting in the East Asian region, with fields of as "Goryeo Buddhist painting," "Ningbo Buddhist painting," production such "Chan painting," and the "Yan Hui school" aligned within the same historical and taxonomic space. This was the approach taken in the landmark exhibition Bud dhist and Daoist Figure Paintings of theYuan Dynasty, held at the Tokyo National The Here for the first time East Asian Buddhist painting was con in 1975.58 ceived of not as amonolithic entitybut as arising from a constellation of semi-dis crete production contexts. In turn, the specificity of Korean iconography became the focus of attention, as some subjects appeared unique to the Goryeo kingdom Museum while others represented peninsular variations on region-wide themes.59Many of these observations were on display in an exhibition devoted specifically toGoryeo inNara in 1978, the firstof its Buddhist painting at theYamato Bunkakan Museum kind.60 Bringing togethermost of the known Goryeo-period paintings and sutras in Japanese collections of the period into one museological presentation, the 1978 exhibition proved a revelation tomany who were fortunate enough to view it; the art historian JonCarter Covell was moved to declare that a "lost legacy has been returned toKorean art history."61 206 YUKIO LIPPIT This content downloaded from 128.103.149.52 on Sun, 20 Jul 2014 21:13:47 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions The real legacy of theYamato Bunkakan exhibition, however, was the research catalogue published by its organizers three years later.62Edited by Yoshida Hiro this volume illustrated over ninety Goryeo paintings and included important research articles on Goryeo religion, the relationship between Goryeo painting and Chinese and Japanese Buddhist shi pf EB^JiS and Kikutake Jun'ichi^rti7$~~% painting, iconography, inscriptions, and illustrated sutras.63By bringing together a variety of perspectives to bear on this growing body of paintings, the 1981 study succeeded in articulating for the first time the art historical parameters of "Goryeo Buddhist painting." This genre was now understood to be a body of work dat ing from the late thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, characterized by a select iconography, with a particular emphasis on subjects related to Pure Land belief: Amitabha, either alone, in a triadic arrangement, or surrounded by the Eight Great Bodhisattvas; Ksitigarbha either single or accompanied by the Ten Hell Kings; and most popularly, Avalokitesvara depicted in her mountain-island abode as A growing menu of iconographic conventions scarf, Avalokitesvara's transparent veil), representational the "Water-Moon Avalokitesvara." (Ksitigarbha's head mannerisms (golden flower roundels on red garments for tathagata deities, gold outlines and accents on rock formations), and technical habits (the use of gold ink to the exclusion of cut gold foil) distinguished it from Chinese or Japanese paint ing, as well as from laterKorean painting of the Joseon period.64 Itwas possible to itemize the pictorial qualities that distinguished this group of scrolls from those of nearby regions: general lack of emphasis on figural movement, large dispari ties in scale between main icons and accompanying figures,minimal emphasis on landscape or illusionistic space surrounding the icons, a palette balancing both strong reds with cool greens and blues, typically overlaid with a softly shimmer ingweb of gold and shell white decoration. Once enumerated, the visual persona of early Korean Buddhist painting was turning out to be highly distinctive. Crucial examination to the study of Goryeo Buddhist painting during this period was the and ordering of inscribed paintings, which served as nodes around to situate other works. A small portion of the scrolls bear dated, gold-ink dedications by their patrons, the parsing ofwhich helped to locate more precisely the spatial and temporal coordinates of the genre as a whole. Although the term a Buddhist of works that span the half-millen "Goryeo painting" implies group which nium encompassed by the Goryeo period, in fact the overwhelming majority of works date only from the last 120 years or so, from around 1270 to the fall of the dynasty in 1392. The only paintings preceding this era are a group of approxi mately a dozen scrolls depicting one arhat each, believed to be from an original set of Five Hundred Arhats on five hundred paintings are executed 207 GORYEO BUDDHIST scrolls dating to the years 1235-36. These in an ink-and-light-color medium and are the only ink PAINTING IN AN INTERREGIONAL This content downloaded from 128.103.149.52 on Sun, 20 Jul 2014 21:13:47 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions CONTEXT ^^^^^^^^^^^^^p^'Y^i^A^SP BB r^Bf ^^W^v-^S?r ^.^l^^^l "*~v i& -^s^^^^^^w^^^^^^^B ^^B^fe^J^B^M^^B 6 6 Anonymous, Amitabha, 1286, hanging scroll, ink, colors, and gold on silk, 203.5 x 105.1 cm. Private collection Collection), (formerly Shimazu Japan. paintings to have survived from the Goryeo period, providing a valuable record of the range of pictorial possibilities available in this period.65 Yet Five Hundred Arhats is something of an anomaly, and instead it is a group of polychrome iconic images that have become touchstones for research in early Korean Buddhist paint ing. The earliest extant polychrome painting from the Goryeo corpus is Stand ingAmitabha, formerly in the Shimazu family collection, dated to 1286 (fig. 6). Aside from Five Hundred Arhats and the Shimazu Amitabha, eleven additional works bear dated inscriptions, including works now canonized as masterpieces of the genre; these include the 1306Amitabha, the 1310Water-Moon Avalokitesvara (see fig. 1), the 1320Amitabha and Eight Great Bodhisattvas (Matsuodera temple, Nara), the 1323Sixteen Meditations of theVisualization Sutra (fig. 7), and the 1323 Water-Moon Avalokitesvara.66 These and other dated works would form an axis along which formal and iconographic patterns would be mapped out in the com ing years. The inscriptions allow the proper names of painters and patrons to be linked to themostly anonymous corpus of early Korean Buddhist painting, even if inmany cases little is known about the inscribers.67 In some of the dedications, 208 YUKIO LIPPIT This content downloaded from 128.103.149.52 on Sun, 20 Jul 2014 21:13:47 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions such as the 7 7 Seolchung, Sixteen Meditations of theVisualization Sutra, 1323, hanging scroll, ink, colors, and gold on silk, 224.2 x 121.9 cm. Chion'in Temple, Kyoto, Japan. one recorded for themonumental Water-Moon as many as five painters are mentioned, Avalokitesvara of Kagami Shrine, of various ranks within the court acad emy, providing clues to the organization of the royal painting atelier.68Some of the patrons are well-known historical actors, such as Yeom Saeng-ik IffTpCdiS(?-i302) a powerful retainer in the court of King Chungyeol Ji& ?]JzE (1236-1308), and Queen Sukbi MtiS* of the 1310Water-Moon Avalokitesvara. Most, however, are obscure and have yet to be identified in other historical sources. of the Shimazu Amitabha, are involved in some commissions, members of themilitary elite and lay religious confraternities in others. Some of the names are also found on colophons to decorated sutras, providing tantalizing clues to the range of reli Buddhist monks gious activity inwhich these obscure figures were involved.69The inscriptions also provide an understanding of the range of objectives thatmotivated the produc tion of such paintings in the first place: the accrual ofmerit for oneself and one's ancestors, prevention of calamity and personal misfortune, longevity, childbirth, and so forth.Although from an East Asian perspective these goals are fairly stan dard ones forwhich to enlist the help of Buddhist icons, in some cases a localized Goryeo court context can be fleshed out. 209 GORYEO BUDDHIST PAINTING IN AN INTERREGIONAL This content downloaded from 128.103.149.52 on Sun, 20 Jul 2014 21:13:47 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions CONTEXT Such investigations of local contexts are one of the primary thrusts of Japanese historiography on Goryeo Buddhist painting during its third stage (1981-present), which has brought into sharper focus the profile of the genre established in the 1970s.During this span, an increasing number of Korean scholars have joined Jap anese researchers in exploring the local political contexts and iconographic idio syncracies of the genre, while further articulating itsvisual parameters. Articles introducing newly discovered paintings and exhibition catalogues have contin ued to serve as the primary venues for reassessments of the genre as a whole,70 culminating in a catalogue raisonne at the end of the century.71Because the entire span of studies carried out in these decades cannot be done justice with a descrip tive summary, instead three influential theses that have attempted to complexify the general picture ofGoryeo Buddhist painting will be introduced. The first concerns a cartography of three general production contexts for Goryeo Buddhist painting proposed by Kikutake Jun'ichi, professor emeritus of art history at Kyushu University.72 Although his concerns in this genre are wide ranging, Kikutake's greatest provocation to the study of Goryeo Buddhist paint a extant corpus reflects three ingmaybe his proposal that stylistic analysis of the and "commoner" production contexts: the Goryeo royal court, monasteries, patrons.73 The proposed court style is represented by a string of dated works, including the 1286 Shimazu Amitabha (see fig. 6), the 1306Nezu Amitabha, the 1310Water-Moon Avalokitesvara (see fig. 1), and the 1323Water (J.minkan RfH]) Moon Avalokitesvara. All bear gold-ink inscriptions to the lower right and left that link them to a court context.74As Kikutake points out, all share unambiguously an interest in depicting their deities as heavily volumetric entities depicted in taut, controlled outlines and bright colors. In addition, they share a cluster of sub tler representational techniques, such as those found in the face of the Shimazu (see fig. 6): a "witch's peak," or slightly pointed arch in themiddle of the hairline above the forehead, and three thin, horizontal lines separating the upper Amitabha and lower lips, two black lines on the side and a red cinnabar line in themiddle. is represented by works with inscriptions Kikutake's monastic style,meanwhile, as the 1312Sixteen Meditations such of monks of the indicating the participation Visualization Sutra (Dai'onji Temple), the 1320Amitabha and Eight Great Bodhisat tvas (fig.8), and Sakyamuni Triad with Ananda and Kasyapa. As witnessed in these three works, themonastic style tends toward contraction with a crowded distri bution of figures and depiction ofmotifs, an even more meticulous attention to decorative patterns than usual, and a somber palette. Also lacking are the subtle works. finishing touches to facial representation characteristic of court-related theAmitabha triptych now Finally, Kikutake's commoner style is represented by in divided between the Cleveland Museum of Art and the Seikado Art Museum 210 YUKIO LIPPIT This content downloaded from 128.103.149.52 on Sun, 20 Jul 2014 21:13:47 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions B^^HBB^B^^^^^^^^^^^^1^9^?3S8lra^^HB^^^Ifl 8 8 Anonymous, Amitabha Great Bodhisattvas, and theEight 1320, hanging scroll, ink, colors, and gold on silk, 177.3x 91.2 cm. Matsuodera Temple, Nara Prefecture, Japan. is characterized by deities with triangular heads and Tokyo. This denomination sharp facial features, pointed fingernails and lotus throne petals, a sensitivity to nuances in pose, and a generally cool chromatic palette. In the absence of further clues linking Goryeo paintings to specific produc tripartite scheme has themerit of providing an initial tion contexts, Kikutake's visual taxonomy of studio styles. In doing so, itdiversifies the one-dimensional image of early Korean Buddhist painting established in earlier periods, adding of a unified Goryeo style. Yet the idea of three patronage regimes corresponding to three differing types of iconic figuration is not entirely unproblematic. One inadequacy of Kikutake's categorization is its wrinkles to any easy assumptions assumption of a stable national identity for the corpus of paintings it takes as its subject. As will be discussed below, recently a Chinese origin has been claimed formany of the works categorized as the commoner style, suggesting the need for a much wider geographical purview when mapping visual discrepancies onto nodes of studio production. From an institutional perspective, furthermore, it is to what degree the court can be separated from the monastic commu nity, especially from the largest and most prestigious Buddhist temples, when it unclear 211 GORYEO BUDDHIST PAINTING IN AN INTERREGIONAL This content downloaded from 128.103.149.52 on Sun, 20 Jul 2014 21:13:47 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions CONTEXT comes to the sponsorship of ritual and its attendant paraphernalia; the question of nonseparation extends to the "commoner" realm as well, formany members of theGoryeo elite formed lay confraternities (such as the numerous White Lotus societies) that sponsored the production of their own luxury icons.75Until amore nuanced institutional landscape for the patronage of Buddhist artifacts can be articulated, taxonomies of Goryeo Buddhist painting based upon the positing of discrete production contexts will have to remain provisional. A second notable attempt during the last two decades to introduce variation to the general profile of Goryeo Buddhist painting concerns the question of sty listic change over time. Despite the brevity of the span (just over a century) dur were produced, Chung Woothak HP^Hls has ingwhich most Goryeo paintings a shift in pictorial qualities between the late proposed a framework for charting thirteenth and fourteenth centuries.76Whereas Kikutake's idea of a triad of iconic styleswas synchronic, Chung's developmental schema is diachronic. His propos als concerning stylistic change can be found in his important 1990 publication Studies inAmitabha Painting of theGoryeo Period.77 Through an analysis of six dif ferentAmitabha-related painting themes, Chung offers a variety of new perspec tives concerning Goryeo Buddhist painting, but discussion will be limited here to his thesis that Goryeo painting underwent a stylistic shift sometime around of representation to a greater emphasis on the decorative dimension.78 Chung's proposal provides the first narrative of stylistic of change in this genre, and to this extent merits close attention. The trajectory this change is difficult to follow fully because of the dearth of dated material, but the volumetricity and pliancy of pose in the earliest dated works such as the 1286 1300 from amore naturalistic mode (see fig. 6) and the 1306Nezu Amitabha do indeed distinguish them frommost of the other members of theGoryeo corpus. A comparison of two almost identical works of the same subject,Maitreya Waiting toDescend, one dat Shimazu Amitabha able to the early fourteenth century (fig. 9) and the other from 1350, also demon strates a tendency towards flatness and decorative emphasis in the later painting. This difference, however, might be articulated in a less hierarchical manner, not as one between naturalism and stylization, formost Goryeo paintings evince a simi lar degree of nonconcern for illusionistic space. Inmost Buddhist painting, fur a thermore, the priority placed on representation of a given deity's iconicitymakes certain flatness inevitable. Instead, the slow and steady transformation of the pic icons might be viewed in terms of certain representational habits that change over the course of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. Ear lierworks, for example, successfully create a magical "glow" for the flesh of bud dhas and bodhisattvas by applying white pigment to the back of the silk so that it shows through thewarp and woof of the surface inmuted fashion, modeled from torial effects ofGoryeo 212 YUKIO LIPPIT This content downloaded from 128.103.149.52 on Sun, 20 Jul 2014 21:13:47 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions ^^^^^^BBI^R^^iHkB^^H^^H I^E^Bi^SU^^^HIBiB^^^^BlBb f^l^B 9 10 9 Anonymous, Maitreya Waiting toDescend, fourteenth century, hanging scroll, ink, colors, and gold on silk, 121.8 x 92.1 cm. Chion'in Temple, Kyoto, Japan. 10 Anonymous, Ksitigarbha, late thirteenth or fourteenth century, hanging scroll, ink, colors, and x gold on silk, 100.7 72.4 cm. Arthur M. Sackler Gallery, Smithsonian Institution, Washington anonymous D.C, gift (S1992.11). the front in soft red- and yellow-toned pigments. Indeed, this pigmentation of the underside is characteristic of Buddhist painting across East Asia in the premodern period. Later Goryeo paintings, on the other hand, tend to apply a uniformly mat gold paint to signify the deity's flesh, heightening the hieratic quality of the image. This difference can be witnessed in two otherwise similar depictions of a stand ingKsitigarbha, one in theArthur M. Sackler Gallery (fig. 10) and the other in the Tokugawa Museum. While neither is dated, the former successfully conjures up the sense of a life-force emanating from the bodhisattva, whereas the golden body of the latter conveys an impression of abstraction, iconic otherworldliness, and distance from the viewer. Whether this distinction is the result of chronological placement requires further study,but based upon a comparison with dated works, the Sackler Ksitigarbha was most likely painted much earlier than the Tokugawa version. Rather than implying a closer proximity to natural models in earlier painting, then, Chung's stylistic chronology might be further enriched by articulating such change in terms of differences in technical conventions and painterly habitudes thatmight in turn be linked to priorities placed on an icon's Goryeo visual appearance 213 GORYEO in certain ritual contexts. BUDDHIST PAINTING IN AN INTERREGIONAL This content downloaded from 128.103.149.52 on Sun, 20 Jul 2014 21:13:47 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions CONTEXT 11 11 Anonymous, Buddhas, Fifteen Thousand thirteenth century, hanging scroll, ink, colors, and gold on silk, 175.9 x 87.1 cm. Fudo'in Temple, Hiroshima Japan. Prefecture, to the two theses surveyed above, the third attempt to parse the for difference discussed here concerns the theological underpin Goryeo corpus nings of icon production. Ide Seinosuke ##ftjSc^$t, who has pursued research As opposed on Goryeo Buddhist painting from a variety of vantage points, has called atten tion to the subtle but pervasive doctrinal influence of the Flower Garland Sutra (Avatatnsaka Sutra).79 Previously there had been a tendency in the Japanese schol arly community to view Amitabha-related subjects inGoryeo Buddhist painting from an archipelagic religious perspective. This outlook tended to conceptualize Pure Land belief through the ideas of such ecclesiastical figures as Honen ??$& (1133-1212) and Shinran $$M (1173-1262), later claimed as founders of the Pure Land and True Pure Land sects respectively. According to this understanding, belief in theAmitabha Buddha and his paradise were imagined primarily through what were known as the "Three Pure Land sutras" (].jodo sanbukyo^ztHp^H).80 Thus many Japanese pictorializations ofAmitabha-related imagerywere based on the textual foundation provided by these sutras. Ide's observations concerning the influence of the Flower Garland Sutra, however, has opened up pos sibilities for the doctrinal recalibration of a wide variety of Goryeo paintings on subterranean Amitabha-related subjects.81 As the longest and one of the philosophically densest texts in the Buddhist canon, theFlower Garland Sutra circulated in three different Chinese translations 214 YUKIO LIPPIT This content downloaded from 128.103.149.52 on Sun, 20 Jul 2014 21:13:47 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 12 13 12 Detail, fig. ii. 13 Detail, fig. 11. throughout East Asia, where it exerted a profound influence on various doctrinal communities, arguably serving as a basis for itsown "school." In theGoryeo king dom itplayed a crucial role as the foundation for the reconciliation of the twomost important Buddhist sects, theKyo Wi (textual) and Son # (meditative) schools.82 Claiming to represent the Buddha's first sermon after achieving enlightenment, this sutra preached the "infinite interfusion" of all phenomena, the interrelated ness of all worlds, the fact that all beings were manifestations ofVairocana or the Buddha. This ecumenical approach made the text a suitable vehi Cosmological cle for the reconciliation of competing doctrinal interpretations of the Buddha's word. Its influence on Goryeo Buddhist painting had previously been noted in the prevalence ofWater-Moon Avalokitesvara images, which can in part be traced to the story of Sudhana's pilgrimage recounted in the last chapter of the Flower Gar land Sutra.83Yet Ide argued that it also served as the doctrinal basis for paintings such as the Shimazu Amitabha (see fig. 6); there, the painting represents Amitabha in Land his Pure abode, as witnessed by the lotus pond at bottom, gestur already ing towards his left, inwhich direction lies the Flower Garland (K. Hwaeom ^M) world. This gesture accords with the interpretation in the Flower Garland Sutra of theAmitabha Pure Land as a waystation or gateway towards theHwaeom Uni verse, which subsumes it,and clarifies the previously poorly-understood inscrip tion on the Shimazu Amitabha, which in fact cites one version of the sutra itself. This radical reinterpretation of the Amitabha Pure Land as the antechamber to theHwaeom world situates it as merely the penultimate goal of the believer. The pictorialization of this unusual doctrine is unknown outside of Goryeo Buddhist painting. The unique pictorial imprint of theFlower Garland Sutra can also be witnessed inFifteen Thousand Buddhas (fig. 11),a painting that ranks among themost grace ful and dizzyingly virtuosic works in the Goryeo corpus.84 The deity that serves as its protagonist sits in a relaxed pose, with knees crossed, looking to his upper right. The title derives from the four-character inscription, "Fifteen Thousand found on the top band ofmounting. Close examination reveals that the painting is indeed composed of thousands of tinyBuddhas, atomistically fill ing not only the deity itself,but the space surrounding him, and even themount Buddhas," ing,which 215 is completely covered by this teeming multitude GORYEO BUDDHIST PAINTING IN AN INTERREGIONAL This content downloaded from 128.103.149.52 on Sun, 20 Jul 2014 21:13:47 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions CONTEXT (figs. 12 and 13).The 14 14 Anonymous, Avalokitesvara, Long-Sashed early fourteenth century, hanging scroll, ink, colors, and gold on silk, 69.6 X31.5 cm. Kokuseiji Temple, Kyoto, Japan. pointillistic representation might be traced back to distant precedents inChinese sculptural representations of Vairocana made under the influence of the Flower Buddha in the Freer Gallery of Art. Yet Sutra, such as the Cosmological the identity of the deity in Fifteen Thousand Buddhas is ambiguous; continental Garland as a suitable candidate, but X-ray photos reveal precedents suggest Vairocana a that small deity is present in its crown, reflecting an iconographic feature of the relaxed pose also cites a famous template for Avalokitesvara's representation by the eleventh-century Chinese painter Li Gong lin^4aKH (1146-1101), as reflected for example in an early fourteenth-century Avalokitesvara. Furthermore, Japanese painting (fig. 14).85Rather than representing one or the other, the deity of Fifteen Thousand Buddhas might reflect the idea that both deities are manifesta tions of one another. This twinning of Vairocana and Avalokitesvara ultimately reflects a sophisticated interpretation of the Flower Garland Sutra at the visual register.Not just limited to these unique instances, the imprint of the Flower Gar land Sutra is also found inmore subtle ways in the srivastas (auspicious Indian on the chests and cakras (dharma wheels) on the palms ofmany symbols) found are marks of the Vairocana these that, by being branded upon Goryeo deities; other members 2l6 YUKIO of the Buddhist pantheon, visually signal the interconnectedness LIPPIT This content downloaded from 128.103.149.52 on Sun, 20 Jul 2014 21:13:47 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions of all of these deities asmanifestations In thisway, Ide's work has of the doctrinal underpinnings of of theVairocana. greatly complexified received understandings the Goryeo corpus and brought about an awareness that even minor details of a deity's accoutrement can provide clues to the textual and iconographic basis for a given representation. The observation that the Flower Garland Sutra functioned as a centrifuge for new visual articulations of doctrine serves as a model for the future refinement and diversification of the relationship between text and image inGoryeo painting. The Symptoms of Japanese Provenance examination of iconographic parameters An for a discussion provides a useful starting point on Japanese scholarship Goryeo Bud afterlife, early Korean religious painting of how to assess modern dhist painting. Because of its unusual was first studied primarily in Japan,where the overwhelming majority of extant works continues to be located. As research in this field globalizes, however, it is worthwhile to pause and ask the question: What has been the imprint, if any, of archipelagic transmission on Japanese historiography in this field? Are there genealogies of thought within Japanese scholarly communities with an interest in Goryeo Buddhist painting that both open up possibilities and impose blind nesses? In retrospect, it is possible to point out several assumptions within these communities that are coming under increasing stress. The first is the tendency, to center the of Buddhist discussed, just iconographic parameters Goryeo paint ing narrowly upon Pure Land-related themes. At first glance this appears to be a legitimate approach, given the preponderance of Amitabha-related images and of pictorializations Ksitigarbha and Avalokitesvara, which are closely linked to Amitabha and Pure Land belief. Pure Land belief, however, can be a rather historical to pin down, one that oftentimes existed not slippery phenomenon so much as an institutional entity in itself but as an important component of larger belief systems. Such is also the case with Goryeo Buddhism writ large, an umbrella term that covers a highly diverse grouping of Buddhist sects and beliefs. Although the religious infrastructure of the kingdom was dominated by the Kyo and Son sects, their entrenchment did not preclude sustained interest in the Flower Garland Sutra and Lotus Sutra, esotericism, Tibetan Lamaism, and Amitabha Pure Land belief.86Within this richmatrix of Buddhist doctrines and cultic centers, different groups and confraternities could rally around one or another doctrinal node, and commission rituals and appropriate icons accord While in the last decade art historians have done a great deal to nuance the ingly.87 of late Goryeo religion that lay behind the understanding production of paint more can be done in this sphere. Further ing, certainly study is necessary of the 217 GORYEO BUDDHIST PAINTING IN AN INTERREGIONAL This content downloaded from 128.103.149.52 on Sun, 20 Jul 2014 21:13:47 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions CONTEXT 15 15 Anonymous, Perfect Enlightenment Sutra, fourteenth century, hanging scroll, ink, colors, and gold on silk, of Fine 165.0 x 85.0 cm. Museum Arts, Boston. iconographically most unique examples of Goryeo painting, such Enlightenment Sutra (fig. 15)88or the group of paintings previously the goddess Marici.89 At the same time, a more textured approach mass of Pure Land-related material will yield further insights into as the Perfect interpreted as to the critical the complexi ties of peninsular belief in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. A second tendency in Japanese historiography concerns the inclination to link the iconography ofGoryeo Buddhist painting directly to precedents found inwall some paintings of theMogao Grottoes near Dunhuang. The four hundred and an encyclope painted cave-shrines in these grottoes preserve what amounts to dia of Buddhist iconography, both sculptural and pictorial, and almost any later 218 YUKIO LIPPIT This content downloaded from 128.103.149.52 on Sun, 20 Jul 2014 21:13:47 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions representation of Buddhist teachings can be linked in some way to this archive. Because Japan has a long tradition of Dunhuang scholarship dating back to the early twentieth-century Otani journeys to the Silk Road, moreover, many Japa nese commentators have found itnatural to link theGoryeo iconography directly to Central Asian precedents.90 Particularly attractive was the idea of a "north ern route" for the transmission of iconographic variations that did not become widespread on themainland. A good example of this northern transmission of Buddhist iconography from Dunhuang Ksitigarbha." The Japanese Dunhuang to Goryeo is the theme of the "hooded scholar Matsumoto Ei'ichi fe^^??^ was to the first this (1900-1984) iconography in 1932, and study systematically traced itsdepiction to a local Dunhuang legend concerning themonk Daoming iS who dreamt that he been had 0^, wrongly taken to hell and was only saved by the intercession of Ksitigarbha, who wore a head scarf resembling a bandana.91 Mat sumoto noted that this oneiric vision of Ksitigarbha was represented in numerous and Turfan grottoes, and that a substantial number paintings in the Dunhuang can also be witnessed among Goryeo paintings, although not inChina or Japan.92 This observation has ledmany commentators since to posit a special relationship between these two Buddhist cultures, perhaps mediated by northern kingdoms idea of a special relationship is attractive in that itmini the role of direct continental precedent, thereby enhancing the indepen such as the Liao. The mizes dence of peninsular pictorial tradition from Chinese influence and allowing for the assertion of a more distinctive aesthetic identity forGoryeo art; ithas thus served as a catalyst for scholars to seek other iconographic linkages. Some of the proposed iconographic relationships, however, are clearly tenuous. There is a great deal that is still unclear about Buddhist iconography in continental China during the Song and Yuan periods, when the Goryeo court had extensive tieswith the mainland.93 The hooded Ksitigarbha iconography, for example, has recently been found to exist all throughout the continent and East Asia, including the Beishan grotto-shrines of China's southwestern Sichuan province, paintings produced in theworkshops ofNingbo, and in Japanese iconographic compilations.94 Although more intensive study of these current is the understand necessary, relationships ing of iconographic distribution in East Asian Buddhist art already indicates that the idea of an exclusively northern route of transmission is untenable. A third pattern that emerges from a survey of Japanese historiography on a once Buddhist is consciousness of this field emerged Goryeo painting tendency, in the postwar period, to reattribute overenthusiastically those paintings that did not easily fitwith prevalent notions ofChinese naturalism to a Korean production context. The nationalities of numerous have been thus oscil debated, paintings lating between China 219 GORYEO BUDDHIST and Korea depending upon the criteria employed to define PAINTING IN AN INTERREGIONAL This content downloaded from 128.103.149.52 on Sun, 20 Jul 2014 21:13:47 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions CONTEXT 16 16 Anonymous, Amitabha Pure Land, 1183,hanging scroll, ink, colors, and gold on silk, 150.5 x 92.0 cm. Chion'in Temple, Kyoto, Japan. both categories on each occasion. Perhaps themost celebrated such case is the 1183 Amitabha Pure Land of Chion'in Temple inKyoto (fig. 16). This painting had long been treasured as one of the few dated Southern Song works in Japanese collec tions, but in 1991 the Chinese painting scholar Toda Teisuke P H^ft published an article arguing that itwas a twelfth-century Korean painting.95 Toda's primary reason was visual; itdid not seem to possess the kind of illusionistic space typi cal of Southern Song painting, found even in themost iconic Buddhist paintings of the continent.96 Subsequently, other scholars and publications have counterar gued on both stylistic and iconographic grounds that theAmitabha Pure Land is indeed a product of China's Jiangnan region.97Yet Toda's rationale in arguing for a Korean origin exposes the tenacity of concepts such as national style, as well as the subjective and in some cases arbitrary standards bywhich such shibboleths are applied. Another revealing debate surrounding the nationality of a Buddhist painting concerns a set of Ten Hell Kings scrolls in the Seikado Museum inTokyo. This set of thirteen scrolls consisting of the ten hell kings, Ksitigarbha, and two messen gers had long been considered to be ofChinese origin among most Japanese schol ars, but in 1999 Cheeyun Kwon, a scholar trained in theUnited States, published a dissertation arguing for itsKorean origins.98 Kwon asserts that this unique set was made 220 in themid-Goryeo YUKIO period formortuary LIPPIT This content downloaded from 128.103.149.52 on Sun, 20 Jul 2014 21:13:47 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions rituals at the royal court; she 17 17 Anonymous, Hell King (Yama), fourteenth century, hanging scroll, ink, colors, and gold on silk, M3-5 x 55-9 cm. Seikado Museum, Tokyo, Japan. the incorporation of Ten Kings belief into Goryeo court ritual cosmol ogy during the twelfth century and mobilizes a wide array of iconographic com parisons tomake her argument. The Japanese scholar Miyazaki Noriko 'iTl^S;-?* describes a case for a Chinese attribution, leaving the Seikado Ten Kings in a suspended state of dual citizenship until its fate is determined.99 In similar fash ion, the geographic origins of other paintings have also been contested; Ide Seino has since made suke has recently questioned the long-accepted attribution of a group of paintings to the Goryeo period, including a famous trio of works now split between the Cleveland Museum ofArt and the Seikado Museum (fig. 17).100Such debates might be viewed as a symptom of the lack of a nuanced understanding of regional Chi nese painting styles and conventions, which have yet to be explored in any depth. Ultimately, the identity politics of Goryeo Buddhist painting reveal that the study 221 GORYEO BUDDHIST PAINTING IN AN INTERREGIONAL This content downloaded from 128.103.149.52 on Sun, 20 Jul 2014 21:13:47 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions CONTEXT of this field is an interregional enterprise, with progress hinging on simultane ous localized research into continental, peninsular, and archipelagic sources and contexts. Only thenwill the largermosaic various constituent fields take shape. of East Asian Buddhist painting and its Future Vectors As we have seen, the nationalities of a number of East Asian Buddhist paintings are still influx, awaiting clarification through future acts of art historical repatriation. In concluding this essay, Iwould like to propose, along with interregional inquiry, several other avenues of research thatmay prove fruitful in years to come. The first involves studies of the ritual contexts forGoryeo Buddhist painting. Recent interdisciplinary explorations into the nature of the East Asian Buddhist icon have greatly textured the understanding of the signifying potential of such objects.101 Similar investigations in the Goryeo context might include not only cataloguing the range of possible ritual manuals and liturgies forBuddhist paintings, but also reconstructing the architectural environments and spatial settings for their use.102 studies will serve to deepen the current understanding of the role of Goryeo icons in a given ritual program and help to articulate differences in function between them and Buddhist scrolls in other East Asian contexts.103 Such localized Another promising frontier in the field of Goryeo Buddhist painting is the study of its technical and physical characteristics through conservation and sci entific research. The art-historical potential of the knowledge produced in con servation has only recently been recognized in the sphere of East Asian Buddhist a scroll painting.104 The many technical observations that become possible when is repaired and remounted can provide insights into the unique pictorial effects found in numerous early peninsular works. Already there is some understand as in Pak Youngsook's ing of the specific materiality of early Korean scrolls, such observation that the darkened silks ofmany Goryeo Buddhist paintings may result from the fact that theywere originally dyed a pale tea color.105Scientific pigment analysis should add to themineralogical understanding of these works and pro vide possible explanations for the haunting diaphaneity of the best Goryeo paint ing. In this regard, recent nondestructive photographic techniques for pigment at the National Institute for the analysis carried out by Shirono Seiji i$MW$o Research ofCultural Properties, Tokyo, have already yielded new insights into the diversity of theGoryeo painting palette and the sheer complexity of pigmentation techniques in the royal atelier.106 Other vectors in the study ofGoryeo Buddhist painting might involve its rela was common until tionship to later Buddhist painting of the Joseon period. It a assume Buddhist to between break painting production in the late recently 222 YUKIO LIPPIT This content downloaded from 128.103.149.52 on Sun, 20 Jul 2014 21:13:47 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Goryeo and early Joseon periods. Because painted icons of the Joseon period dis play a heavy Tantric influence, changed iconographic program, and radically dif ferent pictorial qualities, this hiatus was easy to posit. The assumption of a gap in production, however, also originated from preconceived notions concerning the fate of Buddhism after dynastic transition. Standard narratives recount that largely suppressed under the new Korean kings, when itbecame the target of critique by increasingly powerful NeoConfucian factions at court. Yet the status of Korean Buddhist institutions during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries ismuch more complex than such accounts would have; the degree to Buddhism was which individual rulers embraced the religion and believed in the efficacy of Bud dhist ritual fluctuated dramatically, and the fate of institutionalized Buddhism was often prey to court factionalism and international diplomatic conditions.107 Furthermore, the fall of the Goryeo dynasty does not seem to have affected the quantity of Buddhist patronage all thatmuch, as there are numerous examples of fifteenth- and sixteenth-century court-commissioned Buddhist paintings in elsewhere. and Because the and Japan iconographic stylistic features of this group of laterworks is still poorly understood, the precise nature of the continuities and discontinuities between Goryeo and early Joseon painted icons remains to be articulated. It could be thatmany works assumed to be from the late Goryeo in fact belong to a later court context.108 Because the legacy of Goryeo Buddhist painting extends beyond Korea itself, however, another research arena of great interregional significance is the reception and influence of earlyKorean Buddhist painting in the Japanese archipelago. Aside from tracing the various routes bywhich theseworks entered Japanese collections, it isworthwhile to explore the iconographic adjustments and new representational ideas that these works introduced to archipelagic painting practice. It has previ ously been asserted that the influx of Goryeo Buddhist painting was of very little consequence to the development of Japanese painting practice, due to a paucity of obvious similarities between the two traditions.109Yet further investigation could revise this notion. Not only are a growing number of Japanese copies of Goryeo works being discovered,110 but Goryeo painted icons, like their continental coun terparts, appear to have served asmodels for the production of Japanese sculpture. Chinese painting, easier to transport than sculpture, sometimes provided icono graphic models for Japanese sculpture during theKamakura period, such as in the case of the famous Amitabha Triad sculpture in Jodoji Temple (Hyogo Prefecture), which was based on a Chinese painting that themonk (1121-1206) Chogen MM had in his possession.111 Paintings such as theAmitabha images in the former Shi and Hagiwaradera Temple collections may have inspired a highly unique iconographic variation on Amitabha in Japanese sculpture, the "Amitabha look mazu 223 GORYEO BUDDHIST PAINTING IN AN INTERREGIONAL This content downloaded from 128.103.149.52 on Sun, 20 Jul 2014 21:13:47 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions CONTEXT ing over his shoulder," ofwhich several examples are known.112 Such instances are of interest in demonstrating the transposition of iconic images from two to three dimensions, and from one medium and set of materials to another, with all of the representational resourcefulness that this entailed. Future investigations may uncover such pictorial translations within Japanese painting as well. Ultimately, however, the lasting traces of the relocation ofGoryeo icons are to be sought not in direct models, but in the details, that is to say, the new technical prescriptions and representational traits they inaugurated in Japan. The Goryeo tendency to outline rocks in gold and add gold-ink highlights to their edges, for example, is a feature that begins to appear in fourteenth-century Japanese works, very possibly a symp influence. The signification of such gold-ink modeling in Japanese seems, however, to oscillate between its assumed original function as the painting representation ofmoonlight to a glowing mineralogical accoutrement that height tom ofKorean of the setting. Along with iconographic drift, it is the visual habits, trademarks, and automatisms thatmake Goryeo mobility of such Buddhist painting such an intriguing subject in East Asian art. The subterranean ens the otherworldliness influence of Goryeo Buddhist painting in the archipelago, ofwhich traces can be discerned but which remains largely unexcavated, is one important component of the interregional artistic and religious cross-pollination that characterizes East Asia during this period. One hopes that further study of Goryeo painted icons by an international community of scholars will elevate them to their rightful place alongside themost visually sophisticated artifacts of Buddhist culture anywhere. Yukio Lippit, Ph.D. (2003) in art and archaeology, Princeton University, is assis tant professor of Japanese art at Harvard University. His recent publications include Zen Figure Painting inMedieval Japan, co-edited with Gregory Levine (2007), and studies of early Zen portraiture, Tawaraya Sotatsu, the Genji Scrolls, and the rhetoric of the intoxicated painter during the Edo period. He is currently his completing a book on the Kano school and the origins of Japanese painting tory in the seventeenth century. E-mail: 224 YUKIO lippit@fas.harvard.edu LIPPIT This content downloaded from 128.103.149.52 on Sun, 20 Jul 2014 21:13:47 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions NOTES The like to express author would to Professor gratitude Kyushu and to two anonymous their comments. The article was 6. completed on Goryeo-period Buddhist On Hideyoshi's Recent Kim, on East Asian Council Art Museum, Karl W. Age of Military and Kokka 2003), 7. to Goryeo introduction see Lewis Buddhism, R. Lancaster, Suh, and Chai-Shin Yu, eds., (Berkeley: of East Asian Institute sity of California Korea, World, and ed. Takeuchi II: Later 3. Company, See Robert E. Bus well, the Radiance: (Honolulu: Scriptures Period," in Buddhist International Press, in the Koryo Culture Cultural International tion, 1974), 81-95; Ceramics 8. See Yoshida Inc., 1986), Society, "Bunroku Hiroshi, butsuga," 1993): 10-12. Keicho Kikan Seikyu and Dragon ink (1578-1607)now in in Japan, was brought to the archipelago wars. Their the Hideyoshi also probably during seventeenth inKorea, ed. Foundation Cultural Lewis bunka R. Lancaster, ed. Lewis R. Lancaster Center (Berkeley: for Korean of East Asian sity of California 92; Buswell, GORYEO and Chai-Shin BUDDHIST Yu Studies, Studies, Univer at Berkeley, "The Koryo 1996), 173 Period," PAINTING 75 (March See Ide Seinosuke, zu ni tsuite," Yamato 1986): 29-38. late fourteenth century. Concerning box and inscription its possible the veracity, seeKikutake Jun'ichi,"Korai jidaino and Transformation, Suppression century. "Ritei hitsu Ryuko 9. The painting isbelieved todate to the Founda Period," inBuddhism in theEarly 225 and Style, ed. W.D. in Japan is recorded by the Japa nese painter Kano in the Tan'yu of "The BuddhistCanon in theKoryo Institute and Civilization, II: Technology the Koryo Art Museum ofZen Way of Hawai'i "Publication Buddhist Choson; The of 1592 presence See Ahn Kai-hyon, (Seoul: "Korean Wars of the Teabowl $iV painter I Jeong 1992). 4. Cort, Tiger, a pair of scrolls by the Korean Jr.,Tracing Back University in Japanese Ceramics: 15 (February (New Korean ChinuVs Allison Influence no eki to Chosen York: The Crossroad Publishing 1999), 79-108. see Louise 331-62. theModern Yoshinori 1988): For the importance of the Hideyoshi on Japanese ceramic history campaigns American 1996); and Spirituality in Imjin War," (February Kingery (Columbus,Ohio: The Studies, Univer fapan, 68.2 Review Volume Jr.,"The Koryo in Buddhist Period," and 232-34; "The 1598," in Ceramics Studies, at Berkeley, E. Bus well, Robert China, for Korean Studies, Harvard 1982), 207-17 Eikenberry, Impact Buddhism inKoryo:A RoyalReligion Center Berry, 74-82. 1313 2005). (March For a general Kikun Paik (San Francisco: 918-1392 Enlightenment, Asian 2. Koreas ed., Goryeo Dynasty: Elizabeth Hideyoshi (Cambridge,Mass.: The painting. include Kumja publications campaigns military see Mary against Korea University 1. in the Early Choson. and Yu, Buddhism in 2003, and regrettably has not been able to take account of the most recent scholarship in Lancaster and Early Choson," Koryo for readers U-gun, "PoliciesToward Buddhism inLate sharing his knowledge of earlyKorean Buddhist painting, see Han the early Joseon period of Ide Seinosuke for generously University 5. On thefateofBuddhist institutionsin his 103-6. nehan chushin henso zu - Kagawa ni," Yamato Jotokuji-bon bunka ber 1988): 17-35. Takeda 80 (Septem Kazuaki, no nehan henso zu ni "Kagawa Jotokuji - sono tsuite seiritsu to Chofukuji-bon to no kankei o chushin to shite," Bukkyo IN AN INTERREGIONAL This content downloaded from 128.103.149.52 on Sun, 20 Jul 2014 21:13:47 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions CONTEXT o it as a Chinese that 196 (1991): 11-37, has argued geijutsu See his "Zuhan of the fourteenth Gokurakuji 10. On Japanese century. see Ishihara pirates, 1964); Murai nake no chuseiNihon Shosuke, Ajia no (Tokyo: Azekura 1988); and Kanaya shobo, shozo Butsunehan Nihon no Sogen Nihon no bundo, 17. The Masato, bijutsu Robinson, "Centering Yoshikawa Choson," and Kenneth 11. See Kawazoe 1998). and East "Japan Shoji, vol. 3:Medieval mura Cambridge 12. See Kenneth the King of Choson: Maritime ofAsian Journal Studies of Korean shoten, 19. This 59.1 (February 162. Gido Kuge the bell's records in Kusui inHo'onji. located ten (Yamaguchi: bijutsu 14. The inscription was subsequently Hirata Yutaka, "Kagami Yoryu Kannon gazo bunka72 to Traders: Korea Border raises to a nirvana 25. See Kusui, in this possibility found Prefecture) was in the Inland patronized formerly believed painting Sea; Sonkai the temple warlord Ide silok, v. 11. screen painting Tripitaka. Ouchi but later published patron. 226 Itwas unclear in pursuit YUKIO bijutsu of manual upon connoisseurs, various shobo, to request a successful, of later generations see "The Birth of Lippit, 224-33. History," Painting catalogued 1994). of the Kundaikan recensions of the manual in Yano The are Kundaikan Tamaki, sochokino sogokenkyu(Tokyo:Bensei 1999)> 21-73. shuppan, 30. The Precious Mirror digest was of earlier Chinese biographies. painters' Precious Mirror of the Shibundo, (Tokyo: the influence Del Gais Muller, ifhe was San'ichi (Tokyo: and Shimao 96-120, Noami kara Kanoha Arata, Suibokuga no e,Volume 338 of the series Nihon on behalf Yoshitaka Buke Yasuhiko, to doboshu A certain monk to Korea traveled that copyof theBuddhist canon forhis that the nirvana was Korean, bukkyo bukkyo is also an extant early on amission acquired the Korean by theMurakami. v. 18. "Korai Chosen sixteenth-century was are in the collection, inMurai Japanese 99. There bijutsu," in Kagawa (present-day Chosen of the Ami 1991), especially 108. bijutsu," Gokurakuji Temple on the islandof Naoshima bunka Cited inKusui, "KoraiChosen bukkyo and Border painting Asian 29. On 24. Entry for 2.1464 of the Sejo 1392-1450," 16 (1992): 94-115. Studies "Korai diss., 194-224. 2003), duties Artists, of the (Ph.D. Century" objects described 108. bijutsu," "From Raiders Security pricing Korea 108. bijutsu," Kano History: University, collec "The Birth of which includeddisplaying and family, "The 25 (1999): 67-88. in Kusui, Cited Lippit, and Authenticators Seventeenth 23. Entry for 11.1422 of the Sejongsilok, jinja shozo R. Robinson, 16. Ide Seinosuke bukkyo saiko," Yamato in Early Choson, relation See 1984): 1-14. (February 15. See Kenneth Control surface. from the scroll's removed 1999): 207-21. of the Ashikaga Painting Authors, Princeton "Korai Chosen bukkyo bijutsu." 22. See the entry for 11.1467 of the Sejo silok, v. 44. Cited in Kusui, "Korai Chosen 1997), 96. 27 For an overview bunkazai katarareru genzai, (Tokyo: Heibonsha, (102:6b-8a), 1455-1580S," Studies Cultural kokuritsu ed., Kataru as Trea Japanese-Choson Relations, Yamaguchi 1989), 147-48. kara," Tokyo tion, see Yukio 21. Kusui, Yamaguchi Museum, kako of the Hatakeyama Branch and Family Court bukkyo tachiba 28. The wide-ranging R. Robinson, ed., no 26. See Ide Seinosuke, "'Kyokai' bijutsu aidentitii shorai butsuga kenkyu no Japanese "Treated Museum, kenkyujo, see Tsuboi of the Sejongsilok Imposter bijutsu denrai ko,"Korai Richo no bukkyo Prefectural East in an entry on is recorded 20. See Kenneth Cited "Korai Chosen Takashi, of from sures," 41. 1982), inscription, which indicatesthatitis the same bell, cast in 1375, now Asia (Tokyo: Kadokawa in Robinson, cited nichiyo (Kyoto: Dobosha, kofu ryakushu The Circulation collections, Museum, bunka no naka ni miru Ouchi Prefectural 1974). incident 10.13,1443 Kunchu Hideo, Prefectural bunka no iho ten (Yamaguchi: of R. Robinson, of in an trip ismentioned on the back of the screen. See Muromachi survey of Korean Chosensho Ryohei, 109-25. 2000): 13. See Kageki in Japanese bells 1392-1592," Diplomacy, to Century," 21 (June 2001): 33-54. Asian History "Centering Aspects the King Northeast 18. For a comprehensive R. Robinson, is indebted 1388 to theMid-Sixteenth Univer 1990), 405. sity Press, inMaritime Sutras Yama ed. Kozo Japan, (Cambridge: as Treasures: "Treated Asia," inThe CambridgeHistory ofJapan, inscription Yamaguchi section in the collection Daiganji Temple inHiroshima Prefec ture. Sonkai's 2001), 73-74. following is now Rivers," which zu," butsuga, Vol. 418 in series (Tokyo: Shi Kaizoku tachino chusei (Tokyo: kobunkan, Kagawa Bijutsu kenkyu^46 (March 1990):224-33; Michihiro, Wako (Tokyo:Yoshikawa kobunkan, kaisetsu but Sonkai did bringback a foldingscreen of the"EightViews of theXiao andXiang work. fourteenth-century theSaikyojiwork isa Japanesepainting T'u-hui pao-chien Painting)," 131-48. LIPPIT This content downloaded from 128.103.149.52 on Sun, 20 Jul 2014 21:13:47 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions in turn a kind of compendia For more on see Deborah ofPainting, "Hsia Wen-yen (Precious Ars Orientalis of and his Mirror 18 (1988): of 31. For an overview painting, 32. Nihon signatures were a much represents context more Kin, Volume daizenshu Toyo hen series koji hitsu, to sareru butsuga no Shikyo hitsu inMoving baai," and Context, Time, Objects: ed. National Properties, Tokyo (Tokyo: National Research Institute Cultural 244-48. especially Sogen inHigashi 20, included 37. This no sculpture, see on3: of portrait Identities: The at the Buddhist Founder's Statue Korin'in," Art Bulletin inscriptions not necessarily in, for example, an inscription dated to 1477 on the reverse side of Amitabha Hiroshi, Triad atKakurinji Temple inHyogo Korai ni miru butsuga Korai butsuga, Jun'ichi, Chugoku "Korai toNihon," ed. Kikutake 39. in transcribed records no on p. 16). Kikutake the dedicatory in Risshoji of butsuga, 44. Ernest 24-30, and Yoshida, especially the articles paintings as Chinese of the Zhang 27. 45. in (September Sigong is already temple, which "Kanki 227 style fully evident inWatanabe, aru Sogen In the late butsuga." GORYEO BUDDHIST PAINTING inAmerica: Five Hundred Research Moving Fenollosa, in Gregory of Travels in Luohan," Institute for Cultural Objects, 96-134. Epochs of Chinese and 2 (New York: Dover Publications, Inc., 1963, unabridged republication of the second edition of See, for example, Illustrated Catalogue of AncientSitesofKorea (J.Chosen koseki zufu), 14 vols., published the Governor sotokufu, General by the Office (Seoul: of Chosen 1934). 46. Chosen bijutsushi(Seoul:Chosenshi gakkai, 40. Consciousness "Rakan 1913), 124. introducing works is discussed Japanese Art, Vol. no kinen in it to the Five relationship National but on the box stored when Luohans Properties, 1918). to a longer extant Eleven-Headed Avalokitesvara in Kikutake in the purchased. the Daitokuji Goryeo was the painting P. Levine, Hiroshi analysis on 1911), 301 (June 1915), and340 also was the Kokka 179 (April1905),249 (February 1911),254 (July1911),256 (September is inscription was the painting, butsuga See, for example, Goryeo Jun'ichi and (the inscription Hdt is recorded is inscribed attribution 43 Fenollosa's its artist. See Yoshida "Korai sakuhin," Yoshida Hiroshi (Tokyo:Asahi shinbun sha, 1981), 9-16 an through other extant inscribes 1993), 376 shuppan Art. which is found painting of the scroll, but Yoshida who bijutsu attribution 42. The 1983), shuppan, Sensoji demonstrates monk 2001): iho curatorialfilesof theFreerGallery of Hundred 72-104. See Kikutake 41. This paintings thatHyeheo is simplythe Temple 83.1 (March 35. As Prefecture. in ed., Zotei Koga text states that Hyeheo painter hitsu," Kyodera 79 Shibunkaku The nado Chugoku kaigashikenkyu(Tokyo: Chuokoron 2285. 38. The P. Levine, Gregory Sites and "Switching na Bunkakan is preserved compilation 3:2197-325. 1985), 229-39. bijutsu shuppan, 34. For a case study of the contingency in iconic Zen Buddhist (Nara: Yamato biko (Kyoto: kenkyu zoho hen (Tokyo: Chuokoron identities rinkoku no meito (d. 1856). See Ota Kin, 1935): 14 suibokuga - kaiga See his "Kankyo |$W. Setchu shuei1 (March 1948),reprintedin Museum, Volumes 50 and 51ofReferenceforOld Paintings (J. Koga biko ~&W$fc%)by the Kano painterAsaoka Okisada ^JPJJBM^ butsuga" kenkyu 45 (September Bijutsu for Bunkakan henso the an by painter who went by Chinese the characters 1996), 82. Museum, See also Watanabe aru "Kanki Hajime, bi no sekai 239-60, 2004), Properties, no ed., Richo Insti tute for Cultural See Yamato Affairs. Space, Research unknown under at the time that itwas impression panel to be of Goryeo was Shimada manufacture, screen now in the collec folding tion of the Japanese Agency for Cultural no aidentiti "Sakuhin to gaka no jitsuzon - Seikin in "Korea" have been this scroll is now known "Korai" painting," signified generally itwould attributedtoZhang Sigong."Although thus Japan. The painting to be the is believed authenticated eight 123-40. 2000), were not known, premodern (Tokyo: 33. See Ide Seinosuke, and ifthepainterof thiswork [f?^] in the as a Korai-e. as "Goryeo translated more bijutsu of Song and Yuan-period Buddhist painting referred to as 'the Zhang Sigong style,' the "Eight Views family collection that "normally Temple falls into the category this work authenti Rivers" and Xiang of the of the Visualization in Chion'in Sutra Although this termmight literallybe Hidemasa, 6 of Sekai ed., Nanso Shogakkan, Mori See "Nanso in Shimada doshakuga" of the Xiao important for their production. for example, 6*J (1606-1664), that local demand export, but Ide argues origins. cated a screen depicting for specifically made Shujiro wrote 1940s, Shimada Sixteen Meditations 36. The paintersUnkoku Toyo8^?#H (1612-1668)andUnkoku TotekiM^S-^f interpreted these as indications that Ningbo paintings Cho Korean often Scholars no no 36 -55. butsuga, Sogen to 1484 and refers to the scroll's dates Buddhist of Ningbo see Ide Seinosuke, 1932), 183. 47. Concerning Japanese on the Korean activity the colonial IN AN INTERREGIONAL This content downloaded from 128.103.149.52 on Sun, 20 Jul 2014 21:13:47 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions period, CONTEXT archaeological peninsula during see II Pai, Hyung no kako "Chosen Chosen o meguru ni okeru Nihon hanto - seijigaku 107- See also shoku Grave minchi kokogaku no isan"Nihon kenkyu 26 (December study of Sekino of a colonial-era development on Chinese Subin, architectural Tadashi N.J: Princeton no 53-142. 2002): on Sekino studies (Yusho), Further 52. See Yonezawa tsuite," Houn and early Japanese 'bunkazai' hogo gyosei and Uchida tenkai," e no soshite kokogaku kenchikushi, kokogaku no keisei,"both inNihon ni kokuritsu 48. See Karatani Kojin, Tenshin Okakura 1954): 39-42. of this variation Korea art; see "Hibo Jizo bosatsu Fenollosa," Munroe (New Inc., 1994), 33 8.3 (Winter relevance from this period isMiya zo Hokke "Danzan jinja ni tsuite," Bijutsu "Korai no and Shimada bijutsu daizenshu Toru's Buddhism significant development Korean 'Korean Buddhism The Religious Nationalism and Invention Tradition," the Construction Identity, ed. Hyung of East Asian article, "Chosen of a butsuga 54. Kumagai, butsuga 55. Kumagai, "Chosen butsuga cho," and entries 56. Articles paintings of 1999), 73 228 introducing 1977)' 13-14; Yoshida Hironao, "Ri Josa hitsu Rakan kaisetsu," Kokka 911 (February Yutaka, "Kagami Yoryu Kannon gazo," Nara YUKIO 114. Izumi zu 1962): 31; jinja shozo Hirata Korai nijusannen-mei Gekkan 164 (May Hiroshi, "Shigen Amida bunkazai kokuritsu zo o nyorai 186 (March "Shins Susumu, 1979): 22-28; Hayashi zu ni hutsu no Korai Suigetsu Kannon 123 (March 1979): 46-65. including Mindai by Suzuki kaigashi kenkyu? Seppa (Tokyo:Toyo bunka kenkyujo, reports on his shuchu Rakan butsuga Juo zu no kenkyu, Parts One (March zu 1970) and Two (March 1973).The complete results of this survey are found new include from this period bunkazai 1968), and to progress cho," 2. in nyorai chakushoku 1975); "Kenpon zo," Gekkan survey, Sogen "Chosen II Pai and Studies, cho," Chosen 60-73. on bijutsukogei436-47 (Januaryto 57. See the series of publications shiryoshui,"Bukkyogeijutsu83 (1972): TimothyR. Tangherlini (Berkeley: Institute 14 of Sekai (Tokyo: Heibonsha, butsuga 1 to 12,Nihon nos. kaiga," tsuite," Bukkyo geijutsu Shujiro, 44 (July 1967): 1-114, and a follow-up the discourse in "Imagining Buddhism': National Korean Jr.,discusses of a Korean 221 no Chosen "Kyushu butsuga,"Nishi Nihon bunka 100 (April i974)jYi Tongju, "KikoNihon ni okeru Kei, gakuho role in this regard. zo," Iki no kaiga," "Tsushima, Yutaka, megutte," 1964). of theYiDynasty (Richobukkyo)of 1928 E. Buswell, in of kenkyu inVolume kaiga," 53. See his "Chosen such as Takahashi (1932). Also Hirata December zo no Tohogakuhos (1961): 23-36, 711 2000): Sanson Amida chakushoku Yutaka, Kankoku of image, which bunpu," Tsugio, and Colonial Collectors 46. played an article on the iconography the prevalence in prewar 49. On mingei (folk art) discourse see Kim Brandt, Japan, "Objects of Robert of Dunhuang scholar mandara a kenkyu 175 a Matsumoto, had also earlier published important 39 50. Texts jidai zu," Bijutsu noted and Ernest Korea,"positions rakan gohyaku "Korai "Japan as Museum: N. Abrams, Japanese Ei'ichi, respectively. the Sky, ed. Alexandra Desire: "Kenpon Gekkan bunkazai 116(May 1973):6; the scarved Ksitigarbha in Japanese Art After 1945: Scream Against York: Harry Nobuo, Bukkyogeijutsu95 (March 1974):60-69; painting, 2001), kenkyujo, and 179-92, 139-78 zo," nyorai Hirata renowned (Tokyo: Tokyo bunkazai Amida 49; and Matsumoto (September no seiritsu to tenkai, okeru bijutsushigaku ed. Yonekura Michio 1972): 53-59; chakushoku Bijutsu kenkyu175(September1954):44 no "Nihon Yoshiaki, "Kenpon bijutsukan ni tsuite," Bukkyo butsuga Gekkan bunkazai 104 (May 1972):12; 666 zo shohei," Shaka ga kinshitsu "Bosuton 83 (January geijutsu zo," 1971): 12; 92 (May Tomoaki, zo Chosen "Ekyo hitsu 1947); Kumagai (September to Sekino Tadashi - bijutsushikara Sukeyoshi zu," Kokka tairiku denrai "Yoryu Kannon bunkazai Horioka 25 (1939): 10-24. Yoshiho, Kumagai shozai "Kyushu 1970)- 33-48; 1990), shakyo ni jidai Kannon Suigetsu "Roei Kamuroji no "Korai 1969): 36-37; (September Nobuo, kenkyu 265 Bijutsu no butsuga,"Bukkyogeijutsu76 (July (Princeton, Press, gazo," Gekkan to Chugoku archaeology includeHirose Shigeaki, "Meiji ni okeru Rimer (December nenpo kenkyujo 1968);Kumagai Nobuo, "Zendoji Jizo bosatsu the Interwar during University 51. See, for example, kenchikushikenkyu"Nihon kenkyu26 (December bunkazai as 217-33 to nashonari akademii and Studies of Japan's Envisioned Years, ed. J.Thomas see Xu history, Buddhist Intellectuals Japanese discourse "Toyo kenchikushigaku seiritsu ni miru zumu - Sekino an Expression role in the Tadashi's Interwar Global Role," inCulture and Identity: For a related 15-52. 2002): "A Vast Jackie Stone, Task: Kei, ed., Chugoku vols. sogo zuroku, kaiga (Tokyo: Tokyo in Suzuki daigaku 4 shuppanki, 1982). 58. See the deluxe catalogue, edition Ebine of the exhibition Toshio, ed., Gendai doshakujinbutsuga (Tokyo:Tokyo National LIPPIT This content downloaded from 128.103.149.52 on Sun, 20 Jul 2014 21:13:47 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Museum, 1978); also useful in of the the significance assessing exhibition doshaku is Toda dai,"ML7S?L7M287 17, and Ebine kikakusha in the dynasty. "Gendai include Nakano rakan gazo," subjects no Jizo "Chosen Teruo, juo zu ni tsuite,"Bukkyogeijutsu97 (July hensozu 66. Other 60. See Yamato Bunkakan Korea Period," Koryo describes came Waiting a Over Korea Kuanyin'," Covell 'Willow continental describes debate with Daitokuji 67. The monks famous Wafer-Moon Avalokitesvara, Moon according Chinese eighth-century toWu Daozi. attributed 62. Kikutake Jun'ichi and Yoshida eds., Korai butsuga painting it, and Choeseung $; Shigeo, 1-8; Kikutake Chugoku Aki, "Korai sakuhin," 31-38, "Korai no "Korai 24-30; jidai no no "Korai to Nihon," butsuga Hiroshi, Susumu, jidai Jun'ichi, miru Yoshida "Korai butsuga Sutra Hakkokan Seogubang%3\jj\ ni 9-16; Ueno shujuso," the 1310Water (Kagami Shrine) fttj^-; the 1323 (Chion'in the 1323Water-Moon (Sen'oku bukkyo," butsuga Museum) Temple) Meditations Avalokitesvara Museum) records the 1323Sixteen of the Visualization Sutra ^3?? (RinshojiTemple) listsSeo Jiman ffi; and the 1350 Maitreya Waiting to 17-23; no a certain 'Iftftfj. Huijeon 68. The painter of the 1307 screen in the Descend Hayashi soshokukyo," in ibid. Seoul National 229 GORYEO Museum, BUDDHIST Noyeong, PAINTING an been by the "painted Finally, (Yoshida, "Korai sakuhin," 28). 69. One as simply See by the priest Hyeheo." of the 1350Maitreya was implies that he as well no kinen butsuga is the monk Hyeon is found both on name ~&S, whose the 1350Maitreya toDescend, Waiting a monk such example toDescend Waiting (Shinoin Temple) and on a 1332Lotus in eight scrolls on inscribed Sutra, paper with indigo-dyed Shrine Kagami hashi Akio, silver ink, in the collection. See Dono no Miroku "Korai zu ni tsuite," Yamato henso in particular 66 range of Goryeo National deserve of a for their display special mention wide gesho kyo bunka 1980): 1-12. Museum, tachi (Nara: Nara Korai Nara paintings: no hotoke ajia Higashi National 1996), and Yamaguchi Museum, mentions Seolchungfjfftf1 and a certain I 1981). 63. Kamata Avalokitesvara Visualization Hiroshi, Benrido, (Tokyo: Noyeong 4?^, bears traditionally reinterpreted 70. To exhibitions liststhefivepaintersKimWumun 4?j$fe Imsun#)I|M, SongOn 5? ~?, Igye $S, tradition an and Eight Great (Seoul National in Tokyo 28. "Shigen nijusannen-mei," the name of Hoejon, the painter (March origin. Bodhisattvas mentions tomonastic Temple) Sutra of all at one have been Yoshida, cheol Pure Amitabha to the Visualization 1307 Amitabha of that temple's which and Maitreya point been classified as Korean works, to be of but are now widely believed "A 19.1 (January Journal Sutra of of 1350 (Shin'oin In addition, 1312 (Daionji over the nationality kinen toDescend and Preface the exhibition Koryo-Period inwhich 1979): 36-45, her heated Covell See also her article about. of Amitabha Triad of 1309(Uesugi Shrine), 18.12 inwhich Temple), tomean "inscribed Land of 1183(Chion'inTemple), from the Legacy' inwhich the way 'Vendetta' was of the Visualization of 1330 (Ho'onji Bunkakan, Journal 1978): 4-13, (December the Ten Kings understood quently of 1307 1323(RinshojiTemple), SdkyamuniTriad Temple). 'Unknown inscriptions sides of the same and inscription that has at Avalokitesvara priestHyeheo [Slit]," but has subse the two works Museum; 46. In ga kinshitsu," (Asakusadera) Sensoji 92 (Septem dated on opposite Meditations 1978). 61. See "Korea's no Hell of 1320(Chion'inTemple), Sixteen 1980): 1-12. tachi (Nara: Yamato with screen), Ksitigarbha Museum, ed., kuni waga butsuga ni shorai sareta rinkoku no konjiki no hotoke jidai bunka and Ksitigarbha (Seoul National tenKorai Tokubetsu "Korai Yamato paintings painted "Roei addition, Water-Moon Bodhisattvas are the repair of Seononsa WW concerning tP Temple on Kanghwa Island, suggest a priest. See been that he have may ing Kumagai, includeAmitabha and theEightGreat ni tsuite," Yamato 66 (March bunka no butsuga ber 1994): 35-49. "Korai Susumu, 1974): 124-139; Hayashi no zu ni Kannon tsuite," Suigetsu jidai 102 (March 1977): 101-17; Bijutsushi Donohashi Akio, "Korai no Miroku geshokyo "Korai 65. See Chung Woothak, Buddhist altogether 17. shujuso," 1975): 18-26. of Goryeo 59. Treatments produced in documents also appears however, the early Joseon due to royal on suppression, only to be revived later doshakuga kara no kanso," MUSEUM 287 (February that Buddhist during 1975): 4 (February Toshio, stops being painting no shomon kenkyu jinbutsuga even speculates Aki 64. Ueno "Gendai Teisuke, Museum, Prefectural no Richo bukkyo bijutsu ten. 71. The catalogue published revised was raisonne in a Korean Japanese first version version. Jun'ichi and Chung Woothak, sidae uipulhwa Koryo and then a See Kikutake (Seoul: eds., Sigonsa, 1997)andKorai jidai no kaiga (Seoul: 2000). Sigonsa, was 72. Kikutake Nara National university IN AN INTERREGIONAL This content downloaded from 128.103.149.52 on Sun, 20 Jul 2014 21:13:47 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions formerly Museum professor, CONTEXT a curator as well at the as and through numerous explored articles and exhibitions Buddhist Goryeo from a variety sculpture of Kikutake's Much has original and painting of perspectives. on research Japanese early Korean series on East art in amulti-volume art history. Asian and Yoshida See Kikutake Hiroshi, Shiragi, Korai, Kudara, bijutsu daizenshu Toyo hen series 1998). Shogakkan, an eye towards With between society of the late Goryeo 10 of Sekai Naito the relationship he was shinkoteki precedents, out, Kikutake had previously the treatment of several Buddhist to understand subjects obtained production no Amida Yamato bunka nyorai 72 (December Kokusai koryu bijutsushi Osaka (Osaka: "Korai University Foundation, Taniguchi jidai no Nehan gawa bunka Jotokuji-bon 80 (September also his "Korai gazo," Yamato 73. Kikutake in "Korai in gazo," 5 in series Nikkan 1986): 58-67; Ka henso zu bunka^ (1996): fully expanded see 20-32. upon Kokuri, and Yoshida Kudara, Hiroshi, Shiragi, Korai, 10 of Sekai bijutsudaizenshu Toyo hen series (Tokyo: concept Shogakkan, of a palace 1998): 273-84. The his "Kagami painting, 92 (1994): 35-49. meticulous studies of garment a more refined cartography 1993), Chung comparative patterns collections. temple has also explored between the deep and the and Goryeo the painting. Concerning see no "Korai sekai former, butsuga to ni shuhen okeru kyutei ganshu no Sogen butsuga, inNihon shinko," 88 chosa," butsuga, Jun'ichi 377-88, (Seoul: jidai and Sigonga, 2000). gazo (March no kenkyu 1990). See also gazo the review by "Shohyo?Korai no kenkyu? DeArute7 1991): 144-49. YUKIO (Kyoto: jidai Royal "Art and Patron the conference at the School July 14-16,2000, London. inKorai the Koryo Family: of sartorial ed. Chung Woothak Amida 230 relationship and African no Ide Seinosuke, Shrine is the Kagami to its had have appears Hokkeji of court patronage that provide kogakuteki Dobosha, jinja." which bunka Museum, jidai no rakan gazo," and "Korai jidai Amida only exception image, and Production of The Patronage a paper delivered at Buddhist Images," National 77. ChungWoothak (J.Tei Utaku), Korai was style, however, in the same and (Nara: Nara Kikutake initiallydeveloped byHirata Yutaka in 74. The zu," suru Kankoku in fourteenth-century See his "Korai butsuga no zuzo painting. - sono to to utsukushisa hyogen giho," no and "Korai 368-377, butsuga eds., Vol. such concerns, of Ksitigarbha Chinese decoration it in this reflecting 98; "In and Around has also made "Korai jidai no bukkyo kaiga" in Kikutake Kannon led of several new of Buddhist Ide's research politics See, for example, subjects. no Yoryu factors, affiliation, bukkyobijutsuno kyodochosakenkyu Yamato first proposed this taxonomy no Kannon jidai gazo," 1986, and has most analysis thought These sectarian subjects and Minami 79. to scrolls cult that witnessed inpaintings in theSaifukuji of to His of Goryeo ryokoku ni shozai 69-72, ni," Yamato transcend Avalokitesvara from the close of individual Sutra worship. coexistence in the concerns "Nara Hasedera and The 1988): 17-35; ranged readings Buddhist no Birushana-butsu jidai have religious Amitabha as the combination environments. the iconographic kenkyukai o chushin scholarly activities formal zo," 1983): 15-24; "Korai jidai no Kannon - sonzo to henso, Vol. Kannon scholar who unique from of the painting of esoteric elements to the development from Kyushu has been different in a pervasive painting thus bridging Korean, See "Korai 2) the general which publishingwidely inboth Japaneseand jidai raigobijutsu no ichi irei Kagawa Hagiwaradera He University. the specific inflectionsintroducedto them in Goryeo his Ph.D. Song period; with Lotus 98 Tetsugaku is a Korean 76. Chung Woothak explored contexts. haikei," of Chinese found Byakuren o megutte shinko the influence combines 1995): 72-94. (January the first tomap see period, Korai jidai koki bukkyo bijutsu no this genre and continental which to Amida Goryeo contextforGoryeo Buddhist painting is "Mantoku-zan Hiroshi, kessha (Tokyo: of Buddhist by one such lay religious sculpture 1)Most be seen as emerging should corpus "Kagamijinja." Jun'ichi here: iconographycan be linkeddirectlyto Dunhuang, although stylisticallythis in his diary in 1812. For more see Hirata Yutaka, the sponsorship theses of the study are worthy other ofmention Ino Tadataka geographer 75. Concerning eds., Kokuri, Vol. 78. Two by the on the inscription, on volume 1998 co-edited is recorded inscription (1745-1818) Goryeo Buddhist painting is synthesizedinhis at some removed inscription point. This in Korea," of Oriental Studies, University of "Kyokai the latter, see Concerning no aidentitii - shorai bijutsu butsuga kenkyu no tachiba katarareru Katarugenzai, in kara," kako, ed. Tokyo kokuritsubunkazai kenkyujo (Tokyo: Heibonsha, Amida kyuzo-bon osugata, Seikado accessible English, Goryeo 1999), 169-84; Sanson o megutte," This content downloaded from 128.103.149.52 on Sun, 20 Jul 2014 21:13:47 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions "Gen - jidai no Tofukuji inMihotoke no ed. Seikado Museum Museum, (Tokyo: 1999), 11-21. The most introduction however, Buddhist Goryeo Dynasty, LIPPIT zo zakkan to his work is "The World Painting," 34-97. of in Kim, in 80. They areThe TeachingofInfinite Life (the the Amitabha larger Sukhavativyuha), Sutra (the smaller 87 the Sutra on theMeditation belief on the reception Pure Land Goryeo Buddhist painting, tant to bear inmind Hirata that many observation in regional deposited it is impor temples. no Jodo - 2005): manji ajia kenkyu 362 (March Bijutsu 1-32; "Korai !995): kokuritsu Tokyo Korai Prefectural butsuga "Kegon shiso no ryobun," in Chung "The Koryo Period," In fact, the representation Avalokitesvara textual 84. This work was Jun'ichi, butsu 20-32. sources, Oriental 83-84. ofWater appears 92. Yamato See also the painting bunka in Yamaguchi gakuin, 93. entry on butsu gazo," Jizo bosatsu version no Gregory jidai no Birushana 295-339, 24-25. Tokujun (Tokyo: Tokyo Daigaku bukkyo shi Shuppankai, see (March had Huang, of Interest," in the Sung, ed. Peter N. Jr. (Hono Press, 1999), 1978): 127-45. 1991): can be isChinese, paintings era names, consistently so that the use Yuan inscription the possibility manufacture. of no See "Nanso 4-6. iryujonizumu," was in painting inNara Chinese ("tenth year inscribed does not discount 97. The Chion' Kumagai the same scroll in his for the date employed itsGoryeo 1997), Buddhist paintings. out that while the era also points alone A. Getz, to Toda, included of Chunxi") period BUDDHIST (Tokyo: Kadokawashoten, name Goryeo of Hawai'i on this argument found inToda Teisuke,Nihon bijutsuno mikata to his Chi-chiang Chion'in 86 (September bunka 1-9. A follow-up bunka and Nishigami "Shu Minoru, to Shin o," Bijutsushi 104 GORYEO reiki," Yamato Seven National as published Museum, ed., HigashiAjia no hotoketachi (Nara:Nara National Museum, 1996), 138. See also entry on the painting Seinosuke's Nakazawa and Shimada, Nanso Ide in Kin, 381-82. niche no. 177 in the Beishan 231 no mondai jodo zu' ni tsuite iryujonizumu 1967 list of Korean 94. The hooded Ksitigarbha isfound in 1987). 'Amida (Tokyo: Toho Chapter A Convergence and Daniel no 96. Toda zo no bunpu," - "Nanso Nobuo 1937): 368-401. In this regard, in Buddhism Prefectural Chosen as kenkyu lulu: University Shigeo, as "Ksitigarbha 1996), 70. 95. 66 -73. Previous Lord of the Underworld," Hang-chou: ten, 177-78. "Korai see "Elite and Clergy inNorthern Sung 95 (1996): Museum, Korai Richo no bukkyobijutsu 85. See Kikutake, Nobuo. Art 23.1 (1977): 96-104. See his "Hibo revised in Kikutake Ide Seinosuke's and Kumagai of this legend Pak, Tonkoga jidai no Birushana include painting Ei'ichi Asian in early Tdhdgakuhd$ (1932),found ina slightly to have its origins introduced "Korai gazo," 86. See Kamata Buddhist 91. For a description overdetermined. ultimately Korean Matsumoto Youngsook of Central took an interest also of Jokyoji Prefecture), (Wakayama illustrated in the exhibition catalogue furusato de mitayume (Wakaya ma: Prefectural Museum, Wakayama Yuji, Otani scholars Japanese art who Supreme Painting." 82. See Buswell, several 2002). no an Myoe ofMassachusetts University 1984), and Dainobu Kozui toSaiiki bijutsu,Vol. 434 inNihon no bijutsuseries (Tokyo:Shibundo, in Yamaguchi Richo and Kikutake,Korai jidai no butsuga, 368-76; "TheWorld ofGoryeo Buddhist Moon (Amherst: ten, 88-94; bukkyo bijutsu to Korai Korai Museum, see missions, bijutsu that the also makes in the collection manufacture Temple Press, kenkyujo no naka no toitsu - 1995); "Tayo no butsuga ryobun," entry in Kim, Arts of Goryeo, the Otani informed me has no 1987). Ide (Tokyo: Kodansha, appearance in thefifthscroll (Yama) of a setofTen Kings paintingsofNingbo See Ide (Kyoto). in Shiragi, 2 oiKankoku Ksitigarbha 186. See sekkutsu "Daisoku 274-275 butsuga," hooded and (Tokyo), Kin, 2000), Shogakkan, Shigeo, bijutsu, Vol. Seinosuke at the PeterHopkirk,Devils of theSilkRoad bunkazai (March to Korai includes group collection, Temple 90. Concerning to senpukurin-mon," inHigashi no katachi, ed. bijutsu ni okeru hito (Tokyo: Korai 1313 (March 87. ni mieru butsuga series "En Lippit, and Fujio eds., Nanso Hidemasa, Vol. 6 ofSekai bijutsudaizenshu Toyo hen series Museum Seikado inNakazawa also Kamata zu," Kokka in a private paintings Seinosuke's gyogan-bon," - "Mantoku Hiroshi, 89. The Marici-attributed to Fugen (1994)-35 Kin no "Nanso Saburosuke, Shimada 38-39. Shotaku'in gazo Tanabe no see to 1126. For an illustration, dated chokoku," jidai bunka^2 see Yukio henso Kodansha,i987). no Amida - kessha." this work, gakukyo kyo," 276-77, in Shiragi, Korai bijutsu, Vol. 2 ofKankoku bijutsu series (Tokyo: 81. See Ide's "Korai 83. 88. On were toNihon Yamato gazo," zan Byakuren Yutaka's Pure Land set; "Korai 49. See also Naito of paintings See his "Korai butsuga rakan of Japanese the influence Concerning Arhats Hundred Life (C.Guan wuliangshoujing). ofInfinite Goryeo out, the 1235-36 Five has pointed of theBuddha numerous sutras and, as Chung Woothak period and Sukhavativyuha), is the case with Such Grottoes, PAINTING 98. Cheeyun Lilian the Seikado IN AN INTERREGIONAL This content downloaded from 128.103.149.52 on Sun, 20 Jul 2014 21:13:47 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Kwon, Library" CONTEXT "The Ten Kings (Ph.D. diss., at Princeton 1999). The University, scrolls in Seikado Seikado (Tokyo: 99. Museum, See Miyazaki ed., Chugoku Museum, Lilian Medieval Painting Monument: at the Seikado Kings Art46.5 100. "Gen Mihotoke Museum 1999): (Tokyo: 11-21. ed. Seikado Chinese Art ed. Marsha University in in Later Intersections Buddhism, (Honolulu: Foulk, of Buddhist in Cultural to the already points court ritual of Goryeo See also programs. "Buddhist Rituals (918-1392): ground Jongmyung Their diss., University Chosen Los ritual contexts would the new to take into account also need ritual uses put once towhich painted in Pu*e Land most temples, Goryeo served a variety of religious to an inscription According side dated settled paintings the as well employed on the occasion of lecture-rituals hung on the Buddha's relics and the Six Realms. See Kikutake butsuga ni miru Jun'ichi, Chugoku "Korai bijutsu (Tokyo: Shogakkan, 1999), 185-96. The this volume on individual Joseon pieces in Japanese collections articles on its reverse rituals eds., are in entries highly useful, in Yamaguchi Museum, Korai Richo no bukkyobijutsu ten.A fullbibliographyof on Joseon Buddhist Japan is found 109. Kikutake, Amitabha Triad inKakurinji Templewas in repentance Hiroshi, Toyo hen series Prefectural needs. to 1477, for example, Toyama "Chosen Jun'ichi, 11 of Sekai as are those found icons were in Japan. Although Yamagata ofKorea: ron," in Kikutake bijutsu ocho, Vol. daizenshu 1994). Angeles, 103.A study of original Deuchler, of Joseon Buddhist Jun'ichi and Yoshida (Ph.D. Meaning" of California, painting. ocho bukkyo Back Ideological and Historical Kim, Korea inMedieval studies See Kikutake Chugoku there was as a in taste. Chung Woothak painting that and slight relationship, to a difference YUKIO in ni miru 16, declared the lack of influence Japanese 232 butsuga attributed 110.As toNihon," "Korai only paintings in the latter publication. toNihon," has demonstrated, in Bujoji Prefec Tai'ichi, Sanson "Shinshutsu no zu ni tsuite raigo zo no hon'yo ka," Kinko sosho 17 "Korai butsuga," 15.Other examples can be found atZenkoji in 1992). University, a handful of synthetic toDescend Waiting Kaikei sakuHarima JodojiAmida 108. In Japan there have been research complexity Amida on East Asian Council Museum, copy of the (1990): 343-62. in the Transformation Studies, Harvard A Japanese Temple, Wakayama 112. See Kikutake, in the early Joseon period, bridge, Mass.: Press, Tohon Sanson of Buddhist A StudyofSocietyand Ideology (Cam 13-29. 102. Kwon's 372-86. and Martina National ture) is also known. 2002): Early Choson; National (Nara: Nara (Shinoin Seiji, "Kinsekigaisen to riyo," Bijutsu kenkyu 376 (March and Yu, Buddhism no Yoryu ryokoku ni shozai chosa kenkyu, ed. Nara 111. See Yamamoto see Lancaster Temple suruKankoku bukkyobijutsuno kyodo Korean Maitreya ed. Judith G. the history inNikkan zu," i993)> 69-72. Museum keisei The Confucian Weidner of Hawai'i Art gazo no 107. Concerning Museum, T. Griffith "The Korean of Art, 1998), 426. institutions Functions "Religious China," 106. Shirono in megutte," Seikado 101. See, for example, 2001), o kyuzo-bon no osugata, zo zakkan? inHasedera See his "Nara Hasedera Museum 1996). Smith (NewYork: TheMetropolitan Museum Sanson Avalokitesvara (Nara). Sdkyamuni inArts ofKorea, of Art," Oriental Library," no Shaka jidai Tofukuji the Ten Goryeo-period Water-Moon Kannon in The Metropolitan Collection 64-72. (2000): Bokkodo, 105. Pak Youngsook, of a "A Repositioning Kwon, Oka and Cheeyun 1999), 22-30, see the full conservation Mountain (Tokyo Descendingfrom the National Museum) inShufukw*,(Kyoto: ed. is a copy of the (Tottori Prefecture) 1981), 16. report of Liang Kai's SeikadoMuseum (Tokyo:Seikado Museum, Hiroshi, (Tokyo: Asahi butsuga 104. For example, zu ni no osugata, inMihotoke tsuite," and Yoshida Shinbunsha, bunko zo Juo zu Nishisha bijutsukan eds., Korai kaiga 1986). "Seikado Noriko, Kikutake 9-i6, had originallybeen published asChinese a Temple LIPPIT This content downloaded from 128.103.149.52 on Sun, 20 Jul 2014 21:13:47 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Prefecture Prefecture. and Ankoji in