A Contemporary Archaeology of Lab West

Provincial Archaeology Office 2021 Archaeology Review A Contemporary Archaeology of Labrador West Anatolijs Venovcevs UiT: The Arctic University of Norway I ntroduction Over the last five decades, contemporary archaeology, an archaeology of the recent past and the present, has grown in popularity around the world in general (Buchli and Lucas 2001; Graves-Brown 2000; González-Ruibal 2019; Harrison and Schofield 2010; Olsen and Pétursdóttir 2014; Rathje and Murphy 2001), and within the province of Newfoundland and Labrador in particular (Brake 2014; Brake and Davies 2015; Brake and Brake 2016, 2017; Brenan 2019; Daly 2015; Davies 2020; Deal 2013; Neilsen Figure 1: Sites mentioned in this paper (map by Anatolijs Venovcevs). and Brenan 2018; Whitridge and Williamson 2021). While methodological and the- Labrador Railway (QNS&L) in 1950-54 and developoretical approaches differ greatly in how the recent ment with the iron mining towns of Labrador City past is approached, practitioners of these studies have and Wabush in the 1960s and proceeding into the demonstrated that the recent past deserves attention present as mining operations in western Labrador are and that archaeologists have something important to still ongoing. As such, the area of study is both broad say about the past and how it manifests itself in the in scope and rich in material culture presenting a challenge for archaeology to create a compelling mapresent. Drawing inspiration from this growing body terial-based narrative of the region – especially during of work, this project sought to apply archaeological the time of a global pandemic when travel and intechniques to the investigation of the contemporary person communications have been curtailed. What follows is the first attempt at such an industrial mining landscape of western Labrador. This was done as part of my PhD research into the herit- archaeological narrative based upon two seasons of age of single industrial mining towns in Labrador, fieldwork in 2019 and 2021. The narrative is culture Russia, and Norway as part of the research project historical from the construction of the QNS&L to Unruly Heritage: An Archaeology of the Anthropo- the present day (though it excludes the 2021 fieldcene out of UiT: The Arctic University of Norway work at Twin Falls – a side project carried out within the larger framework of the research, see Venovcevs (Olsen and Pétursdóttir 2016). The industrial landscapes of Labrador West and Williamson, this volume, and Venovcevs 2020). might be one of the most recent, largescale anthropo- By bringing in material examples, including archaeogenic landscapes in the province – stemming from logical sites I registered as part of my fieldwork and the construction of the Quebec North Shore and other material manifestations that might not be con219 Map Provincial Archaeology Office 2021 Archaeology Review sidered “archaeological” in a traditional sense, I hope to demonstrate how the industrial past transformed a massive region and continues to linger into the present. In so doing, I try to go from more chronologically and geographically distant examples to those in and around Labrador City, Wabush, and their associated mines (Figure 1). As such, I focus on the Quebec North Shore and Labrador Railway, mine survey camps and other ancillary developments, traces of pre -industrial Indigenous occupation within Labrador West, urban heritage, mining waste, and finally concluding with a brief discussion on today’s ongoing material legacies. I hope that the subsequent discussion will provide points for future study of industrial heritage that dramatically transformed both western Labrador and the province as a whole. Quebec North Shore and Labrador Railway Indigenous peoples occupied western Labrador for millennia before the arrival of the Europeans and, even after contact, European presence in the area was sparse (Brake 2007; Neilsen 2016). Through the work of their Indigenous guides, the first Europeans that documented the presence of iron in the interior of Labrador was Fr. Louis Babel in 1870 and A.P. Low in 1892-1895 (Bradbury 1985:355; Boutet 2012). These deposits are the result of precipitation of colloidal silica that formed an iron-rich chert within a shallow marine environment approximately 2.3 billion years ago creating a 1,100 km crescent-shaped formation from the centre of the Labrador Peninsula from Lake Manicouagan in the south to Ungava Bay in the north. Large quantities of this material with an average content of 25-30% iron is what made it attractive for open pit mining (Rivers and Wardle 1979) – method that relies on rapid excavation of large quantities of rock to make up for lower concentration of mineral within the rock (LeCain 2009). However, its remoteness to settler industrial centres and low grade made this ore of little interest until the Second World War when iron became a strategic – and seemingly scarce – resource. To secure this source of iron from a neighbouring friendly country, a group of US-based companies started actively investigating the Labrador Trough for largescale iron mining (Bradbury 1985:355-358; Thistle and Langston 2016:273). The first economically viable deposit that the surveys identified was Knob Lake, near to where the future mining town of Schefferville was established. To get at this ore, five US-based companies created the Iron Ore Company of Canada (registered in Delaware) in 1949. The idea was to build a 360mile (579 kilometres) railway from Sept-Iles, Quebec to Schefferville cutting across both Quebec and Labrador sides of the provincial border. It would then be tied via the then-planned St. Lawrence Seaway to connect Labrador iron with the American rustbelt (Durrell 1950). The construction took place from 1950-54 and was done along multiple sections across the railway’s path simultaneously. Thirty-six camps were set up 10 miles (16 kilometres) apart from each other. To supply these camps, the workers built 14 runways to create what, up to that point, would be the largest industrial airlift in world history with an aviation company Hollinger Ungava Transport flying almost every piece of equipment to supply rapid, simultaneous construction (Cinécraft 1953, 1954; Harrison 2003). During the 2019 and 2021 fieldwork seasons, I had a chance to visit and survey two runways along QNS&L – an overgrown runway near Emeril railway station and the runway by Ashuanipi River. The runway at Emeril is north of present-day Emeril station on the QNS&L and measures 900 metres by 42 metres in size. Slightly shorter spruce trees and recreational trails delineate it. At the time of my visit, a couple of campers were parked within the footprint of the old runway. Older material consisted of an old outhouse and six oil drums though it is not certain if these were from the railroad or the runway operations. Little is known about this runway except that it was the head of operations in 1953 – a node where goods were delivered by train before being loaded on planes and sent to more distant camps (Cinécraft 1953). The runway in Ashuanipi was more substantial (Figures 2). It was 1950 metres by 65 metres in size and was connected to Ross Bay Junction – the only junction along the main line of QNS&L where the railroad divides into its northern (Schefferville) and western (Labrador City and Wabush) branches. Ross Bay Junction is connected to the Ashuanipi runway by a four-kilometre road. This was the first runway built to service Labrador City and Wabush in 1957 and carried workers and material for the con- 220 Map Provincial Archaeology Office 2021 Archaeology Review Figure 2: The Ashuanipi Runway site with features, artifacts, and GPS logs (FgDn-04) (map by Anatolijs Venovcevs). struction of the rail spur into western Labrador. According to historical information, this runway was abandoned in favour of one at Duley Lake in 1959 (Hynes 1990:44, also see below). The runway may have also served a hunting and fishing camp located south of the runway along a three-kilometre road (this is discussed in more detail below). Despite this key historical significance, nobody I talked to in Labrador West remembered anything being at the Ashuanipi runway besides the remains of “a few old cabins”. Fieldwork in the area revealed that while in fact the area was and is still in current active use as a cabin area, especially along the Ashuanipi River west of the runway; the area also contains significant archaeological remains around – and especially east of the runway. I first visited this runway in 2019, document- ing only the existence of the runway and the cabins in the area along with other contemporary uses (Figure 3). I conducted a more comprehensive survey in July 2021. As noted two years previously, the western side of the runway had access roads to cabins but older material was also present like tin cans from the 70s and 80s (Busch 1981; Maxwell 1993). There was also clear evidence of two former overgrown quarries southwest of the runway and one to the northeast where aggregate was harvested for the runway and associated infrastructure (Figure 4). Oil drums were ubiquitous throughout the area. To the east of the runway was an alder and spruce forest criss-crossed by ATV trails – many of them former roads. While the visibility was difficult due to dense vegetation in the height of summer it was enough to identify the remains of a significant 221 Map Provincial Archaeology Office 2021 Archaeology Review Figure 3: The runway at the Ashuanipi Runway site (FgDn-04) (photo by Anatolijs Venovcevs). Figure 4: One of several former gravel quarries at the Ashuanipi Runway site (FgDn-04) (photo by Anatolijs Venovcevs). 222 Map Provincial Archaeology Office 2021 Archaeology Review the pilots and planes for the operation. Material of later or uncertain chronology east of the runway consisted of wooden floors for buildings, wooden and metal barrels, boats, oil furnaces, and old cars – some of it from the “old cabins” people in Labrador West remember. I also visited Ross Bay Junction to investigate what remained there. The four-kilometre road between the Ashuanipi runway and Ross Bay was difficult to transgress on foot as the origFigure 5: Material remains from the Ashuanipi River site (FgDn-04). Top left, Esso Aviation Oil; top right, 1944 bottle cache; bottom left, 1959 Consumer Glass company inal culverts for the road have bottle; bottom right, one of the concrete footings (photos by Anatolijs Venovcevs). been filled up with water and many parts of the road were camp including five concrete foundations, a buried flooded. Along the road were also small overgrown water line, and a series of earthen berms – possibly gravel pits for aggregate extraction for the road – foundations for airplane fuel (Figure 5). The artifacts small ancillary impacts of resource development around these structures consisted of electrical compo- (Venovcevs in press). Although the railway and the mining companents (light sockets, switches, etc.) pointing to the presence of generators, sherds of hotel ware (Myers nies maintained a regular crew of men to operate the 2016), Dominion Glass and Consumer Glass Compa- junction (Spracklin 1993; Labrador City Library n.d.), ny bottles from the late 1950s (Miller and Jorgensen very little evidence of the historical work camp was 1986; Lockhart 2014; Lockhart, Schriever, and Lind- present there. While QNS&L maintains facilities sey 2015), and metal cans – including a few for Esso there, nobody was present during my first visit and Aviation Oil. The most interesting find during the the structures consisted of temporary work structures visit was a cache of tin cans and small glass bottles and shipping containers. In the location where the with cubic centimetreFigure 6: Foundation for a fuel platform at Ross Bay Junction measurement units – based (photo by Anatolijs Venovcevs). on the maker’s mark, the bottles are from the Dominion Glass Company manufactured in NovemberDecember 1944 (Lockhart, Schriever, and Lindsey 2015). The early date for these bottles and the potential pharmaceutical composition of their contents suggests that they were military surplus drawn into service for building the QNS&L – much like many of 223 Map Provincial Archaeology Office 2021 Archaeology Review local associative significance in line with other – traditional – forms of heritage. As a whole, QNS&L and the things left behind it presents a provocation and an opportunity for archaeology in the province. It is a vital piece of infrastructure that radically transformed and continues to transform the landscape of the province. It has also left a legacy of work camps, runways, and other material abandoned on the Figure 7: Lightning-split glacial erratic at Ross Bay Junction – side of the road (Figure 8). a local landmark (photo by Anatolijs Venovcevs). As early as 1974, the legacies former work camp used to be were footings for oil of contamination, forest fires, and polluted rivers and fuel tanks, water hook ups, and foundations for were noted as the railroad construction’s unsavoury possible temporary structures (Figure 6). Speckled side effects (Snowden 1974). This material also prealders overgrow much of the area. Most material cul- dates 1960 and is, therefore, archaeological (Hull ture consisted of cans from the 1970s and 80s. 2020). Future work should investigate the remains of One significant feature at Ross Bay Junction other construction camps along QNS&L as these was a glacial erratic split in half by lightning (Figure sites carry the material memories of the rapid indus6). The reason for its significance is its notable ap- trialization of Labrador. pearance in the recent exhibition “Workhorse” by the During the scope of this project, only the Labrador City artist, Tanea Hynes (Hynes 2021; Prie- Ashuanipi Runway, which has shown to contain sigto 2021:5). The art draws attention to the erratic as a nificant pre-1960s remains, was registered as an arplace of local popularity and association. Its sides, chaeological site with the Provincial Archaeology Ofcovered with graffiti, also speak to associative attach- fice – FgDn-04. ments to the place and link to the work on the ar- Mine Survey Camps in Labrador West chaeology of contemporary graffiti done elsewhere Extensive mine surveying in Labrador West began in (Frederick 2009; Clarke, Frederick, and Hobbins the 1930s and 40s by the predecessors of the Iron 2017; Whitridge and Williamson 2021). While missed Ore Company of Canada. The initial surveys docuin heritage legislation, objects like this clearly have mented presence of large concentrations of iron around what is known today Figure 8: A collection of old railway ties at the side of QNS&L railway just north of as Big Wabush Lake (Hilton Emeril Station (photo by Anatolijs Venovcevs). 1968:23-30; Geren and McCullough 1990). However, in the early 1950s, resources focused northward on constructing Schefferville on the Quebec side of the border. Schefferville’s high iron content in the ore (approximately 50%) meant that it could be directly shipped to market. Iron ores in western Labra- 224 Map Provincial Archaeology Office 2021 Archaeology Review dor, while more extensive, had lower iron content (approximately 38%) meaning that more infrastructure and investment was needed to enrich the ores before export. After the construction of Schefferville and the QNS&L (for more on this see Bradbury 1979, 1985, 1983, 1984; Boutet 2012), attentions of the Iron Ore Company of Canada shifted back to western Labrador. Surveying and mineral mapping began in earnest in 1956 with the construction of a survey camp at Duley Lake (Geren and McCullough 1990:251-252). This was expanded in 1957 where Hollinger Ungava Transport (H.U.T.) using DC-3 aircraft flew over 800 tons of supplies from Oreway on the QNS&L to an ice landing strip on Duley Lake. While the size of the camp is unknown, the survey camp was supplied with a cookhouse and recreation in the form of movies, pool tables, and table tennis (Arsenault 1997). In 1959, a formal airstrip was established in this area – it briefly served as the main runway before a new one was established in 1960 at the site of the current Wabush airport (Hynes 1990:44). The camp at Duley Lake was moved to D’Aigle Bay on the northern end of Wabush Lake in the spring of 1958. Here too a runway and a camp were established for that summer. Other camps existed in The Narrows in what is today the area between Wabush and Labrador City as well as on Shabogamo Lake – making 1958 the most active survey season in western Labrador, creating 573 drill holes as part of the survey. At the end of 1958, the camp in D’Aigle Bay was merged with the one in the Narrows (Geren and McCullough 1990:252-253; Perlin 1964:40). The survey work mapped out the main ore deposits for the IOC mine east of Big Wabush Lake. In 1960, the construction of the Labrador City townsite and the IOC mine began in earnest. Meanwhile, two other mine survey operations were ongoing – a low-grade deposit south of little Wabush Lake and a deposit west of Big Wabush Lake, both in the hands of a holding company Canadian Javelin Ltd., with plans to develop two more mines (Hynes 1990:6). The former was leased to Pickards Mather Company, which became a managing agent for a conglomerate venture of seven Canadian, American, and European steel companies to build the Wabush Mines (Hynes 1990:9). Surveys of this deposit took place in 1956-1959 until a small pilot plan was set up in 1960-61 that showed that the low-grade ore could be turned into 68% concentrate. Canadian Javelin Ltd. investigated the later area, known as the Julienne Lake deposit, as part of a drilling program in 1957-58 identifying deposits closer to 34.2% iron. This was followed by mechanical topsoil stripping of a trench in 1962 and Canadian Javelin Ltd. considered building a separate facility to exploit these deposits. However, a warehouse fire in 1966 in Wabush destroyed all drill core samples and no further exploration was undertaken. When Canadian Javelin Ltd. failed to meet the Mining and Mineral Rights Tax Act in 1975, the provincial government seized the property. Additional drilling surveys were done in 2010 and 2012 better refining information about the size of the deposit (Conliffe 2013, 86; Engineering and Mining Journal 1977; Geren and McCullough 1990:249). However, despite the desires of the provincial government to see it developed, no mining activity has taken place at this deposit since these surveys. Figure 9: Old mining cut line, now a recreational trail, on the It would be an understatement to say that exoutskirts of Wabush (photo by Anatolijs Venovcevs). tensive surveying of the late 1950s and 1960s has transformed the landscape of western Labrador. Aside from giving rise to the towns of Labrador City and Wabush the area is saturated with traces from the early days of mining exploration. Cut lines for drilling extensively cover the area and can still be seen as either places of shorter vegetation or have been wholly reused as recreational trails. These observations speak to the long afterlives that even ephemeral actions like the creation of a survey cut line can have unintended afterlives within a landscape (Figure 9). Work elsewhere has demonstrated reuse of cutlines by Indige- 225 Map Provincial Archaeology Office 2021 Archaeology Review mining operation and its unruly afterlife. Likewise, material remains of survey camps are direct evidence of industrial development in the region. After its role as a mine survey camp, Duley Lake became a provincial park, home to Labrador West’s first regatta, and a popular outing spot for families in the region (Daigle 1993:11; Hynes 1990:69) – at times too popular, creating congestion (Various 1979:110, 209). Since losing that status, it has become a private RV park and cabin area, creating an informal exurb of Labrador City and Wabush. I surveyed the location of the former Duley Lake camp on two occasions in August 2019 and in Figure 10: Grubbed-off area at the Julienne Lake deposit July 2021. The most conspicuous feature of the for(photo by Anatolijs Venovcevs). mer camp is the vestige of the 4,000-foot (1,219nous trappers (LeClerc and Keeling 2015), or for metre) runway, which has been paved to the point ATV use and off road driving by settlers – which can where it terminates into Duley Lake (Figure 11). The contribute to habitat fragmentation and loss (Lee and long straight road is today lined with RVs. Survey of Boutin 2006). the surrounded area yielded little evidence of former The remains of the attempted mine at the Ju- mine survey operations indicating the clean-up that lienne Lake deposit also bears the marks of an unful- took place when the site became a provincial park – filled future and persistent human presence (Figure preventing mine exploration material to become her10). The grubbed off areas and both older and more itage. Instead, the area was marked with recreational recent cut lines seem to attract more waste in their trails and partially-overgrown clearings – possibly abandoned form. Cars, shotgun shells, pieces of from the mine exploration period. While the wood, and an old oil furnace are all present in the campground is kept clean, a few things remain from area. While this can one day be turned into a full- when the area was a provincial park. These include fledged mine, as is in fact hoped for (Stantec the remains of a washed-out bridge on the road to the 2015:63), at present it is the heritage of an aborted park and a few pull-tabs that date from 1962 to the Figure 11: Duley Lake. Top left, Duley Lake campground from a distance, note Wabush mid-1970s (Busch 1981:101102). Mine on the horizon on the right; top right, open pits and trails around Duley Lake; bottom left, pulltab at Duley Lake; bottom right, paved road through the centre of the The absence of minformer runway (photos by Anatolijs Venovcevs). ing material at Duley Lake stands in stark contrast to D’Aigle Bay. Located at the distant end of Big Wabush Lake and accessible only by boat. I surveyed this site in July 2021 (Figure 12). Another runway, a series of large and small clearings that delineate locations within the mining camp, and two roads that connected the clearings and the runway characterize the site. Many of the clearings were overgrown with alders and the height of summer 226 Map Provincial Archaeology Office 2021 Archaeology Review jects that would have postdated the camp. These include pull-tabs and pull tab containers, a muffler, and shotgun shell indicating more recent human presence. Despite these items, it is clear that D’Aigle Bay is largely intact and represents a tightly dated mine survey site from spring to fall 1958. Given that all mine survey material was cleared from the Duley Lake camp and the camp at The Narrows has been destroyed, D’Aigle Bay remains as the best-preserved site from the early days of industrial development of Labrador West and should be protected and studied as such. Given its importance, the site Figure 12: The D’Aigle Bay site with GPS log (FgDr-02). was registered with the Prolimited visibility. However, some objects could be vincial Archaeology Office as an archaeological site – identified including food tins, a bottle of MIX-O FgDr-02. bleach from the Consumer Glass Company (Lockhart Other Ancillary Impacts of Development 2014), an electrical fuse box, oil barrels, fragments of Beyond the railroad and traces of mineral exploration, wood, canvas tent fragments, and an Esso Marvelube can. Figure 13: Objects from D’Aigle Bay site (FgDr-02). Top left, runway; top right, remains of a canvas tent; bottom left, Esso Marvelube container; bottom right, socket and light These materials provide switch (photos by Anatolijs Venovcevs). snapshots of life at the survey camp including the presence of electricity and the close connections between rapid industrialization of Labrador and cheap energy from petrochemicals (Figure 13). The presence of this material also speaks to possible environmental legacies of mineral exploration – a relatively under-explored topic despite the potentially heavy environmental legacies (Duhaime, Bernard, and Comtois 2005; Sarkar et al. 2019). D’Aigle Bay also contained a few more recent ob- 227 Map Provincial Archaeology Office 2021 Archaeology Review portation was no longer needed after May 1960 when the rail spur into Labrador West was finished though it remained the only road between the two points before the construction of the Trans-Labrador Highway in the 1990s (which itself is an ancillary impact) (Geren and McCullough 1990:255; Hynes 1990, 8). Parts of the original road can still be seen and are now part of the regional snowmobile network (Figure 14). Cabins and other recreational buildings are another form of ancillary impact that leaves archaeological footprints. Cabins proliferate along roads and trails, which themselves are often products of mine Figure 14: Original land trail into Labrador West, now part of exploration, development, and transportation, showthe snowmobile network, at Grand Hermione Lake ing how human activity invites and accumulates other (photo by Anatolijs Venovcevs). human activity. Drawing from Bjørnar Olsen’s conthe landscape is marked with what has been referred ception of thing from the Old Norse/Old English to as the ancillary impacts of resource extraction þing as that which gathers, brings together, and lasts (Keeling 2010:235-236; for more indepth discussion (Olsen 2003:98) – in ancillary impacts one can see see Venovcevs in press). These capture a broad varie- how certain things (trails) attract other things (cabins) ty of effects of mining operations and creation of which with them carry other material impacts such us support industries like logging, hydroelectric develop- household items, recreational vehicles, more cabins, ment, agricultural enterprises, quarrying, overhunting and etc. – perpetuating anthropogenic impacts ever and overfishing, mineral survey work, and road and outward. railroad construction that all create distinct material Cabins are also accumulations of other things traces tens and hundreds of kilometres away from the – other pasts. For example, trailers from the trailer extractive site. Together they create a broader extrac- parks in Labrador City and Wabush (discussed below) tive landscape. appear as cabins around Labrador West. Trailers regIn Labrador West, whose contemporary hu- ularly get pulled off their housing lots to live a second man landscape is defined by mining, almost every- life as a recreational home in the forest (Figure 15). thing can be considered an ancillary impact. Some of Equally, parts of homes can also be shifted and these – like the heritage of the railroad, mine survey moved – as for example with the abandoned commuwork, and hydroelectric powFigure 15: Trailer home re-established as a cabin in the er (Venovcevs 2020b; Venoforests of western Labrador (photo by Anatolijs Venovcevs). vcevs and Williamson, this volume) have been covered previously. There are many more examples of this – for example the original path of a 1958-59 winter tractor freight train from Ross Bay Junction to The Narrows (Hilton 1968:48-49; Geren and McCullough 1990:255), the first “road” into Labrador West that brought thousands of tons of supplies and equipment. This method of trans- 228 Map Provincial Archaeology Office 2021 Archaeology Review Figure 16: Ruins of the main building at the abandoned hunting and fishing/Boy Scout camp (photo by Anatolijs Venovcevs). nity of Gagnon, Quebec. While the closure and demolition of the iron mining community in 1985 remains a traumatic event in the collective consciousness of Labrador West – a feared fate of the communities if their mines were to ever shut down (Ponte and Kowal 2015, 85), the only passage in The Aurora, Labrador West’s local newspaper, from 1985 was a short piece urging people to stop driving down to Gagnon and salvaging pieces off of houses (The Aurora 1985). Those salvaged pieces ended up in the cabins around Labrador West. Another ancillary impact and one well on its way to becoming a “proper” archaeological site is the former hunting and fishing/boy scouts camp on Ashuanipi Lake. The camp is connected to the Ashuanipi Runway mentioned earlier and from local sources I found out that this was originally built for hunting and fishing by the IOC executives. It later served as a Boy Scout camp and was only abandoned a couple of decades ago. Today, the site consists of the remains of three former residential structures, a main lodge with a stone fireplace, and remains of ancillary structures like the floor for a separate kitchen (Figure 16). Debris from the camp and more recent material is also present in the area. As a ruin, the site invites a sense of curiosity and contemplation of the decay of a place devoid of usefulness (Pétursdóttir 2016; see also https://youtu.be/BEYwoLGXcB4), as a vestige of a former IOC camp it is yet another dispersed trace of how the mining industry transformed western Labrador. Attention to ancillary impacts, their vestiges (Olivier 2011:4-8), and what they have become was a significant topic of attention for my research in Labrador West (Venovcevs in press). One of the biggest case studies was a collection of sand quarries behind Wabush – locally referred to as the sand pits. The sand pits are in an area approximately 2,800 metres long by 125 metres wide at their furthest extent and were used to harvest material for sand, gravel, and lawn base for the buildings and rounds in the town of Wabush as it was being built in the 1960s and 70s (Figure 17). These were also the location of a ski hill, ball field, and cemetery. No written information exists about this place making the site essentially “prehistoric” – written out of history – as if the aggregate on which the town sits was not important enough to mention in both the contemporary advertisements 229 Map Provincial Archaeology Office 2021 Archaeology Review Figure 17: Results of the survey of the Wabush sand pits (reused from Venovcevs, in press). and the subsequent histories. Surveys of this area in 2019 and 2021 focused on documenting the sand pits’ post-industrial use, taking note of revegetation, often in the form of Alnus incana rugosa (the speckled alder) that reoccupied some of the pits, as well as the location, number, and distribution of post abandonment material culture such as fire pits, jumping ramps, and car wrecks (Figure 18). The work revealed how the landscape remains in motion being constantly made and remade in a dynamic informal and popular recreational space (see Venovcevs in press). It is likely that the sand pits will continue to be a dynamic field of making and remaking as they have been zoned into the 2019 Town of Wabush zoning regulations as part of an expanded watershed protection zone (Stantec 2019). Nothing can be built there making the pits “a space left over” (Andersson 2014) – existing beyond the concerns of historicity and municipal planning but within physical space and the local imagination. Western Labrador in particular and the province in general is filled with similar left-over spaces that are not captured in heritage or planning discourse but rather in vernacular recreational practices – Buddy Wasisname & the Other Fellers’ song “The Gravel Pits” comes to mind (listen to it if you haven’t). I surveyed other gravel pits around Labrador West to capture the material traces of these patterns like beer cans, bullet shells and targets, pieces of wood, wrecks, and other detritus – all material that points to the sociability of these landscape ruins. A particularly intriguing set of features emerged along Javelin Road – an access road to the 230 Map Provincial Archaeology Office 2021 Archaeology Review Figure 18: Wabush sand pits. Top left, car wrecks; top right, jumping ramp made from reused industrial equipment; bottom left, old road reused as a snowmobile trial; bottom right, fire pit (reused from Venovcevs, in press). Figure 19: Legacies of dolomite quarrying along Javelin Road. Top left and top right, abandoned and remediated dolomite quarries; bottom left, mothballed dolomite quarry; bottom right, washed-out bridge to the IOC installation (photos by Anatolijs Venovcevs). 231 Map Provincial Archaeology Office 2021 Archaeology Review Julienne Lake deposit discussed in the previous section. While Canadian Javelin Ltd. lost their mining claim in 1975, the road continued to be used and maintained by IOC to access dolomite quarries. Dolomite is a flux that is sometimes added into iron pellets and other products. Javelin Road contains the traces of three such quarries as well as a bridge built as a shortcut for the transport of dolomite to the IOC mine (Figure 19). At the time of surveys, none of the dolomite quarries were active – two were remediated and one was not being used. Of the two remediated quarries, the smallest and southernmost one, measuring 725 m by 250 m, was covered with turf from the nearby swamp. Scars of de-turfing were clearly visible on the northeast side of the former quarry. A pond marked the location of where the dolomite was harvested. Since abandonment, the site became an informal RV campground with five RVs and associated equipment and material scattered throughout at the time of survey. The larger of the two quarries, measuring 700 m by 365 m in size, on the northern end of Javelin Road, lacked such reuse. It too was remediated with grass and sod, leaving behind a large turquoise lake in place of where the quarry had been. Signs warned of open pit mining, but the gates were open and it was clear that this site was no longer active. Bullet holes in some signs indicated target practice. Both remediated quarries had dolomite boulders of former extraction. The final quarry still maintains potential to be active. It is a collection of four large grubbed-off areas – two for dolomite quarrying 470 m by 200 m and 210 m by 110 m in size and two areas for parking and storage 215 m by 120 m and 70 m by 65 m in size. From my visits in 2019 and 2021 the site did not change, implying little industrial activity. Despite this latent nature, I observed several fire pits while surveying the site indicating human activity within this period of waiting for reuse. The bridge from the dolomite quarries along Javelin Road to IOC was built as part of a shortcut connecting the two. However, it was washed away creating a hyperart object (Farstadvoll 2019) that stands without meaning or purpose, pointing to IOC’s mine tailings but leading to nowhere. The bridge consists of two train cars as support bases with a wood and metal bridge on top. Unpowered traffic lights stand on both sides of the bridge. The bridge is covered with graffiti and writing, recording the passing of others who have been there – some graffiti like “#Sept-Iles” ties traces of people from places further afield – like other IOC-dominated communities. Beer cans, fire pits, and fishing lines also mark this place of sociability. Other examples of ancillary impacts could be brought forth like Elephant Head Park, the location of a former park maintained by the Town of Wabush approximately 3.5 km southwest of the town, and now defined by a series of overgrowing camping spots. Or the network of cell phone towers and radio towers – both used and abandoned – that mark the transitions within the communication history of the region that could be interpreted as features in the constant battle to overcome distance and a feeling of isolation (Decks Awash 1976:10; Hammond 2010; Royal Commission on Labrador 1974a:1138-1146). Or even the network of recreational trails that extend outward from the town and sometimes contain vehicle wrecks, abandoned cabins, sawmills, and other accumulating material. Ancillary impacts could also consist of less visible parts of resource development like the reduction of caribou and fish from the nearby land and waters through a reduction of habitat, pollution from the mines, and the presence of more people engaging in hunting and fishing (Payne et al. 2001; Royal Commission on Labrador 1974b:612-613). All these things pose a challenge for archaeology and heritage management – they are an irreparable part of the local landscape, one that is made and defined by and for mining and the people who work within it. They are physical spaces that play a part in the local life-worlds and industrial processes, but they are overlooked by heritage discourse and considerations for being too recent or too ordinary. This “(in) significance” (Olsen and Vinogradova 2019) highlights how mainstream heritage considerations fail to account for such ordinary things which carry a legacy into the future and play a part in people’s day-to-day lives. Attention to ancillary impacts and, in fact, other common-place material things can help to further reorient the archaeological discipline to the small material realities that matter to people but might be overlooked by archaeology due to age or ascribed significance. Indigenous Traces In discussing the industrial landscapes of Labrador 232 Map Provincial Archaeology Office 2021 Archaeology Review Figure 20: Indian Point during Innu occupation in the early 1960s (left), after Innu occupation in 1969 (centre), and today (right) (map by Anatolijs Venovcevs). West, one topic that has yet to be covered in this submission and that is the Indigenous landscapes that existed before and alongside industrial operations. Much research on the original inhabitants of western Labrador and their interactions with industrial colonization has previously been done elsewhere (see Boutet 2012, 2013; Brake 2007; Neilsen 2016; see also parts of Venovcevs and Williamson, this volume). In Labrador West, the presence of Innu in the early day of industrial development has been documented in both personal memories and written accounts (Hynes 1990:17; Maher 1992:6; Marcil and Greene 1992:9-11; McLean 1995:56; Spracklin 1993). The records suggest that an Innu family originally camped on the southern side of Little Wabush Lake where the Wabush Mines are today, splitting their time camping on Duley Lake. Mine management told them to leave and they relocated to the other side of the lake to the location known today as Indian Point (Hynes 1990:17). The sources about the composition and size of Indian Point vary with some accounts stating there were 4-5 buildings and one family (Hynes 1990:17) to 20-25 buildings with four to five families (Maher 1992:6; Marcil and Greene 1992:9). They were still there as late as 1963 (Spracklin 1993) and it is not clear when Indian Point was abandoned. An undated orthophotograph within Labrador City town office displays the remains of at least four buildings and two ancillary structures at Indian Point along the eastern edge of the peninsula – suggesting that this was the Innu settlement. They disappeared in a 1969 orthophoto obtained from the Department of Fisheries, Forestry, and Agriculture. That photo reveals a cleared area with no structures and a series of paths running through the woods (Figure 20). However, for many years later, residents would recall seeing the remains of the Innu structures at the site (McLean 1995:56). In the 1970s, a garage was built on the property. Three ballfields were also built on Indian Point in the late 1980s. The presence of the garage resulted in soil contamination that lead to limited remediation (Stantec 2010, 2011). The remediation focused around the building itself that stood to the northeast of the southernmost ballfield (Stantec 2011, Appendix A). While soil remediation might have impacted one of the former Innu structures, the destruction would not have been complete. To explore if anything could remain, I visited this site several times over 2019 and 2021 and surveyed undisturbed forest areas both east and west of the ballfields. The forest contained an assorted assemblage of modern detritus – plastic bottles, metal cans, Styrofoam, oil drums, concrete fragments, and even a hunting post. No conspicuous 1960s artifacts were identified. However, it was clear that fill was added to the area for the ballfields and it is therefore possible that the remains of Innu structures remain buried, relatively undisturbed, underneath the fill. As such, Indian Point presents an important opportunity for further research. Both oral and material histories of Indian Point can be uncovered through tracing Innu family histories through inter- 233 Map Provincial Archaeology Office 2021 Archaeology Review views and mechanical trenching excavations through stores, schools, hospital, and recreation (Le Bastion fill layers following urban archaeology methods. This 1965; Perlin 1964; The Daily News 1963; The Northway, archaeology can bring Indigenous stories back ern Miner 1962). It was incorporated as a town in into the history of Labrador West and live up to one 1961 – with the name given by Joey Smallwood (as of its most powerful potentials – denying the past its opposed to “Carol” used earlier in the project). To radical absence and resurrecting stories that were avoid the stigma of running a company town, IOC transferred all municipal services to the town in 1964 meant to be forgotten (González-Ruibal 2019:78). (Geren and McCullough 1990:271). Urban Legacies Similar developments were taking place in In place of western Labrador’s Indigenous peoples, a new built environment emerged – one planned and Wabush. Unlike Labrador City, Wabush began in designed with inspiration of Garden City and “new 1960 around a preliminary enrichment plant with a town” ideas and meant to appeal to aesthetic tastes of campsite of tents constructed out of plywood floors, those coming from more southern regions of North canvas roofs, and wood stoves for heat. Trailers were America. The thought was that following suburban brought in 1961 for families (Hynes 1990:12-19). The design with wide curvilinear streets, large open space, remains of this camp, including a preserved chimney ample amenities, and separate zones for housing, from the manager’s log cabin now lies within the commerce, and industry would mitigate the chaos, property of the Wabush Mines and is not accessible squalor, and transience of shanty boomtowns of earli- to the public. The construction of the townsite began er mining periods (Bradbury 1983; Keeling 2010; in 1962 following a similar style of Labrador City Schoenauer 1976; White 2004). At the same time, (Hynes 1990:20). Though it was only four miles away, Labrador City and Wabush were built at the height of Wabush was a separate – and closed (Hynes 1990:22) Newfoundland’s interest in modernist architecture – community. As such, it had many of the same with institutional buildings taking on many of the de- amenities like schools, churches, shopping plaza, ski sign elements and styles that came to embody the ear- hill, and the Wilfred Grenfell Hotel – designed like a ly post-Confederation period (Mellin 2011). Labrador chalet-style building. Like in Labrador City, newspaCity and Wabush were essentially built as modernist per accounts marvelled at the instant newness of the suburbs without an older urban core and in a climate community, the wide variety of amenities supplied, and the modern landscaped look (Hynes 1990:20-24; where temperatures can reach minus 50 C. In Labrador City, the construction of the Pickards Mather & Co. 1964; Staebler 1965; The townsite began in late 1959 with the construction of Newfoundland Journal of Commerce 1963, 1965). bunkhouses and cafeteria, the latter of which still Interestingly, the same engineering company responstands today as a shopping centre and represents the sible for designing the now-abandoned town of Gagoldest publicly accessible building in the communities non, Quebec, Beauchamp, Baton, Lapointe (B.B.L.), (Figure 21). The construction accelerated in the first was responsible for designing Wabush (Hynes few years of the 1960s with IOC building hundreds 1990:9). The towns were designed identically with a of homes every year. Similarly, the company built all divided highway acting as the main thoroughfare, municipal services, sidewalks, water supply systems, with a mall on the east side and recreation, hotel, and sewage systems, schools, hosFigure 21: Old cafeteria, Labrador City (photo by Anatolijs Venovcevs). pital, shopping centre, church, and social club (Geren and McCullough 1990:271-278). Contemporary newspaper accounts marvelled at “Labrador’s instant city” where everything and everyone was new and yet containing conveniences of contemporary life like 234 Map Provincial Archaeology Office 2021 Archaeology Review housing on the west. People driving through Gagnon, Quebec today would be able to see the eerie similarities to Wabush in the vestiges of the former community. The rapid construction of Labrador City and Wabush as company projects to house workers has given the towns today a distinct uniform look through a proliferation of standard housing forms. Almost all houses from this early period were either duplexes (called CC-types in Labrador City), bungalows, and row houses (Figures 22 and 23). This limited variety and tight urban design gives the older parts of Labrador City and Wabush a uniform appearance that is in line with many company towns of this period and yet at the same time markedly different from many municipalities around the province that were developed more organically. There is also marked horizontal stratigraphy within the communities. Whereas the 1960s houses in both Labrador City and Wabush were built on site, technological shifts allowed for prefabricated homes to be brought in the late 1960s and early 1970s (Hynes 1990:20-21). This creates aesthetical differences between various sections of the communities that can be clearly seen in the present. However, a uniform housing stock also creates liabilities as houses age and degrade and require maintenance and upkeep at the same time. Institutional structures break up this multiplicity of common forms – churches were and remain local landmarks, though several in Wabush are now homes (Figure 24). Schools and malls all follow a modernist style that is representative of the 1960s and 70s Newfoundland architecture around the province (Mellin 2011). Formal monuments in both communities are limited to mining and the Second World War. The latter is interesting since both communities were founded 15 years after the conflict. Military monuments in these communities can thus be seen as a way to fuse community spirit together through an imagined, recent history – though, given the large amount of young men from large variety of countries in the early days of mining, it is dubious if many of them fought in the war or even on the same side. Deviations from the single-family residential dwellings were rare in the early days, mostly limited to the Embassy Apartments in Labrador City and apartments in Wabush that were for women, teachers, or- derlies, and workers waiting on housing. However, a crack in the garden city design came early when the demand for housing could not compete with the supply and thus trailer courts were established as a temporary solution (Hynes 1990:21). The trailer court in Wabush was established in 1963. Trailers were also extensively used to house workers in Labrador City through the 1960s – though this early trailer court, located south of Bartlett Drive, disappeared by the 1970s. The need for accommodations did not diminish and in 1975, the Harrie Lake Subdivision with 511 mobile homes was built 1.5 km east of Labrador City (Gallant 1992:24-25; Geren and McCullough 1990:321; Maher 1992:11-12). These temporary solutions proved permanent as the construction of better houses never materialized creating a constant state of postponement (for similar reflections see discussions on Soviet housing in Olsen and Vinogradova 2019:910). Today the trailer park subdivisions present a completely different spatial layout from their earlier counterparts. They demonstrate a diverse mix of newer and older trailers, homes built on double lots, and a variety of forms and modifications to make the temporary and mobile permanent and fixed adapting trailers to the harsh climate and a limited amount of space for personal possessions (see also Caraher et al. 2017) (Figure 25). The construction of the Labrador Mall on the north side of Labrador City in the early 1970s further deviated from the pattern. Rather than having a garden city community around a central hub with commercial and institutional facilities, shopping was moved to the outskirts of town – more akin to a modern suburb than a compact, urban-style community. The fortunes of Labrador West shifted dramatically in the early 1980s with a crash in the iron ore market. Mining in Schefferville closed in October 1982 while operations in Labrador City and Wabush were greatly curtailed (Bradbury 1979, 1983, 1984, 1985; Geren and McCullough 1990:326-328; Mulroney 1983). Thousands of employees were laid off and half of the trailer homes in Harrie Lake were removed (Brown 1984). While both Labrador City and Wabush survived as mining communities, the downtown in the 1980s could be seen as a turn in the communities stemming from the corporate restructuring that followed. The population of Labrador West de- 235 Map Provincial Archaeology Office 2021 Archaeology Review Figure 22: Streetscape of Labrador City. Top, early 1960s housing, CC-type duplexes on the left and rowhouses on the right. Bottom left, late-1960s/early-1970s prefabricated homes; bottom right, Embassy Apartments (photos by Anatolijs Venovcevs). Figure 23: Streetscape of Wabush. Top, 1960s housing, duplexes on the left and rowhouses on the right. Bottom left, late-1960s/early-1970s prefabricated homes; bottom right, apartments (photos by Anatolijs Venovcevs). 236 Map Provincial Archaeology Office 2021 Archaeology Review Figure 24: A sample of iconic buildings. Top left, McManus School (now given the Francophone school board), the first purpose-built school in Labrador City in iconic modernist style; top right, detail of JR Smallwood school in Wabush, now the regional Middle School, also in a modernist style; bottom left, Catholic Basilica of Our Lady of Perpetual Help in Labrador City built out of local stone; bottom right, Grenfell Hotel in Wabush, now used for contractor housing (photos by Anatolijs Venovcevs). Figure 25: Trailer park subdivisions. Top left and top right – Harrie Lake. Bottom left and bottom right – Wabush trailer court. Note the utilidors utility hook-ups in the bottom left and the exposed wheels in the bottom right (photos by Anatolijs Venovcevs). 237 Map Provincial Archaeology Office 2021 Archaeology Review Figure 26: Fly-in, fly-out worker housing, Labrador City (photo by Anatolijs Venovcevs). Figure 27: Partially abandoned Wabush Mall (photo by Anatolijs Venovcevs). clined from 15,000 in 1976 to 9,000 in 2006 while at the same time there has been much less interest in corporate paternalism and garden city principles and more into labour-saving technologies and flexible mass production by massive international corporations that minimize their involvement in local communities (Thistle 2016:109-110). This has had significant material implications for Labrador West. Essentially two things happened. One – the urban materiality of an earlier political and economic system that sought to establish a colonized northern frontier had to adapt to a new reality favouring flexible technologically centred labour (for similar developments and its implications see Venovcevs 2020a). Two – new urban forms emerged, namely the development of housing for fly-in, fly-out labour (Figure 26). Some of these transitions were done more seamlessly than others – abandoned buildings, like the Wabush Mall that was partially shuttered in the closure of Wabush Mines from 2014-2018, are reminders of ongoing precarity of living in a single industrial town (Figure 27). Harrie Lake subdivision and other parts of town host outside contractors as well as families. Recently the iconic Wilfred Grenfell Hotel in Wabush was sold as contractor housing. Other new and unique urban forms emerged as the communities transitioned from planned company towns to communities “riding the resource roll- er-coaster” (Wilson 2004; Rodon, Keeling, and Boutet 2021), namely unfinished subdivisions. Wabush had one with the Jean Lake subdivision on the south end of town – while planned in the 1970s with all municipal services installed, houses were not built there until the mid-2000s during a period of high iron prices (Genge 2006), creating a new street with aged infrastructure. A similar development took place on the southeast corner of Labrador City where the same boom period planned and established a subdivision, but which saw the construction stop almost overnight with the crash in prices, leaving behind a levelled and partially serviced area in wait for an unfulfilled future (Figure 28). Changes over the last six decades also left waste and ruins on the peripheries of the communities. I already touched on this above when discussing the ancillary impacts of resource extraction, but these can be seen within the communities themselves. For example, this can be seen in the abandoned Captain William Jackman Memorial Hospital built in 1964 – while not a product of changes in industry itself, the construction of a new hospital and the heavy, toxic material legacy of the old, made the old redundant and difficult to demolish or repurpose (Figure 29). Shifting modes of transportation over the same period have also left their marks of the urban landscape. Within Labrador City, on the shore of Little Wabush Lake, there remains the vestiges of two Figure 28: Subdivision prepared and planned for construction but never started (photo by Anatolijs Venovcevs). Figure 29: The abandoned Captain William Jackman Memorial Hospital – the sign for the hospital is missing (photo by Anatolijs Venovcevs). 238 Map Provincial Archaeology Office 2021 Archaeology Review Figure 30: Remains of a float plane dock in Labrador City – area SS2 during the pedestrian surveys (photos by Anatolijs Venovcevs). Figure 31: Remains of the railroad in the Wabush Industrial Area, locomotive engine and remains of the railway crossing (photos by Anatolijs Venovcevs). 239 Map Provincial Archaeology Office 2021 Archaeology Review floatplane docks that act as peripheral, liminal spaces. Remains of concrete foundations, barrels, and corroded woodwork represent the archaeological remnants of when these places were useful pieces of local infrastructure (Figure 30). Today they act as informal nodes that attract visitation by locals that leave behind material culture in the forms of cans, coffee cups, straws, cigarette butts, and food containers (see the material culture of mining section below). In Wabush, shifts in transformation from rail to highway can be found within the industrial area. When commissioned, the main method of getting in and out of town was through the railroad and thus the industrial area was designed with the railroad in its centre. Through the construction of the highway and more flexible methods for the delivery of goods, the railway spur in the industrial area became defunct – even stranding a 1962 locomotive engine that stands as an informal monument to Labrador’s industrialization (Figure 31). In place of the railway, the car became dominant. While the communities of Labrador West were car-centric by design and as early as the mid-1970s testimonials noted that there was nothing to spend mining’s high-paying salaries on than on goods like motorized vehicles (Decks Awash 1976:16-17), the proliferation of modern material culture highlights how the past does not always fit well in the present. For one, the early neighbourhoods in both Labrador City and Wabush were designed with centralized garages with one carport for two families. These quickly disappeared in Labrador City in favour of expanded driveway parking and garages now only visible in faint wooden footings. Garages remain in Wabush and over the years have been a source of headache for the Town as the garages are not tied to home ownership creating an administrative nightmare as houses get sold but garages stay behind. At the same time, the proliferation of personal possessions over the last fifty years, while a common condition around the world is conspicuous in Labrador City and Wabush as makeshift and temporary garages, sheds, and haphazard parking jobs clutter the back alleys and front yards in both communities drawing attention to how the proliferation of personal possessions has surpassed the best city planning from half a century ago (Figure 32). The final big material shift has been the growth of cemeteries in both Labrador City and Wabush. While I did not do a formal tally – something that I invite others to do in the future – from observation I noted that very few graves in both cemeteries are from the 1960s, 70s, and 80s. Those that are present tend to be new-borns or miners that died Figure 32: Garage heritage. Top left, footprint of a demolished garage in Labrador City behind a set of row houses; top right, contemporary sheds in Wabush; bottom left and right, historic garages in Wabush (photos by Anatolijs Venovcevs). 240 Map Provincial Archaeology Office 2021 Archaeology Review on the job. The number of graves starts to pick up in consisting of ore, gangue, industrial minerals, metals, the 90s and accelerates from the 2000s into the pre- coal or mineral fuel, rock, loose sediment, mill tailsent. Interestingly, the neighbouring community of ings, metallurgical slag and wastes, roasted ore, flue Fermont, Quebec was built without a cemetery – no- dust, ash, processing chemicals, and fluids” (Hudsonbody intended to grow old and die there (Sheppard Edwards, Jamieson, and Lottermoser 2011:376). While archaeology along with associated fields 2011), and this holds true for the early days of Labrador City and Wabush. Thus, what can be seen is the like history and geography have been adept at studysolidification of a community identity and a sense of ing the social and material legacies of mining heritage belonging to a place (for a similar argument and a (Bartolini and DeSilvey 2020; Goin and Raymond brilliant local environmental history see Hammond 2001; Keeling and Sandlos 2017; Palmer and Neaver2010). More people are seeing Labrador West as son 1998; Robertson 2006; Rhatigan 2020; Quivik home and choosing to retire there – a situation that 2007; Storm 2014), the scale of contemporary open exacerbates the region’s lack of retirement housing. pit mining operations challenges us with scale. How Ironically and tragically, this is in contrast to the does one sublate a mine that produces 55,000,000 growth in the casualization of mine labour. While tons of ore each year? And, given how most of the Labrador City and Wabush are finally fulfilling their rock is not iron, how do we account for landscapes original goals of creating a settled extractive frontier, made out of mountains of waste rock and lakes filled the economic rationale for their existence is being with mine tailings as archaeological objects on a scale undermined. How these communities will continue to that dwarfs all embodied human understanding? One way that I approached this question was adapt to these changing circumstances are for other social scientists, including other archaeologists, to by documenting how the mines make themselves known throughout the region. This can be in analyse and interpret. viewsheds where the mines can be seen from most Mining Legacies The changing material circumstances of Labrador parts of Labrador City and Wabush or this can be in West can also be seen in the mines and mine wastes the soundscapes where the sound of heavy machinery themselves. Despite the mines underpinning the rea- can be heard in many parts of town as a form of audison for colonial settlement in the region, my investi- tory spill – sound, after all, is material (Primeau and gation of the mines themselves was limited as they Witt 2018). The indirect presence of the mines could were both active industrial areas and thus in a con- be seen in the Smokey Mountain Ski Club where the stant state of motion (Figure 33). As such, future ar- encroachment of the mines made it so that blast gates chaeologists and – more importantly – all members have been installed on the trails (Figure 34). of future generations will Figure 33: IOC mine. For scale, trucks in the bottom left hand corner are five meters tall have to contend with mining (photo by Anatolijs Venovcevs). legacies long after the mines shut down. By definition, resource extraction industry is a finite economic activity. What remains is mine waste, defined as “solid, liquid, or gaseous by-products of mining, mineral processing, and metallurgical extraction. They are unwanted, have no current economic value and accumulate at mine sites” (Lottermoser 2010:3) which consists of “heterogeneous materials 241 Map Provincial Archaeology Office 2021 Archaeology Review when the tailings fields raised above the water levels of their associated lakes into which they were dumped. While efforts have been made to reduce the dust by revegetating the inorganic tailings (Hammond 2010:61; Pickett 2005; Rio Tinto 2007), the dust continues to be a tangible lived reality for the people in Labrador West (Careen 2021; Genge and Genge 2005a; Genge and Genge 2005b; Genge 2009b). Dust covers every Figure 34: Knowing mines in Labrador West. Top left, Wabush mines across from Little Wabush Lake; top right, safety gates on the Labrador City ski hill; bottom left, red water surface, abrades the skin on a downstream from Wabush Mines tailings field; bottom right, dust blowing through windy day, absorbs into trees Labrador City (photos by Anatolijs Venovcevs). that dull chainsaws, glistens “Red water” is another form in which mines in the snow and the spring runoff, and ultimately cremake themselves felt through their material effects. It ates a thin archaeological stratum over the entire reis a symptom of concentrations of iron oxides float- gion giving it a distinct aesthetic quality. Thus, it can ing in water mostly emanating from mine tailings. be postulated that the towns, cabins, plants, people, Since the start of mining, tailings – a slurry of quartz, and ground all become a part of a low-level tailings silica, asbestos, iron, other trace minerals, and fluxes zone that blur the boundaries between the mines and and flocculants used in processing and disposal that the regions the sustain them. As such, the archaeologall come as a result of crushing, sieving, and concen- ical implication of this observation is that ultimately trating low-grade ore into commercially viable materi- the mine and the mining region become one and in als (LeCain 2009) – were dumped into Big Wabush the same (Figure 35). Lake and Flora Lake by IOC and Wabush Mines, re- Material Culture of Mining Today spectively. The acceleration of mining over time has While material culture has been the cornerstone of also accelerated waste and local environmental aware- my research into the archaeology of mining in Labraness of the issues (Hammond 2010:55-62) – as for dor West – seen in the railway, survey camps, and example in the tailings field in Flora Lake that has urban legacies discussed above – I wanted to also see now spilled out of the lake boundaries. While the Figure 35: Iron dust on the snow in early May construction of berms and dykes and the addition of (photo by Anatolijs Venovcevs). flocculants helps mitigate the effects of red water and other adverse effects, it is never absolute. Ecological alternations in the pH levels from red water, for example, impacts fish and other wildlife down to the cellular level (Payne et al. 2001). Its presence downstream from tailings fields is a constant material reminder of the mining industry. Another issue that has remained a source of local environmental concern is the issue of silica- and asbestos-bearing dust blowing off the mines and the tailings (Hammond 2010:41-55; Various 1979:149). Dust from the tailings have grown especially bad 242 Map Provincial Archaeology Office 2021 Archaeology Review what types of material culture legacies are generated in the communities today in the form of everyday garbage. Garbage disposal in Labrador West has a long and complicated history as is common in all contemporary northern communities that had to balance necessities of modern legislation, proliferation of a single-use society, and the realities of geographical isolation (for example see Keske et al. 2018). Originally, municipal garbage was either buried with waste rock or burned and then buried under sand (Royal Commission on Labrador 1974b:691-692). Figure 36: Labrador City and Wabush in detail (map by Anatolijs Venovcevs). Later a regional incinerator was built that proved to be a major source of carcino- large significant features. In total, the area surveyed genic dioxins before it, ironically, burnt down itself was 12,940 square metres. In total, the work produced 1,556 photo(Genge 2009a, c). Now, municipal waste is disposed at a landfill in Labrador City. Other things like re- graphs which were analysed by Maria Winther Sørenfundable bottles, metal scrap, and tires have their own sen, an alumnus of the archaeology program at UiT: waste streams though these are complicated by dis- The Arctic University of Norway. These were then organized following a modified version tance and isolation as well. Given these complexities, I wanted to investi- “Classification System for Historical Collecgate what material is overlooked and left behind in tions” (Canadian Parks Services 1992; for an example such circumstances. As everything in Labrador City of application in other contexts see Venovcevs 2017). exists as a direct or indirect result of the mining in- The results of the analysis are presented in Tables 1 dustry, objects that are left behind are artifacts of the through 7 below. In total, Maria and I documented 3,003 artimining industry in the same way glass bottles and oil drums are in the case studies mentioned above. To facts over the five surface surveys. As the tables study this, I picked five peripheral spaces around above demonstrate, most of the artifacts was typical Labrador City that were regularly trafficked but not of contemporary material culture. Cigarette/joint officially maintained. These were the two former float butts were the most common objects in the surveys plane docks – labelled Surface Survey (SS) 1 and 2 especially in places that received heavy pedestrian (SS2 is also the location of a current boat launch), traffic – SS2 as a boat launch and SS4 that had a pesections of the unfinished subdivision SS3 and SS4, destrian path running through it. Drink cans – often, and the former location of five construction trailers but not always, domestic brands – were also comnear the unfinished subdivision SS5 – given that the mon, as well as Tim Hortons coffee. Cans and coffee location of the construction trailers were clearly delin- cups were more common in places where people eated, this was further subdivided into Loc 1 through would linger, SS1 and SS2, as opposed to transitory Loc 5 going north to south (Figure 36). I then field spaces like SS3 and SS4. The distinct physical remains walked these areas at 1 metre intervals photographing of former trailer locations in SS5 highlights the fact every single object with a scale and documenting any that even ephemeral occupations leave behind lasting 243 Map Provincial Archaeology Office 2021 Archaeology Review 244 Map Provincial Archaeology Office 2021 Archaeology Review Table 3 continued on next page 245 Map Provincial Archaeology Office 2021 Archaeology Review Table 3 (Continued): Surface Survey 2 Results – June 24 – 25, 2021 246 Map Provincial Archaeology Office 2021 Archaeology Review 247 Map Provincial Archaeology Office 2021 Archaeology Review 248 Map Provincial Archaeology Office 2021 Archaeology Review houses and its ephemeral trace documented by my chance encounter with it during the survey (Figure 37). The survey marker in SS4 is the only object still in use – a land delineator for a subdivision that has been infinitely postponed. Other objects serve as chronological indicators – medical masks and legal cannabis containers are markers of a very recent and knowable present. Though, the presence of pull tabs highlights that despite many recent objects, open surfaces can possess incredible time depth (Figure 38). Overall, the artifacts from the survey reflect the material from the modern world with a combination of ephemeral paper objects, more durable aluminium cans, and nearly eternal plastic objects. It should be noted that large numbers of artifacts were unidentifiable often due to the brittle single-use nature of many of our items. Objects break down beFigure 37: Child’s drawing from the surface surveys yond human recognition but still exert considerable (photo by Anatolijs Venovcevs). agency, especially as plastic is a toxicant (Liboiron archaeological signatures. The variable artifact assem- 2021). Ultimately, there is both profusion and heteroblages between the five locations in SS5 also has im- geneity in these assemblages – a characteristic that plications to household archaeology where identical defines contemporary material culture (for more see https:// work trailers have divergent artifact collections. the Discard Studies blog – Artifacts from some surveys bring us tantaliz- discardstudies.com/). Yet, among the profusion of mass-produced ingly close to the users who have passed through the space as, for example, four socks found in SS2. Per- material culture brought in from a globally distant haps from former wet feet? Or a child’s drawing in elsewhere there are two objects that are unique to SS3 that likely blew away from one of the near-by Labrador City – two iron pellets (found in SS2 and SS5, Loc 4). Pellets are spheFigure 38: A sample of artifacts from surface surveys – roid objects approximately 1 iron pellet is in the bottom right corner (photos by Anatolijs Venovcevs). cm in diameter and consist of approximately 64% iron. Though they might look like pebbles, they are wholly anthropogenic objects made from extracted fine iron powder and a binding agent, occasionally a flux. They are made for easy transport and smelting directly into the steelworks. As they are small, they could be easily transported in clothing and vehicles and they made occasional appearances throughout my fieldwork on trails, streets, and parking lots. They are yet another example of how ob- 249 Map Provincial Archaeology Office 2021 Archaeology Review jects from the mines readily spill out into the regions ture of the island portion of the province or on the many Indigenous cultures of Labrador and Newthat surround them. Pellets are what makes Labrador City unique foundland. Labrador City and Wabush defy these and is the reason for why Labrador City is there in tropes by being a contemporary industrial Newfoundthe first place and why all the other objects are there land community in a largely Indigenous Labrador. The jellybean row mailboxes, iconic around as well. In a sense, they represent the material absence of things that have disappeared – mountains, St. John’s and the island but relatively unseen in most landscapes, and traditional territories of Indigenous of Labrador, underscore this connection in a subtle peoples only to be replaced by material culture from but material way – through drawing links down the elsewhere – a material culture that we must endeav- railroad and across the Gulf of St. Lawrence, Labraour to understand as it has and will continue to have dor West becomes a conspicuously-Newfoundland implications for thousands of people in the present exclave (Figure 39). Yet, when one considers the history of indusand future. trialization and relocation of the post-Confederation Conclusion While this project has cast an incredibly wide net by Smallwood years, Labrador West fits into the hightackling the mining legacies of western Labrador at a minded optimism and brutally modernist planning. It number of scales and at a number of sites, I was fos- is the other half of the story of the province that the tered into doing this in part due to the open-ended, architect Robert Mellin drew attention to in his book theoretical nature of the broader Unruly Heritage Newfoundland Modern (2011) – houses and iconic Project (see Olsen and Pétursdóttir 2016) and in part outports are only half of the story of the province due to the extremely generous contribution of fund- that got rapidly, though imperfectly, modernised in a ing bodies and university and community partners few rapid decades in the middle of the last century. (please see the acknowledgements). This proved pro- As the stories of the communities in Labrador West ductive as in order to understand mining legacies in demonstrate, such high-minded ambitions hardly ever western Labrador one must consider them from as achieved their goals and yet we must live with that many angles as possible given the rapid transfor- heritage regardless – in part because it is impossible mations that industrialization has brought to the re- to remove and in part because it has started to evoke gion. It is my hope that this work will foster deeper feelings of identity and association among tens of thousands of people who at one point or another research on the many facets of this region. Up to this point, Labrador City and Wabush have called these places their home. has remained largely Figure 39: Jellybean row mailbox in Labrador City, one of the small material links that connects under-researched within western Labrador to Newfoundland’s industrial colonialism (photo by Anatolijs Venovcevs). social sciences and humanities in the province (though see Driscoll 1984; Hammond 2010, 2015; Hilton 1968; Ponte and Kowal 2015, 2016; Thistle 2016; Thistle and Langston 2016). One reason for this might be that they both fall outside the narratives the province likes to tell about itself – one focused on the settler EuroNewfoundlander cul- 250 Map Provincial Archaeology Office 2021 Archaeology Review As such and in addition to archaeological sites I registered as part of this fieldwork – Ashuanipi Runway (FgDn-04), D’Aigle Bay (FgDr-02), and Twin Falls (Venovcevs and Williamson, this volume) – we should also consider granting some level of historical built environment protection to older neighbourhoods of Labrador City and Wabush given their uniform style, iconic design, and origins in a transformative historical period. Precedents of modern built heritage have already been set in other jurisdictions across Canada and the world – including an urban heritage environment designation for a neighbourhood of post-war workers’ housing in Kirkenes, Norway (my other case study). Ultimately, Labrador West should be tied into a broader picture of Newfoundland and Labrador industrial/military heritage that emerged in the early twentieth century and accelerated after the Second World War leading to irrevocable social, geographic, and economic changes within the province. If communities like Corner Brook, Grand Falls-Winsor, Gander, Buchans, Stephenville, Happy Valley-Goose Bay, Churchill Falls, Argentia, and Come By Chance are any indication – in addition to dozens of fish plants in every corner of the province – Newfoundland and Labrador is a very industrialised place. We need to study that heritage accordingly. Acknowledgements I acknowledge that western Labrador lies within the traditional territory of the Innu and the NunatuKavut Inuit. I thank the staff at both organizations for granting me access to carry out this research. I would also like to thank Memorial University faculty and staff within the Department of Geography, Department of Archaeology, School of Arctic and Subarctic Studies, and the Internationalization Office who made this project possible through institutional, material, and logistical support – especially during the times of a global pandemic, this fieldwork would not have been done without them. I would like to extend my deepest depth of gratitude to the people of Labrador West for their kindness, interest, generosity, and support, especially Jordan Brown, Peter Reccord, Craig Purves, Melanie LaFosse, Gary O’Brien, and Neil Simmons. I would also like to thank people who have personally assisted me with this research Arn Keeling, Aimee Chaulk, Morgon Mills, Scott Neilsen, and Jennifer Stratton. The staff at the community libraries of Labrador City and Wabush were extremely helpful as were staff at the Centre for Newfoundland Studies at the Memorial University library. 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