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2022
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In 1967, a formation of students had anticipated the forthcoming social changes operating within France (and indeed throughout the world) after a rather unusual contestation. On 21 March, male students at the University of Nanterre actively denounced the school's endorsement of 'carceral sexual ghettos' and sexually-segregated living quarters by forcefully occupying the women's dormitories. Through their subversive directives and incantations (including 'make love and then start again' , 'society is a carnivorous plant' , and 'nothing will ever be the same again'), 1 the students had unknowingly presaged the vast national and social changes which would sweep through Europe following the events of May 1968. The academic and social grievances increasingly agitating Paris in the year 1967 were similarly manifested through the birth of a small association of architects, urbanists, sociologists, and philosophers seeking 'a common point of intellectual gravity'. In 1966, Antoine Stinco, Jean Aubert, and Jean-Paul Jungmann had conceived a small gathering entitled AJS Aérolande. Shortly thereafter, a new group was formed revolving around the teachings of the French Marxist philosopher and sociologist Henri Lefebvre. The embryonic nucleus which would subsequently give rise to Utopie was collectively formed by Hubert Tonka
With this thesis on the aftermath of 1968 in France, I have recreated the moment and environment of the libertarian paper Tout! Usually associated in historiography with the birth of the gay liberation movement in France, my initial research revealed its influence as more penetrative and revealing of the diverse left and new, countercultural movements of the early 1970s. I sought the testimony of former militants, writers and artists to uncover historical detail and motivations, and consulted relevant textual archives, aiming to situate and examine the paper within a number of interrelated contexts. Results showed the paper"s historical touchstones of scurrilous Revolutionary papers and 19 th /20 th caricature typified by L'Assiette au Beurre. The parallel paths of Dada, surrealism and situationism, and the Marxisant legacy of the Russian Revolution, foreshadowed the blend of cultural and political in Tout! May "68 was the crucible of militant, festive currents and speech, a time of rupture and reorientation for the various activists later at Tout!, the paper Action and posters of the Beaux-Arts inspiring new forms of agit-prop. In the aftermath of 1968, mao-libertarian current Vive La Révolution converged with an ex-Trotskyist, faculty-based group seeking cultural revolution. Figureheads Roland Castro
European Review, 2020
This article offers a polemical comparison between conceptualizations of the University in the late 1960s and now. It has two main sections. The first and more substantial of these sections focuses on the left-wing student movements of the 1960s. These were underpinned by an understanding of the University as a political site: that is, an institutional formation and space structured by the ruling order. As such, the University was considered a locus of social contradictions, and could be occupied, extended and opened up, reformed, performed against the ruling order, and even abandoned or left behind. These different agendas are exemplified by drawing opportunistic lines from May 1968 in Paris to student movements in other contexts – Belgrade, Berlin, Berkeley, Tunis, Beijing, Kolkata – and back. A short section then comments on how the University has fared as a political site since. The entrenchment of managerialism, removal of policy-informing research to non-University centres, and dispersal of the University between material and digital spaces are some of the developments that are noted.
The student-worker uprising of May 68 was a late-mid 20th century, very-young experiment on political means for radical government change. The upheaval in the cloister of wisdom that helped fuel the largest worker strike of modern-times France was surely not a failure: the current-century transformative events in the Middle East, Europe, Africa, the United States of America, South America and Asia (most recently, Hong Kong, China) are nothing but evolved, mature versions of that French primal event.
While the Sorbonne was at the epicentre of the 1968 protests, the shock waves were felt far beyond France, with students occupying Peking and UC Berkeley at the same time. Time Higher Education, May 24, 2018. Or please find my contribution at the THE website (scroll to the second contribution): https://www.timeshighereducation.com/features/spirit-1968-global-perspectives-student-revolution#survey-answer
in Bessant, J. ; Mejia Mesinas, A. ; Pickard , S. (coord.), When Students Protest. Volume III. Universities in Global North, Lanham, Rowman & Littlefield, 2021
The 50th anniversary of May 68, in a context of ongoing neoliberal university reform, was bound to be conflictual, especially at Nanterre University that holds a mythical role in sparking the French movement. This article seeks to ask how students called upon their collective memory to activate protest, as administration exploited the opportunity to capitalize on the past. How were commemorations used in reaction to reform, and what roles were played by repression? Taking a socio-anthropological perspective combined with the analysis of offline and online materials, we shall examine how the institution has long sought to clean the campus of the remains of 68, before securing its own interpretation. Students had their own agenda, seeking to challenge both administrative ceremonies and neoliberal reform. Memory failed to activate protest, but when riot police came onto the campus, mass protest erupted, allowing activists to claim themselves as the « continuators of 68 ».
Young People and the French Communist Party: May 1968, the final straw?, 2020
Leading up to and during the events of May 1968, many young people turned away from the French Communist Party (PCF) and were notably hostile towards it, expressing disapproval at the Party’s organisation and stance on international conflicts and social issues. This final year project analyses the reactions of young people towards the political ideology of the PCF, its responses to international conflicts and links to the USSR, and the socially conservative attitudes of the Party. Moreover, it will be argued that these three factors were the principal reasons why young people turned away from the Party during the May ‘68 era. The PCF, since its foundation in 1920, was very closely linked to the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) and the Party’s political identity and actions were shaped by their close relationship. However, amongst the younger generation, the USSR was considered to be a bureaucratic and oppressive regime and many young people were of the opinion that, whilst so closely linked to the USSR, the PCF would never be able to bring about a socialist revolution in France. The Party’s internal organisation and its ideological differences with the younger generation drew criticism from the May ’68 generation and its actions during the events frustrated young people. The Party’s failure to distance itself from the Soviet Union following the Hungarian Revolution in 1956 and the Prague Spring in 1968 angered many young people and its failure to adequately address the issue of Algerian Independence also drew criticism. Given the international nature of the events of May ‘68, as well as the PCF’s reaction to international conflicts, many young people began to look abroad and take influence from various revolutionary movements in the Third-World, such as China, Vietnam and Cuba. Throughout the 1960s, the PCF took a very conservative approach to the pressing social issues of the era, such as homosexuality and women’s rights. Many prominent homosexual intellectuals and activists criticised the Party for its stance and accused it of fomenting homophobia amongst those on the left. The Party’s stance on women’s rights, in relation to abortion and contraception, was in direct contrast to the demands of the women’s liberation movement that emerged after May 1968. This project analyses tracts and posters released by student groups during May ‘68, including articles and interviews from those directly involved in the events, articles from the PCF official newspaper L’Humanité and existing scholarship to examine why young people moved away from the Party.
In a week of street battles in 1871, the French army slaughtered approximately 25,000 participants of the revolutionary civil war known as the Paris Commune. Two prominent feminist and socialist activists, Paule Mink and André Léo, managed to escape to safety, each subsequently working to reassert her individual ideological position. Prior to the Commune, both women wrote and spoke publicly, challenging gender and class hierarchies and the power of the Church. In the revolutionary aftermath, Léo continued to champion democratic socialism, whereas Mink began advocating radical, authoritarian revolutionism, abandoning her moderate socialist roots. Léo published literary and theoretical works and participated in internal socialist politics, maintaining such a low public proÞle that, although she lived and wrote until 1900, the Paris police ceased monitoring her by 1880. In contrast, Mink traveled ceaselessly, speaking publicly, advocating violent revolution. Considering Mink a greater threat, police spies monitored her until her 1901 death. Through different strategies in the aftermath of the Commune, each woman exempliÞed a strand of the multiple and complex feminist socialisms in the late nineteenth century. SUMMER tered Parisians in the Commune's Þnal days, a signiÞcant number of female and male activists, particularly those with money or international socialist connections, succeeded in escaping France. Many of the former communardes continued both feminist and socialist activism while in exile in Switzerland, England, or Italy.
Livro | PDF | 185 páginas
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