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SEPAD › Social Theory: Mari J. Matsuda
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SOCIAL THEORY: MARI J. MATSUDA
31st Oct 2022 by Simon Mabon
https://www.sepad.org.uk/announcement/social-theory-mari-j-matsuda
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SEPAD › Social Theory: Mari J. Matsuda
By Meray Maddah. Meray is a PhD researcher at the Politics and Public Administration
Department at the University of Konstanz. She is part of the Working Group, “
Legislatures in International Politics” lead by Dr. Thomas Malang. Currently, she is also a
Global Fellow at Brown University’s Center for Human Rights and Humanitarian Studies.
Professor Mari Matsuda is a civil rights lawyer, peace activist, and an established
scholar. Her academic contribution is rooted in the American legal discourse,
jurisprudence of the outsider, feminist critique of law and, not in the least, Critical
Race Theory (CRT). Merited as one of the founding thinkers and practitioners behind
Critical Race Theory, Matsuda’s lawyerly work coalesces the academic and the practical.
As a critical race theorist, she examined the legacy of the American legal system, and its
historical establishment, from a bottom-up outlook (Matsuda, 1987). Reinforcing the
victim’s perception against institutionalised disparities, Matsuda sided with the
underdog. Her work emphasised that only through the scrutiny of the legal system can
there be a viability for historical reparations, justice, and most importantly, peace for
all society’s factions.
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SEPAD › Social Theory: Mari J. Matsuda
Intellectual context
Empowered by the founding
gures of CRT, like Kimberlé Crenshaw, Derrick Bell,
Richard Delgado, and Jean Stefancic, Matsuda’s scholarship advanced the discourse on
the interplay of race, power, and law. Nonetheless, an examination of CRT’s history
requires an understanding of how this legal critique originated, which is, through the
Critical Legal Studies movement.
Described as a peripheral legal theory, the Critical Legal Studies movement (CLS)
emerged in the late-1970s. The movement’s
rst conference was at the University of
Wisconsin-Madison in 1989 through a group of “legal radicals and New Leftist
professors” (Baumgardner, 2021, p. 7). The inception period of the CLS movement was
greatly in
uenced by the protests against the Vietnam War, the rise of women faculty
members in academic bodies, and the overriding by-products of the civil rights
movement.
Commonly referred to its advocates and members as the ‘Crits’, the CLS movement was
an outgrowth of the Legal Realism school with a combination of feminist,
philosophical and post-modernistic interpretations (Tushnet, 1991, pp. 1516-1518).
Notwithstanding the American context of the CLS movement’s birth, the Crits
acquiesced, in a lesser extent, with European social theorems through a nod to Max
Weber’s concept of legitimation and the Frankfurt School of Critical Theory (Trubek,
1984, pp. 595-607). Still, the left leaning CLS movement, at its core, deviated away from
the traditionally de
ned Marxist arguments (Boyle, 1985, pp. 721-725; Hunter, 2021, p.
390).
Viewed as disrupters to the normative legal curriculum, CLS scholars adopted the
indeterminacy thesis in law, inasmuch, they rejected the assuming ideals of formalism
as well as objectivism and its constructive development. These arguments were
painstakingly clear in CLS associate Roberto Mangabeira Unger’s manuscript, “The
Critical Legal Studies Movement” which is one of the marking documents in the
movement’s history, its contextualisation and further development (Unger, 1983).
Departing from the CLS movement, it informs us about the foundations of CRT. As
articulated by notable CRT scholars, Delgado and Stefancic, “critical race theory [is a
https://www.sepad.org.uk/announcement/social-theory-mari-j-matsuda
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SEPAD › Social Theory: Mari J. Matsuda
movement that] questions the very foundations of the liberal order, including equality
theory, legal reasoning, Enlightenment rationalism, and neutral principles of
constitutional law.” (Delgado et al., 1995, pp. 28-29). In essence, CRT orbits around the
nexus of race, racism, and law. It theorizes that not only is race, a social construct,
demonstrated by individual biases through racism; but also, this prejudice is
entrenched in the legal system and adversely a
ects people of colour in all corners of
life.
Key arguments
Like her peers, Matsuda’s writings and work on race, racism, and power dynamics is
informed by an intersectional approach. Using feminist critique to analyse the notion
of abstractionism proposed by John Rawls’ Theory of Justice, Matsuda contests the
foundation of America’s liberalism, based on ideology, insofar she highlights the lack
of that very foundation to begin with. She underscores that abstract theory-building
fails without a “contextual understanding” all while leaning on feminist anthologies
that the human personality is not a
xed force majeure incapable of alternative
conceptions of justice (Matsuda, 1986, pp. 617-624; 1989b, p. 9). In one of her clearest
interpretations of feminist arguments, she reminds us that, “[in the] primary tenet of
feminist theory, the personal is political” (Matsuda, 1986, p. 614).
For Matsuda, themes of inclusion and community-based work resonate deeply in her
scholarship. As Janine Young Kim points out, while revisiting the scholar’s Looking to
the Bottom essay, “Sometimes the best theories are those that seem to tell us what is
obvious but unspoken” (Kim, 2014, p. 101), while adding that, “[Matsuda]spoke to the
ideas of diversity and inclusion in ways that advanced the material situation of racial
minorities.” (Kim, 2014, p. 103). She invites the reader to have a hands-on experience
with communities and to imagine how everyday struggles look like, especially when
racial hierarchies have the power to pollute consciousness.
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Furthermore, Matsuda’s Asian-American heritage is featured prominently and
intertwines with her work on CRT and its manifestations. In a keynote talk to the
Asian Law Caucus, she addressed “racial bourgeoise” and “Asian bashing” when
fearmongering is turned against the Asian-American community (Matsuda, 1990b, pp.
79, 82). She writes how the Asian-American experience was traditionally shaped as an
American scapegoat, “the oriental menace” as she puts it; still, she reiterates that
upholding a
rmative action is a successful tool for Asian-Americans to attain
educational opportunities and leadership goals (Matsuda, 1990b, p. 81)
As a critical race theorist, Matsuda’s wisdom combines the personal and the
professional to make light of historical injustices. She dissects racial structures and the
subhuman narratives while borrowing stories from her mother’s past growing up on a
sugar plantation in Hawaii. She employs her Okinawan heritage to connect to other
people of colour and their
ght against racism while declaring that “law is essentially
political” in matters of “street wisdom” (Matsuda, 1989a, p. 2324). She recounts the
lynching of the Chinese and the burning down of several Chinatowns in 1871 Los
Angeles while illustrating how the legal system is laced with racial discrimination, thus,
connecting it to the African American familiarity and history of slavery (Matsuda,
2001, pp. 169-186).
In similar importance, Matsuda’s work challenges the absence of openly queer scholars
in academic spaces (Matsuda, 1990a, p. 1765). As an intersectional feminist, she often
spoke of how the legal industrial complex, in many ways than none, was a foe to queer
communities and sexual minorities. She did not shy away, however, from pointing out
the homophobia present in Asian-American communities. Per her arguments, this
homophobia is rooted in the intolerance and fear of that community against any
additional di
erence practiced by the white society (Matsuda, 1990b, p. 82). In one of
her familiar stories, Matsuda uses her personal experience again and wishes that, one
day, she would dance at her gay cousin’s wedding (Matsuda, 2005, p. 188).
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In her Love, Change essay, she writes about her pedagogy when teaching law to her
students and how matters of the heart and wanting to be loved weave into the legal. As
a result, the CRT scholar that she is, Matsuda rea
rms that, “Law is how we make
claims both for social meaning and for ultimate validation of our
personhood” (Matsuda, 2005, p. 194). For this reason and many others, the brilliance of
Matsuda’s work lies in its simplicity yet veracity as she always stood up for the “talented
outsider” (Williams, 1991, p. 298) and de
ed principles of neutrality which
fundamentally made her a beacon of academic and cultural in
uence.
In application
Discussions on racial fault-lines and race-based discrimination are often associated with
the Global North/Western context and particularly in the American scope.
Nonetheless, beyond the binaries of black-and-white, racism is a prevalent issue in the
Middle East and North Africa region (MENA). Racial hierarchies dominate countless
systems of governance, judicial branches, and how residents and citizens interact with
one another in the MENA region. Not to mention relevant topics on sense of
belonging, colourism, and indigenous groups.
On the structures of racism, Matsuda cautions us how institutional bodies can preserve
and spread both covert and overt forms of racism in di
erent ways (Matsuda, 1993, p.
34). Racist hate messaging and propaganda, as well as physical violence are easy to spot
given their outward e
ects. However, when the ruling systems are entrenched with
covert designs aimed for self-ful
lling gain and power, policies that are based on racial
and ethnic discrimination become the default. Departing from this note, Matsuda’s
insights become less foreign to Middle Eastern literature and more intertwined with
conversations on which dominant group holds the power and for what purpose.
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In the MENA, one of the most pronounced e
ects of racial hierarchies in legal
structures is the kafala system. This system of sponsorship, for the recruitment
purposes of migrant workers, is a notorious and a heavily scrutinized subject in a
variety of MENA countries. Studies at length have illustrated how the kafala system is
inhumane at best, whereby its repercussions are nothing short of human rights
violence and the complete humiliation of migrant workers and their status.
Furthermore, the kafala system performs as an extension of capitalistic endeavours in
modern day societies. Thus, to think of Matsuda’s work is to think of how much
capitalism is engrained in several of the region’s political economies and incidents of
labour exploitation.
Even when labour provisions preside in MENA countries, the harm by the employer,
and by the state’s legal system at large, makes kafala a ‘law-like’ institutionalised form of
exploitation and abuse (Khan & Harro
-Tavel, 2011, pp. 297-299). Here, we are
reminded by Matsuda’s statement on how critical scholars recognize that, “[law]
consists of language, ideals, signs, and structures that have material and moral
consequences.” (Matsuda, 1987, p. 337).
Likewise, a bastardized version of racial hierarchies in the MENA is through
sectarianism. And like racism, the nature of sectarianism is based on social constructs.
As experienced by populations in countries like Iraq and Lebanon, ethno-sectarian
cleavages govern ruling systems and regulations through sect-appointed elites. Whether
it was called al- Muhasasa Ta'i
a or al-Tawafuq al-Siyasi , it is safe to argue that in these
countries, sectarian power-sharing dynamics have been the bedrock of their
institutions.
Sectarianism, in these MENA countries, seeped through every branch of society, and
government, and instilled a sense of fear among people wherewith state-society
relations became its primary victim. As a result, a deep sense of distrust and
intolerance emerged towards the other. This tactic of othering is one of Matsuda’s points
in examining the theory of subordination and patterns of oppression. However, an
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antidote to this oppression, as illustrated by Matsuda, simply lies in “asking the other
question” (Matsuda, 1991, pp. 1188-1190). She uses this method as form of dismantling
the powers of domination while wielding coalition forces to gauge levels of
subordination.
Also within the MENA, socioeconomic divisions and issues of mobility caused by
sectarianism can be traced back to the region’s history with colonialism (AlShehabi,
2017). With this in mind, colonialism has been the backdrop of many of Matsuda’s
writings and, most importantly, personal heritage. A Hawaiian scholar with a Japanese
ancestry, she noti
es us that it would be a “misreading” of critical race theory if it was
divorced from the critique on both colonialism and capitalism (Matsuda, 2021).
Therefore, when examining ethno-sectarian tensions in the MENA, the theory of
critical race is an applicable mean to unpack grievances and everyday issues
experienced by the region’s population.
In summary, Professor Matsuda’s impact on social theory, principally through CRT and
feminist analysis, moves beyond geographical borders, political circles, and legal
chambers. Her scholarship continues to in
uence the
eld of social sciences through
the prism of community-based work and scholarly activism.
Issues to be aware of
The history of CRT and its development, however, did not come to life without
controversies. Afterall, no social theory is immune to critiques and CRT was not an
exception to this rule. Yet, the most recent criticism against CRT was not within
academic spaces, rather, in mainstream media.
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During the tenure of former U.S. President Donald Trump, CRT debates made news
headlines, speci
de
cally in right-wing media. Conservative pundits claimed that CRT
ed the chief principles of the First Amendment and promoted the obsession over
‘woke’ politics. Other analysts created online trackers to see if state legislatures
introduced bills regarding K-12 school syllabi and CRT-in
uenced education. Similarly,
during that period, an executive order, and notices to federal agencies were made as an
attempt to
ght the “divisive” rhetoric that racism and racial bias are baked into
American institutions and laws.
Nonetheless in 2021, an Ipsos/Reuters national survey was conducted to see the
percentage of Americans that are familiar with CRT, the arguments surrounding it, and
to what extent do they agree or disagree with CRT’s main principles. The results
conveyed that about 43 percent, of those surveyed, were somewhat familiar with the
term; and among this group, only 5 percent answered correctly when it comes to the
history and teachings of CRT. Not only do the results signify that very few understand
what CRT really is; but also, they represent considerable misconceptions of CRT and its
core meaning.
In hindsight of this discussion and divisions concerning CRT and what it stands for, it
raises signi
cant questions, one of them being as to how countries and their
corresponding institutions reckon with the history of violence and oppression. More
so, it creates a dialogue as to what extent should laws and procedures be re-examined
when minority groups are a
ected by racial hierarchies in a variety of ways. Ultimately,
CRT is not meant to advocate for a blaming ideology. On the contrary, it encourages
citizens alike to revisit history, recognise the volatility of oppressive behaviours, and
commence solutions that equally bene
t all of society’s diverse groups.
References
AlShehabi, O. H. (2017). Contested modernity: divided rule and the birth of
sectarianism, nationalism, and absolutism in Bahrain. British Journal of Middle Eastern
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Studies, 44(3), 333-355. https://doi.org /10.1080/13530194.2016.1185937
Baumgardner, P. (2021). The Birth of the CLS Movement. In Critical Legal Studies and
the Campaign for American Law Schools: A Revolution to Break the Liberal Consensus (pp. 7).
Palgrave Macmillan. https://doi.org /https://doi.org /10.1007/978-3-030-82378-8
Boyle, J. (1985). The Politics of Reason: Critical Legal Theory and Local Social
Thought. University of Pennsylvania Law Review, 133(4), 721-725.
https://scholarship.law.upenn.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?
article=4036&context=penn_law_review
Delgado, R., Stefancic, J., & Harris, A. (1995). What Is Critical Race Theory? In Critical
Race Theory, An Introduction (Second Edition ed., pp. 28-29). New York University Press.
http://www.jstor.org /stable/j.ctt9qg9h2
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Journal of Law & the Humanities, Vol. 31:2, 390. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.13051/7578
Khan, A., & Harro
-Tavel, H. (2011). Reforming the Kafala: Challenges and
Opportunities in Moving Forward. Asian and Paci
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Kim, J. Y. (2014). Resistance and Transformation: Re-Reading Mari Matsuda in the
Postracial Era. UCLA Asian Paci
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https://ssrn.com/abstract=2487436
Matsuda, M. J. (1986). Liberal Jurisprudence and Abstracted Visions of Human Nature:
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https://heinonline.org /HOL/PrintRequest?
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(400)
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Story. Michigan Law Review, 87(8), 2324. https://doi.org /10.2307/1289306
Matsuda, M. J. (1989b). When the First Quail Calls: Multiple Consciousness as
Jurisprudential Method [Kyenote presentation]. Women's Rights Law Reporter, 11(1), 9.
https://scholarspace.manoa.hawaii.edu/bitstreams/98224637-8c6b-4fa0-a31e13fe5939db27/download
Matsuda, M. J. (1990a). Pragmatism Modi
ed and the False Consciousness
Problem. Southern California Law Review, 63, 1765.
https://scholarspace.manoa.hawaii.edu/bitstreams/0df2ce83-7ab2-4f8b-bb73b
a1ccf440f/download
Matsuda, M. J. (1990b). Voices of the Community: We Will Not Be Used. Asian American
& Paci
c Islands Law Journal, 81, 79, 82.
https://scholarspace.manoa.hawaii.edu/bitstreams/21dacf7a-38df-497c-8d75ecc85a6c51a9/download
Matsuda, M. J. (1991). Beside My Sister, Facing the Enemy: Legal Theory out of
Coalition. Stanford Law Review, 43(6), 1188-1190. https://doi.org /10.2307/1229035
Matsuda, M. J. (1993). Public Response to Racist Speech: Considering the Victim’s
Story. In Words That Wound: Critical Race Theory, Assaultive Speech, and the First
Amendment (pp. 34). Routledge. https://doi.org /https://doi.org /10.4324/9780429502941
Matsuda, M. J. (2001). Planet Asian America. Asian Law Journal, 8, 169-186.
https://doi.org /http://dx.doi.org /10.15779/Z38DW01
Matsuda, M. J. (2005). Love, Change. The Yale Journal of Law and Feminism, 17, 188, 194.
https://scholarship.law.georgetown.edu/facpub/895
Matsuda, M. J. (2021, 19 January 2021). Politics In, Of, And Through The Legal Academy:
Akbar Interviews Matsuda [Interview]. The Law and Political Economy (LPE).
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https://lpeproject.org /blog /politics-in-of-and-through-the-legal-academy-akbarinterviews-matsuda-part-2/
Trubek, D. M. (1984). Where the Action Is: Critical Legal Studies and
Empiricism. Stanford Law Review,36(1/2), 595-607. https://doi.org /10.2307/1228692
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Journal, 100(5), 1516-1518. https://doi.org /10.2307/796697
Unger, R. M. (1983). The Critical Legal Studies Movement. Harvard law review, 96(3),
561-675. https://doi.org /10.2307/1341032
Williams, J. C. (1991). Dissolving the Sameness/Di
erence Debate: A Post-Modern Path
beyond Essentialism in Feminist and Critical Race Theory. Duke Law Journal, 1991(2),
298. https://doi.org /10.2307/1372729
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