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2022, U. C. Berkeley Open Scholarship
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Location as Destiny" is a phrase that came to my mind after I composed a narrative of my relations with Emmanuel College at the University of Cambridge over seventy years. I discovered how it determined my career at several key points, It occurred to me to duplicate a record of any similar effects of my subsequent doctorate at Wadham College, Oxford. However, the outcome has proved quite different, despite shared derivations from the culture of Burton-upon-Trent Grammar School, and substantial connections with France, Italy, and Germany.U.C.Berkeley Open listing.
The middle decades of the nineteenth century were a period that witnessed the establishment and expansion of universities throughout the British Empire. While in 1880 the number of universities in England, Scotland, and Ireland was just 11, by that date there were already 26 degree-granting institutions located in the British colonies (Pietsch, 2013, pp. 202–209). Most of these were located in the " settler colonies " of British North America, Australia, New Zealand, and South Africa, where they had been founded by self-confident colonial elites, who—although they looked to Britain—saw these institutions as symbols of the maturity of colonial societies and independent and autochthonous members within a wider British community. These " settler " universities therefore differed to those established in other parts of the " dependent " empire—in India and South East Asia and later in Africa— where educational institutions were established by British officials and were more explicitly associated with the imposition of foreign rule, language, and culture. In their early years these settler universities offered a classical and liberal (and often religious) education that was designed to cultivate both the morals and the minds of the young men who would lead the economically successful colonial societies of the mid-nineteenth century. But by the 1870s these educational institutions were coming under increasing pressure to demonstrate their relevance to the socially diverse and rapidly expanding communities in which they were located, and their connection to the new forms of scientific and technical knowledge that was changing life for so many people. They responded to these demands in two ways. First, they expanded their local educational franchise, opening their curricula to include science, law, medicine, and engineering, and admitting women; and second, they
Australian Humanities Review
I am concerned to make it really a university, something that is more than a collocation of specialist departments-to make it a centre of human consciousness: perception, knowledge, judgment and responsibility. And perhaps I have sufficiently indicated on what lines I would justify my seeing the centre of a university in a vital English School… I will only say that the academic is the enemy and that the academic can be beaten, as we who ran Scrutiny for twenty years proved. We were-and we knew we were-Cambridge-the essential Cambridge in spite of Cambridge.
The British Journal for the History of Science, 2012
This article considers the role of overseas academic travel in the development of the modern research university, with particular reference to the University of Cambridge from the 1880s to the 1950s. The Cambridge academic community, relatively sedentary at the beginning of this period, became progressively more mobile and globalized through the early twentieth century, facilitated by regular research sabbaticals. The culture of research travel diffused at varying rates, and with differing consequences, across the arts and humanities and the field, laboratory and theoretical sciences, reshaping disciplinary identities and practices in the process. The nature of research travel also changed as the genteel scholarly excursion was replaced by the purposeful, output-orientated expedition.
When Oxford commemorated James's 1605 visit to the university with a volume of verse, the young Robert Burton was one of many hopeful scholars who contributed Latin poems to the book. During the royal visit, the king lodged at Burton's own college, Christ Church, where Burton had been named a fellow in 1599, and the poem plays on this one shared experience between the king and the scholar. Based on an astrological conceit, the poem flatteringly casts James as the sun, and his visit as the sun's entrance into the astrological position of the House of Virgo, which is represented by Christ Church. This heavenly conjunction leads the poet to make a hopeful prediction of future visits, along with an implied hope for financial support of scholars and the university by the crown. This early act of poetic supplication is ironic in light of Burton's famous life's work, The Anatomy of Melancholy, not just because of Burton's profoundly dashed hopes that those in power would adequately support and value scholars like him, but also because the book accrues to make a criticism of this failure on the part of nobility and crown alike. Burton remained a poor cleric at Oxford from 1593 until he died in 1640, and he frequently defines himself in the pages of his book by the lack of patronage he received for his literary efforts. For this melancholy witness to a singularly volatile chapter in the history of both Oxford and England, there is no disentangling university and nation in his account of what he calls "this bastard age" (1: 317) James's self-representation before the university which I have examined in my last chapter can be seen in Habermasian terms as an effort to assert himself as "the only public person" (Habermas 8). This assertion of publicity conforms to the Habermasian concept of Anglin 2 representative publicity whereby the monarchy and aristocracy staged their power through a complex array of representative forms to communicate their own publicity throughout the realm, making it total (8). But James's reactions to the university and the university's counter reactions suggest a dialectic relationship between representative publicity and privacy with each prompting the other; they also suggest that the university used their own form of selfrepresentation to evade royal scrutiny and control which created privacy in the face of James's subordinating publicity. One significant and unique feature of this historical moment was the use of learning by the king and the nobility in the staging of representative publicity. Habermas writes that typically, the staging of representative publicity was closely bound up with "personal attributes such as insignia (badges and arms), dress (clothing and coiffure), demeanor (form of greeting and poise) and rhetoric (form of address and formal discourse in general)--in a word, to a strict code of 'noble' conduct" (8). But the incorporation of learning into this list of attributes constituting "noble conduct" itself suggests a history of publicity more complex than a representative publicity that precluded any other form of political public sphere.
2013
At the start of the twenty-first century we are acutely conscious that universities operate within an entangled world of international scholarly connection. This book examines the networks that linked academics across the colonial world in the age of ‘Victorian’ globalisation. Stretching across the globe, these networks helped map the boundaries of an expansive but exclusionary ‘British academic world' that extended beyond the borders of the British Isles. Drawing on extensive archival research conducted in the United Kingdom, Canada, Australia, New Zealand and South Africa, this book remaps the intellectual geographies of Britain and its empire. In doing so, it provides a new context for writing the history of ideas and offers a critical analysis of the connections that helped fashion the global world of universities today. The full text has been made available here: http://gen.lib.rus.ec/book/index.php?md5=812E51EA50207EAE69435FFC1256695E Introduction Part I: Foundations, 1802–80 1. Building institutions: localising ‘universal’ learning Part II: Connections, 1880–1914 2 . Forging links abroad: books, travelling scholarships, leave of absence 3. Making appointments: access, exclusion and personalised trust 4. Institutional association: mutual recognition and imperial organisation Part III: Networks, 1900–39 5. Academic traffic: people, objects, information, ideas 6. The Great War: mobilising colonial knowledge and connections 7. After the peace: the Universities’ Bureau and the expansive nation Part IV: Erosions, 1919–60s 8 . Alternative ties: national and international forces Conclusion
Baltic Journal of Art History
England's older universities, Oxford and Cambridge, developed in ways quite different from their continental counterparts. Oxford received its charter in 1191, and Cambridge in 1201. Within each institution is an amalgamation of individual colleges: nineteen at Oxford, that predate 1800, and sixteen at Cambridge. The land was owned mostly by the individual college institutions, where the students were (and continue to be) housed and taught. Any survey of English landscapes of learning needs to start from this myriad base. It is a complicated story. Indeed, can English universities even be seen convincingly as deliberate 'landscapes of the Enlightenment'-or are they accidental backdrops against which important intellectual developments took place? If we are to read the Enlightenment as the challenge of reason against tradition and received orthodoxies, it is going to be quite a struggle to find this reflected in the time-deep grounds of Oxbridge. 1
Lumen: Selected Proceedings from the Canadian Society for Eighteenth-Century Studies, 2000
Enlightenment, Legal Education, and Critique, 2015
Universities and the individuals who work in them are both local and global actors. They are rooted in specific social, political, and economic communities, yet their authority comes from their claim to represent a culture and learning that is apparently ‘universal’—recognisable and tradable beyond boundaries of particular localities. Understanding the respects in which scholarship has been territorialised or deterritorialised is a way of tracing the long history of the transnational politics of higher education. This chapter argues if we are to understand the geographies of higher education today it is necessary to look to the past and its legacies.
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