'Cults: History, Beliefs, Practices'

‘Cults’: History, Beliefs, Practices Essay 1500 Words History of the Term ‘Cult’ There is no universally agreed definition of the word ‘cult’; it is only rarely used as a self-description and does not refer to any particular belief system. Since the 1920s, the word ‘cult’ has most commonly been used to designate a minority religious group whose beliefs and practices an outside observer deems dangerous or strange. Historically, ‘cult’ was first recorded in English as reverence or homage to a deity or saint, e.g. the ‘cult of Mary’ in the Roman Catholic Church. From the nineteenth century, the word cult began to be associated with any religion ‘other’ than Christianity. Specifically, it was used to describe the diverse beliefs of tribal peoples worldwide as well as the Druid revival in eighteenth century Britain. In the 1890s, it was used to refer to the Theosophical Movement and the Church of Christian Science, amongst other groups. Overlapping with the original theological use of the word, in contemporary parlance cults are typically believed to have a charismatic leader who may be ‘worshipped’. Also originating from this usage, a ‘cult’ can refer to a group of people with an intense interest in a celebrity or non-mainstream band, game, book or film. Sociological theory on ‘cults’ began with the work of Ernst Troeltsch (1931) who observed a growing tendency in German religiosity that emphasised a kind of ‘radical religious individualism’ of personal experience while avoiding affiliation with traditional religious institutions. Expanding his theories, sociologists have debated various definitions of cult without any firm consensus on the meaning of the term. In sociological literature, ‘cult’ is typically used as a technical term which must be specifically defined by the author at the onset of the work (e.g. Wallis 1976). Characteristics of Cults/New Religious Movements Some organisations have issued checklists with ‘characteristics’ of ‘destructive cults’. From a sociological perspective, many of these lists contain value judgements which are arguably a matter of opinion rather than fact, e.g. a cult is a group with a manipulative leader who financially exploits the members. By using this description, any group which tithes could be seen as a cult. Such value-laden definitions tend to deflect attention away from specific aspects of beliefs and practices that may be causing an individual or society problems. Because of the difficulty in separating technical definitions from popular assumptions, many scholars have advocated avoiding the term ‘cult’ altogether in favor of ‘emergent religions’ or ‘new religious movements’ (Richardson 1993). These alternative labels draw attention to more factual aspects of the new minority religious most frequently termed ‘cults’ as well as highlighting some of the tendencies such groups may display. Academic research has also focused on categorizing and understanding the various 1 positions new minority religions take in relationship to society (e.g. Wilson 1970). It is very difficult to make any generalisations which would apply to all new religious groups. Most new religious movements have quite small followings of committed members, often numbering in the dozens rather than thousands. These groups include a wide spectrum of beliefs and practices, appeal to different social groups and have diverse ways of interacting with society. Many might be considered departures from Christian doctrine, while others combine beliefs of various world religions. Some groups which may be labelled ‘cults’ do not consider themselves religious at all, perhaps having a basis in humanistic psychology or meditation. Some recruit primarily by faceto-face contacts while others have their primary presence on the internet. Sociologists argue that new religions have characteristics that do make them distinct from more established religious groups, e.g. charismatic leaders and first-generation membership (Barker 2004). Those who convert to a movement are likely to have more zealous attachment to their faith than those who adopt the religion of their parents. This can lead to strong distinctions between ‘us’ and ‘them’ (often the ‘saved’ and the ‘damned’), a theological position which can cause tensions with those outside the movement. An important element of charismatic leadership is the likelihood of rapid change of both doctrine and practice. Additionally, most new religious movements have atypical demographics; they usually appeal to one section of society more than others. But over time, members of the new movements which survive will have children and the groups’ membership usually begins to look more like that of the general population. ‘Cults’ in the post-war Period The relatively rapid social change that characterized the ‘1960s’ as an era was also associated with increased interest in new forms of religiosity. Although alternative religions and occult groups have to some extent been present throughout modern history, during the late 1960s and 1970s noticeable numbers of middle-class youths affiliated themselves with groups very different from the faiths of their parents. Sociologists have also described a culture of ‘seekership’ amongst young people interested in exploring such groups (Campbell 1972). Many of the groups causing popular concern were reinterpretations of Christian doctrine, for example The Unification Church (popularly known as Moonies) and The Children of God, while others were affiliated with Indian spiritual leaders, for example the Maharishi Mahesh Yogi’s Transcendental Meditation, Prem Rawat’s Divine Light Mission, the International Society for Krishna Consciousness (ISKCON/Hare Krishnas) and Bhagwan Shree Rajneesh/Osho. Many of those who converted to these movements found their relationships with their parents and relatives became strained as a result of their new beliefs and shift in priorities. Concerns about cults became much more widespread after November 1978 when over 900 members of a religious group called The Peoples Temple, largely made up of United States citizens, were killed and/or committed suicide in a remote area of Guyana. The scale of this tragedy inspired much 2 more intense concern, particularly in the media, about those who have joined small and unfamiliar religious groups. The involvement of minority religious groups with several other highly publicised tragedies, e.g. the release of toxic gas by Aum Shinrikyo on the Tokyo underground in 1995 and the group suicides of the Californian-based Heaven’s Gate in 1997, has continued to emphasise the potential danger of some of these small and new minority religions. However, despite such well-publicized tragic cases, the majority of new religious developments are not violent. Secular reactions to post-war ‘Cults’ Some relatives believe that their loved one may have been forcibly ‘brainwashed’ into adherence to a cult’s strange beliefs and practices. The term ‘brainwashing’ originated from Robert Jay Lifton’s work which was based on reports of American prisoners during the Korean War who came to espouse the beliefs of their captors. Thus, those who joined ‘cults’ were believed to have been coerced into membership rather than have had a legitimate conversion experience. This explanation was also favoured by some members who could not explain to themselves their radical changes in belief. However, Eileen Barker’s seminal study argued that while social pressure to join a small new religion might be intense, the idea of irresistible and irreversible ‘brainwashing’ could not be justified with evidence in the case of the Unification Church (Moonies). In her study, Barker found a low percentage of those contacted by the church joined and amongst those who did join, there was a high turn-over rate (Barker 1984). During the late 1970s and 1980s, some families hired professional ‘deprogrammers’ to forcibly abduct individuals from ‘cults’. Some of those subjected to ‘deprogramming’ tactics successfully brought charges against the ‘deprogrammers’ for kidnapping and abduction. Although forcible ‘deprogramming’ has become less common, some see a role for voluntary ‘exit counselling’ in helping those who leave minority religions to re-integrate into society. The growth of these new religious organisations inspired a variety of organised responses by worried friends and relatives. One distinct approach has been referred to as the ‘anti-cult’ movement. Although anti-cult groups can be quite diverse in their membership, their primary aim is to identify and warn others of the potential harm ‘destructive cults’ can cause to individuals and society. Perhaps the largest organisation in this field is the International Cultic Studies Association (ICSA) which developed out of the American Family Federation (1979-2004). Others have responded by forming research-oriented organisations which focus on clarifying and comparing the beliefs and practices of new and minority religions. For example, Inform was established in 1988 with funding from the UK Home Office to provide up-to-date, balanced and reliable information on new and alternative religious movements to the general public. Partially in response to the anti-cult activism, other groups have been established to champion the human rights of religious minorities and the right 3 of individuals to have unpopular and non-mainstream religious beliefs. This approach is exemplified by the Ontario Consultants on Religious Tolerance (OCRT). Conclusion ‘Cults’ and new religious movements have been appearing throughout history. Yet in the post-war period these groups have been subject to intense scrutiny from both the media and academic researchers. The rapid social changes of the era: increases in wealth, an (arguably) decreasing social influence of institutional Christianity in Western countries, and the increasing accessibility of world beliefs and cultures have all perhaps contributed to a visible public concern about ‘cults’. In conclusion, it is worth reiterating that although ‘cults’ cause widespread anxiety, the majority of new religious groups do not have a history of violence and attract relatively little attention within their wider societies. As of early 2009, there were over 1,300 active new religious movements in Inform’s files. References Barker, E. (1984) The Making of a Moonie: Choice or Brainwashing? London: Blackwell. Barker, E. (2004) ‘What Are We Studying? A Sociological Case for Keeping the "Nova"’ Nova Religio 8(1): 88-102. Campbell, C. (1972) ‘The Cult, the Cultic Milieu and Secularization’ in A Sociological Yearbook of Religion in Britain (5) London: SCM Press. Troeltsch, E. (1931) The Social Teaching of the Christian Churches London: Allen and Unwin. Richardson, J. T. (1993) ‘Definitions of Cult’ Review of Religious Research 34:348-356. Wallis, R. (1976) The Road to Total Freedom: A Sociological Analysis of Scientology. London: Heinemann. Wilson, B. (1970) Religious Sects: A Sociological Study. Suzanne Newcombe, PhD (University of Cambridge) Research Officer for Inform (Information Network Focus on Religious Movements) affiliated with the Department of Sociology at the London School of Economics and Political Science. 4