Tanja PANEVA
TURKEY AND THE EUROPEAN
INTEGRATION PROCESS
Introduction
G
he possibility for enlargement of
the European Union (EU, the Union)
through the accession of a country as
speciic as Turkey has incited numerous academic discussions and debates1 whose main
concern is the change of the Union’s character
1 Yilmaz, Bahri. “Turkey’s membership in the EU: Realistic
or Merely Wishful?” International Harvard Political Review.
January 6, 2011.
http://hir.harvard.edu/turkey-s-membership-in-the-eu-realistic-or-merely-wishful (available on December 12, 2013);
Shakman Hurd, Elizabеt. “What is driving the European
Debate about Turkey?” Insight Turkey. Vol.12, 2010. стр.
185-203 http://www.academia.edu/898024/_What_is_driving_the_European_debate_about_Turkey_ (available on
December 10, 2013)
Aksit, Sait and Cigdem Ustun. “In Search of an EU Wide
Debate on Turkey”. Turkey watch: EU member states Perceptions on Turkey’s Accession to the EU. November 2009.
стр. 11-19
http://sinan.ces.metu.edu.tr/dosya/turkey_watch_en.pdf
(available on December 10, 2013)
The author holds a
MA degree in political
sciences and is an active
member of several
citizens’ organizations.
354
Tanja PANEVA
itself, which would occur if Turkey joins the EU. Another question to be
answered is whether Turkey is part of Europe geographically and whether
it would be possible to integrate the speciic cultural values and beliefs of
this country within those of Europe.
It is of great importance to examine the question of Turkey’s accession
to EU as its prospective EU membership would be mutually beneicial.
On one hand, Europe needs Turkey because Turkey is the stabilization
factor in the region and the connection between Europe and the Middle
East whereas on the other hand, the EU accession of Turkey would expand
the market where the rapidly growing Turkish economy could place its
products and services. Moreover, it is important to examine this possibility
because it might provide answer to the question whether the creation of a
unique and integrated market and the respect of democratic principles is
really the only basis of the Union enlargement or whether the EU is exclusively Christian club of countries closed to different values and beliefs.
The argument in favor of the prolongation of Turkey’s Euro-integration process is that the country still has not met the EU criteria in certain
areas. This paper aims to demonstrate that the accession of Turkey to the
European Union does not depend solely on meeting the fundamental political, economic and legal criteria for EU membership (Copenhagen criteria)
but also on additional reasons i.e. the religious, cultural and social factors
that are crucial enough to postpone the integration process. The hypothesis
proposed in this paper will be supported with arguments that take Samuel
Huntington’s concept of the “clash of civilizations” as a starting point.
The irst chapter provides both the theoretical framework and the deinition of the notion Euro-integration as well as a short review of the Copenhagen criteria. Also presented are the indings obtained by processing the
existing data related to the efforts made by Turkey in various areas towards
meeting these criteria, using the analytical method. The second chapter
focuses on the remaining additional factors and reasons that prolong the
Euro-integration process of Turkey. In order to consider different opinions
and attitudes in favor of or against Turkey’s prospective EU membership,
the polemic method will be used; also presented and processed will be the
statements given by oficial representatives of Turkey and the EU so as to
examine this question by taking a multi-sided approach. The third chapter
offers insight into the existing empirical data and the Eurobarometer results concerning the general public opinion among the European citizens
on the prospective accession of Turkey to the European Union.
Turkey and the european integration process
355
1. Theoretical framework for examining Turkey’s Eurointegration process
This chapter presents the theoretical framework for examining the Euro-integration process of Turkey. Firstly, it examines the relevant theories
related to the European integration and clariies the concept of European
integration as used for the purposes of this paper. Furthermore, it provides
a short review of the Copenhagen criteria and Turkey’s progress toward
meeting them.
1.1.Theoretical basis of European integration
One country’s European integration is predominantly considered as an
economic integration which presupposes the existence of a unique market
where the exchange of goods, services and products among member states
is exempted from custom rights and other nontariff restrictions. Depending
on the crucial actors involved in the integration process, there are several
theories of European enlargement. The ongoing processes of European integration are in the focus of the theories of neo-functionalism, intergovernmentalism and of constructivism as opposed to the contemporary theories
of liberal intergovernmentalism and of rational choice institutionalism.2
The theory of neo-functionalism was launched in the late 1950s and
early 1960s by Ernst Haas and Leon Lindberg as a reaction to the establishment of the European Coal and Steel Community and the European
Economic Community.3 One of its founders and one of the most inluential
theoreticians of neo-functionalism was Ernst Haas who deined integration
as a “process whereby political actors in several distinct national settings
are persuaded to shift their loyalties, expectations and political activities
toward a new center, whose institutions possess or demand jurisdiction
over the pre-existing national states.”4 This broad deinition implies a social process (loyalty leads to the creation of new institutions) and a political process (creation of new political institutions that will be directly and
2 Klimovski, Savo, Tanja Karakamisheva and Renata Deskoska. “The Political System”. Skopje,
Prosvetno delo, 2009.
3 Niemann, Arne and Philippe C. Schmitter. ‘‘Neo-functionalism’’ in Wiener, Antje and Thomas
Diez (eds) “Theories of European Integration”. New York: Oxford University Press, 2009. p.
45-66
4 Haas B., Ernst. “The Uniting of Europe: Political, Social and Economic Forces 1950-1957”.
Notre-Dame University Press, July 2004. p.140
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Tanja PANEVA
partly involved in member states’ affairs).5 In opposition to this deinition,
the theoreticians of intergovernmentalism hold view on the other side of
the spectrum. They rather focus on the creation of political institutions that
the member states will join, as well as on the intergovernmental cooperation.
While the theory of neo-functionalism pays particular attention to the
importance of the supranational actors in the Euro-integration process, the
theory of intergovernmentalism (Hoffman, Moravcsik)6 assumes that the
integration is predominantly led by the interests and shares of the European national states. However, both theories agree that the integration is
a process. Both neo-functionalists and intergovernmentalists are more focused on the process of integration itself than on the established political
system that the integration leads to.
Both constructivism (March and Olsen)7 and social institutionalism emphasize the role of the common social norms and values as central factors
in explaining intra-national cooperation but do fear, on the other side, of
excessive loss of sovereignty. The theory of liberal intergovernmentalism
(Moravcsik) distinguishes two levels in the EU decision-making process:
“request for European integration on the part of domestic economic and
social actors on one hand, and assuring the European integration through
intergovernmental negotiations on the other hand.”8
The theories of European integration are often connected to the practical decision-making process or to certain happenings within the EU. Moreover, they throw light on actual developments and decisions that are due to
one country’s Euro-integration process.
1.2. Copenhagen criteria as a basis for EU accession and Turkey’s
past efforts toward their fulillment
The admission of a new member state in the European Union requires
meeting certain prerequisites set by the Union. Namely, at the Copenhagen
Summit in June 1993, the leaders of the EU member states have determined the three fundamental criteria also known as the Copenhagen crite5 Wiener, Anthe and Thomas Diez. “Theories of European Integration”. New York: Oxford
University Press, 2009. p.2
6 Moravcsik, Andrew and Frank Schimmelfenning. “Liberal Intergovernmentalism “.
http://www.princeton.edu/~amoravcs/library/intergovernmentalism.pdf and Hoffman, Stanley.
“The European Sisyphus, Essays on Europe 1964-1994 ”. Boulder, CO: Westview Press.
7 March, James G., and Johan P. Olsen. “Institutional Perspectives on Political Institutions”.
Governance. Vol. 9, Issue 3. July 2006. p. 247-264
8 Ibid
Turkey and the european integration process
357
ria that must be accepted and met by the candidate countries before their
accession to the EU.9 The Copenhagen criteria require that the candidate
country has achieved the stability of institutions guaranteeing democracy,
the rule of law, human rights, respect for and protection of minorities; the
existence of a functioning market economy; and the implementation of
acquis communautaire (accumulated legislation, legal acts and court decisions which constitute the body of European Union law).10 The EU accession process for any new member state is subject to a decision taken by
the European Council regarding the (non)fulillment of the Copenhagen
criteria. Once the applicant country satisies these criteria, accession negotiations are ready to begin.
Turkey made the irst step toward cooperation with the EU on September 12, 1963 when the leaders of both the European Economic Community
(EEC) and Turkey11 signed the association agreement, better known as the
Ankara Agreement. This Agreement envisioned the creation of a Customs
Union so as to strengthen both trade and economic relations between the
two sides. Turkey was granted candidate status12 at the Helsinki Committee held in December 1999. In the following years, from 1999 to 2004,
Turkey has made great efforts to meet the Copenhagen criteria, particularly
regarding the institutional stability, the rule of law and the respect for both
human and minority rights.13 As a result, upon the recommendation of the
European Commission, the European Council has decided to open the accession negotiations with Turkey which have symbolically commenced on
October 3, 2005.14 Regarding the opening of the negotiation process with
Turkey, the European Council report underlines that:
“The European Council agrees with the previous conclusions on Turkey adopted at the Helsinki Committee when the country was granted candidate status. As a candidate country, Turkey is subject to the same acces9 European Commission Oficial Website: Enlargement, Conditions for Membership.
http://ec.europa.eu/enlargement/policy/conditions-membership/index_en.htm (available on
December 13, 2013)
10 Ibid
11 Ministry for EU Affairs Turkey - Oficial Website: History of EU-Turkey Relations http://
www.abgs.gov.tr/index.php?p=111&l=2 (available on December 3, 2013)
12 Ministry of foreign Affairs Turkey - Oficial Website: Turkey and EU
http://www.mfa.gov.tr/relations-between-turkey-and-the-european-union.en.mfa (available
on December 1, 2013)
13 European Union Information Website: EU-Turkey Relations,
http://www.euractiv.com/enlargement/eu-turkey-relations/article-129678 (available on December 1, 2013)
14 Presidency Conclusions of the European Council No.4. February 1, 2005, Brussels.
358
Tanja PANEVA
sion criteria applied to any other candidate country. As a result, given the
recommendation and the report of the European Commission regarding
the fulillment of the Copenhagen criteria by Turkey, the accession negotiations between EU and Turkey will commence without delay.”15
The negotiations are divided into 35 chapters and cover 35 different
areas. However, certain chapters are closed and are not subject to negotiations due to external factors. Namely, ive chapters have been blocked by
France (e.g. economic and monetary policy), eight cannot be opened due
to non-ratiication of the additional Protocol (e.g. free transit of goods), six
other chapters are not subject to negotiations due to the blockade imposed
by the Greek Cypriot administration; the negotiations on three other chapters will start once certain technical criteria16 are met.
Despite the progress made with respect to certain chapters, the EU accession process of Turkey develops in a slow and complicated manner. The
EU oficial attitude regarding the dynamics of Turkey’s Euro-integration
process is that the country has unsolved issues concerning the trade relations with Cyprus, the freedom of speech and the rights of the Kurdish
minority17. However, the analysis of the political relations and public discourse and of other factors shows that apart from the fulillment of the
Copenhagen criteria - to which the European Union oficially refers to
– there are other additional factors that might considerably inluence the
integration of any candidate country. The reasons behind the long-lasting
Euro-integration process of Turkey are presented in the following chapter.
2. Additional reasons that prolong the EU accession of Turkey
The lengthy, slow and complicated Euro-integration process in the
case of Turkey leads us to the position that Turkey’s admission to the EU
represents the clash of values i.e. “the clash of civilizations”, as deined by
Huntington, which is obviously hard to overcome. Moreover, there is an
argument that the economic integration of Turkey in the Western system
is impossible due to the extremely divergent social and political structures
15 Ibid, p.4
16 Ministry of foreign Affairs Turkey: Turkey and EU http://www.mfa.gov.tr/relations-betweenturkey-and-the-european-union.en.mfa (available on December 1, 2013)
17 European Union Centre of North Carolina.“Turkey’s Quest for EU Membership”. EU Briefings. March 2008
http://europe.unc.edu/wp-content/uploads/2013/08/Brief4-0803-turkeys-quest.pdf (available
on December 10, 2013)
Turkey and the european integration process
359
as well as to the different past experiences of both Turkey and the West.18
Hereinafter the author presents the inluence that the “clash of civilizations” has on the integration process of Turkey; the author considers this
approach the most appropriate to explain both the value differences and
the relations between Turkey and the EU from a theoretical standing point.
Also presented will be the relevant attitudes of the oficial representatives
of the key member states of the EU, France and Germany. Taking into
consideration the inancial supremacy and their considerable inluence on
the decision and policy-making process within the Union, the attitude of
France and Germany is of vital importance to the prospective EU accession of the candidate countries.
The main hypothesis of Huntington is that: the fundamental source of
conlict in this new world will not be primarily ideological or primarily
economic… The principal conlicts of global politics will occur between
nations and groups of different civilizations.19 The central notion in Huntington’s hypothesis is the civilization deined as the highest cultural grouping of people and the broadest level of cultural identity people have.20 The
main differentiating characteristic among civilizations is the religion.21 In
this context, the question to be answered is whether a country whose leading religion is Islam, such as Turkey, can integrate in the predominantly
Christian European Union. Although Turkey is a secular state, the issue
of different religions has always been at the core of the debates about the
country’s admission to EU. In addition, Huntington himself quotes the
Turkish president Özal: “Turkey will not become member of the European
Community simply because we are Muslims and they are Christians, although they do not say it.”22
On the other hand, Turkey is a member state of NATO and is considered European country.23 But while the Turkish elite consider that the
country can integrate in the Western system, the Western elite ind that idea
unacceptable. The two countries that oppose Turkey’s EU membership the
18 Husamettin, Inac. “Identity problems of Turkey during the European Union Integration Process”.
Journal of Economic and Social Research. no.6. p. 34-35
19 Huntington, Samuel P. “The clash of civilizations and the Remaking of World Order“. New
York: Simon and Schuster, 1996. p.22
20 Husamettin, Inac. “Identity problems of Turkey” ... p. 37
21 Ibid
22 Huntington, Samuel P. 1996 “The clash of civilizations” … p. 42
23 Ibid
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most are Germany and France. They both have in common the considerable number of Turkish (Muslim) immigrants in their territory. The fear of
the immigrant low following Turkey’s accession to the EU, which would
result from the free movement of workers in the Union, is one of the reasons for the German and French opposition to Turkey’s EU membership.24
The Turkish president Abdullah Gül has tried to explain that these fears
are unfounded: “…it’s not a priority for the Turkish people to go to work
in the EU. But I believe that if integration happens, the Turks in the heart
of Europe, in Germany, in France, many of them would come back. Maybe
you will try to stop them, because you need them.”25
Furthermore, the opposition of Germany and France to Turkey’s EU
membership resonated through the statements given by the leaders of these
Western European countries. The Chancellor of Germany Angela Merkel
has declared that the accession to EU is not a one-way street, all criteria
must be met.26 The former President of France, Nicolas Sarkozy, has had
even irmer negative attitude toward Turkey’s EU accession: Europe lies
within its borders. Turkey is not in Europe, it is in Asia Minor.27 Sarkozy
has even proposed the idea of terminating the accession negotiations with
Turkey. In lieu of full EU membership, France and Germany have suggested “privileged partnership”28 between the EU and Turkey which the latter
found insulting.29 Thus, the external observers fear that due to the multidimensional regional diplomacy of Turkey and the slow-paced alignment
with the EU legislation as well as to the German and French antagonism
toward Turkey’s EU accession, Turkey is shifting away from the West.30
24 Cavanaugh, Chase. “Turkey’s Dificult Entry into the European Union”. The Washington
Review on Turkish and Eurasian Affairs. February 2011.
http://www.thewashingtonreview.org/articles/turkeys-dificult-entry-into-the-european-union.
html (available on December 12, 2013)
25 European Union Information Website. “Turkish President: We don’t want anything other than
EU membership”. 18.06.2010 http://www.euractiv.com/enlargement/turkish-president-wedon-t-want-anything-else-membership-interview-495367 (available on December 10, 2013)
26 Ibid
27 Ibid
28 BBC News: “EU seeks to unblock Turkey membership talks”. 14.12.2013
http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-europe-12185904 , (available on December 18, 2012)
29 European Union Information Website. “Turkey’s Chief Negotiator: Privileged Partnership is
an Insult”. 2009
http://www.euractiv.com/enlargement/turkey-chief-negotiator-privileged-partnership-insult/
article-186179 (available on December 15, 2013)
30 Tokyay, Menekşe. “Turkey’s EU accession gets a boost” SETimes.com, June 15, 2011.
http://www.setimes.com/cocoon/setimes/xhtml/mk/features/setimes/features/2011/06/15/
feature-01 (available on December 13, 2013)
Turkey and the european integration process
361
Despite statements of this sort indicating that Turkey is not welcomed
in the EU, the oficial attitude of the European Union itself is far more
moderated and even supportive of Turkey’s integration process. This is
certainly a motivating factor for Turkey to continue making efforts toward
more intensive negotiations with the EU. In June 2011, the Turkish government under Erdoğan has established the Ministry for EU Affairs which
assumed the coordination of the Euro-integration process of Turkey and
strived to fully align the Turkish legislation with the European law by the
end of 2013.31 The Report of the Ministry for EU Affairs issued on January
7, 2014 summarizes the results of the EU-related performance and activities undertaken by Turkey:
“The year of 2013 which was the 50th anniversary of the Ankara Agreement has been a period in which Turkey’s reformist character became more
prominent and during which important developments have taken place in
Turkey-EU relations. First of all, the European Commission’s 2013 Progress Report on Turkey, prepared with an objective and constructive spirit in
comparison to the previous reports, ensured a more favorable atmosphere
in Turkey-EU relations. The 2013 Report of the Commission acknowledged
not only the political reforms but also Turkey’s economic success despite
the global crisis, together with our progress in the alignment with the EU
acquis. Besides, the opening of the Chapter on “Regional Policy and the
Coordination of Structural Instruments” on November 5, 2013 was a critical milestone in ending the 3.5-year-long stalemate in the accession negotiations.”32
Apart from the attitudes of political leaders of member states and of
the Union itself as well as of the leaders of Turkey, the public opinion of
the member states is also immensely important for the possible positive
outcome of the Euro-integration process of Turkey. Hence, this will be the
focus of the following chapter.
3. European public opinion on Turkey’s EU accession
The public support for the EU enlargement process is of great importance as EU enlargement decisions are eventually approved in a referendum organized in the candidate country once the negotiations are successfully closed. This form of direct democracy also enables the EU citizens
to express their (dis)satisfaction with the decision on new member’s EU
31 Ibid
32 Ministry for EU Affairs Turkey: 2013 Progress Report. p.3
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Tanja PANEVA
accession. The results of referendums held in the EU countries regarding
the candidate status and the Euro-integration of Turkey have not always
been in favor of Turkey. For instance, following the decision of the European Council to start accession negotiations with Turkey, the French and
the Dutch have said “No” in the referendum on ratiication of the Constitutional Treaty which also comprised the decision on EU negotiations with
Turkey.33 The dominant negative mood among the member states towards
Turkey joining the EU at that time was also documented by the Eurobarometer surveys.34 The core reason for this negative attitude is the Islamophobia as well as the created perception of the Turkish population as an
inferior one.35
This general mood is also due to the fear of radical Islam and the innumerable terrorist attacks in the Western world; hence the aversion toward
the Muslim population among the developed democracies.36 The table below relects the negative net support of the EU member states toward Turkey’s EU accession.
33 Beehner, Lionel. “European Union: The French and Dutch Referendums”. Council on Foreign
Relations. 2005 http://www.cfr.org/france/european-union-french-dutch-referendums/p8148
(available on December 20, 2013)
34 European Union Information Website. “Eurobarometer: Over half of EU citizens against
Turkey’s accession”.
http://www.euractiv.com/priorities/eurobarometer-half-eu-citizens-turkey-accession/article-142697 (available on December 15, 2013)
35 Husamettin, Inac. “Identity problems of Turkey during the European Union Integration Process”. Journal of Economic and Social Research. no.6. p. 40
36 Oner, Selcen. “Turkey’s membership to the EU in terms of Clash of Civilizations”. The Journal of Interdisciplinary Economics. Vol. 20, 2009. p. 245-261 http://libris.bahcesehir.edu.tr/
dosyalar/a.erisim/ae0096.pdf (available on December 15, 2013)
363
Turkey and the european integration process
Table No. 1: Net support of the prospective EU accession of Turkey
among the EU member states
State
FOR
AGAINST
Net Support
Sweden
48
41
7
Poland
42
37
5
Spain
40
33
7
Portugal
40
38
2
Lithuania
27
50
-23
Slovenia
49
55
-6
France
21
68
-47
Germany
21
74
-53
Malta
39
40
-1
Hungary
41
43
-2
Great Britain
38
42
-4
Ireland
33
40
-7
The Netherlands
41
52
-11
Latvia
31
51
-20
Belgium
36
60
-24
Estonia
27
53
-26
Denmark
33
59
-26
The Czech Republic
30
57
-27
Slovakia
28
56
-28
Italy
27
57
-30
Greece
29
79
-50
Austria
11
80
-69
Luxembourg
19
74
-55
Cyprus
16
80
-64
Source:Eurobarometer (2005)
37
The average net support for Turkey’s EU membership is -24, which is
the lowest value compared to the support for the other candidate countries.
Moreover, Turkey is the only candidate country that does not enjoy support
among the newer EU member states which are generally more supportive
of the idea of EU enlargement.38 The declining tendency of support among
37 Превземено од: Ruiz-Jimenez, Antonia and Jose Torreblanca. ”European Public Opinion and
Turkey’s accession”. European Policy Institute Network. no.16, 2007. p.8
38 Ibid
364
Tanja PANEVA
the EU citizens toward Turkey’s Euro-integration might also be the result
of the statements of the most inluential political leaders relevant to this
issue, the sort of information provided by the media as well as of the existing stereotypes of certain group of people. Furthermore, the public opinion
on Turkey’s EU membership in the EU countries is closely related to the
negative perception of the Turkish immigrants.39
Surveys show that supporters of Turkey’s EU membership are far better informed on Turkey’s Euro-integration process i.e. on both the procedure and the fulillment of EU accession criteria compared to those citizens
who oppose the idea of Turkey joining the EU.40 One way to foster positive
mood when creating public opinion among the EU citizens would be to
leave enough room for the citizens to form an opinion themselves excepted
from the inluence of politicians’ statements and to build an attitude different from the oficial national policy related to this issue. Media could also
contribute toward a more objective reporting on the Euro-integration process of Turkey as well as against the spread of prejudices and stereotypes
about the Turkish population.
As for the public opinion in Turkey, from 2004 up to present day, the
Turkish support of EU accession is in decline. A 2009 Eurobarometer survey showed that only nearly 48% of the Turkish population inds EU integration to be an advantage41 compared to 66% in the spring of 2005.42
The survey undertaken by the German Marshall Fund of the United Stated,
published in June 2011, conirms the same negative tendency.43 Such survey results are not unexpected as the Turkish population is already tired
of the lengthy negotiation process and the never-ending new prerequisites
and obstacles imposed to the country as EU accession criteria.
39 Saz, Gokhan, . ”The Political Implications of the European Integration of Turkey: Political
Scenarios and Major Stumbling Blocks”. European Journal of Social Sciences. no.1, 2011.
p.54
40 Husamettin, Inac. “Identity problems of Turkey…” p.42
41 European Commission Oficial Website. Eurobarometer 71: Public Opinion in the European
Union, 2009.
42 European Commission Oficial Website. Eurobarometer 63: Public Opinion in the European
Union, 2005. http://ec.europa.eu/public_opinion/archives/eb/eb63/eb63_exec_tr.pdf (available
on December 14, 2013)
43 German Marshall Fund of the US. Key indings report on Transatlantic Trends. 2011. p.37
Turkey and the european integration process
365
Conclusion
It was important to examine the question of Turkey’s Euro-integration
process as it is a speciic example of a country that has been on the road
of European integration for ive decades. The interest for Turkey’s EU
membership is mutual. Namely, the facts that this country is the crucial
stabilization factor in the region and a connection between Europe and
the Middle East as well as a country with a fast-growing economy make
Turkey a serious candidate for EU membership. On the other hand, the accession to the EU would also be beneicial for Turkey as it will open the
possibility for placement of Turkish products on the vast European market.
This paper has provided the theoretical framework for Turkey’s Eurointegration process and for its assessment. The arguments presented in this
paper alongside with a theoretical debate and examples of public discourse
have demonstrated that despite the criteria fulillment and the successful
implementation of reforms, the negotiations between Turkey and the EU
happen at a slow pace and are often blocked. Although the oficial EU
representatives acknowledge the fulillment of accession criteria and encourage Turkey to continue working in that direction, the statements of
inluential politicians and the results of numerous Eurobarometer surveys
have shown that the member states themselves do not support Turkey’s accession to the European Union.
Hence the question whether the EU membership of Turkey is solely
conditioned upon the fulillment of political, legal or economic criteria.
Equally or maybe even more important are the social factors such as culture and religion – the value differences which are at the core of the “clash
of civilizations”.
366
Tanja PANEVA
TURKEY AND
THE EUROPEAN
INTEGRATION PROCESS
Abstract
This paper examines the process of
European integration of Turkey as well
as the reasons for its prolongation and
complexity. The irst chapter provides
insight into the fundamental political,
economic and legal (Copenhagen) criteria deined for each candidate country for EU accession. Furthermore, the
paper reviews the speciic political and
economic accession criteria that Turkey has to meet. Also listed are the areas in which Turkey achieved progress
through reforms as a step toward building a developed democracy. Why it is
that the European integration process
is prolonged despite the progress made
and what are the additional reasons for
it – that is the focus of the second chapter of the paper.
Finally, the third chapter analyses
the public support on the part of the EU
citizens as well as the general public
opinion among the Turkish population
regarding the country’s EU membership. The main objective is to establish,
by answering these three questions, the
connection between meeting the EU
standards on one hand, as criteria that
propel the integration process, and the
additional reasons and factors on the
other hand, that prolong the accession
of Turkey to the European Union.
Tanja PANEVA
Резиме
В о о в о ј т р уд п р е т с т а в е н
е проце сот на интеграција на
Турција во Европската Унија, како
и причините поради кои тој има
карактер на долготраен и сложен
процес. Првото поглавје ги објаснува
основните политички, економски и
правни (Копенхашки) критериуми
кои се поставени пред секоја земја
кандидат за членство во ЕУ. Притоа,
направен е преглед на конкретните
политички и економски услови кои
е потребно да ги исполни Турција
за влез во Унијата. Наведени се и
областите во кои, преку воведување
реформи, Турција направи чекор
повеќе кон градење развиено
демократско општество. Зошто
и покрај забележаниот напредок
процесот на ЕУ интеграциите на
Турција се одолговлекува и кои се
дополнителните причини кои стојат
зад тоа – тоа е прашањето на кое
се концентрира второто поглавје
на овој труд. Конечно, во третото
поглавје анализирано е и прашањето
на јавната поддршка од страна на
граѓаните на ЕУ, како и ставот на
граѓаните на Турција во врска со
приемот на државата во Унијата.
Објаснувањето на овие три прашања
има за цел да ја утврди врската помеѓу
исполнувањето на ЕУ стандардите
од една страна како критериум кој го
придвижува интегративниот процес и
дополнителните причини и фактори
од друга страна, кои го одложуваат
процесот за прием на Турција во
Унијата.
Turkey and the european integration process
367
Bibliography
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368
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