Caliphate (Sunni)

Islamic political system, as it developed through centuries, rooted in the life examples of the Prophet (pbuh) and the political structure evolved during period of the Four Rightly-Guided Caliphs, is geared towards furthering the cause of justice and human freedom, offering protections to all citizens of the Muslim State. Professor T. W. Arnold, one of the foremost early twentieth European scholar of Islam, in his book, analyses the development and history of the Caliphate from its origin to the early years of the last century. And Arnold’s objective study assumes a special significance today when the very idea of the Caliphate has been distorted by certain deeply disturbing forces.

Islamic political system, as it developed through centuries, rooted in the life examples of the Prophet (pbuh) and the political structure evolved during period of the Four Rightly-Guided Caliphs, is geared towards furthering the cause of justice and human freedom, offering protections to all citizens of the Muslim State. Professor T. W. Arnold, one of the foremost early twentieth European scholar of Islam, in his book, analyses the development and history of the Caliphate from its origin to the early years of the last century. And Arnold’s objective study assumes a special significance today when the very idea of the Caliphate has been distorted by certain deeply disturbing forces.

hieronder aangegeven). …Officieel moet de verkiezing van een nieuwe leider van het ISIS-kalifaat aan allerlei strenge eisen voldoen. In werkelijkheid wordt daar de hand mee gelicht, wat het verval van ISIS bevestigt. Op 10 maart bevestigde de Islamitische Staat (ISIS) dat haar tweede leider, Abu Ibrahim al-Qurashi, was omgekomen. Net als zijn voorganger, Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi al-Qurashi (die hij in 2019 opvolgde), blies Abu Ibrahim zichzelf op toen Amerikaanse troepen hem aanvielen. De naam van de nieuwe kalief is Abu al-Hasan al-Qurashi. Hoewel dit een geruisloze voortzetting suggereert, bevestigt deze machtswisseling juist het falen van de organisatie.

This study analyzes the political reasons that allowed the Islamic State to expand successfully in Syria and Iraq, by enabling to ‘franchise’ worldwide, and the role of the regional governments in this issue. The essay provides a different explanation from the classic approach of the “clash of civilizations” theorized by Samuel P. Huntington, ascribing responsibility for the growth and expansion of the Islamic State to the complex framework of geopolitical alliances within the Muslim civilization and the Arab world. The paper highlights the attempt by Turkey to establish itself as a regional power and guidance of the Islamic world, by resurrecting the Caliphate, and, based on this, explains the contrast with the Islamic State, which goal is the foundation of a globalized Caliphate. The plans of the Turkish President Erdoğan for a Great Turkey, allied with Egypt, have foundered with the coup that ousted the Muslim Brotherhood from power. The study relates the connection of Ankara with the Kurds, regarding the management of the crisis in Syria and Iraq, and the Turkish liaison with regional powers (Iran, Egypt, Saudi Arabia and Israel) and other powers (Russia, Cina and USA).

The contribution of this thesis to the existing field of tiraz textile studies is that it
has tried to overcome the existing rift between historians and textile specialists,
in approaching the subject in a more unified way, which takes into account the
interrelationship between production, administration and use. Historians have
traditionally worked on the textile industry and administration from the point of
view of Arabic literary sources, while textile specialists focused on the material
evidence of fabrics and their manufacture.

Rather than relying on one collection, as most previous authors have done,
samples from all the major museum collections are examined here and have
been arranged in a database of 1823 items, which made it possible to analyse
the properties of textiles taxonomically. By using taxonomic analysis both
material and historical information could be combined and emerging trends
tested against the historical evidence of literary sources. A major discovery here
has been how the textile evidence reflects administrative changes in control of
the textile industry and the wider administrative relationship between Egypt and
Iraq under the Abbasids.

While there is agreement by both textile specialists and historians that tiraz
textiles were produced for court consumption, neither considered the question
why tiraz textiles were used in burials, from which most surviving tiraz textiles
have in fact been recovered archaeologically. This thesis approaches this
subject by considering both material and literary evidence and suggests that
tiraz textiles were regarded as a source of blessing for the deceased because of
their caliphal association recorded in their inscriptions.

No book has caused greater intellectual controversy and political turmoil in the history of Islam as shaykh ‘Alī ‘Abd Al-Rāziq’s Al-Islām wa Uṣūl al-Ḥukm (Islam and the Fundamentals of Government). The book presents a secular interpretation of the religion of Islam and of the role of Islamic law in society. It asserts that the caliphate, which the Muslims have understood to be based on the teachings of Islam, has nothing to do with Islam, and, further, that the caliphate was one of the sources of corruption and one of the reasons for the decline of Islam and of the Muslims. Because of the ideas presented in his book, the author was tried before the Council of Senior ‘Ulama’ of al-Azhar in 1925. This article discusses the impact of Al-Islām wa Uṣūl al-Ḥukm in Egyptian intellectual and political life and examines the resulting juristic debate between ‘Abdal-Rāziq and the Council of Senior ‘Ulama’ of al-Azhar.

With the deadly ISIS advance, the sudden rousing of Shia militias and the threat of Kurdish secession, Iraq faces a host of deep-seated and intractable problems. Together, these events raise a number of serious questions, not just for Iraq and its future but also for the broader
Middle East, the United States and its Coalition partners and the international community. While these challenges and questions will drive much academic debate, political analysis and media discussion in the months and years ahead, they are not the central purpose of this chapter. While there is always a risk in commenting on unfolding events, including the potential to overstate their significance and likely long-term impact, it is difficult to ignore the significance of the deadly ISIS advance and all that has happened since. This chapter argues that key to understanding these events is coming to terms with the three varied and complex legacies of the 2003 Iraq War. The first central legacy of the Iraq War is the ongoing consequences of several critical mistakes made by the US-led Coalition before, during and immediately after the 2003 intervention. The second legacy addressed here is the fact that the 2003 war shattered – perhaps irreversibly - Iraqis fragile cultural mosaic and its rich and complex history of overlapping and intersecting communities, ideologies and narratives. The third and final legacy of the 2003 Iraq War detailed in this chapter is its significant regional and global consequences – from spiralling sectarianism across the Middle East to a profound challenge to America’s status as the last remaining superpower and its use of military power for ‘humanitarian’ ends. The argument here is that these three important legacies set in train a sequence of events that have served as the collective catalyst for the expansion of the ‘Islamic State’ from mid-2014.

Los fracasos de la unión de los árabes como un solo pueblo, ha empujado a que los grupos radicales islámicos tomen el poder y vayan dejando sin mucha validez los gobiernos laicos y liberales. Las únicas oportunidades en que el laicismo árabe ha tenido poder en sus respectivos países han tenido que ser con mano fuerte y con los militares contentos en su estructura de poder, tales casos se podrían mencionar en países como Iraq durante Sadam Hussein, la Siria de Al Assad, los Egiptos de Mubarak o Al Sissi, Khadaffi en Libia y en su momento la Irán del Shah.

Abd al-Rahman III adopted the caliphal title after his defeat of the most important rebel in al-Andalus, Ibn Hafsun. However, the main reason for his adoption was to counteract the establishment of the Fatimid caliphate in Ifriqiya, a caliphate that menat a political and military threat to Umayyad power and influence in North Africa. In this paper, the explanations given for such an adoption and the Umayyad propaganda directed to the Berber population are reviewed.

This article examines Muslim anti-colonial populism, mass mobilizations, and individual initiatives in Calcutta between the Balkan Wars (1911)(1912) and the early years of the First World War (1914)(1915)(1916). Focusing on urban Urdu-speaking activists, multilingual spheres of print and jihadi pamphlets, it explores the international, national, and local developments that marked Muslim populism. The article argues that anti-colonial Islamic currents unfolded during 1910s when the city was undergoing major spatial reorganization, slum demolitions and wartime price rise intensified material hardship of the Muslim urban poor. Populist and pan-Islamist preacher leaders advocated militant opposition to colonial authority and resistance against demolitions and privations. Closer to the ground realities than other blocks within the anti-colonial forces, their appeal was democratic and touched the daily concerns of the people in the bazars and the slums. The article delves into the content of their campaigns and the extent to which they reflected and influenced popular concerns. In the process, it examines pre-war and wartime Islamist opposition in the city, the local invocations of a 'jihad' with the outbreak of Turko-British hostilities in November 1914 and the transformation of quotidian surveillance into mounting suppression of the current. KEYWORDS Calcutta; labour history; pan-Islam; Indian nationalism; mass mobilization 'The East is waiting for a revelation. It has been promised one.' John Buchan, Greenmantle 1

Résumé. L’État islamique, ou Da‘ech, apparaît aujourd’hui, dans les médias et les représentations politiques, comme l’adversaire absolu de l’Occident, celui qui multiplie attentats et actes de barbarie, qui met le Moyen-Orient à feu et à sang et qu’il faut combattre à tout prix. À l’origine de cet état de guerre perpétuelle et de ce chaos dans lequel ont sombré les populations civiles, il y a, bien entendu, l’intervention américaine du printemps 2003, qui fit des sunnites, accusés d’avoir soutenu le régime de Saddam Hussein, des parias dans le jeu politique irakien, et qui a laissé derrière elle un champ de ruines. Mais il y a aussi, et c’est tout l’intérêt de cet ouvrage que de le démontrer, le partage du Moyen-Orient par les puissances coloniales britannique et française à la suite de la Première Guerre mondiale et du démembrement de l’Empire ottoman : c’est alors que furent créées ex nihilo des frontières qui convenaient aux autorités mandataires mais ne recouvraient aucune réalité historique. Une fois ce constat dressé, et les responsabilités de chacun établies, on comprend mieux les enjeux de l’effroyable désastre qui a frappé la région, et dont aucune analyse, privée de cette perspective de fond, ne permettrait de rendre compte.

This article, published in one of the most influential Croatian weekly magazine, explains process and results of the Israeli elections. Focus of the article is the reason why Netanyahu's rejection of the Palestinian State during the campaign. In my view, a third Palestinian State (after Jordan and Hamastan) would be security threat not only to Israel but to wider region, inasmuch as - in addition to local terrorist groups - it would become a stronghold for the Islamic State (former ISIS).