Cassius Dio

This essay is an in-depth study and analysis of the lives of the two British women, Boudica of the Iceni and Queen Cartimandua of the Brigantes. It will also examine the gender rhetoric used by both Tacitus and Cassius Dio to ascertain why both of these powerful women were portrayed in such a manners in which they were.

This thesis covers Romano-British history from AD 39 to 84 through the works of the Tacitus, Suetonius Tranquillus, and Dio Cassius Cocceianus. In recent years, the sources have been mined for their historical 'facts' and those 'facts'  weighed against the growing accumulation of archaeological data. I argue that a more nuanced reading of the classical authors, one which takes into account their historical agenda, their rhetorical methodology, and their influence on the reader (listener) , is vital for a fuller understanding of Roman Britain in the first century AD.

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The paper examines the lacuna in Cassius Dio's books covering the reigns of Antoninus Pius and the first half of Marcus Aurelius. On the basis of evidence showing that the narrative of the years 138-169 was lost to the later epitomizers of Dio, it is argued that the two excerpts of Dio (69.15.3 & 71.3.1a), which are presently edited within the lacuna should instead be allocated into the sections prior and after the lacuna. The first case - the visit of Pharasmanes to Rome - is explainable on the basis of Cassius Dio's writing method; while the latter case - the invasion of Pannonia by the Langobardi and Obii - is explained to be more understandable when allocated to the year 169. In addition, serious doubt is cast on the origin of the two fragments from the Suda (s.v. Martius; Zeugma) that are presently edited into Dio's book 71.

Keywords: Cassius Dio; Ioannes Xiphilinus; terminology; Pharasmanes; Marcomannic wars; Macrinius Vindex; Parthian war

Tous droits réservés pour tous pays. La loi du 11 mars 1957 sur la propriété littéraire et intellectuelle interdit les copies ou reproductions destinées à une utilisation collective. Toute représentation ou reproduction intégrale ou partielle faite par quelque procédé que ce soit sans le consentement de l'éditeur ou de ses ayants droit, est illicite et constitue une contrefaçon sanctionnée par les articles 425 et suivants du Code pénal.

Recently, efforts have been made to characterize Cassius Dio's history of the reign of Caracalla as reflective of the experiences of a marginalized senator, rather than of the senate as a whole. A re-evaluation of Dio's account suggests that Dio's version of events should remain the most valuable literary source for this period. Dio maintained a consistent view of the principate throughout his contemporary history, and his depiction of Caracalla as hostile toward the senate is supported by other sources. Finally, a survey of Dio's political career shows that he evaluated each emperor in his contemporary history through the example of the ideal emperor, Marcus Aurelius, not according to the favor (or lack thereof) he experienced under each ruler.

RESUMEN.
Como resumen y corolario de investigaciones comenzadas en 1987 a partir de una decisiva revisión filológica crítica del famoso texto de Dión Casio LIII.26.1, la autora detalla hasta 24 argumentos (históricos, arqueológicos, epigráficos y numismáticos) que en conjunto permiten apoyar que la Colonia Iulia Augusta Emerita no fue una fundación militar ex novo del emperador Augusto en el 25 a.C. (según afirma insistentemente la mayoría de los estudiosos), sino que, a partir de un 'praesidium' militar de Julio César, debió tener una existencia anterior, que fue ya sinoicística y quizá un 'municipium', como en el caso de Turín, antes de recibir de Augusto un nuevo asentamiento de veteranos, y al final, hacia 2 a.C., el estatuto colonial. Recientes estudios (2016) de A.C. Sparavigna (del Instituto Politécnico de Turín) sobre la orientación astronómica de Mérida suponen un decisivo apoyo a la hipótesis, al señalar el reflejo en su decumano máximo de los lunisticios mayores de los años 43 y 24 a.C., lo que implica la existencia de una ordenación urbana anterior, cesariana, idéntica a la de la Curia Iulia de Roma (44 a.C.), que Canto propone aquí que se debiera a los ‘auguria’ de César. Una prueba extra sería que Aosta (que si fue una colonia segura de Augusto, y seguro en el 25 a.C.) se orienta en cambio al solsticio de invierno. Se añaden nuevos argumentos epigráficos, como una dedicación a Julia, hija de César y esposa de Pompeyo, hasta ahora mal atribuída a la hija de Augusto, etc.
ABSTRACT.-
The current paper argues that 'Colonia Augusta Emerita' was not a 'colonia militum' founded 'ex novo' on 25 BC by Augustus, as has always been thought. It is proposed that a previous Emerita originated from a military 'praesidium' of Julius Caesar, and that similarly to Torino and other cities it was likely to be a municipium. Starting from her 1987 philological review of the text by Cassius Dio LIII.26.1, the author summarises twenty four separate arguments based on historical, archaeological, epigraphic and numismatic sources. Moreover, recent analyses of the astronomic orientation of Merida do provide further support to this hypothesis, as the decumanus maximus corresponds with a major lunar standstill precisely on the years 43 and 24 BC, as well as the 'Curia lulia', founded by Caesar in Rome in 44 BC soon before his death. It is suggested here that possibly both were planned under Caesar’s 'auspicia'. On the contrary, Aosta, a colonial foundation of Augustus in 25 BC, was oriented towards the winter solstice.

This thesis examines the portrayal of youthful Roman emperors in imperial histories and biographies, specifically in the works of Suetonius, Tacitus, Cassius Dio, Herodian, and the Historia Augusta. As such, it limits the scope of research to the first three centuries AD. The emperors that fall into this category are Caligula (25 at accession), Nero (16 at accession), Commodus (co-Augustus at age 16; 19 as Augustus), Caracalla (co-Augustus at age 11; joint-rule with Geta at age 23), Geta (co-Augustus at age 20; joint-rule with Caracalla at age 22), Elagabalus (14 at accession), Alexander Severus (13 at accession) and Gordian III (13 at accession).

For the purpose of this thesis, the phase of youth will be defined as the period between 13/14 years of age and 28 years, in line with the stages of the human life-course suggested by Macrobius.  Laes and Strubbe suggest this age boundary as one that was accepted and popular among the ancient Romans.  They further acknowledge that although people in antiquity did not possess age awareness comparable to modern society, they were not indifferent towards the factor of age. Rather, they discerned a phase between childhood and adulthood to which they did not assign fixed and universal numerological boundaries. Nonetheless, this critical stage of human life was one characterised by restlessness, conflict and change.

This thesis studies the imperial histories and biographies of these young emperors alongside the traditional rhetoric associated with ‘good’ and ‘bad’ emperors. In saying this, it will demonstrate that the age of the youthful emperors played a role in excusing or condemning their carefree behaviour. As was typical of histories and biographies, the nature and character of the emperor was believed to significantly affect the quality of their rule. The emperors discussed within this thesis are generally regarded as bad emperors. Thus, they were often portrayed as lacking self-control, and possessing a licentious and cruel nature. However, it is their youth that made these emperors stand above other bad emperors as the worst of the worst. Reaching the highest office at an age where they typically would not have been allowed to enter political life, these young emperors were perceived as never outgrowing their youthful vices.

Focusing on three thematic areas of youth (guiding youths, youths and leisure, and narratives of cruelty), this thesis will argue that these authors used the topos of ‘youth’ in order to condemn certain negative aspects of the young emperors’ reigns. While cultural expectations of youth gave them a margin of allowance to behave in a youthful manner, typically early on in their reign, the Roman elite authors interpreted the vices that arose from this behaviour as characterising their rule of the Empire. Accordingly, their youth was used as part of the rhetoric of praising and condemning emperors in order to illustrate the inability of a youth to rule in line with expectations of imperial power.

This paper examines two divergent traditions in Roman historiography about the sexual relationships of the emperor Caracalla. The first is that he had an affair with his mother, Julia Domna; the second is that he became impotent and indulged his desires with men. This article locates these two traditions in contemporary rumour and gossip about Caracalla, a young emperor who remained unmarried and childless throughout his sole reign. It ascribes their subsequent development and embellishment in historical and biographical accounts of Caracalla's reign to popular conceptions of tyrannical young emperors , and in the case of Cassius Dio, to his aim of subverting Caracalla's own public image.

It has long been argued, on the basis of dating evidence provided by Josephus, that the Roman General Pompey captured Jerusalem sometime in 63 BC.  This paper argues that a conquest in the fall of 64 BC is much better supported by the available evidence, including that provided by Josephus.

University of St Andrews, UK This paper draws attention to the unprecedented prominence of metaphors of enslavement to Rome in the historical narratives of Florus and Cassius Dio. Following an analysis of the thematic importance of the trope in their respective works, I point to further parallels in Herodian and Justin which suggest that the trope proved particularly productive in both Latin and Greek historiography in the late second and early third centuries CE. The end of the paper considers broader cultural developments that might underlie this phenomenon, notably the proliferation of dominus as an epithet for the emperor and the ongoing enfranchisement of provincials.

All attempts to trace the historical development in the early books of Cassius Dio are hampered by their fragmentary state. It seems, however, that in addition to the excursus on magistracies and the triumph, Dio also stressed the phenomenon of stasis and civil war and the general tendencies that caused internal struggle. Libourel (1974) rightly highlighted that the early books contain more violence than our parallel evidence. Yet why this is so remains uncertain. Cassius Dio was not simply writing contemporary history into the past, but sought to describe the origins of specific phenomenon. In doing so he emulated Thucydides' model of stasis and views on the human nature (3.81-85). Dio wanted to understand Roman history, including civil strife, as part of the realities of power in the light of long-term experience. This paper proposes to look at stasis in Cassius Dio, asking whether "stasis" refers to any form of internal violence, or more specifically to what in Latin would be a bellum civile. In the surviving books of Cassius Dio stasis and dynasteia appear to be cyclically alternating phenomena: as individual dynasteiai are not stable forms of rule, they inevitably create the conditions for stasis. Interestingly, these tendencies-internal strife-seem to date to the founding of the city as an integral aspect of Rome's legacy.

Cassius Dio 79.1.2-4, in tandem with other literary and material sources, serves as valuable evidence for several significant aspects of Elagabalus' legitimization campaign. Further analysis suggests that Elagabalus' legitimization campaign may have influenced Dio's account of Macrinus' reign, especially with respect to Dio's decision to include in his narrative a version of the story of Caracalla's murder that was unsympathetic to Macrinus.

The famous allegation that Caligula had wished to appoint his horse Incitatus ('Rapid') as consul represents a misunderstanding of a joke that he had made at the expense of Asinius Celer, suffect consul in AD38, based on the fact that his nomen gentilicium derives from the noun asinus (‘ass’) and the  his cognomen from the adjective celer (‘swift’).

This paper is concerned principally with two questions: first, the numerical strength of the praetorian cohorts in the second and third centuries and, second, the length of service for guardsmen in the third century. The first question was discussed in 1938 by M. Durry whose conclusions have been widely, but not universally, accepted as the standard guide. The aim of Part I of this paper is to challenge his enumeration and to suggest an alternative. Part II requires no comment at this juncture.

RESUMEN. Primera propuesta de la hipótesis de que Mérida pasara por tres procesos fundacionales, el más antiguo debido a Julio César (como 'praesidium' militar o ya 'municipium'), un segundo realizado por Publio Carisio en torno a los años 25-21 a. C., y un tercero en torno a 16-15 a. C. (después de pacificada totalmente Hispania), que es el que coincide con la nueva condición colonial inmune, con la capitalidad de la nueva Lusitania, y con el proceso de monumentalización augusteo. En esta fase Agripa desempeña, en representación de Augusto, el papel de 'ktístes' como evergeta y "constructor", pues hay que partir del hecho lingüístico de que Dión Casio LIII, 26, 1 (la única fuente para ello) no habla de ninguna "fundación ex novo", como siempre se ha venido -y se sigue- creyendo, ya que hacía siglos que el significado primitivo del verbo griego que usa Dión, 'ktísai',  se había perdido (esto aplicando M. Casevitz, 1985) (es un argumento muy sólido, pero que los detractores evitan cuidadosamente) . En este trabajo se propugnó por primera vez que fenómenos similares ocurrieron en otras ciudades, como Corduba o Caesarea Augusta, en las que los respectivos papeles de "nuevos fundadores/evergetas" serían desempeñados por Marcelo, el sobrino de Augusto, y por Germánico.

Hipótesis de 1987, bien explayada en este artículo de 1989: http://www.academia.edu/1075547/Colonia_Iulia_Augusta_Emerita_Consideraciones_en_torno_a_su_fundacion_y_territorio . En trabajos posteriores, de 2004-2006, la autora amplió desde 11 hasta 20 los argumentos de distintos tipos a favor de una fundación anterior de Emerita, seguramente cesariana según lo propuesto en 1987, cf. https://www.academia.edu/2407037/SOBRE_LA_VERDADERA_FECHA_DE_LA_FUNDACION_DE_MERIDA y passim.

This paper is devoted to the ‘public’ priesthoods of imperial Rome and their contribution to the wider patterns of religious innovation. It focuses on two key areas of interaction: between priests and the wider public in the city of Rome, through a close reading of the evidence of Cassius Dio, and between priests and emperor, especially in the first decades of the Principate. In focusing on the impact of priesthoods ‘beyond duty’, and looking beyond the setting of priesthoods within the elite networks of Republican Rome, it focuses on two key issues: choice and power. What degree of choice could be exercised in testing and exceeding the remit of collectively-defined prerogatives? What range of options were open, both to agents who exceeded the remit of their duty and to
those affected by their actions? What powers did religious experts dispose of, which allowed or enabled them to exceed the remit of their duty? What factors prompted them to seek to modify the tasks that they were expected to perform? Any decision to exceed the remit of one’s duty implied some degree of challenge to existing power arrangements or institutional frameworks.

Among the ancient authors who narrated the reign of Augustus and Tiberius, Cassius Dio is surely the one who dedicated the most space to the influence that Livia Drusilla exercised over both her husband and her son. In this regard, the foremost example is found in a large section where Dio narrates how Livia persuaded Augustus to forgive Cornelius Cinna for having plotted against his regime. Also, according to Dio, after the death of Augustus, Livia considerably increased her authority over the imperial government, trying not only to co-rule with her son, but also to become the sole effective ruler by controlling all his political activities. Some scholars have suggested that Dio probably exaggerated the role played by Livia because of the similar extraordinary power enjoyed by his contemporaries Julia Domna and the other Syrian women who lived during the Severan age. A close examination of Dio's passages dedicated to Livia reveals no traces of situations that could refer to his contemporary political situation. The statements of the Bithynian historian and senator concerning Livia are normally well detailed because he made use of good sources. Indubitably, Livia's strong influence was fundamental in shaping the reign of both Augustus and Tiberius. Even two centuries later, while Severus was trying to depict his regime as a new golden era on the model of Augustus, Julia Domna followed the example of Livia on many occasions. Nevertheless, Dio does not seem to be aware of these analogies and his work appears to be characterized by a mere record of facts rather than an investigation of their real power within the imperial court.

En el trabajo se argumenta a favor de la legitimidad de la llegada al trono de Adriano frente a cierta tradición historiográfica antigua, contraria al nuevo emperador. Se aborda también la repercusión de esta tradición hostil a Adriano en la obra de Syme.

Tous droits réservés pour tous pays. La loi du 11 mars 1957 sur la propriété littéraire et intellectuelle interdit les copies ou reproductions destinées à une utilisation collective. Toute représentation ou reproduction intégrale ou partielle faite par quelque procédé que ce soit sans le consentement de l'éditeur ou de ses ayants droit, est illicite et constitue une contrefaçon sanctionnée par les articles 425 et suivants du Code pénal.

Der Aufsatz befasst sich mit der Darstellung Neros und Domitians als Tyrannen bei Cassius Dio. Als grundlegend für die negative Schilderung der beiden erweist sich das Verfahren der ,Dekomposition‘: Am Beispiel von Neros Bewertung als Künstler und der Einschätzung Domitians als eines siegreichen und beliebten Autokraten zeigt sich, wie Cassius Dio ursprünglich
positiv codierte Repräsentationselemente durch verschiedene
rhetorische Mechanismen in negative verkehrt. Dabei wird durch den Vergleich mit Sueton und Tacitus deutlich, dass Cassius Dios literarische Inszenierung beider Kaiser stark durch die zeitgenössischen Umstände des frühen 3. Jahrhunderts bestimmt ist, auf die der Historiker, Schriftsteller und Politiker mit seiner kritischen Darstellung reagiert.

The Dacian Kingdom was a formidable opponent to the Roman Empire. However, it’s suprising to find a pronounced tone of wonder and acknowledgment in the greco-roman literary fonts to this enemy: far away of the classical stereotyped perception of the “barbarían”, the Dacians, the Dacian Kingdom and its most prominents sovereigns are described in a very remote line of vision against the greco-roman insight about any other foreign entity. The image of two key sovereigns of the Dacian History, Burebista and Decebalus, built by the same classical fonts, particularly attracts our attention: the first was a founder and civilizing King, creator of a power took into account by Rome along and after his reign; the second was a clever strategist, who was able to (could) put the Roman Empire against the wall, being the tragic hero of the fall and conquest of his Kingdom during the Trajan’s Dacian Wars (AD 101-106). To that is added that Burebista (without forgetting Deceneus, his adviser and heir) and Decebalus became in the personified definition of the culture, the Kingdom and the Dacian “State” in the collective imaginary of the classical fonts that speak about them.

This paper discusses Cassius Dio’s political thought in his Agrippa-Maecenas debate (52.2-40) through the use of a form of content analysis developed by political scientists called “operational code analysis.” It offers a description of operational code analysis, which demonstrates the value of this method to the debate. It then presents an examination of Dio’s operational code, from which one can glean his philosophical and instrumental views on politics. It argues, inter alia, that the Agrippa address is based on the same epistemological foundations as the Maecenean corollary. Further, the paper stresses that the Agrippa oration remains consistent with views Dio expresses elsewhere in his history. This suggests that scholars should not discount the efficacy of the Agrippa oration, despite its utopian character.

Tous droits réservés pour tous pays. La loi du 11 mars 1957 sur la propriété littéraire et intellectuelle interdit les copies ou reproductions destinées à une utilisation collective. Toute représentation ou reproduction intégrale ou partielle faite par quelque procédé que ce soit sans le consentement de l'éditeur ou de ses ayants droit, est illicite et constitue une contrefaçon sanctionnée par les articles 425 et suivants du Code pénal.

In their descriptions of the assassination of Caracalla, Cassius Dio and Herodian employed a similar narrative that was hostile to Macrinus and likely developed by his successor, Elagabalus. The differences in their accounts can be traced to each author's historical views and attitude toward the individuals involved. Dio's account is affected for the most part by his view that Macrinus overstepped the bounds of his social status. Herodian, on the other hand, has molded his version of the events to conform to a narrative of tyrant-slaying, as in the stories of Harmodius and Aristogeiton and the assassination of Caligula.

The article examines the life of the Armenian Tiridates, who, according to Cassius Dio, caused disturbances in Armenia during the reign of Marcus Aurelius and who behaved violently towards the Roman legate Martius Verus when the latter reproached him for his conduct. Although Dio mentions this man only en passant in relation to a minor incident, the fifth-century Armenian historian Movses Khorenats'i records in his work History of the Armenians a local folklore tradition of another Tiridates, who also seems to have been a contemporary of Marcus Aurelius and whose arrogance matched that of the Tiridates mentioned by Dio.
A closer examination of the details in these two stories would seem to suggest that both Cassius Dio and Movses are talking about one and the same individual. The combined details of these two stories help us to understand the incident recorded by Cassius Dio in its proper context. It also enables us to see the incident as another example of the challenges the Roman Empire faced in its more remote frontiers. Furthermore, the folklore tradition recorded by Movses would seem to provide us with valuable clues for our understanding of the situation in Armenia on the eve of the Parthian war of Lucius Verus, as well as the causes of this conflict and possibly the identities of some of its key players.

The broad question of how Roman citizenship was reflected in Second Sophistic literature is examined through an overview-comparison of literary and epigraphic evidence, followed by readings of Dio Chrysostom (Civic Orations), Aelius Aristides (Roman Oration) and Cassius Dio (Speech of Maecenas, Book 52). I argue that we can see in all of these works a construction whereby Roman citizenship is closely linked with the ethical values that underpinned euergetic elites in the Eastern cities. Practically speaking, this translates into a direct equation between Roman citizenship status and elite social class which is in fact at odds with the ideology of Caracalla's eventual decree of universal citizenship.

Illustration on the cover: pax coin. A large issue of these coins (cistophoric tetradrachms) was struck in Asia in 28 BC. It celebrates the ending of the war against Cleopatra and Antonius and has the phrase 'LIBERTATIS P R VINDEX' as its obverse legend. Th e reverse shows a personifi ed Pax. With kind permission of the Trustees of the British Museum.

Summary:

The landscape Agisymba embraced a vast area south of the Sahara from Lake Chad to the west to the Niger bend and belonged politically to the reign of the king of the Garamantes. This king had his headquarters in the city of Garama in today's Fezzan. Agisymba is first time mentioned in the geographical work of the Alexandrian scholar Claudius Ptolemy (2nd century A. D.). An accurate localization of the landscape of Agisymba is still expected, but it is also believed in modern research to be an antecedent kingdom of Kanem. In the second half of the 1st century. A. D., Iulius Maternus who was probably a native of Roman North African, traveled from Leptis Magna to Garama. There he joined the entourage of the king of the Garamantes and traveled further four months a southerly direction until the landscape Agisymba. There are various considerations, what role Iulius Maternus had played during this expedition: he was seen as a Roman general, as a businessman or as a diplomat. I see in Maternus a diplomat who received the unique opportunity to make the extensive territory south of the Sahara accessible for the geographers in the Greco-Roman world. The cause of this long journey is assumed by many researchers to be a military campaign of the king of the Garamantes against rebellious subjects, or as a razzia.