Impunity

K. Magliveras, “International Organisations and Denialism: The Case of the African Union” in H. Nelen, J.C.M. Willems & R. Moerland (eds.), Denialism and Human Rights, Intersentia, 2016, pages 267-284 See the edited volume at: http://intersentia.com/en/denialism-and-human-rights.html

To download click here : http://archive-ouverte.unige.ch/unige:38728

This paper attempts to provide a more complete understanding of the so-called right to the truth, deriving from court-made doctrine in the human rights field, and associated with an alternative form of legal proceeding in Argentina that has no equivalent anywhere else in the world: the trial for the truth (juicio por la verdad), a procedure sui generis created in the aftermath of the military dictatorship in response to both the politics of forgetting that prevailed in the 1990s and the continuing obstruction of criminal proceedings down to 2003 due to amnesty laws. Protecting the right to the truth fulfils three functions by turns: first, it makes possible conciliation of amnesty with the right to judicial protection; second, it constitutes the condition for real access to justice; third, it validates the reality of the crime. Each of these functions is associated with one of the three elements, which, together, comprise the struggle against impunity: investigation, sanction, and reparation. Situated between truth commissions and classic criminal proceedings, symbolic reparation and retribution, the Argentinian trials for the truth offer a new way of conceiving both the criminal-law judge’s mission and the relations among law, truth, history, and memory in the context of the rich debates about (post-)transitional justice.
Sévane Garibian

Abstract:

This article gives an overview about the exercise of the right to Freedom of Expression in Mexico. We hypothesize that three of the most important aspects that violate this law are the State speech that blames the drug dealers of attacks against journalists; the indifference, inaction and simulation of the Mexican State; and the state of crisis in public safety. The comparison of Mexico with a similar case suffered by Colombia, as well as data submitted by national or international organizations are alarming. It is warned that the Academy is one of the suitable areas for finding solutions to this conflict. Research and publication of it become a tool in the absense of policies, plan sor programs that limit and prevent the violation of this right.


Resumen:

Este artículo presenta un panorama acerca del ejercicio del derecho a la Libertad de Expresión en México. Se postula que tres de los aspectos más importantes que vulneran este derecho son el discurso del Estado que culpa al narcotráfico de agresiones contra periodistas; la indiferencia, inacción y simulación del Estado mexicano; y un estado de crisis en materia de seguridad pública. La comparación de México con el caso similar sufrido por Colombia, así como cifras presentadas por organismos nacionales o internacionales, resultan alarmantes. Se advierte que la Academia es uno de los espacios idóneos para encontrar soluciones a este conflicto. La investigación y divulgación del mismo se convierten en una herramienta ante la falta de políticas, planes o programas que limiten, e impidan, la vulneración de este derecho.

Kompas, Jumat, 30 September 2011 | 02:16 WIB Herlambang P. Wiratraman * Ketiadaan komitmen politik yang kuat dari pemerintah melakukan perubahan "menjadi lebih maju" merupakan alasan kegagalan pemerintahan SBY menegakkan pemerintahan berdasarkan hukum dan HAM.

Through interviews with one hundred journalists and editors in seven countries, we examine safety as the main challenge for journalists covering war and conflict in both local and international contexts. The article places a particular focus on the situation for Filipino and Norwegian journalists. The underreporting of legal aspects of international conflict, combined with less security, means less presence and more journalistic coverage based on second-hand observation. The article argues that reduced access to conflict hotspots owing to the tactical targeting of journalists might distort the coverage of wars and conflicts and affect the quality of journalism in future.

Este trabajo actualiza la información reportada en IGI 2015. Extiende la muestra de países analizados a 69, incluyendo por primera vez casos de África. El estudio mide los grados de impunidad en forma comparada poniendo énfasis en la estructura y funcionamiento de los sistemas de justicia y seguridad, al igual que el respeto a los derechos humanos. Entre los principales hallazgos destacan la existencia de niveles muy altos de impunidad en América Latina y reafirma los muy altos niveles de impunidad encontrados en 2015 para Filipinas y México.

This work updates the information reported in GII 2015. It extends the sample of countries analyzed to 69, including for the first time cases from Africa. The study measures the degrees of impunity in a comparative way, emphasizing the structure and functioning of the justice and security systems, as well as respect for human rights. The main findings include the existence of very high levels of impunity in Latin America and reaffirms the very high levels of impunity found in 2015 for the Philippines and Mexico.

Crime is an economically important activity, sometimes called the "industry of crime". It may represent a mechanism of wealth distribution but also a social and economic charge because of the cost of the law enforcement system. Sometimes it may be less costly for the society to allow for some level of criminality. A drawback of such policy may lead to a high increase of criminal activity that may become hard to reduce. We investigate the level of law enforcement required to keep crime within acceptable limits and show that a sharp phase transition is observed as a function of the probability of punishment. We also analyze the growth of the economy, the inequality in the wealth distribution (the Gini coefficient) and other relevant quantities under different scenarios of criminal activity and probability of apprehension.

Across regimes both dictatorial and democratic since the end of the absolute monarchy in 1932, Thai citizens have experienced a range of forms of extrajudicial violence at the hands of state officials, including torture, disappearance, assassination, and massacre. In nearly all cases, state officials have done so with impunity and escaped sanction and accountability. This impunity has been produced and sustained through the unwillingness of state officials to find their colleagues responsible, the intimidation of victims of violence and other citizens, and weak legal and other institutional structures. Impunity takes place in public and is pedagogical and meant to be witnessed, from the instance of state violence to the evasion of accountability and finally to the creation of evidence about impunity for it. Drawing on overlooked archival and other state documents, hundreds of newspaper articles, memoirs of civil servants and victims of state violence, and court observation to reveal previously-unexamined incidents, In Plain Sight: Impunity and Human Rights in Thailand offers a new history of modern Thailand written through the lens of impunity complete with a new chronology, new actors, and new unresolved questions. Between the lines of the lives and deaths of victims of state violence and the dissimulation and denials of state officials, unexpected and surprising insights about violence, law, and human rights emerge. By placing the production of impunity side-by-side with the different challenges to impunity made by victims and survivors of state violence, occasional dissident civil servants, and, particularly beginning in the 1970s, the international and domestic human rights movements, the new history of modern Thailand found in In Plain Sight is not one of seamless state domination, but also records and takes account of the continual and courageous challenges made to it.

For more information and to order, see https://uwpress.wisc.edu/books/5453.htm

The effort to deal with the 1965 human rights violations will be confronted with many difficult and varied questions: political, psychological, legal, social and financial.
In general we conclude that one of the aims of the International People’s Tribunal (IPT 1965), step-by-step breaking the cycle of impunity, is in compliance with the United Nations concepts to fight impunity. The rights involved in fighting impunity are the right to the truth, to justice, to rehabilitation and the guarantee of non-recurrence. Several international covenants and conventions, such as the Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, the Convention Against Torture, and possibly the Conventions regarding genocide and enforced disappearances, support this struggle. Giving a voice to the victims is essential, the first and foremost step as the implementation of their right to the truth. Many questions can only be addressed after the first step – the right to the truth – has been started. And wide discussion on the outcomes will be helpful in furthering the public debate in Indonesia, which is an absolute requirement for any progress at all.

México (2020) se desarrolla una metodología cuantitativa para medir los niveles de dicha categoría. Siguiendo la criminología verde se define impunidad ambiental, en un sentido amplio, para integrar la imposibilidad de investigar, perseguir, enjuiciar, sancionar y reparar los delitos y daños en contra del medioambiente; el incumplimiento de objetivos de política ambiental y climática, así como la inexistencia de estrategias y programas de políticas públicas intergeneracionales. Los resultados del índice evidencian que el desempeño de los estados en México se encuentra por debajo de la mitad del puntaje máximo que podrían alcanzar, lo cual refleja una política ambiental muy frágil, insuficientes capacidades institucionales para proteger los ecosistemas y la imposibilidad de garantizar el derecho a un medioambiente sano. En este trabajo se argumenta sobre la importancia de medir grados de impunidad ambiental como una forma de operacionalizar problemas de justicia; se discute el alcance de dicho concepto; se explica la metodología estructurada en cuatro dimensiones, 42 indicadores y el modelo estadístico que componen el índice; y se analizan los resultados obtenidos de manera desagregada. Como conclusión se destacan la necesidad de desarrollar sistemas de indicadores más confiables en materia ambiental, el valor explicativo de las capacidades institucionales y la complejidad involucrada en la medición de los delitos y el daño ambiental.

Since independence from Britain in 1948, Myanmar has been the subject of a paradox, given that, if on the one hand it is one of the countries most war-torn by persistent internal conflicts, on the other it is among the least studied in the Asian region. Only recently, following ethnic cleansing and genocide perpetrated by the armed forces (Tatmadaw) against the Rohingya population, it has gained greater attention. However, despite the scant regard, there are several peculiarities that make the case of Myanmar interesting. The three attempts at democratic transition that have occurred, provide an evidence of the intricacy of the scenario. Following the failure of the first two initiatives, between the end of the 90s and the beginning of the 2000s, there has been a series of changes, both in the domestic and international scenario, which have contributed to the development of a fertile soil for the emergence of a new democratic transition, still ongoing. The latter, in this dissertation, is analyzed by adapting the top-down transformation model proposed by Huntington, in order to highlight the major and most significant challenges which mark the country. After finding that the political, economic and social scene in Myanmar is dominated by the Tatmadaw, and that its influence strongly casts doubt on the stability of the regime, the present research intends to answer the following question: in the specific context of Myanmar, can transitional justice take on a functional role for democratic consolidation? Put differently: is the recognition of past crimes and abuses committed by the Tatmadaw able to undermine the power and influence of the anti-democratic forces, and to foster collaboration of the democratic ones, in a renewed atmosphere of dialogue? Can this support be enhanced by the introduction of broader spectrum Security Sector Reform (SSR) initiatives? If so, to what extent is this capable of having a positive impact able to unfreeze the intricate peace process? Thanks to the review of several works of the main analysts in the country, and with the contribution of some interviews conducted in the period September 2019-February 2020, there are three conclusions this work reaches. First, it is claimed that Myanmar's incomplete transition, which has led to the emergence of a hybrid regime, is currently stalled, mainly due to the connivance between the old military elite and the new civilian elite, which prevents the evolution of the process. Secondly, it is argued that transitional justice and SSR measures are capable of promoting the entry into force of the rule of law, a cornerstone of democratic systems, the strengthening of which would contribute to country's stabilization. Finally, in light of the specific nature of the Myanmar context emerged from the analysis of some transitional justice case studies, the need to act at the micro level is emphasized, by means of measures suitable for grasping the rooted grievances and systematic violations. Only at a later stage, it will be possible to broaden the intervention framework, since otherwise, these manoeuvres would represent a source of instability and further conflict for the country. ​

Officially admitted by the Office of then Philippine Supreme Court Chief Justice Reynato Puno (summit convener) for use during the National Consultative Summit on Extrajudicial Killings and Enforced Disappearances - Searching for Solutions, Manila, Philippines, 16-17 July 2007.

En junio de 2010 se realizaron las Jornadas de Políticas Públicas de Derechos Humanos en el Uruguay: Memoria, Justicia, Reparación, acerca de las «cuentas pendientes» de la Transición Post-Autoritaria en la Facultad de Psicología de la Universidad de la República (Montevideo). Los participantes hicieron un balance de las políticas de derechos humanos desde la salida del régimen autoritario, analizaron el proceso y resultados del plebiscito para dejar sin efecto la Ley de Caducidad de la pretensión punitiva del Estado en 2009, y se refirieron a las diferentes iniciativas sociales, culturales y jurídicas en pos de la responsabilidad y el reconocimiento de los temas de memoria y justicia.
Con posterioridad a las jornadas se invitó a los participantes a seguir reflexionando y puliendo los análisis. Es así que dieciocho trabajos fueron especialmente preparados para este volumen por protagonistas y figuras centrales en la lucha contra la impunidad. Sus puntos de vista, desde diversas disciplinas y experiencias, están reunidos para cualquier lector que quiera acercarse y comprender las raíces sociales, políticas y psicológicas de la impunidad en Uruguay, así como también considerar posibles maneras de contribuir a superar la impunidad presente.
En la primera parte del libro los artículos están centrados en las luchas por verdad y justicia -en particular las acciones realizadas para dejar sin efecto la Ley de Caducidad- y en la segunda parte enfocados más específicamente en las luchas legales por el acceso a la justicia. Se analizan hechos recientes y significativos como son el dictamen de la Corte Interamericana de Derechos Humanos («caso Gelman»), los intentos frustrados a nivel parlamentario para «anular» la Ley de Caducidad, los fallos de la Suprema Corte de Justicia y diversos tribunales.
Las reflexiones propuestas en esta obra conforman un análisis de los orígenes, causas y efectos de las políticas centradas en la aplicación de la Ley de Caducidad, los efectos dañinos de la cultura de impunidad y sus prácticas, así como los esfuerzos cívico sociales, políticos y jurídicos por superarlos, y las crecientes presiones de la comunidad internacional por combatir la impunidad.

Introduction to "La Reforma Humanista: Derechos humanos y cambio constitucional en México" (A Humanist Reform: Human Rights and Constitutional Change and Mexico). Resumes and analices main changes and consequences involved in the 2011 Human Rights Reform in Mexico.

Over the past year, the Woodrow Wilson Center’s Latin American Program has undertaken an extensive review of the principal United States security assistance program for the region—the Central America Regional Security Initiative (CARSI). This review has focused on the major security challenges in the Northern Triangle countries of El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras and how CARSI seeks to address these. This publication includes country reports on each country including a review of the current in-country security context, as well as assessing CARSI’s effectiveness for addressing these challenges. The report also includes a chapter providing an in-depth analysis of the geographic distribution of homicides and an examination of how such an analysis can help policy makers design more effective targeted strategies to lower violence. A final chapter outlining policy options for the future completes the report.

This paper aims at demonstrating that Brazil since a long time ago dwells with a deep-rooted culture of connivance with acts of corruption and illegal relations between public agents and private sector, and how these connections bear disastrous consequences to the economic and social environment of a country that have extractive institutions. Indeed, a ineffective justice system and a scattered impunity feeling are able to create a vicious circle that entangles the country. However, since the unveiling of «Operation Car Wash», the deepest corruption investigation of Brazil ́s history, comparable to «Operation Clean Hands», held in Italy, Brazil has a great opportunity to change its reality and seek consistent and stable development. The success of «Operation Car Wash» is due to a framework of Negotiated Penal Justice that were introduced in Brazil ́s justice system. In this sense, it is important to show strategies win the war against corruption in the field of investigation as well as in the discussion of bills at the Legislative branch of Government, especially with Consensual Justice tools.


Este trabajo pretende demostrar que hace mucho tiempo que la nación brasileña vive en una verdadera cultura de connivencia con actos de corrupción y de relaciones espurias entre agentes públicos y privados, analizando también la nefastas consecuencias económicas y sociales de un ambiente favorable a la corrupción. En efecto, un sistema judicial ineficiente y un sentimiento general de impunidad crean un círculo vicioso que atrapa el país. Pero con la «Operación Lavado de Autos», la más grande investigación contra corrupción de historia de Brasil, comparable a la «Operación Manos Limpias» de Italia, el país tiene una gran oportunidad de cambiar su realidad y de buscar un desarrollo consistente y estable. El éxito de la «Operación Lavado de Autos» es debido a mecanismos de Justicia Penal Negociada introducidos en el sistema de justicia de Brasil. En ese sentido, es también importante apuntar caminos para vencer la guerra contra la corrupción en la investigación y en la discusión de leyes que pueden ser aprobadas en el Congreso Nacional, con otros mecanismos de Justicia Consensuada.

The overlay of conflict, displacement and gender violence is altogether so traumatic as to beg the question: is true, sustainable peace possible where the experience of gender violence is both widespread and deeply embedded? A discussion about gender violence and peace-building takes us back to very old questions about peace and justice, which this essay explores by summarising what we know about gender violence, conflict and displacement.

ÇKK, bedensel, zihinsel, ahlaki, sosyal ve duygusal gelişimi ile kişisel güvenliği tehlikede olan, ihmal veya istismar edilen ya da suç mağduru olan çocukları korunma ihtiyacı olan çocuklar olarak tanımlamıştır. Ceza hukukunda mağdur dendiğinde, kanunda tanımlanan eylem ile korunan hukuki menfaatin sahibi kişi veya kişiler anlaşılmaktadır.

Çocuklar da yetişkinlerin maruz kaldığı suç niteliği taşıyan fiillere maruz kalmakta; bu fiillerden zarar görmektedir. Çocukların mağdur olduğu vakalarda hak sahibi olan çocuklardır. Çocukların bu mağduriyeti, kimi zaman devletin negatif
yükümlülüğünü, kimi zaman pozitif yükümlülüğünü yerine getirmemesi sonucunda oluşmaktadır. Bir başka deyişle devlet, çocukları öldürmemek yükümlülüğünü ihlal ederse veya çocuğun ölmesini engelleyecek tedbirleri almadığı için çocuk yaşamını kaybederse, sorumlu devlettir.
Devlete yüklenen üçüncü yükümlülük ise usul yükümlülüğüdür. Suçun etkili soruşturulması, failin bulunması, cezalandırılması olarak özetlenebilecek bu yükümlülük, çocuklar adına, çocuklar yerine verilen kararlar, yapılan tercihler; soruşturmanın ve
kovuşturmanın yapılmaması, eksik ya da hatalı yapılması; sembolik para cezaları, gerekçesiz indirim nedenlerinin uygulanması; yetişkinlere aynı suç konusu fiil yapıldığında
mağdur olması ancak çocuklar söz konusu olduğunda, istisnai düzenlemeler getirilmesi gibi birçok sorun alanı sebebiyle çocukların yer aldığı dosyalar bakımından cezasızlığa neden olmaktadır.
Bu çalışma, çocukların suçtan mağdur oldukları yargılama süreçlerindeki cezasızlığı görünür kılmayı hedeflemektedir. Cezasızlıkla mücadele cezasızlığın görünür kılınmasıyla
söz konusu olabilir diye düşünerek, çalışmanın cezasızlıkla mücadele eden herkesin çabalarına katkı sunması amaçlanmıştır.

South Asians for Human Rights (SAHR) is pleased to release the publication “Nation State Boundaries and Human Rights of People in South Asia” based on its study of cross border issues by Shomona Khanna, a legal researcher and lawyer from India. The publication provides a comprehensive analysis of the issues entailing the land and maritime boarders in the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) region and approaches the issues from a human rights perspective detailing the impact cross border issues have on the lives and livelihood of people.

This publication maps various human rights violations in the border areas, deals with certain causes and the violators of rights, describes in detail the victims such as the refugees and the stateless people, and provides a broad remedial framework including the extant local, national and international mechanisms. The research, however, did not detail contentious issues between countries regarding demarcation of their boundaries or territories and focused only on the South Asian countries. Other countries in the region, even if they do have contiguous borders with South Asian states, do not form the subject matter of the study.

Makalede cezasızlık sorununun anlamı, ulusal hukuktaki normatif dayanakları ve Anayasa Mahkemesinin bu soruna olan katkısı ele alınmaktadır. Yöntem olarak karşılaştırmalı metot kullanılmaktadır. Ulaşılan sonuç, Anayasa Mahkemesinin, İnsan Hakları Mahkemesinin konuyla ilgili yaklaşımını soyut olarak benimsediği; fakat temel ilkeleri somutlarken hataya düştüğü ve cezasızlık sorununu çözmek için yeterince etkili olamayabildiğidir. Anahtar Kelimeler Cezasızlık, bireysel başvuru, Anayasa Mahkemesi, İnsan Hakları Avrupa Mahkemesi, ağır insan hakları ihlalleri
***

The article discusses the meaning and the normative bases of the concept of impunity in national law and questions whether there exists a contribution of the Turkish Constitutional Court (TCC) to the issue. The conclusion reached is that the TCC has failed to properly solve the problem of impunity and that the jurisprudence in the concrete cases of the TCC is incompatible with the case-law of the European Court of Human Rights, although those are consistent with each other with regards to principles.

This publication attempts to create a better understanding of the nature, origins, and evolution of organized crime in Central America by examining the dynamics of organized crime in the three countries of the so-called Northern Triangle—El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras—as well as the broader regional context that links these case studies. The authors investigate the challenge organized crime poses to the state, its institutions, and governability in general.  This publication is part of a series on the sub-regional dynamics  of organized crime, focusing especially on the linkages between Central America, Mexico, and the Andean region as well as the growing insertion of Latin America in global transnational crime networks.

El presente Volumen XIV tiene 2,190 páginas. Está organizado por fecha y agrupadas por mes.  Abarca el texto completo de las conferencias de prensa matutinas que el Presidente Andrés Manuel López Obrador encabezó, entre el 1 de diciembre de 2021 y el 21 de marzo de 2022.  Ell periodo inicia con el informe presentado al pueblo de Mexico, desde el Zócalo de la Ciudad de México, con motivo del tercer aniversario del arribo al gobierno de la República.  Llega hasta el día en que se inaugura -con un acto ofiial de entrega y recepción- el Aeropuerto Internacional Felipe Angeles de la Ciudad de México. Se trata del octavo periodo, de la etapa de operación inicial fincada sobre hidrocarburos refinándose en México, para consumo interno.  También marca el inicio de la nueva etapa de cosecha de los frutos de los principales proyectos infraestructurales del sexenio. 
El Volumen I (01 Enero a 30 noviembre 2018) está en https://www.academia.edu/40861116/ .  El Volumen  II (2018 12 01 a  2019 03 11) está disponible gratuitamente en https://www.academia.edu/40757230/  .  El volumen III (2019 03 12 a  2019 06 30), se puede accesar en  https://www.academia.edu/40798502/  .  El volumen IV cubre del 01 julio 2019 a  31 de agosto 2019 y se puede accesar en línea en https://www.academia.edu/40809905/  .  A su vez, el volumen V (01 septiembre 2019 a  30 noviembre 2019) está en https://www.academia.edu/40861296/ .  El volumen VI está en  (1 diciembre 2019 a 1 julio 2020) se encuentra también disponible en línea https://www.academia.edu/42261557/ .  Las versiones estenográfica y en sólo audio, Volumen VII y anteriores, se pueden descargar gratuitamente en internet gratuito  https://www.academia.edu/43454031/. El Volumen VIII está en el sitio URL https://www.academia.edu/44202516/  .  Está disponible el texto completo de los volumenes IX ((https://www.academia.edu/44421755/), X (https://www.academia.edu/44821158), XI (https://www.academia.edu/45558118/), XII  https://www.academia.edu/49500039), XIII  (https://www.academia.edu/61951874/) y el presente XIV ((https://www.academia.edu/63200156/).
Los habitantes de México y planeta tierra ya han caído en cuenta de que pueden ayudar a preservar la memoria histórica del avane de la 4T, en su etapa de arranque.  Para empezar, en propia computadora, cada quien podría organizar y mantener actualizada una base de datos de las cátedras-conferencias presidenciales diarias de AMLO.  Y ahora no hay duda:  es sólo cuestión de querer hacerlo.  Es posible tener acceso, en un solo sitio url, a la lista de reproducción completa de los videos de  todas y cada una de las cátedras-conferencias presidenciales diarias, hasta la fecha y a partir de que inciaron el 4 de diciembre de 2018.    https://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PLRnlRGar-_296KTsVL0R6MEbpwJzD8ppA    Además, las versiones estenográficas de todas la conferencias-cátedras presidenciales y de otros actos públicos del presidente AMLO, están disponibles en un sólo sitio URL.  https://lopezobrador.org.mx/transcripciones/  En cada una de ellas, está su respectiva grabación en sólo audio; he hecho ya su respectivo acopio y organización.   
Este estado de cosas justifica el compendiar, de la forma que mas amigablemente permita que funcione como base de datos, la vasta mayoría de los textos que recogen las palabra de AMLO en sus actos públicos.  Hay que hacer algunas puntualizaciones:

1)Esta base de datos se puede usar, impresa en papel o en formato electrónico.  Es preferible echar mano de lo segundo, pues al estar presentado en word u odt; y en PDF;  se facilita enormemente la localización de términos o palabra clave, en las 1,809 páginas de que consta este volumen XI.
2)Se presenta de esta manera, pensando en que se hará análisis de contenido tradicional:  cita textual, inferencia, conexión con indicadores y variables que se desea investigar conforme a métodos cualitativos de las ciencias sociales.
3)No se han incluído, a propósito, los discursos de AMLO pronunciados en eventos que por facilidad analítica aquí llamamos “reiterativos”.

Xavier Gamboa Villafranca
21 de marzo de 2022.

Each of the signatories of this letter is an expert who has spent years conducting and publishing research to enhance our national understanding of the dynamics of domestic violence and sexual assault and the justice system, therapeutic, and social services interventions that are effective to hold perpetrators accountable, protect victims, and help them heal after the trauma of being victimized by violence against women crimes. In particular we have been in the forefront of documenting the particular needs of underserved, immigrant and limited English proficient victims. We are writing to provide the committee with important research based information about how the provisions in HR 4970 roll back and eviserate protections the Violence Against Women Act (VAWA) has since its inception offered for immigrant victims of domestic violence, rape, sexual assault, human trafficking and other violent crimes suffered by non-citizen women and children in the United States.

There are numerous national mechanisms & international mechanisms for prosecuting the criminal cases of transitional justice. Despite these multiple layers of accountability mechanisms in place, no one has actually been held accountable and given a punishment proportionate to the offence: several years after the formal end of the hostilities, no one has been criminally prosecuted in a civilian court for serious human rights or IHL violations. Particularly, the Transitional Justice mechanisms in Nepal regarding prosecution of wartime crime shall be regarded complementary and cannot be an alternative to investigations taking place in the normal criminal justice system

¿Qué factores explican los altos niveles de impunidad en Puebla?
¿Cuáles son las subdimensiones con peor desempeño? ¿Cómo se
comportan los indicadores para Puebla en comparación con sus estados circundantes? ¿En qué ámbitos existen oportunidades para acotar estos niveles de impunidad? Este trabajo profundiza la discusión de estos problemas a partir de la información generada tanto en el IGI 2015 como el IGI-MEX 2016. En este sentido, primero se analizan los resultados de México en comparación a 58 casos internacionales incorporados en el IGI 2015. En segundo lugar, se revisan los resultados por subdimensión para el caso de Puebla, especialmente comparando estos resultados con los seis estados colindantes y el promedio nacional. En tercer lugar, se explican los problemas que reflejan las subdimensiones estudiadas a partir de la identificación de los resultados por cada uno de los 18 indicadores que componen
el IGI-MEX. Finalmente, se presentan conclusiones y algunas reflexiones
sobre las consecuencias de la impunidad en la vida pública.

La percepción respecto a la inseguridad es que nada de lo que se ha hecho ha dado resultados, que damos palos de ciego y que el problema no hace sino crecer y volverse cada vez más inmanejable. “Nada de lo que se ha hecho ha funcionado” es una frase que se escucha con relativa frecuencia, tanto en círculos académicos, como entre periodistas, funcionarios públicos o entre gente común de la calle.
El propósito de este documento no es en absoluto negar la gravedad y el deterioro de la situación en América Latina como conjunto, tampoco
pretender que las respuestas al problema han sido suficientemente eficaces o que ya sea sólo cuestión de tiempo para que lleguen a serlo.
Lo que busca es romper con una visión simplificadora de la realidad y hacer una revisión panorámica de las múltiples acciones desde el Estado, la sociedad civil e incluso la cooperación internacional que se han puesto en práctica a lo largo de los años y que han influido de distintas maneras en la evolución del fenómeno que nos interesa.
De manera muy panorámica, en las páginas que siguen daré cuenta de
acciones y medidas de muy diversa índole y no siempre complementarias; incluso muchas veces, en mi opinión, contradictorias y en algunos casos abiertamente contraproducentes. No me limito en este recorrido solamente a la acción del Estado, sino también a lo que se ha hecho desde la sociedad, sea ésta la sociedad civil organizada o la participación social de la población con distintos signos. Resalto, también, como actores importantes a los medios de comunicación, las iglesias, las universidades, a la cooperación internacional, etcétera.
Insisto en que el propósito fundamental de este documento es dar cuenta de que muchas cosas sí han ocurrido; que cualquier reflexión o decisión de política pública que se haga hoy debe partir del conocimiento y de la evaluación de lo que ya se ha hecho; que las respuestas son, obviamente y a la luz de los resultados, insuficientes y hasta fallidas; pero que, a la vez, pueden haber tenido efectos positivos en determinados momentos o ámbitos y que por ello hay un enorme aprendizaje que hacer de todo lo hecho.
La enumeración de acciones, estrategias o políticas que sigue no guarda
necesariamente un orden cronológico, ni de importancia; quiere solamente mostrar la diversidad y complejidad de lo ocurrido.

Podemos caracterizar lo que enfrenta México en la última década como una implosión patológica. Fenómenos destructivos de la vida pública o disfunciones institucionales previamente existentes o de comportamiento cíclico, algunas incluso social y políticamente normalizadas, como la violencia, corrupción, el uso electoral de recursos públicos, la colusión de autoridades con organizaciones criminales o la violación a los derechos humanos, se desbordan sin que las instituciones cuenten con mecanismos o capacidades para contenerlas o, lo más preocupante, que las autoridades manifiesten voluntad política para contener y revertir el proceso destructivo. Implosión patológica que se agudiza notablemente durante el periodo de gobierno encabezado por Enrique Peña Nieto, y que ha terminado por erosionar instituciones débiles e ineficientes y acabado con la credibilidad de las autoridades corrompidas o incompetentes. En este sentido, una implosión patológica difícilmente puede explicarse sin entender primero su relación con muy altos niveles de impunidad

Throughout the 1980s in Iran, thousands of individuals were arrested and detained for supposedly supporting or participating in oppositional political organizations that were critical of the Islamic Republic regime’s undemocratic practices. So far, many reputable reports have been published detailing the various torture methods inflicted upon the political prisoners in that decade. However, despite anecdotal evidence on sexual abuses in the prisons of Iran, the topic has not yet been subject to systematic study. This book based on testimonials of victims, survivors, witnesses and experts, examines the extent to which women prisoners were systematically subjected to sexual violence as a gender-specific means of silencing young Iranian girls and women dissidents.
It covers details of mistreatment of women prisoners at the hands of Iranian prison authorities and highlights the impact of such acts on the young prisoners and their children who were subjected to or witnessed sexual violence. It also analyses the parallel processes of authority and the manner in which Iranian security officials raped and tortured those about to face execution or forced prisoners into marriage as a barter for their life.

İnsan Hakları Ortak Platformu adına KAGED tarafından yürütülen ve Avrupa Birliği Demokrasi ve İnsan Hakları Aracı ve Norveç Büyükelçiliği tarafından desteklenen " Cezasızlıktan Hesap Verebilirliğe: Sivil Toplum Örgütlerinin Izleme ve Müdahale Kapasitelerinin Geliştirilmesi " projesi kapsamında yayınlanmıştır.
Bu çalışmada amaç Türkiye’nin rastgele şehirlerinden belirlenecek 20 dosyanın incelenmesi suretiyle çocukların yaşadıkları hak ihlallerini görünür kılmaktı.

It has now been more than three years since the summary of the US Senate report on CIA abuses (the ‘Torture Report’) reminded the world that after September 11, 2001, the CIA, through its ‘Rendition, Detention, and Interrogation’ (RDI) program, kidnapped, held in secret prisons, and systematically tortured people worldwide. This paper argues that is it important to have accountability and redress for the torture perpetrated by US officials and their foreign counterparts because: (1) it is required by international and US law; (2) impunity for such crimes will encourage their future perpetration; and (3) the victims deserve redress. Although the optimal venue to prosecute these crimes would be US courts, such prosecutions are unlikely to happen. Many legal scholars have called for invoking universal jurisdiction as a legal basis for international prosecutions; however, this paper argues that because of UJ’s weaknesses, it should be used only as a last resort. Traditional jurisdiction holds more promise for successful prosecutions and litigation. Since the RDI program involved 54 countries, there are many States that could prosecute, and many have already shown their willingness to do so. The paper concludes with clear prescriptions about which bases of traditional jurisdiction hold the most promise for obtaining redress for the victims and accountability for the perpetrators of the CIA's torture program.

This article critiques attempts by some in Africa to brand the International Criminal Court (ICC) as a neocolonial institution and stooge of the West. These arguments accuse the ICC of playing a double standard, being overly focused on trying African defendants, and warn that the Court risks exacerbating factionalism and ethnic divisions thereby threatening peace and reconciliation efforts. Although we neither defend nor champion the ICC's mandate, we deem such criticisms as hyper-bole. At best, they attempt to whitewash the instrumental role played by African states in the birth of the Court and ignore the fact that many of the ICC cases were referred there by African governments. Furthermore, the current African narrative understates the ICC's potential to midwife local judiciaries and contribute positively towards conflict resolution in Africa through the promotion of at least a measure of accountability and offers of justice, thereby taming elite immunity and impunity in states where justice regimes are either weak or non-existent. Until African states strengthen their judiciaries to ensure such references to the ICC are indeed a last resort, the Court will continue to remain the only credible forum for states emerging from conflict and seeking justice and reconciliation.

This Working Paper focuses on the Israeli denial of reparations – specifically return, restitution, compensation and guarantees of non-repetition – and its two-fold implication on the Israeli practices of forcible population transfer of the Palestinian people. A policy often overlooked, and poorly understood, in analyses of policies of forcible transfer, this paper considers on the one hand how the denial of reparations to Palestinian refugees and internally displaced persons (IDPs) results in situations of particular vulnerability, creating an inherently greater risk of and facilitating subsequent forced displacement. On the other, this paper explores the way in which the denial of reparations and the lack of accountability in that regard perpetuates and emboldens Israel in its execution of other policies of forcible population transfer explored throughout this series.

En este trabajo analizamos el concepto de patología de la política, entendiéndola
como una idea relevante para comprender la reproducción y
extensión de problemas como la corrupción, la violencia, la inseguridad
pública, la traición, la exclusión social, la demagogia populista, el
recurso político a la mentira y el engaño (“posverdad”, en jerga de
actualidad) o el predominio de la propaganda sobre la propuesta
política. Desde nuestra perspectiva, la pérdida de credibilidad social de
las instituciones y actores políticos, en general de la idea misma de la
política, es inseparable de la existencia de gobiernos que han permitido
o se han beneficiado de la extensión pública de las patologías políticas.
En la primera parte analizamos la dicotomía orden y desorden tal
como se desprende de la obra de Friedrich. A continuación discutimos
la relevancia del concepto de patología política y las funciones que
cumplen en la vida política cuando éstas no están profundamente
extendidas. Desde esta perspectiva, proponemos la idea de implosión
patológica como una forma de aproximarse al potencial destructivo
de las patologías políticas cuando éstas se combinan. Finalmente,
revisamos el concepto de impunidad como una patología especialmente
destructiva, factor de implosión patológica, tomando como punto de
partida casos caracterizados como impunidad alta y muy alta por el
Índice Global de Impunidad (IGI). En la última parte concluimos.

Με αφορμή την όλο και συχνότερη χρήση της έννοιας της ατιμωρησίας, σε μια πρώτη καταγραφή των ζητημάτων σε σχέση με τα οποία γίνεται επίκλησή της στο δημόσιο και επιστημονικό λόγο, επιχειρώντας στη συνέχεια τη συγκεκριμενοποίηση του φαινομένου μέσω της αναφοράς στο νοηματικό της αντίθετο, τον ποινικό κολασμό αξιόποινων συμπεριφορών. Ακολούθως, προτείνει την οριοθέτηση της ατιμωρησίας μέσω της διάκρισης μιας γενικής και μιας ειδικής εκδοχής της, της παρουσίασης των διαφορετικών μορφών κανονιστικής εκδήλωσής της και της αναφοράς στην εγκληματολογική προβληματική της εγκληματικότητας των ισχυρών, ενώ τέλος παρουσιάζει δύο σύγχρονες εκδηλώσεις της: αφενός την αστυνομική αυθαιρεσία και τη μη αποτελεσματική διερεύνησή της, ως μορφή συστημικά (ανα)παραγόμενης ατιμωρησίας, και αφετέρου την αλλαγή του τρόπου δίωξης της κακουργηματικής απιστίας κατά τραπεζών από αυτεπαγγέλτως σε κατ' έγκληση διωκόμενο έγκλημα, ως μορφή νομοθετικά θεσπισμένης ατιμωρησίας.

This article takes note of the increasingly frequent use of the notion of impunity in public and scientific discourse. It documents instances of its invocation and attempts to concretise its meaning by reference to its semantic opposite, i.e. the state punishment of criminal offences. It delimits the notion of impunity by distinguishing between a broader and narrow version; by presenting its different normative manifestations; and, finally, by reference to the problematic of the criminality of the powerful. The article further focuses on two contemporary manifestations of impunity in contemporary Greece: a) police arbitrariness, as a form of systemically (re)produced impunity; and b) the recent legislative reform according to which the prosecution of the felony offence of the breach of fiduciary duty (Art. 390 of the Greek Criminal Code), when committed against banks requires a complaint by the victim (as opposed to ex officio prosecution), as another form of legislatively enacted impunity.

Since the mid-2000s, violence related to drug trafficking and other transnational crime has increased exponentially in Mexico.  By the end of the decade the public began to seriously doubt the government’s strategy and its ability to guarantee public safety.  The nature and intensity of violence in Mexico brought forth memories of the 1980s and ’90s in Colombia, when the country was besieged by the Medellín and Cali drug cartels.

Over the course of more than a decade, Colombia’s security situation has improved dramatically; it has become an “exporter” of security expertise and has trained thousands of military and police personnel in Mexico, Central and South America, and the Caribbean as well as around the world.

What aspects of Colombia’s strategy and tactics for fighting organized crime in its own territory offer useful lessons for Mexico?  What might Colombia’s steps and missteps offer by way of example or counter-example?  What is unique about each case such that comparisons are misleading?  What do current security challenges in Colombia suggest about the threat posed by organized crime more generally?

In One Goal, Two Struggles: Confronting Crime and Violence in Mexico and Colombia, international experts address the utility of comparing Colombia and Mexico’s experiences and strategy for combatting organized crime and violence more generally.