Jacob Burckhardt

Louis Kelterborns hier zum ersten Mal edierte Mitschrift von Jacob Burckhardts Kolleg Griechische Culturgeschichte, gehalten an der Baseler Universität im Sommersemester 1874 und fortgesetzt im Wintersemester 1874/75, stellt die einzig ausführliche schriftliche Quelle dar, aus der Friedrich Nietzsche seine Kenntnisse über Burckhardts Vorlesungen schöpfen konnte. Nietzsches reges Interesse für die auf Mai 1875 datierte und ihm gewidmete Mitschrift bezeugen sowohl seine Briefe als auch Malvida von Meysenbugs Berichte der Leseabende in Sorrent. Der vorliegende Band, als Beitrag zur Quellenforschung intendiert, verfolgt den primären Zweck, der Forschung Kelterborns 448 Seiten umfassendes Manuskript in Druckform zur Verfügung zu stellen, zugleich die mit der Handschrift zusammenhängenden und über verschiedene und verstreute Quellen zu ermittelnden Informationen auf eine dokumentarisch abgesicherte Weise zu präsentieren. In der Einleitung wird Nietzsches Interesse an der Mitschrift im Spiegel sowohl seiner Auseinandersetzung mit Burckhards Auffassung des griechischen Altertums in den ersten Jahren seines Baseler Aufenthalts als auch seines Verhältnisses zu Wagner gelesen. Das Nachwort informiert über die editorischen Eingriffe und fokussiert auf die Entstehungsgeschichte der Mitschrift, auf ihren Autor und auf seine Erinnerungen an Nietzsche.

Fra le residenze aristocratiche modenesi, il Palazzo Solmi (via Emilia Centro n. 269), già dimora della illustre casata dei marchesi Rangoni, di antica nobiltà feudale, costituisce sia per dimensioni che per ricchezza e qualità delle testimonianze artistiche uno degli episodi edilizi più cospicui e interessanti. Sulla direttrice viaria di più alto prestigio nel tessuto cittadino, la via Emilia, la vasta fabbrica è improntata da quel "restauramento" che sulla metà del Settecento il marchese Bonifacio Rangoni divisò d'intraprendere. Ma al di là della predominante connotazione settecentesca, l'edificio si presenta come un palinsesto sul quale sono andati stratificandosi fatti artistici risalenti fino all'epoca medievale, da alcune monofore gotiche alle testimonianze rinascimentali che meritarono al palazzo la citazione nel Der Cicerone di Jacob Burckhardt, come lo scalone e il balcone interno con la data 1544 e l’intitolazione a Lucrezia dei conti Pico della Mirandola, consorte del condottiero Claudio Rangoni, ascritto a Giulio Romano. Nell’attuale fisionomia del palazzo è dominante il carattere settecentesco; oscuro il nome dell’artefice, probabilmente Pietro Termanini, l’architetto di Francesco III d'Este, che vi avrebbe lavorato in data di poco anteriore al 1760. All'interno, la Sala degli Specchi, squisito episodio di un gusto rocaille assai vicino al "Salottino d'oro" del Palazzo Ducale di Modena.

6 30 aprile 311 il cristianesimo ottiene «lo status di religio licita in tutto l'impero» 8 . L'intelligenza politica di Costantino «trarrà le conseguenze di questa fondamentale premessa» 9 , afferma Marcone, ricordando anche che va tenuto conto della demonizzazione attuata dalla propaganda cristiana verso i suoi avversari. Questa propaganda «ha ingigantito ed eroizzato la figura di Costantino» 10 .

"German historians usually only approach the philosophy of history with a protective mask for fear of infection." This kind of humor being characteristic of his writing, and irony one of his preferred forms, Heinz Dieter Kittsteiner might have appreciated both the ironic tone of this statement from one of his obituaries and the twist the recent pandemic has added. However provocative this statement, there is some truth to the fact that the "thinking historian" is a rare breed. Kittsteiner was one of this unusual kind. The question that guides this paper is "what makes a thinking historian?" In Kittsteiner's case, the answer has to do with his understanding of the ironic Unverfügbarkeit (non-availability) of the historical process, namely how unintentional effects put limits on the control historical subjects can have. His erudite scholarship combined cultural and intellectual history with a philosophy of history, which was informed by his experiences as both a historian and activist.

Die Zeichnung als Forschungsinstrument – Giovanni Battista Cavalcaselle (1819–1897) und seine Zeichnungen zur Wandmalerei in Italien vor 1550. Zugl. Diss., LMU München 2006. (Kunstwissenschaftliche Studien, 154). Deutscher Kunstverlag, München Berlin 2009.

Reading -1 <http://www.rm.unina.it/ebook/festesch.html> * Ho anticipato alcuni temi trattati in questo articolo in tre interventi finora rimasti inediti: Das historische Bild: Die Geschichtsauffassung in Ernst Kantorowicz' Kaiser Friedrich der Zweite, tenuto il 15 dicembre 1993 all'Università di Francoforte sul Meno in occasione del convegno "Ernst Kantorowicz heute"; Die Geschichtsauffassung von Ernst Kantorowicz in seinem Buch über Friedrich II., presentato il 5 luglio 1994 all'Institut für Geschichte dell'Università di Würzburg e alla Dante Alighieri Gesellschaft di Würzburg; L'immagine storica in Ernst Kantorowicz, relazione letta a dottorandi e docenti del Dipartimento di Discipline Storiche "E. Lepore" dell'Università di Napoli Federico II il 22.2.2000. 1 Lettera del 27 dicembre 1922 da Heidelberg, in M. Stettler, Wilhelm Stein 1886-1970, in W. Stein, Künstler und Werke, hg. von H. Wagner, Bern 1974, pp. I-XXIX, ivi pp. IX-X.

This article discusses the meaning of the term Renaissance and its application to the cultural and literary sphere, discussing its early definitions on the part of scholars such as Jules Michelet, Jacob Burckhardt, and Johan Huizinga, as well as its etymology, in the context of the investigation of other keywords such as humanism and Middle Ages. It then focuses on the latter term, Middle Ages, by considering its first creation, and its use on the part of a proto-humanist such as Petrarch. In the discussion of the reception of these terms on the part of scholarship, it also proposes a new meaning for these terms.

This contribution was first drafted as an introduction to a pair of linked sessions held at the annual meeting of the Renaissance Society of America in Boston in spring 2016. It claims that fifteenth-century Naples remains an undervalued artistic center, especially when it comes to the city’s contribution to what art history has defined as 'Renaissance Art'. Quattrocento Naples’s artistic production is often considered 'Late Gothic' in style. If a relation to antiquity is undeniable, then this relation tends to be judged as impure or deficient. Such preconceptions hark back to Jacob Burckhardt’s moral condemnation of the Aragonese kings of Naples in his famous “Die Cultur der Renaissance in Italien” (1860), a book that has long defined our conception of the Renaissance, and continues to do so – both scientifically and on a popular level. Burckhardt’s stylization of Federico da Montefeltro as the perfect Renaissance prince emerges in contrast to his negative characterization of the kings of Naples and to that of Alfonso of Aragon in particular. This article deconstructs Burckhardt’s narrative opposition and offers instead a more historically accurate account that demonstrates Federico’s political and economic dependence on the kings of Naples. I argue that this dependence was nothing but honorable to Federico da Montefeltro and is reflected in an image politics that draws heavily on Neapolitan models. The connection is analyzed by way of a case study that focuses on two medals, one by Cristoforo da Geremia and the second by Clemente da Urbino.

I]ch bin eigentlich ein Narr, dass ich nicht mehr darauf bestehe, dass der Kapitalismus auch Denkarbeit auf breitester, nur ihm möglicher Basis, leisten kann." Aby Warburg Zwischen den dilettanti der Renaissance und den genialen Dilletanten Westberlins klafft ein kulturhistorischer Abgrund. Über Jahrhunderte kurioser semantischer Verschiebungen und kontingenter Verwerfungen entstand ein vielschichtiger Begriff des Dilettanten. Die Nobilitierung des Dilettantismus zum ästhetischen Grundbegriff geht auf die Zeit um 1800 zurück. Erst dann, mit Goethe und Schiller, wurde der Dilettantismus zum Hauptwort erhoben und der Dilettant folgte nunmehr dem "Beruf zum Selbstproduzieren". Die ersten

Attraverso il riferimento ad autori come Burckhardt e a temi fondamentali per la formazione di Nietzsche come la questione dello stile di vita rinascimentale, il contributo indaga il rapporto tra fisiologia e psicologia in chiave etica nell’ultimo pensiero del filosofo, in relazione alla plasmazione della forma di vita. Tra geografia dello spazio e geografia del pensiero la forma della vita si modella attraverso la sperimentazione delle “piccole cose” del quotidiano che ridefiniscono di volta in volta il senso del valore dell’esistenza e la struttura stessa dell’apprendere. Il senso ultimo della riflessione nietzscheana è colto nella operazione di rovesciamento del rapporto mente-corpo, in cui il pensiero della trasvalutazione, come “rivolgimento del punto di vista” viene a consistere e in cui il primato di una concezione complessa, non materialista e non riduzionista della corporeità, sostituisce l’idealismo nella costruzione del rapporto tra uomo e mondo.

This contribution focuses on the possibility of isolating an Italian theory of architecture in the postwar period until 1969, taking the controversy over Renaissance proportions as a case study. Rather than defining a specific approach to the subject from Italian authors compared to their international colleagues, this contribution explores the specificity of Italian humanism and the significance of that experience from the point of view of the postwar reconstruction. The study of Renaissance architecture, rather than offering a historical precedent for the construction of national identities, warded off that possibility, constituting a problematic beginning for European modernity.

The 19th century writer Jacob Burckhardt, who claimed Constantine never claimed to be a Christian, called Eusebius liar for unduly hagiographizing the first Christian Emperor.  Dan Barker quotes the Burckhardt passage to claim Eusebius invented the Testimonium Flavianum out of whole cloth.

Schelling’s first Berlin lecture, held on November 15th, 1841, inevitably
associates the miracle of overcrowded lecture halls and people
fighting not just for seats, but to get in at all. The miracle itself is
beyond explanation, but it surely had something to do with the overwhelming desire for freedom felt by many young Europeans at the
time. In the 1830s, Schelling’s criticism of Hegel’s state had slowly
coalesced into a profound accusation: why should one subject oneself
to the imperative of a pre-calculable trajectory of reason, especially if
this trajectory was labelled ‘freedom’ and realised in the state? Thus,
the controversy between Schelling and Hegel’s pupils hinges on divergent notions of freedom. The patterns of Schelling’s criticism of
Hegel in a number of different cultural and historical contexts reveal
the degree to which this idea was rooted in Schelling’s positive philosophy.
Schelling’s Russian disciples, for instance, as well as the
singular character of Jacob Burckhardt, shared Schelling’s lack of interest in rationalistic/pseudo-ethical constructions of community.
They recognised that positive philosophy needed to be directed at
concrete, though fleeting, historical figurations and at man’s individual
and free fate.

This paper examines a facet in the long history of Italian Renaissance humanism: how later historians of philology understood Renaissance humanists. These later recon-siderations framed the legacies of Italian Renaissance humanism, at times by asking whether the primary contribution of humanism was philosophical or philological. Philologists-especially from nineteenth-century Germany in the generations before Voigt and Burckhardt-wrote about Renaissance humanists by employing prosopog-raphy and bio-bibliographic models. Rather than studying humanists and their works for their own merits, the authors of these histories sought to legitimize their own disciplinary identities by recognizing them as intellectual ancestors. Their writings, in turn, helped lay the foundation for later scholarship on Italian Renaissance humanism and defined, in particular, how later twentieth-century historians of philology and scholarship understood the Italian Renaissance.

This article aims to bring to light the unpolitical nature of the philosophical investigation. To pursue this goal, I will focus on the disenchantment before modern conception of philosophy that led Karl Löwith and Leo Strauss to diagnose the crisis of modernity. In the first section, I will present the problem of human nature and its historicity as opening the debate on the crisis of modernity in their correspondence. In the second section, I will compare the two contrasting models they adopt for describing the disenchantment of the philosopher before the cave of modernity, namely Burckhardt for Löwith and Socrates for Strauss. In the third section, I will show that Strauss's rediscovery of a Socratian political philosophy is one with the recognition of the unpolitical origin of philosophizing. In the fourth, focusing on Löwith's interpretation of Va-léry, I will argue that Löwith defends himself from Strauss's accuse of remaining in the perspective of historicism, by adopting a new form of conventionalism.

Ottimismo del temperamento" e "nichilismo". Appunti per una ricerca. L'espressione "pessimismo dell'intelligenza e ottimismo della volontà" giunse a Gramsci, indirettamente (e leggermente modificata), da Jacob Burckhardt. Nelle pagine postume della Storia della civiltà greca, quest'ultimo ha schizzato un affresco del mondo greco per molti versi affine a quello nietzscheano, e la formula sul pessimismo -citata da Malwida von Meysenbug nelle sue memorie e poi ripresa da Romain Rolland - ne costituisce forse la sintesi più efficace: "noi abbiamo a che fare con un popolo che doveva sentire profondamente i suoi mali ed averne piena coscienza. In perfetto contrasto con l'aprioristica rassegnazione di grandi gruppi di popoli asiatici e con ogni quietismo contemplativo, il greco offre al Fato un animo fin troppo sensibile e vulnerabile, e di giorno in giorno, d'ora in ora, ne può ricevere, non solo nel corpo ma anche nello spirito, le più vivide ferite" (Jaob Burckhardt, Werke, p. 361); perché un simile atteggiamento, pienamente "cosciente", era accompagnato nell'uomo greco da un "ottimismo del temperamento (…) che nella sua più profonda natura è un temperamento artistico, plastico, rivolto verso il mondo", verso la "superficie" (p. 364). Fu Nietzsche a leggere a Malwida, nel quaderno di appunti donatogli da Louis Kelterborn, una versione più breve di queste pagine. Ma se colpisce la convergenza con Burckhardt nella caratterizzazione dell'uomo greco e del suo rapporto con il Fato, uno sguardo all'obiettivo polemico di Burckhardt consente di fornire, oltre che un'immagine meno generica del suo "anticlassicismo", indicazioni importanti sulla genesi di concetti chiave della filosofia di Nietzsche. L'ultimo passo è contenuto nel capitolo "Per un bilancio complessivo della vita greca". Ma le sue premesse affondano in un altro capitolo, "I Greci e i loro dèi", dove Burckhardt affronta dettagliatamente la questione del Fato: "Tutto questo argomento è trattato con molta ampiezza e maestria da Nägelsbach nella sua Homerische e Nachhomerische Theologie; ma, sia pure brevemente, avremmo da accennare qui a qualche punto nuovo e divergente"(p.114, nota). Karl Friedrich Nägelsbach aveva completato gli studi universitari in filologia e teologia (avviati nel 1822 a Erlangen) a Berlino, dove aveva seguito i corsi di August Boeckh -che fu maestro anche di Burckhardt - e le lezioni di filosofia di Hegel (cfr. C. Hafner, v. K. F. Naegelsbach, in: 'Neue Deutsche Biographie', 80 (1996)). L'impostazione della sua opera è, del resto, di chiara impronta hegeliana: il politeismo greco nasconde un nucleo monoteistico ("Come ogni religione pagana, anche quella greca muove alla ricerca di una divinità, di una riconciliazione con essa

Debido a la gran influencia que «La Cultura del Renacimiento en Italia» ha tenido en la historia de la cultura en general y en el pensamiento occidental en particular, en este ensayo intentaremos ofrecer una perspectiva global de esta obra que garantice su mejor comprensión. Para la consecución de este objetivo, primero se analizarán los tintes ideológicos de su autor y el contexto intelectual germanófono en el que se enmarcó su obra. A continuación desarrollaremos un discurso reflexivo sobre el contenido de aquélla, para finalmente detallar algunas conclusiones que permitan no sólo comprender las tesis de Burckhardt de manera contrastada, sino también valorar su trabajo como un todo conjunto.

Pour considérer à distance notre moralité européenne, pour la confronter avec d'autres moralités, antérieures ou futures, il faut procéder à la manière du voyageur qui cherche à se rendre compte de la hauteur des tours d'une cité : pour cela il quitte la cité 2. Comment devenir un esprit libre ou s'arracher à l'air du temps, surtout quand celui-ci est enlisé dans un marasme stérile ? En aval de la publication de sa première

Born in the same year, although with three centuries of difference, also sharing their Christian name, Jacopo Robusti known as Tintoretto (1518-1594) and Jacob Burckhardt (1818-1897) were the object of some relevant academic events and exhibitions in 2018. This creates the opportunity to focus on Burckhardt critical judgment about the painter in the Cicerone. It differs from both that formulated by the apologists of Venetian “touch” painting in the seventeenth century, such as Marco Boschini, and from that of our contemporary criticism. According to the German historian, the painter committed two serious errors: trying an alternative path to the lesson of Titian, and accepting a decline in quality, due to the desire to accomplish more in less time.

The term "Renaissance" (rebirth) stands for the historiographical category defined and employed by nineteenth-century historians to describe the radical and comprehensive changes that occurred in Italy during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, bringing about the alleged end of the Middle Ages and setting forth the political, anthropological, and cultural foundation of modern Europe. These pivotal changes comprise the revitalization of ancient culture, the rediscovery of individualism, the secularization of human knowledge, and the emergence of an immanent spirit of learning that supposedly allowed human beings to determine for themselves the meaning, the value, and ultimately the goal of their own lives. Awareness about the significance of this portentous cultural shift was already felt by prominent figures of the time, who made an extensive use of the prefix "re-" (again), both in Latin and in the Italian vernacular, to 1570 Stefano Cracolici, 'Renaissance', in Encyclopedia of Italian Literary Studies, ed. Gaetana Marrone (New York-London: Routledge, 2007), vol. 2, pp. 1570-1575

Article en français. Voici quelques extraits au lieu d'un abstract :

"Paradoxalement, Ie modernisme se sert d'un grand récit sur
l'art pour montrer que la narration n'est qu'un prétexte en art."

"Il y a des oeuvres qui se racontent mieux que d'autres. Elles sont plus narratogènes."

"Aujourd'hui, l'art n'a plus a narrer la vie des puissants. Ceux-ci s'en chargent a coups d'interviews et de tweets, et les Closer, Sun et Bild du monde ont pris Ie relais des chroniques en images."

"Le régime actuel de l'art contemporain sacralise certaines références qu'il devient par conséquent presque impossible de critiquer. Les récits au sein de l'art contribuent considérablement à ce processus de sacralisation."

"Une oeuvre qui se limite essentiellement à son contenu narratif ne propose pas d'autres sources d'expérience possibles que ce contenu. Or, si celui-ci consiste en une anecdote sur un acteur de l'art contemporain, alors l'oeuvre dépend fondamentalement de l'estime qu'a déjà le public pour les «héros» de l'art contemporain."

First class about Historiography in 2015-2016 Academic course "Prácticas de la Monarquía Hispánica", II year of History career, Universidad de Alcalá (Madrid, Spain). I lecture: Origen of Historiography. II lecture: Annales. III lecture: Marxist School. IV lecture: Microhistory. V lecture: Latest trends.

Theology and the University in Nineteenth-Century Germany examines the dual transformation of institutions and ideas that led to the emergence of theology as science, the paradigmatic project of modern theology associated with Friedrich Schleiermacher. Beginning with earlier educational reforms across central Europe and especially following the upheavals of the Napoleonic period, an impressive list of provocateurs, iconoclasts, and guardians of the old faith all confronted the nature of the university, the organization of knowledge, and the unity of theology's various parts, quandaries which together bore the collective name of ‘theological encyclopedia’. Schleiermacher's remarkably influential programme pioneered the structure and content of the theological curriculum and laid the groundwork for theology's historicization.

Zachary Purvis offers a comprehensive investigation of Schleiermacher's programme through the era's two predominant schools: speculative theology and mediating theology. Purvis highlights that the endeavour ultimately collapsed in the context of Wilhelmine Germany and the Weimar Republic, beset by the rise of religious studies, radical disciplinary specialization, a crisis of historicism, and the attacks of dialectical theology. In short, the project represented university theology par excellence. Engaging in detail with these developments, Purvis weaves the story of modern university theology into the broader tapestry of German and European intellectual culture, with periodic comparisons to other national contexts. In doing so, Purvis presents a substantially new way to understand the relationship between theology and the university, both in nineteenth-century Germany and, indeed, beyond.

Seit nunmehr 70 Semestern finden sich im Heidelberger:,,Kirchen-väterkolloquium·' Lehrende wie Studierende der Philologischen und Theologischen Fakultäten ztisamn1en, uni'. sich im interd isziplinfü:en Dialog der Lektüre und Interpretation. griechisch~r und lateinischer Autm-en des frühen Christentums und seiner Umwelt zti widmen .. Zu seinen prägendsten Mitgliederil zählte lange Zeit Albrecht Dihle, dessen profunde Kennerschaft und weitgespannte Intei·esse11einen unauslöschlichen Eindruck hinterlassen haben.' Die als Dankesgabe zu seinem · 85. Geburtstag überreichten St~dien zu. de,r1 g~i;tes-geschichtlichen Beziehungen zwische11·. Antike u~d Christentum stammen von ehemaligen wie aktuellen Teilnehmern.Diei. nsgesamt 28 Bei träge reichen von den biblischen Schrifte11 über .ihre Ausdeu-tüng bei den Kirchenvätern bis hin zu ihrer Rezeption in Mittelalter · und Früher Neuzeit, ohne dabei die jevveilige historischeVerortung zu vernachlässigen.

This paper discusses the nature of Burckhardt's apolitia, and raises the question as to the real meaning of his detachment from political things. The first part presents some major interpretations of Burckhardt alleged "Greek" unpolitical attitude (Ernst Cassirer, Karl Löwith, Albert Salomon, Benedetto Croce), and shows how these authors understood Burckhardt's contemplative stance almost as a philosophical one. The second part offers a brief historical reconstruction of Burckhardt process of detachment, mostly drawing on his correspondence. The third part analyses the meaning of Burckhardt's transcendence of the present in the past, namely, the way in which the historian wins a critical perspective on the present by concentrating on history. This process of detachment from the present is interpreted in its "political" aspects; as shown in the fourth part, Burckhardt's apolitia amounts to a critical movement aimed at the recovery of the spiritual connection with the past. In this way, the paper maintains that his apolitia is, in truth, in service of a higher ideal of humanity, namely, a specific idea of civilization which must be understood in contradistinction to barbarism. The essence of barbarism is the absence of historic consciousness; it is only the awareness of a fundamental continuity in the flowing of human things that allows the flourishing of man's spiritual life.

The main scope of this paper is to challenge the mainstream interpretation of Nietzsche as the philosopher, whose essential contribution has been the deconstruction, and thereby the refusal, of all the fundamental concepts of modern philosophy: from the will to the subject, and from causation to Christian morality. Hence, the suggestion is to address the question of “Nietzsche and Humanity” tackling it from the problem of subjectivity, i.e.
human psycho-social subjectivity in its individual and collective forms. The intention is thus to demonstrate that Nietzsche offers a theory of subjectivity, his critique of the soul, subject and ego notwithstanding.

Key words: subjectivity, psychoanalysis, history, individuation, Europe

In 1833, the Swiss city-republic of Basel separated into two distinct cantons. During the three-year period known as the “Troubles” (Wirren), landowners in the countryside, inspired by the French July Revolution of 1830, rebelled against the city government. Roots of the division, however, run deeper in Basel’s religious and theological culture and also reflect the outgrowth of the German Confederation’s “persecution of demagogues.” This article examines these neglected aspects of the cantonal division, showing the importance of Christianity, and the complex politics of Protestantism, in Europe’s revolutionary century

Mercoledì 23 Gennaio Ore 15:30-­-17:30 Sala Rossa, Via Marsala 26 "Tutta la storia è stata scritta sinora dal punto di vista del successo: più precisamente, si è ammesso che il successo sia opera della ragione. (…) dove sono gli storici, che considerino le cose senza essere dominati dalle fandonie correnti? Non ne vedo che uno solo, Burckhardt" F. Nietzsche, 1875