Migration policies

In 2016, the countries of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) hosted around 3.77 million domestic workers. Based on data from the past 10 years, the sector is growing at an annual average growth rate of 8.7 per cent (or 35,970 new domestic workers every year).

The consistent demand for household paid care and domestic work in the countries of the GCC is
driven by two trends:

Explanation A: Increasing care pressures on national households due to higher female labour force participation rates (FLFPRs) combined with growing child and elderly care needs in
national contexts where care is traditionally the responsibility of women in the family and where intergenerational households (i.e., care by extended family members) are being replaced by nuclear households.

Explanation B: A growing population of dual wage-earning expatriate families with child care needs and a demand for professional housekeepers who require little supervision.

The familial care policies of the GCC have transformed domestic work into an essential component of care provision in households, with domestic workers providing care themselves or relieving employers from household chores so that they, in turn, can provide care. More attention needs to be paid to the socio-demographic changes in the GCC and to their implications for the management of human resources. The organization of the sector, as it progresses from housekeeping to home-paid care, must take into consideration how the long-term demand in the sector will be structured and what this demand structure will mean for labour matching.

Ceuta y Melilla, las ciudades fronterizas de la Unión Europea en África, pueden ser definidas como territorios de excepción. Fundamentalmente por dos motivos. El primero: el estatus jurídico-político diferenciado que la arquitectura institucional española y comunitaria les reserva. Y el segundo: las particularidades de la política de control migratorio/fronterizo allí implementada. Ceuta y Melilla no están constituidas en Comunidades Autónomas. No forman parte del espacio aduanero de la Unión Europea, el Tratado de Schengen se despliega sobre ellas con notables singularidades y, formalmente, se hallan fuera del paraguas de protección de la OTAN.
Enmarañado con las reivindicaciones territoriales de Marruecos, este estatus jurídico-político especial convierte a Ceuta y a Melilla en claras «excepciones de Estado». En este caldo de cultivo, en torno a las vallas que separan a ambas ciudades del resto de África opera un régimen de movilidad acrobático. Con harta frecuencia el régimen fronterizo de Ceuta y Melilla se muestra incompatible con el respeto a los derechos humanos y a la integridad física de los migrantes, conformando un «estado de excepción» de facto en materia de control migratorio.

Acknowledging the complexity and fragmentation of the migration phenomenon, the aim of this contribution is to delve into a set of highly problematic aspects of the situation that can potentially pinpoint to the pre-existence of other 'crises', the combination of which manifests now as 'refugee crisis'.  If migration is not a novel phenomenon but Europe's reactions to it are gradually becoming harsher, can these last two years be perceived as such a threatening 'crisis' or should we carefully trace other, latent and deeper, dynamics at play before placing the ‘crisis’ label? In other words, which are the components of the current crisis in Greece and, consequently, how could these crisis components affect the symbiosis between the host society and the migrants in the near future?
The article’s structure aims to utilize a retrospective analysis of the predominantly negative attitudes towards migration in Greece – when the incoming influx was not, at least logistically, such a ‘’crisis’’ - and combine it with present policy and legal challenges which potentially legitimize and provide an excuse for pre-existing hostilities to manifest. Connecting the legal and societal status quo, albeit appearing as conceptually distinct aspects of analysis, is one of the main objectives of this contribution, since the proclaimed refugee crisis poses as a unique opportunity to showcase the interactions between the macro- and micro-level and, most notably, the effect of the former to the latter.

This Working Paper identifies five prominent transnational narratives in France and the UK that aimed to justify restrictions towards immigrants from the Global South, from the 1960s to the mid-1980s, when both countries turned to restrictive policies structurally. France and the UK were the most exposed to large and autonomous migration flows from the Global South as a result of their former colonial empires. Parliamentary debates in the House of Commons and the French Senate, articles from British, French, and American newspapers, including a local French newspaper, and public speeches allow reporting an invasion narrative, a difference narrative, a humanitarian narrative, an oil-shock narrative, and a crisis narrative. The humanitarian narrative – presenting migrants as victims to protect – and the crisis narrative – putting forward insurmountable economic difficulties to curb immigration – became the most successful to justify state intervention to restrict immigration as they matched native workers’ concerns while minimising disturbances within destination countries.

International migration is not simply a result of individuals’ search for better opportunities, but is also linked to a complex series of economic and geopolitical processes. It is also an especially important interpretive key through which to understand the long history of globalization. For Castles and Miller, migration is a collective action that increasingly changes the social, political, economic, and cultural landscape of the world. According to Mauss, it is a fait social total.
Over the last 20 years, an increasing number of countries have experienced a prolonged transition in the nature of the migration to which they are subject: countries that were historically lands of emigration are becoming lands of immigration, for example Italy, Greece, Spain, Portugal, and Ireland. Societies, and especially destination and departure countries, are inextricably interrelated through this phenomenon.

This paper examines the trajectory of internal migration and its impact on growth leading to convergence in India. The analysis is based on secondary data sourced from the Reserve Bank of India, Census and Economic and Political Weekly Research Foundation. It captures the data for a period of 20 years (1991-2011). An initial review indicates internal migration in the form of intra-state migration is very high compare to interstate migration. The analysis of convergence/divergence suggests dispersion among states has increased in the concerned period. Similarly, absolute βconvergence indicate that rich states are growing faster than poor states. However, when conditional convergence is tested by various variables, conditional convergence among states is evident. However, migration and literacy rate as important indicator not producing the expected results, as migration which is expected to be negatively correlated to economic growth, is positive. The coefficient of the initial level of per capita income is found to be statistically significant, implying conditional convergence across Indian states during 1991-2011. Further, policy makers need to consider migration, literacy rate, investment, and population growth as means to reduce economic disparities among states. Moreover, migration should be encouraged for economic growth and broader convergence.

The aim of this article is to explore the peculiarity of Italian policies on immigration detention and their evolution over time. This will be done by highlighting the main factors that might explain the apparent political disinvestment in immigration detention in Italy, in particular in the years between 2013 and 2015, and account for the turnaround in approach announced and then implemented by the two Interior Ministers in charge between 2017 and 2019. The article uses the Italian case as an opportunity to explore the functions that are assigned to immigration detention in destination countries. In particular, it considers whether or not it can be argued that immigration detention in Italy has been "reinvented" (meaning that its functions have somewhat changed) as a consequence of the so-called "refugee crisis" and in light of Italy's specific position in the contemporary geopolitics of the EU's border control regime.

India was one of the leading countries to implement the initial lockdown to contain the COVID-19 pandemic, but still, the lockdown failed and within a few months, India joined the list of countries most affected by the coronavirus epidemic. Why did this transpire? What were the reasons abaft this? Where did the Indian government miss? This manuscript endeavors to study the lacunae in the lockdown plans of the Indian Government and highlights the mistakes committed by the Government which caused the lockdown in India to fail and further exposed the domestic migrant laborers to unbearable difficulties. The manuscript argues that the fundamental and economic rights bestowed upon the domestic migrant workers and other laborers under labor laws and the Indian constitution were breached extensively during the lockdown and that the state's policies during the lockdown worsened the condition of the domestic migrant workers.

L’appel à communication de la Journée jeunes chercheurs du laboratoire MIGRINTER de juin 2014 m’a donné l’occasion d’élaborer un poster scientifique afin de présenter une synthèse des résultats préliminaires de ma recherche en thèse, tout en ménageant lisibilité et esthétique qui sont les règles de ce type d’exercice. Il m’a aussi permis de clarifier mon positionnement, tant pour ce qui concerne ma discipline (la géographie
sociale et politique) que du point de vue méthodologique et technique : il s’agissait de penser « en grand », pour un format de quatre-vingt centimètres sur cent, tout en donnant la priorité à une présentation visuelle des données.

This article examines how «residence» has been used as a mechanism to regulate welfare access in Italy and UK. The two countries have very different approaches to monitoring and registering local populations, but share a drive towards «differential inclusion» which has led to systemic paradoxes and has been characterised by discretionality and political frictions. This «residential bordering» of welfare rights has particularly targeted migrants and progressively extended to EU nationals and other vulnerable groups.

Este artículo repasa el proceso de construcción de una política migratoria comunitaria y las nuevas formas de control impulsadas desde la UE, prestando atención a las definiciones y argumentos que legitiman la visión de las migraciones como un tema de seguridad. Así mismo se remarca el vínculo entre los cambios producidos en la percepción de la inmigración y las transformaciones operadas en la sociedad salarial y en los modos de gestionar lo social. Por último, y sin pretender exhaustividad alguna, se presentan las formas de definir y gestionar las migraciones en el espacio comunitario como ejemplo de las racionalidades políticas y las tecnologías de gobierno características del liberalismo avanzado.

This paper analyses trends and patterns of migration from Iraq with a focus on the movement of those Iraqis who left their country between the Gulf war in 1990-1991 and the Anglo-American invasion of Iraq in April 2003. The conceptual frame of migration orders is used combined with approaches suggested by social geography and social anthropology. The first part sketches the dynamics, flows, directions, geographical poles and sociological features of Iraqi emigration before the 1990-1991 Gulf war. The second part looks in more details at the reshaping of the Iraqi migration order that took place between the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait in 1990 and the end of 2002. The last part considers a series of social variables (familial, communal/corporate and class) relevant for migration dynamics in the regional context and in Iraq. The paper discusses the relevance of distinguishing between the political and economic causes of emigration; argues that a combination between forced migration and collective dynamics characterises the post-Gulf war Iraqi migration order; and evaluates the role of migrants' social networks at the regional and global levels. It is finally argued that the new migration order that emerged from embargoed Iraq launched long-lasting and far-ranging collective migration dynamics that need to be accounted for to understand the migration mouvements taking place from post-Ba'thist Iraq.

This report presents preliminary fi ndings of the research project Transnational
Migration in Transition: Transformative Characteristics of Temporary Mobility of
People (EURA-NET). The project is funded by the European Union under the scheme
Seventh Framework Programme for Research and Technological Development, Socioeconomic Sciences and Humanities, Collaborative project. This report reflects only the
author’s views and the European Union is not liable for any use that may be made of
the information contained therein.

Turkey has become a nest for persons coming from a variety of countries, notably Syria,
Afghanistan, Iran, and Iraq since the late 19 th century. Since the arrival of Syrian refugees in 2011, following the unrest in Syria, today, Turkey hosts the largest number of refugees in the world, mostly consisting of the Syrians. This mass displacement has created a need for local integration and social cohesion policies towards migrants and refugees in the refugee agenda of the Turkish government. While the early years of this mass forced migration had been relatively smooth thanks to the welcoming attitude towards the refugees who were seen as “temporary guests”, cohabitation has become more and more problematic as the same actors noticed that this stay would be permanent. However, until 2016, when the EU-Turkey Statement was signed, Turkey had not any tangible integration policies towards migrants and refugees. Since then, the Turkish government has developed integration policies in the areas of education, labor market participation, healthcare, and social cohesion. This paper provides a general account of integration and cohesion policies of the Turkish government with a special focus on education, labor force participation, and healthcare before and after 2011, when mass forced migration from Syria arrived. It also offers a brief critical discussion on how the practices of marginalization, discrimination, and racism coming from the host society as well as the Turkish government are significant obstacles to the integration process.

Migration profile on the Netherlands - up to date until November 2014.
The profile discuss historic and post-war trends in immigration, describes the immigrant population, and provides information on immigration, asylum, citizenship and integration policies.

Dieser Artikel wurde erstmals veröffentlicht in: Neugebauer, Vivien (Hrsg.) (2018): Einwanderungsland Deutschland. Gesetz, Praxis und gesellschaftliches Selbstverständnis, Loccumer Protokoll, Band 73/16, Rehburg-Loccum: Evangelische Akademie Loccum. Bitte zitieren Sie die Originalquelle: http://www.loccum.de/protokoll/inhalt/inh1673.html

This contribution aims to shed light on the specific mechanism of migrant categorization implemented by the so-called «Hotspot approach», which was launched by the EU Agenda on Migration in May 2015. This approach is here envisaged as a response to the current changes in the composition of migration towards Europe. Provisions contained in EU and Italian policy documents are compared with concrete practices enacted on the ground by investigating two case studies: the initial opening of the Hotspot at Milo, in Trapani, and the first months of functioning of the Hotspot on Lampedusa. The empirical research covers the period between the last months of 2015 and the beginning of 2016. The short-term consequences of the hotspot system have been the creation of thousands of irregularized migrants within the Italian territory, and a massive violation of the principles grounding the right to asylum. These consequences were so blatant to oblige Italian authorities to interrupt some of these practices. Yet, in the long term, this experimental phase can be regarded as a laboratory for the subsequent development of EU policies on migration and asylum.

More than thirty years after its birth, the Schengen area of free movement is under siege in Europe: new barriers are being erected along land borders, military assets are increasingly deployed to patrol the Mediterranean, while sophisticated surveillance tools are used to try to keep track of the flows of people crossing into European space.
Bringing together perspectives from political geography, critical criminology and legal theory, Policing Mobility Regimes offers a systematic analysis of the impact that Frontex is having on migration control strategies at the EU level and offers a detailed empirical description of the agency’s organization and operational activities. In addition, this book explores the meaning behind the attempt at developing a post-national border control strategy and what effect this might have on the geopolitics of Europe’s borders. It contributes to the wider theoretical debate on the relationship between migration, security and the transformation of borders in contemporary Europe.
An accessible and compelling read, this book will appeal to all those engaged with criminology, sociology, geography, politics, law and all those interested in learning about Europe’s changing borders.

"In a truly transdisciplinary feat, Campesi has mobilized the disciplines of international relations, European law, and the social sciences, to project an impressive light on the processes of construction of a new European Leviathan through the lens of FRONTEX, the new ‘European Border Agency’, for the first time scrutinized in all its many, and often peculiar, dimensions."
Dario Melossi, Professor of Criminology, University of Bologna

"This book is a must-read for anyone interpelled to critically engage and gain a better understanding of the complex multilevel border regimes in the European Union. Through the lenses of an in-depth study of the EU Frontex Agency, the book compellingly shows how emerging 'EU policing mobility regimes' feature inherent controversies affecting their legitimation. These relate to their intrinsic antinomies with the safeguarding of individuals' human dignity and democratic rule of law principles which lay at the roots of the EU constitutional framework."
Sergio Carrera, Head of the Justice and Home Affairs Programme at CEPS

"Since its establishment in 2005 Frontex has deeply reframed the management of European borders, orchestrating the operations of national and private actors within an emerging ‘post-national’ pattern. Giuseppe Campesi provides a brilliant and compelling analysis of such shift, focusing both on the agency itself and on the ensuing implications for matters of space, security, social stratification and hierarchies. A must-read for anyone interested in border, security, migration, and EU studies."
Sandro Mezzadra, co-author of Border as Method, or, the Multiplication of Labor

El objetivo general del recorrido que aquí se propone es desvelar cuándo, cómo, y en relación con qué procesos cierta presencia inmigrante ha llegado a ser pensada en términos de integración y mediante qué vías y mecanismos esa integración pretende ser alcanzada. Se trata de interrogar al problema de la integración de inmigrantes sorteando el camino de la elaboración de sus posibles soluciones, para explorar las dinámicas de su constitución e institución como problema. Para responder estas cuestiones, el análisis empírico toma como punto de partida los Planes de integración de inmigrantes elaborados por la Generalitat de Cataluña (2001-2004) y la Comunidad de Madrid (2001-2003), sin olvidar el marco español y europeo. Al enfocar la atención en dos comunidades autónomas se siguen algunas recomendaciones metodológicas sobre la conveniencia de explorar espacios distintos al del Estado-nación como vía para discutir la homogeneidad de los modelos estatales de gestión de la diversidad. Las herramientas analíticas para examinar estos procesos se han construido recurriendo a perspectivas teóricas de orígenes diversos que han sido aplicadas de manera algo heterodoxa.
El entrelazamiento de estas miradas teóricas permite conceptualizar las políticas migratorias, y en especial las políticas desplegadas bajo la rúbrica de la integración, como instrumentos de construcción nacional y como herramientas para el análisis de sistemas de gobierno. A nivel metodológico, y en sintonía con estas perspectivas analíticas, se defiende que lo actual no es solo lo contemporáneo, sino también la continuidad y el efecto de una herencia que es necesario reconstruir. Por eso se apuesta por una historización del presente y por una labor comparativa, como se desprende de algunas de las preguntas que guían esta investigación: ¿Qué es lo que distingue la forma de imaginar la inmigración en el Plan de integración de inmigrantes en Cataluña con relación al de Madrid? ¿Qué similitudes y peculiaridades emergen en la forma de problematizar la presencia inmigrante a partir de la década de los ochenta con relación a la etapa de posguerra y considerando distintos países europeos? ¿Qué constantes y qué innovaciones se desprenden del análisis de las formas de pensar la integración de inmigrantes en la Generalitat de Cataluña a principios del siglo XXI, en comparación con la tematización de la presencia inmigrante de mediados del siglo XX? ¿Cómo se ha ido transformando el modo de pensar e intervenir en la cuestión social desde el siglo XIX hasta nuestros días? ¿Qué rasgos han caracterizado este proceso en el contexto español con relación al marco europeo? ¿Qué historia particular ha tenido la conformación del Estado de bienestar en España? ¿Qué paralelismos y divergencias pueden rastrearse entre los perfiles de la nueva cuestión social y las formas de pensar y buscar activar la integración de inmigrantes en la actualidad?
Para hilar esta trama es necesario comparar no solo países o regiones diferentes, sino momentos históricos particulares, prestando atención a cómo las cosas son pensadas de manera peculiar según el lugar y el momento del que se trate, y cómo esas mentalidades van cambiando a lo largo del tiempo.
Este trabajo no se propone efectuar evaluaciones ni recomendaciones normativas y mucho menos aventurarse en el terreno de las definiciones sobre qué es (y qué no es) un inmigrante, la integración, un Estado, una nación o una nación sin Estado. Por el contrario, lo que se busca no es hablar sino hacer hablar, sacar a la luz las ideas, supuestos y definiciones que algunos políticos, funcionarios, elaboradores de políticas, trabajadores de ONG y representantes del ámbito académico tienen sobre estos asuntos. Interesa explorar qué contenido le dan a cada uno de estos términos, con qué otras cosas los relacionan, qué intervenciones alientan, sabiendo que toda forma de intervenir supone siempre una forma de concebir. Dicho de otra forma: toda política (pública o privada) conlleva invariablemente una concepción acerca de la realidad sobre la cual se pretende actuar.

Integration" stellt in der politischen und öffentlichen Debatte nicht nur einen vielgenutzten und umkämpften Begriff dar; er ist auch überaus wirkmächtig, da mit ihm ein Zugriff auf Menschen vorbereitet, konzipiert und legitimiert wird. Im vorliegenden kurzen Beitrag wird die Referenz "Integration" so erläutern, dass ihre Unangemessenheit als politische Zielorientierung deutlich wird. "Integration" ist semantischer Teil einer Disziplinierungspraxis, denen sich Menschen, die als Menschen mit Migrationshintergrund gelten, vermehrt gegenüber stehen. Wenn "Integration" nun mit Bezug auf Bildungsfragen zur zentralen Leitlinie wird, wird der pädagogische Handlungswiderspruch zwischen "gesellschaftlicher Brauchbarkeit" und "Selbstentfaltung" eindeutig zugunsten der Brauchbarkeit aufgelöst. Im zweiten Teil des Textes wird die Unangemessenheit der Bildungsperspektive "Integration" markiert. "Migration" ist nicht allein ein Prozess des Überschreitens von (z.B. nationalen) Grenzen, sondern ein Phänomen, das die Thematisierung und Problematisierung von symbolischen Grenzen der Zugehörigkeit nach sich zieht. Zur Disposition steht hierbei etwas, das verloren und vielleicht auch gewonnen werden kann, ein zentrales imaginäres gesellschaftliches Moment, ein institutionalisiertes Vorstellungsbild also, das Wirklichkeit schafft, nämlich die Frage, wer "wir" sind bzw. wer wollen "wir" sein. Durch das und in dem Thema "Migration" wird die Frage problematisiert, wer und was (z.B. welche lingualen und kulturellen Praxen) zum vorgestellten nationalstaatlichen Zusammenhang legitimer Weise gehören und wer und was legitimer Weise nicht. Diese Beunruhigung ist hierbei nicht alleine eine abstrakte und bloß im Raum der medialen und politischen Öffentlichkeit ausgetragene Auseinandersetzung. Sie betrifft vielmehr grundlegende Praxen und Selbstverständnisse wie beispielsweise die Frage, wer in Österreich juristisch legal und kulturell legitim von sich behaupten darf, Bürgerin dieses Landes zu sein und als Bürger zu handeln. Sie betrifft aber auch die weitgehend von monokulturellen und monolingualen Routinen geprägten Institutionen und Organisationen der sozialen, pädagogischen und gesundheitlichen Subsysteme, die durch Migrationsphänomene in ihren Selbstverständnissen, Strukturen und Mustern grundlegend irritiert werden. Schließlich zeigt sich die Beunruhigung aber auch auf einer individuellen und persönlich-biographischen Ebene, da durch Migration als selbstverständlich geltende

Only international remittance has 15% share of total GDP in Bangladesh (though it makes 'brain drain' as well)and Internal migration has nearly same as well. An alarming issue that predominantly male migration could produce a sex imbalance by near future. Finally, this paper will try to find out key policy issues related to migration and problems of migrants from both internal as well international migration.

Dopo una breve riflessione sulle politiche migratorie italiane degli ultimi decenni, il contributo offre una sintetica panoramica della disciplina legislativa italiana delle politiche di immigrazione. Soffermandosi sul permesso di soggiorno con scadenza, sul permesso di soggiorno di lungo periodo e sulla cittadinanza, si indicheranno i requisiti linguistici fissati, le procedure stabilite per la loro verifica e, quando previste, le attività formative obbligatorie. Inoltre, sulla base degli esiti delle sessioni di marzo 2019 e febbraio 2020 del Test di conoscenza della lingua italiana a livello A2 somministrato dai CPIA in accordo con le prefetture e grazie alle osservazioni fatte da un gruppo di docenti di lingua italiana per discenti di lingua straniera, noti anche come A23, in servizio nei CPIA, il contributo si propone di capire se le criticità osservate nel corso degli anni sono state affrontate.


This paper is about migration policies and language testing in Italy. After a general overview of the immigration policies in recent decades, we focus on policy requirements for residency and citizenship. We describe the language requirements, the procedures established for their assessment and, if provided, the specific set of official courses. Thanks to the analysis of the results of A2 tests for the long-term residency permits administrated in March 2019 and February 2020 and taking into consideration some remarks made by a group of Italian L2 teachers who work in the CPIAs, the paper aims to understand if the critical issues observed over the years have been addressed properly.

This paper will argue that the pursuit of the UAE's nation-state-building project, the implementation of neoliberal urban policies, and increasing security concerns together have led to the Dubai authorities projecting a selective, discretionary representation of diversity. Based on ethnographic accounts of the Dubai Art Fair in the city's new urban spaces, the article aims to offer insights into the politics of cultural diversity in Dubai today. The art fair is celebrated as a manifestation of Dubai's cultural diversity and openness to the world. This paper contends that the promotion of diversity through spaces of global cultural practice, such as the fair, must be understood through a joint analysis of both state-building and global processes. Bringing into play the notion of 'national globalism', the article elaborates on the inherent logic underpinning the political representation of cultural diversity in the UAE and the locations that are chosen for this purpose.

Il saggio affronta la questione di come le recenti accelerazioni della globalizzazione hanno intensificato i fenomeni migratori in Europa, a causa dell'incrementarsi della disuguaglianza globale e della gestione non lineare della questione da parte dell'Unione Europea.

¿Por qué el exilio de los judíos perseguidos por el régimen nazi fue para México un "exilio incómodo"? ¿Cuáles fueron las razones que explican que la generosa política de asilo de México frente a los perseguidos por los regímenes totalitarios europeos no se haya implementado en el caso de los refugiados judíos? ¿Por qué México prohibió en 1934 la inmigración de judíos al país? ¿Cómo ayuda este episodio a comprender más cabalmente el alcance de la ideología del mestizaje y su influencia en la construcción de la política inmigratoria mexicana?

This chapter focuses on the policies and politics of Arab migration to the
Gulf States in the post-Arab uprisings’ period. It explores the following question: how do political and economic factors interplay in the policymaking by Arab sending states? The chapter puts forward the argument that, despite the common assumption that migration to the Gulf States is chiefly driven by economics, politics plays a major role in Arab migration patterns and policies, at the domestic, regional, and bilateral levels.(...)

Ce mémoire vise à présenter la situation de la minorité russe au sein du Kazakhstan contemporain et à comprendre les motivations poussant chaque année une partie de cette population à émigrer en Russie. Il s’agira de s’intéresser au processus de kazakhisation et aux inquiétudes qu’il suscite au sein de la population russe du Kazakhstan, mais aussi d’étudier l’influence de la crise économique et de la question scolaire sur les sentiments migratoires de cette minorité nationale. Ce travail a aussi pour objectif de décrire le phénomène de migration du Kazakhstan vers la Russie et d’analyser ses dynamiques sociales et géographiques. Il s’agira enfin de placer ce phénomène migratoire dans un contexte plus large de « géopolitique des compatriotes » et de voir quels effets démographiques cette migration produit sur la Russie et le Kazakhstan

L’ouvrage issue d'une recherche codirigée par Jean-Noël Ferrié et Mehdi Alioua et financée par la KAS au sein de l'Université Internationale de Rabat se propose de faire le point sur la Nouvelle politique migratoire marocaine, lancée en 2013 avec la première campagne de régularisation des migrants. Dans un premier temps, il aborde les étapes de la conception de cette politique ainsi que sa relation avec la diplomatie africaine du Maroc (chapitres I, II et III). Dans un second temps, il s’intéresse à la perception des migrants subsahariens par les Marocains (chapitres IV et V). Il insiste sur la particularité de la politique migratoire marocaine d’être, du moins pour l’instant, faiblement investie par le débat politique, ce qui donne une plus grande liberté à ses initiateurs

Can all Nepali expatriatesbe considered Nepali Diaspora? And what about their literary creations? These questions can be answered when Nepali Diaspora and its literature is theorized from the perspective of transnationalism. In the last decade there were a lot of generalizations on these ideas. In many cases all transnational migrant communities were wrongly termed as diaspora. In this context, based on my PhD dissertation and other further researches, this paper has categorized Nepali out-migrants and it has discussed their literary creations as per the types of emotions and imaginations these different communities cherish. The basis of this categorization is the theory of transnationalism as discussed by Janine Dahinden. This discussion has divided and exemplified all Nepali transnational communities into three broad categories: diaspora, transnational mobiles (both of the economic emigrants and cosmopolitans) and transnational outsiders. All these communities have different histories, life patterns, experiences, expectations, emotions and imaginations. The same are expressed in their literary creations. The pattern of Nepali transnational migration has been the base of the creation of Nepali Diaspora. Furthermore, the Nepali diaspora communities can also be divided into three specific categories: established diaspora, insipient diaspora and dormant diaspora. Their literary creations exhibit different qualities of their life and consequent emotions and imaginations. Examples have been drawn from Nepali poetry created by Nepali transnational migrants. It is hoped that this paper will contribute to the latest theorization of diaspora and its literature even beyond the Nepali context.

El objetivo principal del presente trabajo es analizar las relaciones entre movilidad humana, políticas migratorias, violencia y corrupción. No se busca hacer un recuento de las violaciones generalizadas a los derechos humanos de los migrantes en México –trabajo que han realizado acuciosamente las organizaciones de la sociedad civil nacionales e internacionales–, sino estudiar los procesos políticos, sociales y culturales que derivaron en la crisis humanitaria que se vive actualmente en el país en materia de movilidad humana.

En Croatie, un dispositif de camps pour demandeurs d’asile se met en place depuis 2004 sous l’impulsion de l’Union européenne, ayant la fonction officielle d’héberger des migrants en quête de protection internationale. Ce modèle de gestion des migrations est fondé sur des camps de type « ouvert » et « fermé » (Migreurop, 2012). Alors que les premiers servent au placement de demandeurs d’asile, les seconds ont généralement pour fonction d’organiser l’expulsion de « migrants illégalisés ».
L’étude réalisée au camp de « l’hôtel Porin » en Croatie (Zagreb), révèle des manières de faire et d’habiter qui, à partir de productions territoriales locales, questionnent les capacités d’un modèle global de « mise en camp » à créer du lien social. Support, produit et médiateur de ces interactions, le camp apparaît comme un « lieu autre », une hétérotopie qui détermine les conditions de la co-habitation entre groupes en renforçant la construction de frontières (au sens de border et de boundary) entre « le Même » et « l’Autre » (Carof & al., 2015).

This thesis explores the first phase of the revision of the European Union (EU) Blue Card Directive from June 2016 to June 2017. Out of the four EU labour migration Directives, the Blue Card aims to attract highly-skilled third country nationals to the EU and grants those admitted a favourable set of rights. In the revision, the European Parliament is for the first time fully involved as a co-legislator. While in the scholarly debate little attention has been paid to the role of the European Parliament in labour migration policy-making, existing research indicates that the European Parliament seeks to strengthen labour migrants’ rights. In this context, this thesis asks to what extent the revision process offers the opportunity to strengthen Blue Card holders’ rights.
At the same time, strengthened rights for Blue Card holders inevitably result in an increase in the diverging treatment of labour migrants in the EU. In light of this ambivalence, this thesis aims to also analyse to what extend the revision of the Blue Card Directive offers the opportunity to establish a higher standard of rights for labour migrants in the EU. This analysis shall complement academic literature that questions the practice of granting labour migrants in the EU different rights, but lacks of research on the manner in which the more preferential treatment of highly-skilled labour migrants is justified by actors in the European Commission and Parliament. Addressing this gap in research, this thesis offers new insights into how involved actors from the European Commission and Parliament address Blue Card holders’ rights and the diverging treatment of labour migrants in the EU.
To achieve its analysis objective, this thesis uses a methodological triangulation approach of qualitative policy document and interview analyses.