Presidentialim

The article is dedicated to theoretical, methodolo gical and empirical analysis of the essence, nature and types, constitutional and p olitical challenges and consequences of different republican systems of government. Special attention is paid to theoretical and empirical comparative analysis of semi-presidentialism. The author single s out different varieties of semi-presidential system of government and identifies the examples of different types of semi-presidentialism in the world. The researcher uses several approaches to th e classification of semi-presidentialism: formal, factual and both formal and factual. The usage of d ifferent types of semi-presidentialism is tested within the parameters of their performance, includi ng the indicators of political rights and civil liberties, governance effectiveness and human devel opment. On this basis, the researcher builds a synthetic model of semi-presidentialism, which is t he sum of various interinstitutional relations, each of whi...

This paper is concerned with the political interactions occurred amongst
the presidential system and the multi-party one in Brazil. In short, it will be
discussed the paramount matters that revolves around Brazil’s political scope,
which is stood out by the existence of a powerful president and a heterogeneous
party system interacting simultaneously, as well as the consequences
occurred in the practice of political coalitions. Moreover, despite the fact that
such a party system has been shaken by the 2018 elections, having won an
undemocratic and “illiberal” candidacy, it seems to us that, so far, it has not
been enough to suggest its transformation.

A partir de la crise du 16 mai 1877, cet article s'efforce de mettre en lumière une constante de l'histoire française, lors des grandes crises constitutionnelles qui l'ont traversée: au lieu de résoudre les conflits par une confrontation entre majorité et opposition, concentrée sur le premier ministre, comme le veut la logique des régimes parlementaires, la responsabilité politique remonte systématiquement jusqu'au chef de l'Etat, qui choisit de désavouer les assemblées et d'en appeler directement au peuple, mettant ainsi en jeu la survie même des institutions (1830, 1852, 1877, 1962). L'hypothèse de l'article est que cette exception française s'explique par le traumatisme fondateur du procès de Louis XVI, condamné par le biais d'une responsabilité pénale constituante: lors des crises de régime, les chefs d'Etat ultérieurs n'eurent de cesse de tenter de la retourner à leur profit.

L'instauration du « suffrage universel » en 1848 ouvre la porte à une politique de masse de type démocratique. La première élection présidentielle au « suffrage universel », en fait masculin, précipite pourtant la chute de la République. En effet, c'est l'élection triomphale de Louis-Napoléon Bonaparte (74,3% des suffrages) qui favorise le retour à l'Empire. Ainsi, pendant deux décennies, les premiers pas de la politique électorale se feront dans le cadre autoritaire et faussement concurrentiel de ce régime. Le Second empire organisa cependant les premiers pas d'une politique de masse de type démocratique qui survivra à la chute de Napoléon III.

El año pasado Grijalbo publicó el libro “4T, claves para descifrar el rompecabezas”. Sin duda alguna, esta colección de 17 ensayos coordinada por Blanca Heredia y Hernán Gómez Bruera constituye un excelente esfuerzo para tratar de entender lo que es la 4T. En lo personal lo recomiendo ampliamente, sobre todo porque este libro será un punto de referencia obligado para saber en realidad qué fue aquello que de repente se apareció en el horizonte político del país, liderado por un hombre que llega a la presidencia de la República después de dos intentonas y con una organización política que asemeja más a un movimiento político baby que a un partido político. Los académicos estudiosos del régimen político mexicano allá por 2027 agradecerán enormemente la publicación de la iniciativa de Blanca y Hernán...

Hace un par de días el presidente Andrés dijo en una de sus conferencias mañaneras que repetía y repetía que la corrupción ya se acabó allá arriba, en el círculo legal que conforma al ejecutivo. Dio a entender que ya estaba cansado de repetirlo, que es como si no dijera nada al respecto, que no lo quieren escuchar.

Tiene usted razón, señor presidente, no nada más no se le quiere escuchar: no vale la pena escucharlo. Es pura pérdida de tiempo auditivo. Es un ejercicio inútil hacerlo. Desgaste irracional de neuronas.

Y mire, tómelo de un académico aspiracionista, que en su momento hasta votó por usted. No vale la pena escucharlo por dos razones. Primo. La dura realidad y la más elemental racionalidad tienden a destruir su mágico discurso cúralo-todo. Secondo. Aparentemente usted cree que por el simple hecho de decir las cosas, éstas se arreglan de manera automática. Cero acciones y harto verbo, como en los mejores tiempos de los corruptos gobiernos priistas. En ese sentido usted es más de lo mismo.

The purpose of this study, the Parliamentary System in Turkey in the light
of the criticism, History of Democracy in Turkey to investigate the stability of the
Presidential Management System.
Compilation method for the study, and this issue of scientific books,
articles, magazines, etc. materials used. Work consists of five sections: First, about the
general trends in political regimes, political regimes, the current status of the problem
and Turkey Political Regime, secondly, the emergence of the Presidential System, Hard
Separation of Powers, the executive Presidential Hegemony and the Latin American
States Government System, Third, the Presidential information about the system and
relationship between the organs, Fourth, Presidential system challenges, solutions and
recommendations, the last chapter for the Presidential system in Turkey benefits,
drawbacks, and analysis was performed.
Solved through democratic electoral systems, the system congestion.
Otherwise, political, sociological, economic and cultural conflicts can result with
military coups, the democratic system in Turkey, they are subject to a standstill by a
military coup, and memorandums. This makes the kind of problems with it queries the
effectiveness of state powers. Parliamentary and Presidential System applied on the
basis of study for Turkey, countries tried to bring solutions to handle it, as well as better
understand this topic in the last periods of the Ottoman Empire until the 1982
constitution, which coincided with periods of the First Constitutional Monarchy was
also evaluated.

Málokterý politolog dnes pochybuje o tom, že rozdílné formy institucí a vztahů mezi nimi zásadně ovlivňují charakter politické soutěže, kvalitu demokratického vládnutí nebo dokonce vyhlídky na přežití demokracie v zemi. Ve srovnávací politologii se proto do popředí dostává problematika vztahů mezi výkonnou (exekutivní) a zákonodárnou (legislativní) mocí v demokratických zemích. Mezi demokratickými zeměmi totiž v tomto ohledu existují obrovské rozdíly. Vedle tradičních členění demokratických režimů podle jejich institucionálního uspořádání (např. unitární versus federální stát, monarchické versus republikánské uspořádání, modely přímé a nepřímé demokracie) se klasifikace na základě odlišných exekutivně-legislativních vztahů ukazuje jako jeden z nejdiskutovanějších institucionálních problémů ve srovnávací politologii. Velká část této diskuse se věnuje relativním výhodám klasifikace na prezidentské, poloprezidentské a parlamentní systémy.

Le regard des constitutionnalistes français sur l'élection présidentielle a profondément changé, comme elle a également conduit à relire autrement les autres systèmes qui prévoient une telle élection. On s’intéresse ici à une thèse désormais très largement partagée selon laquelle la puissance du Président de la Ve République ne tiendrait pas, comme cela a été soutenu et l'est encore parfois, à son élection mais à ses compétences propres lesquelles justifieraient, en retour, son élection. C'est aussi ce que prouverait une comparaison avec les systèmes étrangers qui pratiquent eux aussi l’élection du chef de l’État au suffrage universel. A l'examen, cette thèse n'emporte pas plus la conviction que celle qu'elle prétend renverser. Et les comparaisons entre système ne permettent pas non plus de démontrer que les compétences d'un Président rendraient nécessaires son élection au suffrage universel direct.

The thesis titled "LA TENSIÓN INSTITUCIONAL (o por qué la Corte Suprema de Justicia y el Presidente deben enfrentarse)" by Emiliano Falcón, supervised by Alfonso Santiago (h.), addresses the nature and potential outcomes of the relationship between the Supreme Court of Justice, the President, and Congress in Argentina.

I argue that an appropriate fulfillment of the Supreme Court's function should create a certain degree of institutional tension because both excessive and lack of tension either break or superficially uphold constitutional structures. The work integrates insights from Administrative Law, Constitutional Law, Political Science, and even modern Physics, offering an in-depth analysis of the attributes of political power, its link to separation of powers, and its constitutional dynamics.

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La tesis "LA TENSIÓN INSTITUCIONAL (o por qué la Corte Suprema de Justicia y el Presidente deben enfrentarse)" de Emiliano Falcón, bajo la dirección de Alfonso Santiago (h.), examina la naturaleza y los posibles resultados de la relación entre la Corte Suprema de Justicia, el Presidente y el Congreso en Argentina.

Argumento que un cumplimiento adecuado de la función de la Corte Suprema debe crear un tensión institucional porque tanto el exceso como la falta de tensión rompen o mantienen superficialmente las estructuras constitucionales. El trabajo integra perspectivas del Derecho Administrativo, Derecho Constitucional, Ciencia Política e incluso Física Moderna, ofreciendo un análisis profundo de los atributos del poder político, su vínculo con la separación de poderes y su dinámica constitucional.

O regime republicano português foi um fenómeno precoce no quadro europeu, mas a sobrevivência deste ao longo do
século XX, sobretudo considerando a longa experiência autoritária, demonstrou a rápida consolidação das instituições republicanas na sociedade portuguesa e, especialmente, em alguns segmentos das suas elites. Os presidentes, ainda que os seus poderes variassem muito ao longo dos últimos 100 anos, estiveram muitas vezes no centro da vida política portuguesa. Este livro tem como objetivo repensar o presidencialismo e o semipresidencialismo, colocando o caso português em contexto. Assim, a primeira parte repensa as definições e a prática política do semipresidencialismo. A segunda faz um balanço do presidencialismo na América Latina, em África e em Timor-Leste, e a terceira concentra-se no caso português, sobretudo nos dilemas mais recentes do impacto da crise de 2008 no segundo mandato do Presidente Cavaco Silva e nas eleições presidenciais de 2016, que deram a vitória a Marcelo Rebelo de Sousa.

The Puritan’s spirit of introspection seems to be one of the ingredients that functions to as the public to examine the selves in order to respond and even to evaluate the present circumstances for the purpose of finding the appropriate attitude and action in the frame of the attempt to reach the objective of the nation. At this point the recalling of the spirit of introspection becomes crucial in the sense of guiding and leading American people to contemplate and, later, to take part in the planned programs for the new presidential administration. The recalling of the spirit falls into two dimensions namely individual and communal dimension. Basing upon the Puritan’s conviction that God has personal interest in an individual for which the individual defines the reason to be introspective whether or not he remains in the frame of the chosen and the way of God’s will, the presidents from Reagan to Obama reconnect their people to be introspective so that they can recognize their potential and resources as well as capacity to overcome challenges that may confront the journey of the country and to gain optimism in participating in the support for the programs launched by a new presidency. On the other hand, the communal dimension is related to the presidents attempt to precondition people to a state of constant inward seeking of the contribution as a community for the national development. Taking the Puritans’ notion of a continuously self-introspection for the assurance of salvation, the American presidents requires similar introspection of the people in ensuring their ability to deal with national problems and in generating their will to be the part of community to advocate the pursuit of the prosperity for all.

The article is dedicated to theoretical, methodological and empirical analysis of the essence, nature and types, constitutional and political challenges and consequences of different republican systems of government. Special attention is paid to theoretical and empirical comparative analysis of semi-presidentialism. The author singles out different varieties of semi-presidential system of government and identifies the examples of different types of semi-presidentialism in the world. The researcher uses several approaches to the classification of semi-presidentialism: formal, factual and both formal and factual. The usage of different types of semi-presidentialism is tested within the parameters of their performance, including the indicators of political rights and civil liberties, governance effectiveness and human development. On this basis, the researcher builds a synthetic model of semi-presidentialism, which is the sum of various interinstitutional relations, each of which has a decisive role in assessing the quality and efficiency of semi-presidentialism.  This author applies the model on Ukraine in 1991-2015 and stresses that the Ukrainian semi-presidentialism is extremely unstable that is manifested in frequent changes of its designs and types. In addition, the researcher pays special attention to the prospects of semi-presidentialism reforming in Ukraine given the global experience of semi-presidentialism and its various options.  Keywords: form of government, system of government, semi-presidentialism, presidentialism, parliamentarism, president-parliamentarism, premier-presidentialism, Ukraine.

Daniel Chasquetti: Reseña del Libro Centro Presidencial. Presidencias y Centros de Gobierno en América Latina, Estados Unidos y Europa. Jorge Lanzaro (coordinador). Editorial Tecnos, Madrid 2018. 437 páginas.

Daniel Chasquetti: Review of the Book Centro Presidencial. Presidencias y Centros de Gobierno en América Latina, Estados Unidos y Europa. Jorge Lanzaro (editor). Editorial Tecnos, Madrid 2018 (437 pages).

Resumo Como a literatura vem analisando o Poder Executivo nos diferentes regimes políticos? A partir da diferença institucional básica entre presidencialismo e parlamentarismo pode-se identificar dois conjuntos de contribuições principais para o entendimento do funcionamento do Executivo em democracias: a literatura sobre a presidência americana e as discussões sobre os governos de coalizão no parlamentarismo europeu. O que os dois conjuntos de teorias têm em comum é a preocupação com a política intra-executivo. Esta literatura é analisada, identificando as principais questões, instituições, comportamentos e variáveis enfatizadas. Como resultado tem-se a sistematização e comparação dos principais argumentos sobre o funcionamento interno do Executivo não só no presidencialismo e no parlamentarismo, mas também a contribuição para a explicação do caso específico do presidencialismo de coalizão.

(co-authored with Ferdinand Müller-Rommel) Executive power has been and will continue to be a prominent and widely used concept in political science. This chapter shows that executive power has mostly been examined in context with political power and political institutions. After providing an overview of different concepts under historical perspective, the chapter introduces various definitions of executive power and advocates that executive power should be studied in context with the functioning of political institutions. In a third step, we examine different forms of executive power in authoritarian and democratic regimes. Fourth, we study the internal structure of political executives in democratic regimes particularly in light of their linkage to political parties and legislative support. Fifth, we discuss the issue of gender representation in the context of executive power. Finally, we tackle the pressing debate on how to measure executive power. We conclude that executive power should be treated not as a rigid, but as a flexible concept for analysing the complex interaction of political actors in their institutional environment.

This paper deals with Slovak experience with semi-presidential system as introduced by the 1999 amendment to the Constitution. It is divided into two parts. In the first part, it explains origins of semi-presidentialism in Slovakia and examines constitutional powers of the President. The second part analyzes how three presidents (i.e. indirectly elected M. Kováč (1993-1998) and directly elected R. Schuster (1999-2004) and I. Gašparovič (2004-2014)) used these powers in the office and how they were influenced by other factors.

Resumo Este artigo objetiva traçar a trajetória e apresentar uma explicação para a manutenção do sistema eleitoral utilizado para a eleição da Câmara Federal, a representação proporcional de lista aberta, no âmbito da ANC 1987-8. Este arranjo institucional, juntamente com outros, como o presidencialismo, era e continua sendo apontado como um obstáculo para o estabelecimento e consolidação da ordem democrática no Brasil. Visto que o ímpeto reformista permeou em grande medida o processo constituinte, abarcando também os aspectos institucionais, cabe indagar as razões que explicariam a manutenção do sistema eleitoral. Nossa conclusão, baseada nos argumentos levantados, nas votações ocorridas e nos textos aprovados, aponta para uma situação não intuitiva: afirmamos que a " não-mudança " ocorreu por decisão estratégica de atores políticos comprometidos com reformas, com vistas a minimizar resistências a outras questões tidas como prioritárias, principalmente o parlamentarismo.

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Why do presidents in semi-presidential regimes sometimes call early elections? Is the behavior of incumbent presidents different from the behavior of presidential contenders when the former do not need to run for office but face the loss of parliamentary majority in a semi-presidential system? Prospect theory claims that agents make risky choices when facing a loss. Consequently, if incumbent presidents face a loss of majority in the parliament, they will call for early election to try to shore up or salvage the majority. To provide empirical evidence supporting this claim, prospect theory has been applied to the two presidential elections in Yugoslavia and Serbia in which two incumbent presidents, Slobodan Milošević (2000) and Boris Tadić (2012), had lost early presidential elections. The expected contribution of the paper is to deepen our understanding of how semi-presidential regimes resolve the problem of temporal rigidity and offer novel empirical data in support of the application of prospect theory in political science.

Reviewing the debate "parliamentarism versus presidentialism", this work adheres to the proposals that make a more positive evaluation of the matrices of presidential democracy and the efforts to catalog the variety of modalities that this regime of government presents. In this spirit, we propose a typology of presidentialisms that characterizes in particular pluralist forms as opposed to majority and plebiscitary forms -as other authors have done in relation to parliamentary regimes and democracies in general. The text also refers to the practices of compromise - which give rise to "presidentialism of compromise" - and to coalition experiences, which are not exclusive of parliamentarism and also occur in presidential regimes, giving rise to the "coalition presidentialism" that had its manifestations in previous times and that currently thrives in several countries in the region. Such approaches allow for a more comprehensive analysis of the evolution of Latin American "neo-presidentialism" in the phase of historical transition that began in the last decades of the 20th century, establishing better benchmarks for comparative study.

Remontando el debate "parlamentarismo versus presidencialismo", este artículo se suma a los planteos que hacen una evaluación más positiva de las matrices de la democracia presidencial y a los empeños por catalogar la variedad de modalidades que este régimen de gobierno presenta. Con este espíritu, propongo una tipología de los presidencialismos que caracteriza en particular las formas pluralistas frente a las formas mayoritarias y plebiscitarias, tal como otros autores lo han hecho en relación con los regímenes parlamentarios y a las democracias en general. El texto se refiere asimismo a las prácticas de compromiso - que dan lugar al "presidencialismo de compromiso" - y a las experiencias de coalición, las cuales no son exclusivas del parlamentarismo y se producen también en los regímenes presidenciales, dando lugar a un "presidencialismo de coalición" que tuvo sus manifestaciones en épocas previas y que actualmente prospera en unos cuantos países de la región. Tales enfoques permiten eventualmente hacer un análisis más comprensivo de la evolución del "neo-presidencialismo" latinoamericano en la fase de transición histórica que se inicia en las últimas décadas del siglo XX, estableciendo mejores puntos de referencia para el estudio comparativo.

Abstract: The fact that the debates of the presidential system holds an important scope in the Turkey’s political agenda can be explained by the abundance of the historical background of these debates. Turkish political scene has experienced the crisis eras with the basis of legislation and executive power and many politicians who have different tradition and ideological baseline, have suggested presidential system for preventing this crisis as a main target after the 1960 era. In this study, subjected persons’ statements were examined. Also it was informed about conjuncture of the statement and compared reasons which are obtained from this analysis. In this way, it was contributed to literature whether there is a similarity of these reasons as a topical issue from the discussions of actors who dominates the Turkish political life after 1960 era with the subject of “presidential system”.
Keywords: Turkish Political Scene, Executive, Presidential System.
Öz: Başkanlık sistemi tartışmalarının Türkiye gündeminde önemli bir yer tutması, bu tartışmaların tarihsel arka planının zenginliği ile açıklanabilir. Türk siyasal hayatı, yasama ve yürütme ilişkilerinden kaynaklanan kriz dönemlerine tanıklık etmiş ve özellikle 1960 sonrası dönemde farklı gelenek ve ideolojiden gelen birçok siyasetçi bu krizlerin yaşanmamasının önkoşulu olarak başkanlık sistemini önermiştir. Bu çalışmada söz konusu kişilerin demeçleri irdelenmiş, demeçte bulunulan konjonktür hakkında bilgi verilmiş ve bu demeçlerden elde edilen gerekçeler karşılaştırılmıştır. Böylelikle 1960 sonrası Türk siyasi tarihine yön veren aktörlerin başkanlık sistemini gündeme getirme gerekçelerinin paralellik arz edip etmediğine yönelik alan yazınına katkıda bulunulmuştur.
Anahtar Kelimeler: Türk Siyasal Hayatı, Yürütme, Başkanlık Sistemi.

É proibida a reprodução total ou parcial, por qualquer meio ou processo, inclusive quanto às características gráfi cas e/ ou editoriais. A violação de direitos autorais constitui crime (Código Penal, art.184 e § §, Lei n° 10.695, de 01/07/2003), sujeitando-se à busca e apreensão e indenizações diversas (Lei n°9.610/98). Todos os direitos desta edição reservados à Tirant Empório do Direito Editoral Ltda. 2020 ORGANIZADOR LUIZ GUILHERME ARCARO CONCI O DIREITO PÚBLICO EM TEMPOS PANDÊMICOS 9 PAÍSES, 11 TRABALHOS E UMA PORÇÃO DE INQUIETUDES APRESENTAÇÃO Tem sido comum ouvirmos que vivemos tempos de mudanças. Com a pandemia da COVID-19, a qual estamos vivendo em plano mundial, e cada qual em nossos países, tem-se claras mostras das limitações dos estados nacionais para o seu enfrentamento. O Estado, assim, volta a ser ator principal no cenário do enfrentamento e o Direito Público, assim, ganha exposição.

https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.1177/0010414019830737

Since presidential term limits were (re)adopted by many states during the third wave of democratization, 221 presidents across Latin America, Africa, the Middle East, and Asia have reached the end of their term(s) in office. Of these, 30% have attempted to contravene term limits, resulting in either full abolition, one-term extensions, or failure. What explains these divergent trajectories? I argue that trends in electoral competition over time best predict term limit outcomes, with non-competitive elections permitting full abolition, less-competitive elections allowing for one-term extensions, and competitive elections leading to failed bids. This is because electoral trends provide informational cues to the president's co-partisan legislators and constitutional court judges (the actors who ultimately rule on constitutional term limit amendments) about the cost/benefit analysis that voting to uphold or repeal term limits would have on their own political survival. These findings suggest a linkage between political uncertainty and constitutional stability more generally. Note: The following files were submitted by the author for peer review, but cannot be converted to PDF. You must view these files (e.g. movies) online. McKie Term Limits Replication data for CPS.dta McKie Term Limits Replication Stata do file for CPS.do Abstract: Since presidential term limits were (re)adopted by many states during the third wave of democratization, 221 presidents across Latin America, Africa, the Middle East, and Asia have reached the end of their term(s) in office. Of these, 30% have attempted to contravene term limits, resulting in either full abolition, one-term extensions, or failure. What explains these divergent trajectories? I argue that trends in electoral competition over time best predict term limit outcomes, with non-competitive elections permitting full abolition, less competitive elections allowing for one-term extensions, and competitive elections leading to failed bids. This is because electoral trends provide informational cues to the president's co-partisan legislators and constitutional court judges (the actors who ultimately rule on constitutional term limit amendments) about the cost/benefit analysis that voting to uphold or repeal term limits would have on their own political survival. These findings suggest a linkage between political uncertainty and constitutional stability more generally. During the rewriting of national constitutions in states across the world during the " third

Ronald KING (San Diego State University) and Claudiu TUFIŞ (University of Bucharest) invite scholars from various disciplines to contribute to a special issue on Semi-presidentialism and post-communism (1/2016) at the Annals of the University of Bucharest - Political Science Series.

The article focuses on a concept of presidentialization. It is related to main features of presidential regime and a tendency to apply its constitutional order to political activities in parliamentary democracy. Presidentialization is connected with changes in activity and perception of contemporary politics. Presidential regime implies that s/he is the most powerful politician because the president is simultaneously the head of the state and the head of the government. In parliamentary regimes, the role of the prime minister tends to be similar to the president’s in presidential regimes.

O poder legislativo e suas relações com o poder executivo ocupam papel central no debate sobre a consolidação e o funcionamento das democracias latino-americanas. A despeito de considerável avanço teórico e empírico no conjunto da literatura, diferentes posições analíticas compartilham equívoco semelhante, a saber, a indistinção entre as clivagens governo/oposição e liderança/minoria. Assume-se, de modo geral, que poderes e força do governo (oposição) equivalem a poderes e força da liderança partidária (minoria). Neste artigo, por meio de uma discussão teórica-conceitual, da análise dos dispositivos constitucionais e regimentais do Brasil em comparação com demais países da América do Sul, e de uma releitura de estudos sobre processo decisório, orçamentário e de fiscalização e controle do caso brasileiro, defendo a importância da separação analítica das duas clivagens para melhor compreensão do funcionamento do presidencialismo multipartidário.

Grover Cleveland is the president of many firsts. He was the first Democrat elected since the Civil War; first to be elected to non-consecutive terms, first president to be married in the White House and the first to have a child while president, and now he could add one more: This was the first time electric lights were ever hung on a Christmas tree in the White House.

The article is dedicated to analysing and comparing the president’s institution under the European semi-presidentialism, in particular in theoretical and empirical contexts. Based on the methodology of new institutionalism and behaviourism, the author researched the arbitrary nature and framework of the president’s institution in the European semi-presidentialism, in particular in historical, theoretical and methodological cuts. Special attention was paid to the problems of ways, features and consequences of presidential elections under the European semi-presidentialism. The study is also devoted to the issues of electoral and institutional specifics and logics of popular presidential legitimacy under the European semi-presidentialism. Finally, the article appeals to institutional, procedural, political and behavioural parameters of formal and actual powers and activism of presidents in the European semi-presidentialism. Generally, the scientist developed a complete and systematic view of the president’s institution under the European semi-presidentialism and argued the constant feasibility of the typology of the latter. Keywords: semi-presidentialism, president, elections, legitimacy, European countries.

Özet: Bu makalede parlamenter, başkanlık ve yarı başkanlık sistemiyle yönetilen ülkeler gelir dağılımı eşitsizliği ve yoksulluk bakımından incelenmektedir. Bu şekilde, yönetim sistemlerinin avantaj veya dezavantajlarına dair hipotetik tartışmaların aşılması, somut araştırma sonuçları üzerinden yönetim sistemlerinin niteliğine dair daha rafine bilgiye ulaşılması amaçlanmıştır. Çalışmanın ilk kısmında, dünyada hangi ülkelerin parlamenter sistemle, hangilerinin başkanlık ve yarı başkanlık sistemleriyle yönetildiği belirlenmiş ve tasnif edilmiştir. İkinci bölümde, yüz elliden fazla ülkenin gelir dağılımı eşitsizliği - Gini Endeksi (Dünya Bankası tahmini) yönetim sistemlerine göre gözden geçirilmiş ve karşılaştırılmıştır. Üçüncü bölümde ise Oxford Yoksulluk ve İnsani Gelişme Girişimi’nin Çok Boyutlu Yoksulluk Endeksi’ndeki yüz bir ülkenin yoksulluk seviyesi rakip siyasi sistemlere bağlılıkları açısından incelenmiştir. Çalışmanın sonuçlarına göre, parlamenter sistemle yönetilen ülkelerde gelir dağılımı eşitsizliğinin daha az olduğu, bu ülkelerin benzer şekilde yoksulluk açısından da daha olumlu durumda olduğu tespit edilmiştir. Başkanlık ve yarı başkanlık ülkelerinin ise bilakis her iki kategoride de olumsuz durumda bulunduğu belirlenmiştir.
Anahtar Kelimeler: Parlamenter sistem, Başkanlık sistemi, Yarı başkanlık sistemi, Gelir dağılımı eşitsizliği, Gini endeksi, Yoksulluk. Objektif
Abstract: In this article, parliamentary, presidential and semi-presidential governments are examined in terms of inequality of income distribution and poverty. In this way, it is aimed that hypothetical discussions about the advantages or disadvantages of political systems can be overcome and more refined knowledge about the nature of political systems can be reached through the concrete results of the analyses. In the first part of the study, it is determined and classified which countries in the world are governed by parliamentary system and which are governed by presidential and semi-presidential systems. In the second part, inequality of income distribution, measured by Gini Index (World Bank estimate) in more than one hundred and fifty countries of the world are reviewed and compared by parliamentary, presidential and semi-presidential systems. And in the third part, the poverty levels of one hundred and one countries in Multidimensional Poverty Index, which is developed by Oxford Poverty and Human Development Initiative, are assessed in terms of their affiliation to the competing political systems. According to the results of the study, it is found that inequality of income distribution is less in the countries governed by the parliamentary system, and in a similar way, it is more favorable in terms of poverty. Presidential and semi-presidential countries were found to be in somewhat negative condition in both categories.
Keywords: Parliamentary system, Presidential system, Semi-presidential system, Inequality of income distribution, Gini index, Poverty.

El artículo examina la atribución del Presidente de la República para decretar la disolución de la Asamblea Nacional, prevista en el artículo 148 de la Constitución de la República del Ecuador. Esta atribución, propia de los regímenes parlamentarios, fue incorporada para hacer
frente a episodios de remoción irregular del Presidente de la República, frecuentes a finales de los 1990 e inicios de los 2000. El trabajo sostiene que el mecanismo cumple con su propósito preventivo, pero fomenta realización de prácticas que resultan nocivas, y termina por erosionar el sentido de corresponsabilidad política en sentido amplio y en el mediano plazo. / The article examines the presidential attribution to decree the dissolution of the National Assembly, provided for in article 148 of the Ecuadorian constitution. Such device, normally seen in parliamentary systems, was included to tackle irregular presidential removals, frequent in the country in the late 1990s and early 2000s. This article holds that, although the mechanism fulfils its immediate preventive purpose, it also fosters damaging practices, which end up eroding the sense of political co-responsibility in a broader sense, and in the medium term.

This article reexamines Lijphart's (1997) idea that compulsory voting is an effective instrument to reduce income inequality. Using a quasi-experimental research design based on a matching technique, the results show that compulsory voting does not have a significant impact on redistributive policies. Examining the experience of Latin America, where mandatory voting prevails along with high income inequality, the article argues that the empirical problem with Lijphart's argument lies in the implicit assumption that there is a programmatic linkage between politicians and voters. An alternative hypothesis is proposed, that the combination of high electoral participation and high inequality may be due to the prevalence of clientelistic linkage, frequent in democracies with weak institutions.

(co-authored with Selena Grimaldi) This article focuses on Italian regional chief executives and aims to investigate if and how the Italian regionalisation process has affected regional chief executives’ career trajectories. Our analysis is based on an original dataset on political careers of regional heads of government in Italy from 1970 to 2015. After presenting our two research expectations, we find that the direct election of regional presidents and the decentralisation process have gone hand in hand with the selection of more regional political outsiders and visible politicians as well as with a higher integration between institutional levels in terms of career paths