Ibn Taymiyya
By Jon Hoover
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About this ebook
Jon Hoover
Jon Hoover is Associate Professor of Islamic Studies at the University of Nottingham. He specialises in Islamic intellectual history, medieval Islamic theology and philosophy, Christian–Muslim relations, and the thought of Ibn Taymiyya. He is the author of Ibn Taymiyya’s Theodicy of Perpetual Optimism, and numerous articles and book chapters on Ibn Taymiyya’s theology and ethics.
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Ibn Taymiyya - Jon Hoover
Ibn Taymiyya
TITLES IN THE MAKERS OF THE MUSLIM WORLD SERIES
Series Editors: Professor Khaled El-Rouayheb, Harvard University, and Professor Sabine Schmidtke, Institute for Advanced Study, Princeton
‘Abd al-Ghani al-Nabulusi, Samer Akkach
‘Abd al-Malik, Chase F. Robinson
Abd al-Rahman al-Kawakibi, Itzchak Weismann
‘Abd al-Rahman III, Maribel Fierro
‘Abd al-Rahman b. ‘Amr al-Awza‘i, Steven C. Judd
Abu Nuwas, Philip F. Kennedy
Ahmad al-Mansur, Mercedes García-Arenal
Ahmad ibn Hanbal, Christopher Melchert
Ahmad Riza Khan Barelwi, Usha Sanyal
Aisha al-Ba‘uniyya, Th. Emil Homerin
Akbar, André Wink
Al Ma’mun, Michael Cooperson
Al-Mutanabbi, Margaret Larkin
Amir Khusraw, Sunil Sharma
Ashraf ‘Ali Thanawi, Muhammad Qasim Zaman
Beshir Agha, Jane Hathaway
Chinggis Khan, Michal Biran
Elijah Muhammad, Herbert Berg
Fazlallah Astarabadi and the Hurufis, Shahzad Bashir
Ghazali, Eric Ormsby
Hasan al-Banna, Gudrun Krämer
Husain Ahmad Madani, Barbara D. Metcalf
Ibn ‘Abd al-Wahhab, Michael Crawford
Ibn ‘Arabi, William C. Chittick
Ibn Tufayl, Taneli Kukkonen
Ikhwan al-Safa’, Godefroid de Callataÿ
Imam Shafi‘i, Kecia Ali
Karim Khan Zand, John R. Perry
Mehmed Ali, Khaled Fahmy
Mu‘awiya ibn Abi Sufyan, R. Stephen Humphreys
Muhammad Abduh, Mark Sedgwick
Mulla Sadra, Sayeh Meisami
Nasser, Joel Gordon
Nazira Zeineddine, Miriam Cooke
Sa‘di, Homa Katouzian
Shah ‘Abbas, Sholeh A. Quinn
Shaykh Mufid, Tamima Bayhom-Daou
Usama ibn Munqidh, Paul M. Cobb
For current information and details of other books in the series, please visit oneworld-publications.com/makers-of-the-muslim-world
illustrationFor Mark and Yasmin
CONTENTS
INTRODUCTION
1 EARLY CAREER AND THE MONGOL INVASIONS
The Formative Years
Appearance, Character, and Personal Relationships
Early Engagements with Religious Law
Early Engagements with Theology
The Mongol Invasion of 1299–1300
The Mongol Invasions of 1300–1301 and 1303
Christians in the Wake of the Mongols
2 LATER CAREER AND MAJOR TRIALS
Conflicts with Sufis
The 1306 Damascus Trials over Theology
Imprisonments in Egypt over Theology and Sufism 1306–1310
Final Years in Egypt 1310–1313
Back in Damascus Teaching and Writing
The 1318 Nusayri Revolt
Trials over Divorce Oaths
Final Imprisonment over Grave Visitation 1326–1328
3 THE PRIORITY OF WORSHIP
Worship and the Human Natural Constitution
A Spirituality of Love
Divinity and Lordship
Command and Creation
Sainthood
4 WORSHIP, LAW, AND INNOVATION
Worship and the Law
Worship Rituals: Lawful and Innovated
Spiritual Concert and Annihilation
Benefit and the Law
Innovated Festivals and the Prophet’s Birthday
Grave Visitation and Intercession
Ibn Taymiyya and Sufism
5 JURISTIC AUTHORITY AND DERIVING GOD’S LAW
The Sunni Law School System
Back to the Qur’an and the Sunna
Forbidding Chess
Invalidating Triple Divorce
6 UTILITARIAN SOCIAL AND POLITICAL ETHICS
Social Ethics
The Caliphate
Public Authority and the Law
Law-Guided Public Policy
Trusts of public office and public wealth
Justice: the limits and rights of God and humans
Jihad
7 GOD AND CREATION
Kalam Theology
Esotericism
Non-cognitivism
Apologetic Interpretativism
God is Sitting Over the Throne
The Timelessly Eternal God of Philosophy and Kalam
God Wills for Wise Purposes and Creates from Eternity
8 GOD AND HUMANITY
Justice, Evil, and the Human Act
God’s Protection of Prophets
The Signs of a True Prophet
Christianity: An Object Lesson in Innovated Religion
The Ultimate Destiny of Unbelievers
9 EPILOGUE
Bibliography
Index
illustrationThe Middle East in the late thirteenth and early fourteenth centuries
INTRODUCTION
Ibn Taymiyya of Damascus was a famous Sunni Muslim activist, jurist, and theologian. He is well-known as one of the most learned and controversial religious scholars of medieval Islam. He promoted jihad against the Mongol invaders of Syria in the early 1300s, and he challenged the dominant religious beliefs and practices of his day. Ibn Taymiyya believed that weakness in the religious life of the Mamluk Empire of Egypt and Syria had made Muslims vulnerable to invasion by the Mongol hordes from the east. Both the Mongols on the outside and religious decay on the inside had to be fought. The Mamluk elites gladly made use of Ibn Taymiyya’s services to the Empire against the Mongols, but they were not always happy to tolerate his interventions in religious affairs. He endured a number of trials and imprisonments and eventually died in a Damascus prison in 1328.
Today, Ibn Taymiyya is both influential and fiercely contested. Advocates of violent jihad from the late 1970s to the present quote Ibn Taymiyya more than any other medieval scholar. Muslim modernists and contemporary revivalists reject the jihadi reading of Ibn Taymiyya and draw on his writings to address the challenges of modernity and globalization. The Arabian Wahhabi and Global Salafism movements look to Ibn Taymiyya to provide the broad outlines of their theology and spirituality. Shi‘is and many Sunnis blame Ibn Taymiyya for introducing excessive intolerance and theological error into their religion. A few governments have even tried to ban his books.
Ibn Taymiyya is not always what his modern admirers and detractors make him out to be. This book aims to provide a more accurate picture of Ibn Taymiyya through a historical account of his life and thought based on recent research. The first two chapters narrate the events of Ibn Taymiyya’s life. They also date his major works and discuss several shorter writings, especially those in conjunction with the Mongol invasions. The subsequent six chapters examine Ibn Taymiyya’s thought thematically. Chapters Three and Four focus on his spirituality and his polemic against innovation in religious ritual. The end of Chapter Four considers his relationship to the Islamic spirituality of Sufism. Chapter Five investigates his methodology for deriving the divine law. Chapter Six expounds Ibn Taymiyya’s social and political ethics, and the end of the chapter discusses his view of jihad. Chapters Seven and Eight treat his theology. I pause intermittently throughout the book to note how later generations have used and interpreted Ibn Taymiyya’s ideas, and I also consider the reception of his thought in a brief epilogue.
Several themes recur in Ibn Taymiyya’s life and writings. These include his struggle against innovation in religious practice and theology, his reform-minded appeal to the foundational sources of Islam, his Sunni sectarianism over against Shi‘ism and Christianity, and his apologetic conviction that Islamic revelation corresponds to reason. I have sought especially to bring out the utilitarianism that pervades Ibn Taymiyya’s actions, ethics, and theology. Overarching all of these themes, however, is his practical concern that God alone be worshipped and that God be worshipped according to the divine law. Worship as obedience lies at the core of Ibn Taymiyya’s mission. Ibn Taymiyya is historically significant because with intellectual power he injected a highly ethicized vision of worship into medieval Islam. His vision had only modest impact in his own time, but it has borne much fruit in later centuries, especially in modernity.
This is the first book-length academic introduction to Ibn Taymiyya in English. The pace of research on Ibn Taymiyya has quickened over the last few decades, and the time is ripe for a synthesis. The main studies used in the writing of this book are listed in the second part of the bibliography. I also had frequent recourse to the Arabic sources to fill in gaps in the research and clarify ambiguities. References for direct quotations and collections of Ibn Taymiyya’s works are given in abbreviated form in the text. The key to the abbreviations is to be found in the first section of the bibliography.
I would like to thank Khaled El-Rouayheb for inviting me to write this book and the British Academy for the mid-career fellowship that provided the time to do it. I also extend my deepest gratitude to Emrah Kaya, Jabir Sani-Maihula, Seerwan Ahmed, and Zeynep Yucedogru for their insights on Ibn Taymiyya; to Ali-reza Bhojani, Azhar Majothi, Bill Janzen, Caterina Bori, Hugh Goddard, Jacqueline Hoover, Janice Hoover, Livnat Holtzman, Mohammed Al Dhfar, Mustafa Monjur, Penny Wallace, Yossef Rapoport, and anonymous readers, for commenting on draft material and helping to improve the accuracy and accessibility of the text; and to the editorial team at Oneworld Publications for their expert and professional assistance. Errors that remain are my own.
illustrationEARLY CAREER AND THE MONGOL INVASIONS
In 1258 the Mongol general Hulagu conquered Baghdad, the longstanding seat of the Sunni caliphate, and extended the Ilkhanid Mongol Empire throughout the traditional Sunni heartlands of Persia and Iraq. Hulagu was probably a shamanist. His wife was a Christian. The Mongol policy of treating religious communities even-handedly demoted Sunnis from their position of dominance and improved the lot of Christians and Shi‘is. The Mongols also pushed west into Syria and Anatolia, and it fell to the Mamluk Empire of Egypt and Syria to halt their advance. In 1260 the Mamluks turned the Mongols back at the battle of ‘Ayn Jalut in Palestine. Nonetheless, the Mongols continued to threaten the Mamluks for decades to come. It was into this world of Mongol ascendancy that Ibn Taymiyya was born.
THE FORMATIVE YEARS
Ahmad Ibn Taymiyya was born in Harran on January 22, 1263 (Rabi‘al-awwal 10, 661 in the Islamic calendar). The family name Ibn Taymiyya
means Son of Taymiyya
in Arabic. Taymiyya
is a woman’s name. Ibn Taymiyya’s disciple and primary biographer Ibn ‘Abd al-Hadi offers two different explanations for the name. One is that an ancestor named his daughter Taymiyya after returning from travel in the Tayma’ region of northwestern Arabia. The other is that an ancestor’s mother was a preacher named Taymiyya. Harran is today in southeastern Turkey, just north of the border with Syria. At the time of Ibn Taymiyya’s birth, the city was under the control of the Mamluk Empire, but that did not last for long. The Ilkhanid Mongols were close at hand. In 1269, when Ibn Taymiyya was six years old, a Mongol incursion forced his family to flee Harran for Damascus. According to Ibn ‘Abd al-Hadi, the family escaped by night with their books in a cart.
Ibn Taymiyya came from a family of religious scholars affiliated with the Hanbali law school. The Hanbalis were the smallest of the four Sunni law schools within the Mamluk Empire. The Shafi‘is were the largest, followed by the Hanafis and the Malikis. Religious learning was the chief route to prestige and social power in Damascus apart from the military, and Ibn Taymiyya’s family was well prepared to compete in this environment. Once in Damascus, the family took up residence in the Sukkariyya madrasa, a Hanbali religious school, and Ibn Taymiyya’s father became the headmaster.
Ibn Taymiyya was educated in the religious sciences, with the majority of his teachers Hanbalis. He was a precocious student well-known for his intelligence and superb memory, and he is said to have started issuing legal opinions (fatwas) by the age of 19. When his father died in 1284, Ibn Taymiyya took over the headship of the Sukkariyya madrasa, and he taught his inaugural lesson in the presence of several leading scholars. A month later, he began teaching Qur’an interpretation on Fridays at the great Umayyad mosque in the center of Damascus. Ibn Taymiyya’s fame spread widely and he rose in public stature. In 1296 he attained a teaching post at the prestigious Hanbaliyya madrasa in Damascus.
APPEARANCE, CHARACTER, AND PERSONAL RELATIONSHIPS
The mature Ibn Taymiyya was a formidable figure. His prominent contemporary and erstwhile colleague Shams al-Din al-Dhahabi depicts him as follows:
He is loved by scholars and persons of piety, soldiers and emirs, merchants and people in authority. The rest of the common people love him because he stands up for their benefit, day and night, in his words and his writings. As for his courage, proverbial tales are told of it, and in some of them he resembles the greatest heroes… Vehemence possessed him when he worked as if he were a fighting lion… He was frequently tactless and argumentative, may God forgive him. He was poor, having no money, and his clothing – like any other jurist – was a wide robe, a long coat, a turban worth thirty dirhams, and cheap shoes. He had short hair. His figure was daunting. His gray hair was sparse. His beard was round. His complexion was between fair and the color of grain. He was of medium height, and it was as if his eyes were two eloquent tongues above his shoulders. He led people in the longest of prayers, bowing and prostrating. Sometimes he would get up to greet a person who had arrived from a journey, and sometimes he would turn away from him. When he arrived somewhere people sometimes rose to greet him, but for him it was all the same because he was unconcerned with formalities. He never bowed to anybody, restricting himself to greeting, shaking hands and smiling. He might honor his companion on one occasion and then offend him repeatedly in dispute on other occasions. (Nubdha 334–335, translation adapted from 343–344)
Al-Dhahabi presents a mixed picture. On the one hand, Ibn Taymiyya is popular, courageous, devoted to religious practice, and modest in attire. Laudatory biographers such as Ibn ‘Abd al-Hadi underline the valiant and devout side of Ibn Taymiyya, and they portray him as faithful to a Hanbali ideal of moderate asceticism and piety. He did not clothe himself in rags like extreme Sufis who wished to accentuate their poverty, nor did he wear luxurious clothes that would draw attention to himself. He was generous and little concerned for food or money. He was dedicated to performing his prayers and supplications to God. On the other hand, al-Dhahabi describes Ibn Taymiyya as sometimes irritable, contentious, and rude. Other contemporary biographers depict these aspects of Ibn Taymiyya’s character in a heroic light or gloss over them.
Ibn Taymiyya never married. Islamic law and the Hanbali ascetic ideal prescribe marriage, but the biographers neither criticize nor explain this lapse in Ibn Taymiyya’s devotion. Celibacy was not unheard of in medieval Islam, and Ibn Taymiyya may have sacrificed marriage for the benefit of his scholarly vocation. Still, Ibn Taymiyya did not go without human companionship. He was close to his mother and his brothers Sharaf al-Din and Zayn al-Din. His brothers were also part of his intimate circle of students and fellow scholars. This group was never very large – perhaps ten or so in number – and its membership fluctuated. Al-Dhahabi had been part of the circle until losing patience with Ibn Taymiyya’s embarrassing behavior and eccentric views. The Sufi ‘Imad al-Din al-Wasiti functioned as a spiritual guide within the group until his death in 1311. Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyya, Ibn Taymiyya’s foremost disciple, joined the circle from 1313 onward. By and large, members of the circle shared Ibn Taymiyya’s intellectual outlook and joined in with his public activism against vice and religious innovations.
EARLY ENGAGEMENTS WITH RELIGIOUS LAW
Ibn Taymiyya devoted much energy in his late twenties and early thirties to religious law. His treatise on the rites of pilgrimage (MF 26:98–159) likely dates to 1292 when, at the age of 29, he performed the pilgrimage to Mecca. This treatise expresses imperatives that will dominate his thinking throughout his career: perform the prescribed religious rituals according to the pattern of the earliest Muslim generations (known as the Salaf), avoid innovated and unauthorized practices (bid‘a), and worship God alone.
Ibn Taymiyya’s Commentary on The Support (Sharh al-‘umda) probably dates to the mid-1290s, and it illustrates Ibn Taymiyya’s early conformity to Hanbali law. This bulky work annotates the sections on religious ritual in The Support (al-‘Umda), a survey of mainstream Hanbali legal positions by the eminent scholar Muwaffaq al-Din Ibn Qudama (d. 1223). Throughout the Commentary, Ibn Taymiyya faithfully conforms to the rulings of the Hanbali school, as was expected of jurists in their respective law schools at the time.
In his later years, however, Ibn Taymiyya sometimes departs from Hanbali views. Al-Dhahabi writes, For some years now he has not issued legal opinions according to a specific school, but rather according to the proof that supports his position
(Nubdha 333). To take one example, Ibn Taymiyya in his Commentary follows the Hanbalis in making the lesser pilgrimage to Mecca (‘umra) obligatory. Later on, he states that it is optional, a view that happens to agree with the Malikis and the Hanafis (MF 26:5–9). Ibn Taymiyya argues this case directly from the Qur’an. He does not take the Hanbali view, nor the view of any other school, to be binding. Ibn Taymiyya is here exercising what is called independent reasoning
(ijtihad), a practice that broke with the protocol of the Sunni law school system of his day. We will encounter further implications of Ibn Taymiyya’s independent reasoning at different points in this book, and especially in Chapter Five.
A third early work on law dicusses punishment for insulting the Prophet Muhammad. The occasion of this treatise was Ibn Taymiyya’s first major intervention in public affairs. The story begins in mid-1294 when he was 31 years old. People from a village just outside Damascus complained directly to the governor of the city that a Christian scribe had insulted the Prophet. Insulting the Prophet was a capital offense. The governor ignored the complaint out of deference to the Christian’s employer, an emir named ‘Assaf. This displeased Ibn Taymiyya and the Shafi‘i jurist Zayn al-Din al-Fariqi. They led a crowd from the Umayyad mosque in the center of Damascus