TIME 2007.11.05 Vol. 170 No. 19

November 5, 2007
November 5, 2007 Vol. 170 No. 19
PHOTOGRAPH BY ROBERT GAUTHIER LOS ANGELES TIMES
COVER
The Fire This Time

Thursday, Oct. 25, 2007 By BRYAN WALSH
file:///D|/PISMA/TIME/2007/11/TIME%202007.11.05%20...2019/TIME%202007.11.05%20Vol.%20170%20No.%2019.htm (1 z 91) [2007-11-03 22:51:31]
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Firefighters watch a backfire on a hillside in Jamul, Calif., Tuesday, October 23, 2007. Rick Bowmer / AP Correction Appended: October 25, 2007 The Santa Ana winds begin cold, gathering power and mass in the high desert between Las Vegas and Los Angeles. Air pressure pushes the winds up and over the San Gabriel Mountains, westward toward the Pacific Ocean, until gravity takes hold. The air becomes compressed as it drops, growing hotter and dryer, stripping moisture from the ground, accelerating sometimes past 100 m.p.h. (160 km/h) as it squeezes through Southern California's many canyons. The punishing gusts of the Santa Anas herald cursed weather, days and nights of devilish heat. Should a fire spark in the dry woodlands surrounding the region's cities and suburbs, the winds become a flamethrower, spreading glowing embers half a mile (800 m) or more. The Santa Anas have been midwife to the most destructive wildfires in California's history, from the Great Fire of 1889 to the 2003 disaster that blackened nearly 700,000 acres (280,000 hectares) of forest. Lifelong residents of the state know the Santa Anas and dread them. As Joan Didion has written, "The wind shows us how close to the edge we are." This week the people of Southern California may have reached that edge. "We're in a state of shock right now," says Dr. Zab Mosenifar, director of the Cedars-Sinai Women's Guild Pulmonary Disease Institute in Los Angeles, who was preparing for an influx of smokefile:///D|/PISMA/TIME/2007/11/TIME%202007.11.05%20...2019/TIME%202007.11.05%20Vol.%20170%20No.%2019.htm (2 z 91) [2007-11-03 22:51:31]
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inhalation victims at his hospital. "This is beyond thinking." Beginning overnight on Oct. 20, unusually fierce Santa Ana winds stoked fires that quickly burst into life throughout a dry, hot landscape. By midweek, more than 20 separate blazes formed pockets of fire running from the Mexican border north to Simi Valley outside Los Angeles. In many places, the heat and smoke were so intense that the 7,000 firefighters recruited from around the country could do little but watch. The flames consumed more than 400,000 acres (162,000 hectares), destroyed more than 2,000 houses and forced the temporary evacuation of nearly 1 million people the biggest mass migration in the U.S. since Hurricane Katrina, and far more than were evacuated during the 2003 San Diego wildfires, previously considered California's worst. In San Diego County, site of the worst fires, people spent a few minutes gathering some mementos before abandoning their houses ahead of the flames, seeking refuge with relatives or friends or even in Qualcomm Stadium, which went from being the home of the San Diego Chargers to a temporary shelter for more than 20,000 refugees stirring worrisome memories of the tens of thousands who swarmed to the Superdome in New Orleans two years ago. Hotels filled quickly, highways jammed and grocery-store shelves ran bare. Some residents learned of the danger through television coverage of the fire. The images of the flames they couldn't yet see out their windows but knew were on the march only added to an atmosphere of terror. "Everyone is running around scared," said Dr. Sanjana Chaturvedi, a San Diego resident who fled her home with her husband and two children. "No one knows what to do. There is no place to go. I have no place to go." Often the flames moved faster than the residents. When Jay Blankenbeckler went to bed the night of Oct. 21 at his home in Rancho Bernardo, he could see smoke, but the fire still seemed far away. Upon awakening early the next morning and turning on the TV, he saw a newscaster reporting in front of a blaze one that was less than half a mile from Blankenbeckler's house. "It had already burned through an entire neighborhood," he says. "That's when I thought, 'This is real.'" The Government Steps In State and federal officials did their best to quell the anxiety of refugees and of people who, at least for the time being, were still in their homes. California Governor Arnold Schwarzenegger was in full action-hero mode, traveling to the firefighters' front lines, while President George
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W. Bush chastened by Washington's dilatory response to Katrina declared the region a "major disaster" and promptly dispatched Homeland Security Secretary Michael Chertoff, along with Army helicopters, troops and millions of dollars in federal aid. San Diego city officials even implemented a reverse 911 system with automated warning calls going to residents, urging them to evacuate. This early and aggressive emptying of the region a hard-earned lesson of the 2003 fires, which left 20 people dead likely saved Californians' lives, if not their property. "The issue this time is not preparedness," said San Diego City Council president Scott Peters. "It's that the event is so overwhelming." The question is, why? Fires have always been with us and are one way nature cleans house, burning off dry vegetation and opening up old ground for new growth. So why have these natural events become natural disasters? Why do there seem to be more of them, and when they do strike, why are they ever more catastrophic? The Development Scourge Part of the reason Southern California has become such a dangerous place to live is that it's such an attractive place to live. The migration of people drawn to the West by the region's mountains, forests and proximity to the ocean has led to more and more new residents building houses on the shrinking borderlands between edge suburbs and untouched wilderness. More than 8.6 million Western homes have been built within 30 miles (50 km) of national forest since 1982; in California, where the population has more than tripled since 1950, in excess of 50% of new housing has been built in a severe-fire zone. That's risky for obvious reasons: If more people choose to live in areas threatened by fire, more people will be in harm's way when disaster finally strikes. But those houses, especially if owners fail to prioritize fire safety, are often more sensitive to fire than are untouched forests, and just a few scattered houses in the woods can amplify a wildfire. "Isolated homes surrounded by natural vegetation are probably the most dangerous combination for fires," says Jon Keeley, a research ecologist with the U.S. Geographical Survey (USGS). Beyond providing fuel for the flames, new dwellings also concentrate the single biggest cause of wildfires: us. The downed power lines, careless barbecues and abandoned campfires that frequently spark fires don't happen in the absence of people. And then there is the wicked wild card of arson. Perhaps only one person in a community of thousands has a hand in triggering a blaze, but the very
presence of those thousands is what turns an otherwise messy event deadly. "The same fires happening wouldn't be anywhere near as serious without this development pattern," says Volker Radeloff, a forest ecologist at the University of Wisconsin. Then, too, there's climate change. As occurred after Hurricane Katrina, the question of what role global warming might have played in the disaster arose before the fires had even begun to die down. While environmental scientists are careful not to blame the droughts or heat waves of any one season on climate change, the overwhelming majority of climate models point to more of these extreme conditions in the already dry Southwest as the planet warms. A study led by researchers at the Scripps Institution of Oceanography in La Jolla, Calif., and published in Science last year found that as temperatures increased in the West, which is now 1.5 degrees Fahrenheit (almost 1 degree Celsius) warmer than it was in 1987, so did the length of the wildfire season and the size and duration of the average fire. Fighting and Feeding The Flames Even when we try to be smart about fires, we often just make things worse. For more than a century, the U.S. Forest Service the federal agency responsible for combating wildfires has pursued a policy of stamping out blazes wherever they occur and doing so all the more aggressively as population grows in the endangered regions. For those accustomed to living in urban areas, that makes sense the job of a city fire department is to stop blazes before they damage property. But that's not how things work in the great Western forests. Paradoxically, trying to put out every minor blaze may raise the risk for the occasional megafire since the forests are not permitted to do their important work of occasionally clearing out accumulated vegetation. This is a little like letting newspapers pile up in your kitchen: If a fire occurs, the place is primed to blow. "These larger and more severe wildfires are an unintended consequence of a suppression policy that doesn't work," says Richard Minnich, a wildfire ecologist at the University of California at Riverside. "If anything, suppression actually endangers society." The situation was worsened by a relatively wet winter in 2004-05, which let trees and scrub grow densely, followed by extremely dry weather since, which turned the vegetation to still more fuel. In fact, this past year has seen the worst drought in Los Angeles' recorded history. Adding to the tinder were those Santa Ana winds, which strike regularly in the autumn but
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rarely with the power of the past week. "They usually come in small, medium and large," says Bill Patzert, a climatologist with NASA's Jet Propulsion Laboratory in Pasadena, Calif. "These were Godzilla winds." A Losing Battle As more houses are dispersed through the fire zone whether summer cabins or new McMansions both firefighters and budgets are stretched ever more thinly. Last year the Forest Service spent a record $2.5 billion fighting wildfires that burned 9.9 million acres (4 million hectares), another record. Even though California has boosted spending on firefighting since the catastrophic blazes of 2003 the state set aside $850 million for this year when a megafire like this one strikes, officers on the ground quickly hit the limits of what they can do. "You're putting people between the unstoppable force of a wildfire and the immovable object of a home," says Timothy Ingalsbee, executive director of Firefighters United for Safety, Ethics and Ecology. "That's as unsafe a position as you can be in as a firefighter." A frightening possibility is that the October wildfires may be only the start not just of future fires in future seasons but of more to come this year. The Santa Ana winds have just begun and typically peak in the winter. What's more, there is not likely to be much relief from drought conditions. The National Weather Service predicts a La Nia pattern this winter, which occurs when sea-surface temperatures in the equatorial Pacific Ocean are cooler than usual. La Nia usually translates to dryer and hotter weather in the American South. The long-term forecast isn't any better. Few scientists expect dry areas like the Southwest to do anything but grow dryer still. The past several years have been among the dryest on record in the West, leaving the Colorado River which supplies water to 30 million people at its lowest level in 85 years of measurements. If the mountain snowpack that stores much of the water used by the West were to melt because of higher temperatures, all the reservoirs in the world might not be enough to keep the region wet. Even if the effects of climate change turn out to be milder than feared, the same population growth that puts people in the way of fires also strains the scarce water supplies needed to fight them. In San Diego County, home to one of the fastest-growing metro areas in the U.S., water use has risen by about 34% since 1995. "We've set ourselves up for this," says JPL's Patzert. "We've been handing out building permits without considering the requirements for water."
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The Outlook Does all this mean that the only way to stop the cycle of catastrophic forest fires is to change the way Americans live in the West? Probably but the transition will be painful. Population growth in the affected areas has implicitly been supported by federal policies that protect private homes even if they're built in risky areas. This, in turn, has caused the Forest Service which is supposed to perform a range of wilderness functions to become largely a firefighting agency, devoting nearly half its budget to that one job. That has caught the eye of Congress, which wants spending to be brought under control. The loss in recent years of several firefighters who died protecting homes has further caused Washington to rethink its policies. "So much development in California has followed the pioneering spirit," says Keeley of the USGS. "But we're reaching critical limits in growth, and people have to realize that they will lose certain freedoms if they want to be safe." Wisconsin's Radeloff says those who choose to build homes in fire zones are "gambling with high stakes and right now many of them are losing." One answer might be to make clear to those who choose to build in the highest-risk areas that they are effectively on their own a message the insurance industry, which has grown reluctant to protect exposed properties, is communicating to Western home-owners. But while it's easy to see that logic and to point fingers at the very victims of the fires this week it's impossible not to focus more on the terror and worry of those whose homes are at risk, like Lee Hamilton. By the time the 60-yearold San Diego radio personality woke to a reverse-911 call early on the morning of Oct. 22, embers were already raining over his house. Hamilton barely had time to save his 93-year-old mother and a suitcase full of insurance papers before fleeing. "When I pulled out of my driveway, my mind-set was, I was saying good-bye to all my memories," he says. "I thought the whole neighborhood was going to be leveled." When he returned the next morning, fewer than half the homes in his area had survived including his own. But the sheer scale of the destruction in the city Hamilton has called home for 22 years has left him wondering how San Diego will go on. "I'm mostly numb. I really felt we were losing everything." Of course, nature rarely abides apocalypse. By the time the flames finally begin to go out, the charred forests will be on their way to rebirth. "The plants will put in new growth soon," says David Weise, a project leader with the Forest Service's Forest Fire Laboratory in Riverside, Calif.
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"The forest is amazingly resilient." So are people. After the devastating wildfires of 2003, 1993 and 1970, Californians rebuilt and returned to the scorched hills in ever greater numbers. No doubt they will do so again after the wildfires of 2007. But the larger question is, should they? With reporting by Carolyn Sayre/New York, Matt Kettmann/Santa Barbara and Jill Underwood and Gary Warth/San Diego The original version of this article misstated the name of the San Diego reporter as Matt Warth. His name is Gary Warth.
What to Save From a Fire

Thursday, Oct. 25, 2007 By AMANDA RIPLEY
alifornia fires Jeffrey Lamont Brown for TIME Imagine getting a knock on the door in the middle of the night. You have 10 minutes to leave, says the sheriff's deputy, and you don't doubt him. The air is suddenly so turbid that your
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daughter, who has asthma, is throwing up in the hall bathroom. Ash is gathering like snow on the front steps. You close the door and consider the question that is becoming an existential ritual for hundreds of thousands of people around the world every year: What do I take? What do I take, after the photo albums, the inhaler and the important papers? Then what? In California the other day, Ava Raich packed the younger kids' special blankets, her grandfather's World War II Marine uniform and his Purple Heart, she told the Los Angeles Times. Diane Doroski fled with an antique toy carousel and her great-grandmother's butter dish. Butch Rey took his wife, three children and two parents. His sons took all their autographed baseballs and their PlayStation 2, Agence France-Presse reported. The word evacuation doesn't do justice to the poignancy of the act. An evacuation is-potentially--the willful and reasonable abandonment of a life. Not just the photographs but also your grandfather's ashes and your baby's receiving blanket from the hospital. Until they're gone, it's easy to tell yourself those things don't matter. Then material things become a proxy for all the nonmaterial things you lost too. Peace of mind, say, or a sense of where you came from. Or an identity as someone who gives handouts and doesn't take them. Now that disasters are becoming more frequent and more destructive, entire populations are becoming experts in this calculus. Since Hurricane Katrina, people on the Gulf Coast maintain the smartest evacuation packs you will find anywhere: ruthlessly compact, wildly creative. They keep documents sealed in floatable boxes; they have coffee tables that turn into trunks and garbage cans that turn into latrines; they have learned that the only thing more valuable than a hand-crank radio is a hand-crank TV. In 2006 the New Orleans Times-Picayune asked people to write in their advice for future evacuations. Their responses read like poetry, and you won't find most of them on any Red Cross checklist: my own pillow, Sudoku, shoes other than flip-flops, solar-powered garden lights, cat litter (for the humans), the kids' immunization records, the good bottles of wine we were saving for special occasions, and Xanax. People wrote about the lessons they will carry in their heads. The kind of advice that doesn't fit in a suitcase but will almost certainly matter more than Band-Aids: Learn how to text-message,
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do not let your kids watch TV news, and never depend on the government. And "as you drive away from a house and possessions you may never enjoy again," wrote a survivor, "remember the song about how you can't drag a U-Haul behind your hearse." Over the years, I have written about dozens of disasters as a reporter. Mostly because I would be embarrassed if I didn't, I keep an evacuation backpack stashed deep in the hall closet. But the truth is, I've never been satisfied with the concept. Yes, I think everyone has a responsibility to have three days of water and food, plus extra medications, if possible. But there is something wrong with those lists. They are too long and too short at the same time. After Hurricane Katrina, John Sorensen and his wife Barbara Vogt Sorensen, both experts in disaster preparedness, went to Wal-Mart to conduct an experiment. They divided up the emergency-supplies list that FEMA had published, then started shopping. It took them 2 1/2 hours. It cost $343 for a family of two. Theoretically, a good number of the items would need to be replenished every six to 12 months. "A family that lives from check to check can't afford to do that. It was a real eye-opener," says John, who, with his wife, works at Oak Ridge National Laboratory in Tennessee. He piled everything into a huge duffel bag, and his wife couldn't lift it. "I think there is a need for prioritization," he says. Personally, I've come to think that the smartest thing to do is to keep a small bag of recommended provisions, plus a list--which you would make yourself and update every year or so. The list would be short enough so that you could gather everything up in 10 minutes. If nothing else, making the list would be an interesting exercise. Like making a time capsule that never gets buried. Unless, of course, Mount Vesuvius erupts. In that case, if you have had time to pack your bag, it might be something for the archaeologists to unearth. They would puzzle over the PlayStation 2 and the butter dish and wonder what it said about who you were--and what you most feared losing. Web Exclusive
After the Destruction...the Insurance

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Wednesday, Oct. 24, 2007 By KATE STINCHFIELD
A fire burns on an unattended property near Del Dios Highway in the Rancho Santa Fe area of San Diego, California October 23, 2007. Mario Anzuoni / Reuters When catastrophic damage is done and family photos, televisions and toothbrushes are gone, homeowners turn to their insurance companies. That is what the people of southern California will be doing in the days and weeks to come. But it doesn't promise to be easy or pretty. As Time's Gary Warth noted in another story, following the 2003 fires, hundreds of lawsuits were filed by homeowners who claimed they did not have enough coverage to rebuild after they lost their homes. In April of this year, the first trial involving the dispute ended with a jury determining the insurance company was not at fault. In the wake of this year's wildfires and with the lessons of Katrina firmly in mind insurance companies from all over the world are channeling immediate emergency support into the Southern California area to envelope their clients in, at the very least, the appearance of care. Liberty Mutual deployed mobile catastrophe units, which are virtual offices made up of claims adjusters in RVs, to both San Diego and Los Angeles. Other companies have both 24hour telephone support and on-site assistance safety restrictions permitting. "We had a team in San Diego by Monday," says Bob Courtemanche, president of Fireman's Fund Insurance. "Some of the agents on the ground were evacuated, so they have been working off site. That was the issue with Hurricane Katrina too."
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Right away agents are able to help those affected with the vitals: a place to stay, clothing, toiletries, even personal computers, a somewhat surprising necessity. "Let's face it, we're the baby boomers. Everybody has a computer or two in their home," explains White. "As you're going through this horrific event, having a home computer so we can send you spreadsheets to start listing your belongings is going to speed up your process." It is going to be a long process: some one million Californians have been evacuated and the fires are far from finished. Some insurance executives are saying this is already one of the worst fires on record and the damage has yet to be assessed. "It's too hard to estimate the exact damage, but we already have more total losses today than we had a few years ago with the 2003 wildfires," says Sue White, vice president and manager of Homeowner Claims at Liberty Mutual Right now, a homeowners best bet is to have a solid policy in place, in addition to a record of what's in their home stowed in a fireproof safe. But this is clear only in hindsight to some Californians. "They don't think it will happen to them," says Courtemanche. "And now their lives are totally disrupted at a moment's notice and they have to rebuild." In the aftermath of the fires, insurance companies will help clients figure out how to rebuild what they had. "If they've had friends over recently, they might have pictures of the living room, which we can utilize to help rebuild," says White. "The architectural plans could be sitting with the architect or in the town planning office. We can start looking for those." But with rebuilding comes several critical concerns. The first is cost. The price of building materials skyrockets in the construction boom that results from a catastrophe. Even top-notch builders can't bypass heavy material prices, which often double following a major natural disaster. Then come scams. Often insurers refer to trusted networks of building contractors whose work they have previously screened and approved. Still, scam artists are aplenty in times of disaster relief. To cut costs, disaster victims often opt for a good deal over a good builder reputation. "People will send them fliers and come knocking on their doors," explains White. "They'll try to get them to sign on the dotted line, then they'll take their cash and disappear." If all that hassle and heartache weren't enough, the threat of mudslides looms large following major wildfires. While most homeowners have insurance that covers fire damage, mudslides usually aren't covered. So while those who lost major portions of their homes can stake their
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insurance claims, Californians who sustain only minor smoke or water damage, and then have their homes wiped out by mudslides, are often on their own. "In a lot of ways, mudslides are worse than fires," O'Shea says. "Some people have lost their homes due to them, and that's not covered." Indeed, those who sustained more minor damage to their personal property may face an entirely different scenario from those who have lost their houses completely. They may have to wait their turn. "Homes lost are the first priority," says Christian Rataj, Western State Affairs Manager for the National Association of Mutual Insurance Companies (NAMIC). "It's just common sense that you will take care of the people who lost their homes and have nowhere to sleep." After learning from the Katrina relief process, some companies, though, have triage programs in place so that the little guy isn't lost among the larger claims. "We've got people located all over the U.S. to handle the smaller claims. These people don't need to have us on site," says Liberty Mutual's White. The insurers point to other potential sources of complication: building codes, for example, can vary from town to town and jurisdiction to jurisdiction, making them incompatible, at times, with insurance requirements. "We need stronger codes to make homes more wind resistant and fire resistant, which makes a big differences in how homes can respond to these disasters. It can save lives," says Courtemanche. "There is difficulty in getting the right codes in place from a political standpoint. The construction lobby can be quite obstinate about that." White says the key is for legislators, lobbyists and insurance companies to work together. "Red tape isn't always the best." Still, insurers are often the ones to take the blame for bad disaster relief, says White, and they are sick of being the bad guys. "I don't consider myself to be a bad person," she says. "We're looking for one thing: to help get people back on their feet again as quickly as possible. That's what we do everyday." As she and her colleagues know, that is a job that goes beyond numbers. "We're going to be having people out there that aren't handling claims but will sit there and talk and cry," says White. "Everything these people own is gone." Waiting for the calls to come into her office in Malibu, on the fringe of the fire's path, State Farm Agent Shelly O'Shea says, "It's very gloomy and eerie here today. The only things going up and down the street are fire trucks."
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Cue Disaster, Cut to Schwarzenegger

Wednesday, Oct. 24, 2007 By DAVID VON DREHLE
Governor Arnold Schwarzenegger gives a press conference after touring the Lake Arrowhead fire zone William Foster / Sipa It's hard not to conclude, at this point, that Somebody Up There is a Schwarzenegger fan. How else does a muscle-bound guy with a heavy accent become a major movie star and then governor of Cauleeforneeah? And now, with wildfires raging from Simi Valley to San Diego, Someone dials down the wind and cranks up the humidity just in time to hand Arnold another triumph. The California Governor is drawing praise from across the political spectrum for his leadership as the fire emergency forced the largest evacuation in the state's history. An early critic of the state's fire response, Orange County fire chief Chip Prather, had nothing but accolades for Schwarzenegger on Wednesday. His "personal attention" to firefighters battling the blazes "is inspiring knowing the guy at the top is there with them," Prather said at a news conference near Los Angeles.
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California's National Guard Commander Maj. Gen. William Wade extolled the "coordination and cooperation" in the Schwarzenegger-led effort. L.A. County Sheriff Lee Baca said the fires were a reminder that "this state requires the gubernatorial leadership that you provide." But the most striking testimonial may have been the one delivered by Senator Barbara Boxer, one of the Senate's most liberal members. She said she had feared that the war in Iraq left the National Guard so depleted that California would be unable to handle the disaster. But "the Governor's swift action" in pulling guard members away from a mission to patrol the border assured that sufficient boots were very quickly on the ground, the Senator allowed. It's not every day a Republican gets a shout-out from Boxer. Things might have been different if the harsh, hot Santa Ana had kept blowing at gale force, because the inferno came close to pushing Schwarzenegger's system to the breaking point. Last May, a Los Angeles Times investigation found a number of unfilled gaps in the state's firefighting capacity, despite the recommendations of a blue-ribbon commission set up in the wake of disastrous fires in 2003. Big-ticket items, like more manpower and trucks, new communications systems and a modern fleet of water-dumping helicopters and planes, went unfunded by the legislature and the Schwarzenegger administration. But if it's true that the Governor was lucky, it's also true that luck favors the well-prepared. Schwarzenegger was able to move those National Guard troops quickly because he had a plan in place to redeploy them in an emergency. The obvious competence of the emergency response in stark contrast to the debacle of Hurricane Katrina was the product of years of training, planning and drills. And the Governor was ready for his close-up. He had planned to be with his wife, Maria Shriver, at a major conference on women's issues sponsored by his office, but when the emergency escalated, he rushed to the front lines with camera crews in tow. With squinting eyes and frowny mouth, he greeted firefighters and surveyed the ruins of incinerated homes. Schwarzenegger explained his philosophy of being a Governor with his customary candor in a message beamed by satellite to the 14,000 conference-goers back in Long Beach. "The most important thing is you jump into action as quickly as possible," he said. The public needs to see "that you are a hands-on Governor," that you "take care of the firefighters" and feel the
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pain of people who have lost their homes. Martin Kaplan, a former Democratic strategist and speechwriter who now directs the Norman Lear Center at the University of Southern California, says Schwarzenegger has been on local television almost constantly, projecting calm and reassurance. Kaplan's daughter attended the women's conference, he said, and she heard widespread murmurs of approval when the Governor explained his thinking. "I'm also struck by his focus on the human dimensions of the disaster," Kaplan said. "He steers clear of the bureaucracy and lasers in on the personal." With weather forecasters calling for moist ocean breezes on Thursday to further dampen the fires, and hundreds of thousands of Californians returning to their homes, Schwarzenegger's crisis appears to be ending the way many of his movies wrapped up: with a lot of smoke and wreckage, but with the hero stronger than ever. This is one time, however, that Arnold would prefer not to star in a sequel.
Why Californians Don't Leave

Tuesday, Oct. 23, 2007 By DAN CRAY/LOS ANGELES
Smoke billows to the sky above where fires are spreading near houses, October 22, 2007, in Stevenson Ranch, California.
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J. Emilio Flores / Getty I live in Southern California and I can see and smell the smoke from the fires incinerating this part of the state. But I admit it: Like most of you, I watched TV coverage of flames consuming homes and shrugged the whole thing off. This sort of disaster has happened before not once, not twice, not even a few times, but virtually every year. Autumn? Then it's time for fall leaves, Halloween, and homes aflame out west. Switch the channel. Does that make me and you insensitive to people losing their homes, a circumstance that, short of injury or death, is a worst-case personal disaster? In turning the channel, I'm not making light of very real personal tragedies and neither are you. Instead, what we're demonstrating is the answer to a big picture question we all ask in the wake of such natural disasters: Why do people choose to live in hazardous regions in the first place? By switching channels (or its equivalent), you and I demonstrate the dubious manner in which the human mind assesses risk. Case in point: As I said, I live about 40 miles from the nearest wildfire today, but there has never been a similar problem near my home. Scientists say that means my mind is unlikely to take the threat very seriously even though I'm less than a mile from scrub-covered bluffs and have a tinderbox of a vacant lot next door. Call it the NIMBY theory of risk appraisal: Research indicates that if a threat hasn't happened in our own cozy community, the human mind actually softens its threat assessment. Or worse, makes us cast a blind eye. Psychologist Daniel Kahneman, who has studied human judgment systems in detail and was awarded a Nobel Prize in Economics, says localized threats plant fearful images into our minds, but then normal life intervenes, goading our brains into assessing risks based on emotional whispers rather than sound logic. Perhaps, once before, those whispers told this week's fire victims that Southern California's arid hills are beautiful, that there's never been a nearby problem, that there's relatively little risk of a wildfire. So, the people there took the same action we did. They changed the channel. That probably explains why the same Californians who shouldn't be living among brushcarpeted hillsides are equally blase about the Big One, the overdue temblor that inevitably
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strikes every couple of centuries. Massive earthquakes literally happen every year ask the people of Indonesia but since they are often spaced decades or centuries apart in any given region, the vast majority of us disregard the threat. Think you're immune because you live east of the Rockies? Check the fault maps, you'll be surprised. The same might be said for Katrina and the tsunami. We ignore risks of our own making in the same way. "People are terrified of the word nuclear, but the people who live next to a nuclear station are perfectly content with it," says Kahneman, a professor of psychology and public affairs at Princeton. "It's completely absurd, but people become much less frightened when something hasn't blown up in several years." Kahneman sheepishly admits he isn't immune either; he owns a house in Berkeley even though he knows there's little doubt that the Big One will someday strike. We apply the same fuzzy reasoning when we decide to live near volcanoes, tornado alleys, flood plains and landslide zones. The Golden State? That refers to the dead, yellowed chapparal smothering the hillsides, not the sunshine. Californians, then, are no different from the rest of humanity. The wilderness-adjacent developments ablaze from Los Angeles to San Diego are situated in nature's combustion zone, and the locals understand that. Their brains simply fool them into thinking the incendiary mix of high temperatures, drought and blistering winds is not a problem. Unless, that is, you force your mind to look at the dangers from a statistical, rather than an emotional, viewpoint. As University of California Riverside fire ecologist Richard Minnich says, "What the hell are these people doing living in vegetation which at times behaves like gasoline? They should know better. Would you live in gasoline?" Minnich advocates public policy that stops approving development in fire danger areas without removing the natural fuel a move that may require policymakers to overcome their own brain wiring. Evolutionary theorists will point out that the brain's risk assessment techniques are tied to the fight-or-flight response and probably serve to whittle down the human herd. For those of us who would rather avoid being thinned out, there is hope. Studies show that people can in fact train themselves to assess risks more accurately, even on the fly, by forcing themselves to estimate the frequency of events rather than simply picturing the last time they saw such an
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event. It might get more people out of their homes faster the next time. If so, it'll offer us a much clearer risk picture than switching channels ever has.
San Diego's Inferno: Relief Ahead?

Wednesday, Oct. 24, 2007 By GARY WARTH/SAN DIEGO
Firefighters watch a backfire on a hillside in Jamul, Calif., Tuesday, October 23, 2007. Rick Bowmer / AP Relief may be in sight for one of the most challenging wildfires in Southern California's history. The flames are still burning out of control in the San Diego area, where more than 500,000 and perhaps as many as 950,000 have been evacuated and hundreds of homes destroyed. But the hot desert winds that fueled the flames began to ease Tuesday night, giving hope that the quick westerly progress of the fire would finally slow. By nightfall, the fires were on the cusp of Rancho Santa Fe, the highest-income community in the United States, which is thick with tall and brittle-dry eucalyptus trees. The fires already have burned hundreds of acres to the east, north and south of that community, and the devastation has attracted the attention of the White House. President Bush declared Southern California a federal disaster zone after speaking to California Gov.
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Arnold Schwarzenegger this week. Meanwhile, Homeland Security Secretary Michael Chertoff compared the fires to Hurricane Katrina in New Orleans two years ago. "I think there's no question that a couple of lessons from Katrina we're putting into effect here are, first of all, planning and preparation in advance for these kinds of challenges," Chertoff said in a press conference. "Second, we have really flooded the zone as quickly as possible by staging assets to deal both with the firefighting issue and the response issue." Chertoff cited cooperation with the Defense Department and state authorities with helping battle the fire. The peaceful evacuation of a large number of people indeed has been smooth, and firefighters have been able to stage both ground and air assaults on the fires despite heavy winds. Still, the steady, frustrating and unpredictable advance of the fire shows that even the best-laid plans are no match for the fierce force of nature. In this case, the foe was not just fire, but its ally, wind, specifically the type known in Southern California as a Santa Ana, which blows hot and hard from the desert, often in October, when the dry, arid region is at its most vulnerable for wildfires. The effect is analogous to a match striking sandpaper. The cause of most of this week's fires are unknown, although a downed power line may be responsible for at least one. Winds up to 70 miles an hour blew over San Diego on Sunday night, and residents awoke the next morning to find much of their county ablaze. To the south, just north of the Mexican town of Tecate, the fire by Tuesday night had charred 70,000 acres, destroyed 200 homes, killed one man and injured 25, including five firefighters. To the north, the Witch Creek Fire burned 164,000 acres in the towns and communities of Poway, Ramona, Lakeside, San Marcos, Valley Center, Rincon, Wildcat Canyon and Rancho Santa Fe. By Tuesday, it had destroyed 500 homes and injured seven firefighters and two civilians. Other fires in Rice Canyon, Poomacha, McCoy and Coronado Hills destroyed homes and burned thousands of acres throughout the county, keeping firefighters scrambling and frightened residents wondering whether their neighborhoods would be next. Qualcomm Stadium, home of the San Diego Chargers, was turned into the largest of the county's 25 evacuation centers. With the fire affecting much of the county's rural areas, many of the centers found accommodations for farm animals as well as domestic pets. LeDanian Tomlinson and several other San Diego Chargers were among the county residents evacuated from their homes. While many of the displaced found shelter in school gymnasiums converted
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into Red Cross shelters, the Chargers headed to Arizona, leaving the site of next Sunday's home game against the Houston Texans uncertain. Fire authorities in San Diego say they have never seen a fire quite like the one they are facing. But for all its fury, the fire as yet is not the worst the county has experienced. This week's fires have burned more than 263,000 acres, destroyed or damaged 1,750 homes and businesses and killed at least one person. Just four years ago, the Cedar fire, the largest in the state's history based on structures destroyed, burned 273,246 acres in San Diego County, destroyed 2,847 structures and killed 15 people. According to the California Department of Forestry and Fire Protection, San Diego had three of the 20 largest fires in the state's history, including the 1970 Laguna fire that burned 175,425 acres and killed five, and the 2003 Paradise fire, which burned 56,700 acres and killed two. While it's too soon to tell the final damage of this week's fires, the reduced number of fatalities and lost structures ultimately might be attributed to lessons learned since the Cedar fire. Among the changes since then is a new reverse 911 system that automatically calls homeowners with a pre-recorded message warning them if they are in a mandatory evacuation zone. All schools in the county are closed this week, mail delivery was halted and businesses ranging from corporate offices to sandwich shops were closed. People were urged to stay home. Those who did venture out became snarled in traffic jams with evacuees or scrambling to find alternate routes around closed highways. Adding to the county's hardships, looters have been caught in evacuated neighborhoods and some scam artists reportedly have tricked people into evacuating so they could burglarize their homes. At a press conference Tuesday, California Insurance Commissioner Stephen Poizner said his fraud investigation response team is in the county to crack down on insurance scam artists. Poizner also said displaced homeowners may be entitled to at least two weeks of hotel expenses under state's fire insurance laws, and he vowed to cut insurance red tape in general for victims. Following the 2003 fires, hundreds of lawsuits were filed by homeowners who claimed they did not have enough coverage to rebuild after they lost their homes. In April of this year, the first trial involved in the dispute ended with a jury determining the insurance company was not at fault.
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Surfing the Santa Ana

Wednesday, Oct. 24, 2007 By HOWARD CHUA-EOAN On Sunday afternoon, the Santa Ana winds whipped up and the waters of the Pacific Ocean off Del Mar were perfect. "The waves were in a once-in-a-year condition," says Garrett Samuels, 23. "Picture-perfect waves." "It was a hard offshore wind," says Alex Gudim, 20. That was a good sign. "It's the opposite of what it's like on land, which is bad. But on the waters, the waves push up, they stand up like a barrel. It was like that all day Sunday and Monday." Out in the water, looking straight inland and over beyond Del Mar, you saw the smoke rising from the area around Rancho Santa Fe, suffusing the air all around with ash. Says Gudim, "You couldn't look inland, you couldn't look at the shore because you'd see mounds of ash. You'd be inhaling ash." But that didn't stop the surfer. He still wanted to catch those perfect waves. And, on Monday, with a bandanna tied around his face to filter out the ash, he did. But back on land later on Monday, it was all seriousness. Gudim and several of his friends had been evacuated from their homes in Rancho Santa Fe. They moved to Del Mar, where they "chilled" at the apartment of Samuels and his roommates Jeff Stumm and Gordon Cunliffe, both 23. But the friends wanted to check up on the homes of their friends and neighbors. So they decided to head back in. With the police and the National Guard blocking off the main roads, the friends snuck in through "dirt roads and stuff like that," says Gudim. At one point, Samuels and his friends saw firefighters battling a fire that had snaked up and down one hill. They saw a eucalyptus tree a few hundred yards away suddenly burst into flame. "Wow, did you see that?" they said to each other. Gudim says it was about 1 a.m. when he and another group of pals drove by the very large property of a friend who was away in college. As they stopped to see if the house was OK, they saw their friend's father dash into the house's backyard. The house's yard was being attacked
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by a fire that had filled the canyon behind the house. "The whole canyon was on fire," says Gudim. And it was now at the edge of their friend's property. They helped Leo, their friend's father, fight the fire for an hour and a half, using hoses. Then, when things seemed to be damped down, the friends helped Leo drive out two of his three expensive cars to safety in Del Mar. On the way back out, they could see the wind gusts kicking up the embers, which were blowing everywhere. As they were leaving the canyon area, they saw another house go up in flames. "The fire was fully blazing," says Gudim. "Every window of the house was lit up." At about 6:30 a.m. on Tuesday, another one of Samuels' friends, Chris Gray, 23, got up to check up on the homes of his friends in another part of Rancho Santa Fe, on Las Colinas street. He was planning to videotape what he saw and post it on a new group that had been set up on Facebook. He wandered around Las Colinas and its side streets for about three hours, watching some residents try to save their property, others assessing their destroyed homes. He says he saw 19 homes completely leveled by fire, the cars in front of them mere tire rims. Several of the remains were apparently antique cars from private collections. He also checked on the horses of some friends and discovered two animals in a large corral, "a little freaked out" but safe. He got word to the owners who sent in a trailer to rescue the animals. But he left without his film evidence because he ran into the police, who ordered him to delete the digital video. Otherwise, they would have to confiscate his camera as potential evidence in an arson investigation. So Gray returned only with the evidence in his head to tell friends what survived and what didn't.
Emergency Evacuation at Dawn

Wednesday, Oct. 24, 2007 The phone rang at 4:15 a.m. It was the reverse 911 phone call [the pre-recorded call warning
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homeowners that they are in a mandatory evacuation zone]. I touched the window. It was very warm. I heard sirens. I said, "We've got to get out of here, quick." I got my mother, who is 93. I got her dressed and downstairs. We ran to the garage. I got two suitcases. My wife and I filled them with clothes, pictures, personal possessions. I filled a third case with insurance papers and meds. I looked out the window and didn't see any flames. I put my mother in the car. Then I got two more suitcases. I ran back outside and saw flames coming down the hillside. The wind was blowing at least 50 miles an hour. We got the dog in the car. I went back into the house a third time. I heard popping and saw palm trees in the street bursting into flames. Embers were falling and setting bushes and trees on fire. I said to myself, I can't [stay here]. A tree might fall on the car and trap everybody. So I slammed the door and ran to the car. I got hit by a hailstorm of flaming embers. They burned my arms, my neck and my legs. By then there were fires everywhere on the street. I couldn't see five feet in front of me. My wife [got into her car] and yelled that she'd meet me at work. As I drove down my street, four fire engines were heading to fight the blaze. I saw firefighters in their full gear. They were running from house to house pounding on doors. To the left of them, houses were on fire; to the right, the hillside was on fire. They stood their ground. As I drove away I saw all these houses ablaze. I was just shocked. All this happened within 15 minutes of me waking up. Half the cul-de-sac was now on fire. That's how quick it happened. When I went to bed the night before, at 12:30 a.m., the fire was 35 miles away. Nobody could have predicted that the winds would change. If I hadn't gotten that 911 call, I might have perished. I'd never have gotten out of the neighborhood. When I woke up the next day [in a hotel in Mission Valley] I was overwhelmed by what had happened. When I pulled out of my driveway [the day before], I had said goodbye to all my memories, thinking the whole neighborhood would be leveled. I had prepared myself emotionally, knowing that I would lose every piece of my broadcasting history, every memento of my family. I didn't have time to fully pack the car. At 4:30 the next morning, I drove up the hill toward my house, and I was shocked by the
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devastation. The whole neighborhood was charred. It looked like a wind tunnel of fire had gone through. By daylight I saw that only five houses on my side of the street were O.K. I called three of my neighbors at 6 a.m. and told them their houses were OK. They choked up. The house directly across from ours had completely burned to the ground. When I saw our house, I started to weep. What saved it was a roof we put on two years ago. But my wife's best friend lost everything, their entire house. I am so sad. I've lived here 22 years. We've been through two major fires in four years and two major earthquakes. I'm mostly numb.
The Silver Lining in San Diego

Wednesday, Oct. 24, 2007 By JILL UNDERWOOD/SAN DIEGO We San Diegans like to boast that we live in "America's Finest City." And we're probably right the eighth largest city but "with a small-town feel." We often say our worst day is still better than the best day in any other place in the world. But what happened in the last few days has caused some of us to reconsider the jingoistic slogans we emblazon on our ball caps and tshirts. It started out as an OK weekend, except the San Diego Chargers weren't playing and the weather had been in the bone chilling 60s. Then came the first flames, in one area appropriately named the Witch near Ramona. All of a sudden places we long-timers never knew even had a name became labeled. The new monikers still don't help any of us know exactly where the neighborhoods are. But we can smell them now. They are choking us. Within 24 hours, nine fires were ravaging the San Diego area. Paradise was Apocalypse Now. Ember storms flooded a good portion of San Diego County. When the hot-red dots hit you, they felt like the burn from sparklers on the Fourth of July, but lots of sparklers. And there was nothing celebratory about them. They stung, they burned, they dried the skin, they made you
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itch. Everyone was displaying the dark spots they left. And the embers sowed fear and destruction. With more than half a million people evacuated, we become part of one of the largest peacetime displacements of Americans since the Civil War. But a strange upbeat underlies the evacuation. Maybe it's the result of our having survived catastrophe before. Four years ago the Cedar Fire became the worst San Diegans had ever seen with thousands of acres burned and billions of dollars lost. This time around, the county seems to have a better communication system in place. Action and reaction is quicker. Businesses have beefed up their outreach. U-Haul is offering free storage units for a month. Many hotels all across the county have cut their rates in half. One man called a radio station offering his apartment free of charge until the evacuees find other accommodations. A friend tells me one downtown Ethiopian restaurant offers free meals to evacuees, though not a lot of people have stopped by. And these aren't isolated incidents. The number of looting cases crossing police counters: just two. We're all making new friends as we commiserate. We all talk to each other and are amazed at what we actually take with us when we have to flee our homes. We look at each other and what we're wearing, a style we have learned to call "evacuwear." One Rancho Bernardo resident, whose wife had gone ahead to a hotel, was left picking through the clothes for her. He was certain she'd want her velour sweats and deck shoes. Come to think of it, he hadn't seen her wear her deck shoes in years, but since she'd had them for so long, she obviously wanted to save them. On the street, I ran into a single mon on welfare headed for refuge at Qualcomm Stadium, home of the Chargers. Her husband hasn't paid her child support in years. Still, she tells me that every time what she thinks is the worst that can happen actually does happen, it's not so bad at all. Right now, she was happy to have a place to go. And a group of professional clowns had shown up to entertain the displaced at the home of the Chargers. On the street too were Sherrie and her eight-year old son from fire-free South Park. They had collected old clothes and pennies to help the evacuees in Qualcomm. They took them to the
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stadium and then had to bring them back home. The next day it was learned a communications error was responsible for donations being turned away. Undeterred, Sherrie and her son say they'll try again. We may not be acting as we thought we would. Matter of fact, many of us are acting better. A new sense of solidarity has come over San Diego. We're nicer. We drive better. We let you in when you ask. Let's hope the upbeat goes on. WORLD: Postcard from Madaba
Can Arab Preppies Save the Middle East?

Monday, Oct. 15, 2007 By ANDREW LEE BUTTERS
Students at King's Academy in Madaba, Jordan, October 2007. Ahikam Seri for TIME In the popular imagination, New England boarding schools are a cloistered world where the blond-haired children of America's blue bloods pick up the arch manners and the strange affinity for boat shoes that will mark them forever as a class apart. But not if you are a direct descendant of the prophet Muhammad and scion of the Hashemite dynasty, the erstwhile princes of Mecca who rule the Kingdom of Jordan. For Abdullah Ibn Hussein, now known as His Majesty King Abdullah II, the carefree years he spent at Deerfield Academy in western
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Massachusetts (class of 1980) were formative. Deerfield introduced Abdullah to a much broader range of friends than is normally available to young Arab princes; and the characterbuilding crucible of dormitory life taught him Yankee egalitarianism, self-reliance and how to clear dishes from the dinner table. So, after he ascended to the throne in 1999, the king began to replicate the experience for some of his own subjects, planning an elite boarding school for Jordan. In 2006, he lured Deerfield's then headmaster Eric Widmer and several other Deerfield teachers from the green hills of New England to his semi-desert realm with a heady challenge: Create a new generation of Middle Eastern leaders from all backgrounds and faiths whose commitment to global citizenship would help transform the region. King's Academy opened this fall with about 100 students the first co-educational boarding school in the Middle East. (Victoria College, a boys boarding school founded by the British in Alexandra in 1902, was nationalized and effectively gutted by the Egyptian government in 1956.) Though the students now hail mainly from Jordan, Saudi Arabia, Palestine and elsewhere in the Arab Middle East, King's hopes to eventually attract students from Israel and the West as well. A complete campus designed for an eventual enrollment of around 600 students has sprouted, as if from dragon teeth, on the edge of Madaba, a farming town about 30 miles south of Amman, Jordan's capital. King's copied many ingredients of the New England boarding school recipe: family-style meals at round tables, school-wide assemblies, blue blazers and khaki pants. More importantly, it has adopted the belief shared by Deerfield and others that the classroom should be an intimate place that fosters discussion and critical thinking rather than rote memorization, which is the default teaching method in much of the region. But most importantly, the environment created by Widmer and his colleagues emphasizes learning and leadership outside of the classroom, through athletics, community service and honor codes. But if the school's newly turfed lawns appear to have more grass than all of the rest of Jordan, its Levantine-style white stone buildings and the tight security at its main gate remind visitors that they're not in Massachusetts anymore. The founders of King's Academy quickly grasped that building an exact replica of Deerfield in the Middle East was neither possible nor desirable; they wanted an institution that combined the best of East and West. Arabic
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language classes are mandatory, and humanities courses taught in English draw on the canonical works of many civilizations. Anticipating the difficulty of convincing parents in this conservative society to send their children away to school, King's set strict rules governing relations between boys and girls: no kissing, no holding hands, and no visiting each other's dorms. But perhaps the biggest challenge facing King's is beyond the control of even the most committed faculty or enlightened royal patron: the ever-turbulent Middle East. As King Abdullah likes to say, Jordan is a country caught between "Iraq and a hard place" i.e., Israel and the occupied Palestinian territories. Is an elite academy sustainable in a country that is flooded with Iraqi and Palestinian refugees? What will happen to King's if turmoil in Iraq or tensions between the U.S. and Iran plunge the region into a new war? Safwan Masri, the Jordanian chairman of the academy's board of trustees and a professor at Columbia Business School, is unfazed. "The one thing that almost everyone in the Middle East respects is American education," he said. "The fact that this is a troubled region makes the case for this kind of school even stronger."
China's Me Generation
Thursday, Jul. 26, 2007 By SIMON ELEGANT / BEIJING
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THIS YEAR'S MODEL: Young Chinese like Liu Yun, 23, an actress pictured in a Beijing dance studio, belong to a generation for whom prosperity and personal freedom haven't required democracy Photograph for TIME by Ian Teh Six friends out on a friday evening, the seafood plentiful, the conversation flowing. Maria Zhang big hoop earrings, tight velvet jacket and a good deal of meticulously applied makeup starts to describe an island that everyone is talking about off the east coast of Thailand. It has great diving, she says, and lots of Chinese there so you don't have to worry about language. Her friend Vicky Yang is hunched over a borrowed laptop, downloading an email from a pesky client on her cell phone. An actuary at a consulting firm, Vicky needs to close a project tonight. While she phones a colleague, the dinner-table conversation moves on to snowboarding ("I must have fallen a hundred times") to the relative merits of various iPods ("Shuffle is no good") and the sudden onrush of credit cards in China. Silence Chen, an account executive with advertising giant Ogilvy & Mather in Beijing, tells the group he recently received six different cards in the mail. "Each one has a credit limit of 10,000," he says, laughing. "So suddenly I'm 60,000 yuan richer!" The talk turns to China's online shopping business, before that is interrupted by the arrival of razor clams, chili squid and deep-fried grouper. The one subject that doesn't come up and almost never does when this tight-knit group of friends gets together is politics. That sets them apart from previous generations of Chinese lites, whose lives were defined by the epic events that shaped China's past half-century: the
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Cultural Revolution, the opening to the West, the student protests in Tiananmen Square and their subsequent suppression. The conversation at Gang Ji Restaurant suggests today's twentysomethings are tuning all that out. "There's nothing we can do about politics," says Chen. "So there's no point in talking about it or getting involved." There are roughly 300 million adults in China under age 30, a demographic cohort that serves as a bridge between the closed, xenophobic China of the Mao years and the globalized economic powerhouse that it is becoming. Young Chinese are the drivers and chief beneficiaries of the country's current boom: according to a recent survey by Credit Suisse First Boston, the incomes of 20- to 29-year-olds grew 34% in the past three years, by far the biggest of any age group. And because of their self-interested, apolitical pragmatism, they could turn out to be the salvation of the ruling Communist Party so long as it keeps delivering the economic goods. Survey young, urban Chinese today, and you will find them drinking Starbucks, wearing Nikes and blogging obsessively. But you will detect little interest in demanding voting rights, let alone overthrowing the country's communist rulers. "On their wish list," says Hong Huang, a publisher of several lifestyle magazines, "a Nintendo Wii comes way ahead of democracy." The rise of China's Me generation has implications for the foreign policies of other nations. Sinologists in the West have long predicted that economic growth would eventually bring democracy to China. As James Mann points out in his new book, The China Fantasy, the idea that China will evolve into a democracy as its middle class grows continues to underlie the U. S.'s China policy, providing the central rationale for maintaining close ties with what is, after all, an unapologetically authoritarian regime. But China's Me generation could shatter such long-held assumptions. As the chief beneficiaries of China's economic success, young professionals have more and more tied up in preserving the status quo. The last thing they want is a populist politician winning over the country's hundreds of millions of have-nots on a rural-reform, stick-it-to-the-cities agenda. All of which means democracy isn't likely to come to China anytime soon. And that poses challenges for Western policymakers as they try to engage China without condoning the Communist Party's record of political repression and its failures to improve the lives of the country's rural poor. China watchers say the Me generation's reluctance to agitate for reform is
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driven in part by a reluctance to tarnish China's moment in the sun. "They are proud of what China has accomplished, and very positive about the government," says P.T. Black, who conducts extensive marketing research for a Shanghai-based company called Jigsaw International. The political passivity of China's new lite makes sense while the good times roll. The question is what will happen to the Me generation and to China when they end. For anyone who visited the workers' paradise when it was still the land of Mao suits and communes, trying to reconcile that China to the one that young lites live in today is disorienting. When I first visited China in 1981, I went to the People's Park in Shanghai with two traveling companions. Our obligatory Foreign Ministry "guide" ushered us through a special gate reserved for "foreign friends." A knot of young Chinese had gathered outside. As we passed, a few made loud comments about the unfairness of having parts of the People's Park reserved only for foreigners. One of my companions, a Mandarin speaker, agreed volubly in Chinese. Immediately a group of young Chinese men and women surrounded us and peppered us with questions that mixed naivet and aspiration: Are there still slaves in America? Where did you learn to speak Chinese? Do all American families really have three cars? Can you help me go to America? That discussion took place 25 years ago, the span usually allotted to a single generation. The naive, wary Chinese I met that day could be the parents of the group gathered for the seafood feast in Beijing. But there is almost nothing about the appearance, attitudes, life experience, education or dreams for the future that those young people in the Shanghai People's Park share with the likes of Vicky and her friends. The most obvious change is demographic. Because of China's one-child policy, instituted in 1978, this is the first generation in the world's history in which a majority are single children, a group whose solipsistic tendencies have been further encouraged by a growing obsession with consumerism, the Internet and video games. At the same time, today's young Chinese are better educated and more worldly than their predecessors. Whereas the so-called Lost Generation that grew up in the Cultural Revolution often struggled to finish high school, today around a quarter of Chinese in their 20s have attended college. The country's opening to the West has allowed many more of its citizens to satisfy their curiosity about the world: some 37 million will travel overseas in 2007. In the next decade, there will be more Chinese tourists
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traveling the globe than the combined total of those originating in the U.S. and Europe. Rather than fueling restlessness among the Me generation, however, the ease of travel seems to provide more evidence that the benefits of globalization can be had without radical change. There's another reason for the lack of political ferment: it's exhausting. Like anyone else, members of the Me generation are shaped by their experiences and those of their families. When their parents talk about the Great Leap Forward (a disastrous Mao campaign in the late 1950s that left 20 million to 30 million dead of starvation) and the subsequent chaos of the Cultural Revolution, they mostly tell horror stories that would put anyone off politics forever. That chapter in Chinese history, which officially ended with Mao's death in 1976, is ancient history to today's young lites. They have known little but peace and an ever increasing economic boom. "We have so much bigger a desire for everything than [our parents]," says Maria Zhang, 27. "And the more we eat, the more we taste and see, the more we want." One event that the Me generation does remember is the crackdown on student activists in Tiananmen Square in 1989. But to young Chinese like Maria and Vicky, the Tiananmen protests are less a source of inspiration than an admonishment. Were popular uprisings like Tiananmen allowed to continue, Vicky believes, they would have provoked a counterreaction by conservative forces and led to a return to fortress China: no more iPods, overseas shopping trips or snowboarding weekends. "I think that the students meant well," says Vicky, who was 11 at the time and has only vague memories of what happened. But the crackdown that ended the demonstrations "certainly was needed." Vicky embodies the shift in the priorities of young Chinese. She's a purposeful, 29-year-old actuary who rarely smiles but loves nothing better than a party. She and her friends meet so regularly for dinner and at bars that she says she never eats at home anymore. As the pictures on her blog attest, they also throw regular theme parties to mark holidays like Halloween and Christmas, and last year took a holiday to Egypt. Encouraged by her new boyfriend Wang Ning, a keen snowboarder, Vicky decided earlier this year to take up the sport as well. To prime for it, she went to a mall in south Beijing that specializes in pricey, imported skiing gear. She chose a gleaming new snowboard made by the Colorado company Never Summer, emblazoned with colorful, psychedelic paintings of
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butterflies. Along with gloves, goggles and other paraphernalia, the new gear set her back about $700. When asked about the wisdom of spending a small fortune on equipment for a sport she may never take to, she says, "I believe you have to be fully prepared and equipped before you decide to start a new hobby." Besides, she adds, "even if I don't like skiing, think how nice [the gear] will look in the hallway of my apartment. Guests won't know that I don't use it." Vicky smiles to signal she's joking. But she's dead serious when she explains, over coffee at Starbucks, her lack of interest in politics. "It's because our life is pretty good. I care about my rights when it comes to the quality of a waitress in a restaurant or a product I buy. When it comes to democracy and all that, well ..." She shrugs expressively and takes a sip of her latte. "That doesn't play a role in my life." People like Vicky and her friends represent the leading edge, the trailblazers for a huge mass of young, eagerly aspirant consumers. All over China, young professionals like these banter about blogging, travel and work-life balance. ("Work hard, play harder," says Vicky several times, repeating it in case she isn't heard.) If they can't afford to blow $700 on skiing gear, they want to be able to soon. And so for China's leaders, placating the Me generation is seen as critical to ensuring the Communist Party's survival. By 2015, the number of Chinese adults under 30 is expected to swell 61%, to 500 million, equivalent to the entire population of the European Union. From issues of grave consequence to trivialities, the government has made clear that it will do whatever it takes to keep the swelling middle class happy. In Beijing, for example, newly prosperous residents are snapping up automobiles at a rate of 1,000 a day. The number of vehicles on the capital's sclerotic roads has doubled in the past five years, to 3 million. (By comparison, there are about 2 million vehicles registered in all of New York City.) But despite a grim pollution problem (Beijing air quality is among the world's worst) that could embarrass China during next summer's Olympic Games, the central government has made no move to curb vehicle purchases through regulation or taxes. And that, in turn, has made it harder for governments in the developed world to make progress in getting Beijing to do more to fight climate change. That's just one example of the long-term impact of the government's focus on the Me generation. In an article in the official mouthpiece People's Daily published in February,
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Premier Wen Jiabao stressed that economic growth should take precedence over democratic reforms for the foreseeable future, a period that he appeared to indicate could stretch to 100 years. And yet for all its machinery of control, the party is vulnerable. Senior cadres from Wen on down have acknowledged in public that growing unrest in the provinces, as farmers clash with police over expropriated land or official corruption, could threaten the party's grip on power. As a result, China's rulers face a dilemma: the very policies that cater to the urban middle class come at the expense of the rural poor. So far the government is erring on the side of the rich. In March the government pledged to address problems plaguing the country's peasants, such as access to medical treatment and schooling, health insurance and the disparity between urban and rural incomes. And yet a relatively small portion of the budget was set aside to address the concerns of the peasantry, with the bulk of spending still concentrated on stoking the booming economy. Even more telling was the passage of what was widely viewed as one of the most important pieces of legislation to be put forward in several decades of reform: the revised law on property ownership. Pushed through despite objections from old-line conservatives, the law for the first time gave equal weight to both state- and private-ownership rights. But a look at the fine print shows that the law only protects things dear to the rising middle class: real estate, cars, stock-market assets. Farmers, on the other hand, will still be unable to purchase their land and instead will be forced to lease plots from the government. If left unchanged, such policies could exacerbate China's rich-poor divide and create conditions for tumultuous social upheaval. The test for China as the Me generation grows bigger, richer and more powerful will be whether it begins to push for the social and political reforms that are necessary to ensure China's long-term prosperity and stability. How likely is that? Though they're not exactly clamoring for free elections, members of the new middle class have shown a willingness to stand up to authority when their interests are threatened. Last October police in Beijing attempted to enforce rules limiting each household to a single, registered animal no taller than 14 in. (35 cm). The drive sparked a rare public demonstration by hundreds of well-heeled Chinese, mostly young dog owners. Within a month, according to Hong Kong's South China Morning Post, President Hu Jintao had
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intervened, ordering the Beijing authorities to back off. It was the first time most Beijingers could remember a public protest drawing a direct intervention by China's top leader. It was hardly Tiananmen, but a small triumph for free expression nonetheless. And if the West hopes to see China become democratic as well as prosperous, it will have to find ways to encourage modest breakthroughs like these, rather than expect sweeping change. At the Gang Ji Restaurant, where the dishes have been cleared and fresh fruit and more tea brought in, the mood is reflective. "We are lucky compared to our parents," says Maria Zhang, who works as a membership manager in one of the capital's most exclusive clubs. "My parents had nothing themselves. They lived for me." Wang Ning, the snowboarder who runs his own successful advertising company, agrees. "We are more self-centered. We live for ourselves, and that's good. We need to have the strength to contribute to the economy. That's our power. The power to contribute. That's how our generation is going to help the country." China's future will be defined by whether they realize that democracy can help China, too. ESSAY - Commentary
Hold Your Conventional Wisdom!

Tuesday, Oct. 30, 2007 By WILLIAM KRISTOL
Republican presidential hopefuls Mitt Romney, Fred Thompson and John McCain talk before the
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Republican presidential debate in Orlando, Fla., Sunday, Oct. 21, 2007 John Raoux / AP "In case you missed it, a few days ago Senator Clinton tried to spend $1 million on the Woodstock concert museum. Now, my friends, I wasn't there. I'm sure it was a cultural and pharmaceutical event. I was tied up at the time." This jab by John McCain at Hillary Clinton at the most recent Republican presidential debate received the evening's only standing ovation. Admittedly, those standing were partisan Florida Republicans. Still, it was a moment--in its combination of high-spirited playfulness and polemical sharpness--that made me think happier days may lie ahead for the GOP. The first two years of George W. Bush's second term were rough: the situation in Iraq worsened, and his key domestic proposals--Social Security and immigration reform--flopped. The big Republican losses last November followed. Since then, it's been conventional wisdom (including among many Republicans) that 2008 is likely to be a replay of 2006--this time leading to the loss of the White House too. But this conventional wisdom could well be wrong. Here are three reasons. 1) The Democrats' takeover of both houses of Congress last November turns out to have been a mixed blessing for them. The approval numbers for the Democratic Congress have been trending downward. It hasn't been easy for Harry Reid and Nancy Pelosi to keep the party's liberal base and its new supporters happy at the same time. And the Bush White House has made some adjustments. The election defeat coincided with a crisis about how to move forward in Iraq. Bush decided against Donald Rumsfeld but also against the Iraq Study Group, and for General David Petraeus and the surge. Democrats forecast an even deeper quagmire. Instead, we've seen progress--which could well continue and broaden. Meanwhile, Michael Mukasey--not Alberto Gonzales--will be making the case for the Administration on the tools it needs to conduct the war on terrorism. A respected and independent former judge, Mukasey will have credibility that Gonzales could only dream of. 2) Polls still show a hangover from November 2006, with Democrats having an advantage. But history suggests that may not hold up. Winning control of Congress doesn't necessarily signify much about the next presidential contest. The last time Congress flipped was 1994--and that
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GOP sweep was followed by a Bill Clinton victory in 1996. Democrats took back the Senate (and thus control of both bodies of Congress) in 1986, and George H.W. Bush won easily in 1988. Voters like checks and balances. It's true that Hillary Clinton and Barack Obama now run ahead of the GOP candidates in matchups. But as often as not in recent presidential elections, the candidate who eventually won had trailed at some point by margins as large as those now facing the likely Republican nominees. This was true of Ronald Reagan in 1980, Bush in 1988 and Clinton in 1992. And in the two most recent elections, Republicans haven't done badly. The GOP candidate made a far closer race of it than expected in a special election in the strongly Democratic 5th Congressional District in Massachusetts, losing by only 6 points despite being outspent about 4 to 1. And 36-year-old Republican Congressman Bobby Jindal won the governorship of Louisiana with a majority in the first round of balloting. 3) Watching the Republican candidates in the debate in Orlando, Fla., I wasn't filled with dread about the general election. The Democrats are going to nominate either a one-term Senator (Clinton) or a half-term Senator (Obama), neither with much in the way of legislative achievements. Against that, the GOP will offer one of the following: a remarkably successful two-term mayor (Rudy Giuliani), a business leader as well as Governor (Mitt Romney), a fourterm Senator and war hero (McCain), an effective two-term Governor (Mike Huckabee) or a Senator with as much experience as Clinton and who was a star prosecutor and has an appealing personal story (Fred Thompson). And then there's the McCain moment. Why did it galvanize the crowd? Perhaps because it brought together three Republican themes: the Democrats are the party of big spending (the museum earmark) and cultural liberalism (the Woodstock concert), while the GOP is the party that understands war ("I was tied up at the time"). It's true that McCain is uniquely qualified to make that last point--but if he's not the presidential candidate, he can advance it as the vicepresidential nominee or as a prospective Secretary of Defense. At a time of war, in a culturally conservative country with voters suspicious of Big Government liberalism, it would be foolish to underrate the chances of the presidential nominee of the more hawkish, socially conservative and anti-Big Government party.
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The Ramadi Goat Grab

Thursday, Oct. 25, 2007 By JOE KLEIN
In a file photo, the radical Shi'ite cleric Moqtada al-Sadr gestures while delivering a Friday sermon in a Mosque in Kufa, Iraq. Alaa Al-Marjani / AP Remember this name: Amar Al-Hakim. He is 36 years old, the heir apparent to one of Iraq's two leading Shi'ite dynasties, and a few weeks ago in Ramadi, he did something quite remarkable. He went to meet and make peace with the more than 100 Sunni sheiks who led the movement to kick al-Qaeda in Iraq out of Anbar province. He was accompanied by the leader of his family's militia, the Badr Organization, which was lethally anti-Sunni until recently. The Hakim delegation was ferried to the meeting in Black Hawk helicopters by the U.S. military. "It was quite a scene," a U.S. military officer who was present told me. "Amar went through a receiving line, hugging each of the Sunni sheiks, and then he made a speech: 'We are not Shi'ites. We are not Sunnis. We are all Iraqis, and we must reconcile.' It was a showstopper. He has a real presence. He and the host, Sheik Ahmed [Abu Risha], went and prayed together, which was a big deal symbolically. Then there was a 'goat grab'--a feast--and an agreement to keep meeting."
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The Ramadi goat grab may turn out to be a significant moment in the stabilization of Iraq ... or, since this is Iraq, maybe not. It is certainly a sign that the U.S. military mission is continuing to make progress. The level of attacks against U.S. forces has fallen dramatically across the country. There have been days, in recent weeks, when even Baghdad approached a tolerable level of urban violence and criminality. "And the Ramadi meeting wasn't at all unique," a senior U.S. diplomat told me. "You've had mass meetings of tribal leaders from Anbar and Karbala provinces," which are the Sunni and Shi'ite heartlands, respectively. "The governors of those provinces were literally building trenches on their border, and they are now meeting regularly. You had the highest-ranking Sunni politician in the country, Tariq al-Hashemi, go to Najaf to meet with the leading Shi'ite cleric, Grand Ayatullah Ali Husaini Sistani. All of this would have been unthinkable only a few months ago." The apparent progress raises two questions: First, as always, what's the catch? And second, if the progress is real, if the Sunni extremists have been routed, if Baghdad has been ethnically cleansed to the point of near pacification, if the bottom-up reconciliation efforts are gaining momentum, what is the U.S. military mission now? Why can't we start bringing home the bulk of our troops immediately? Here's one catch: there is a missing player in all this hugging and goat eating. He is Muqtada alSadr, the leader of the Mahdi Army militia and, quite possibly, the most popular Shi'ite political figure in the country. Al-Sadr is less accessible, a fuzzier figure than al-Hakim. The U.S. intelligence community has only a vague sense of how much control he has over his disparate movement, which includes everything from Iranian-trained guerrillas, referred to as "special groups," to ragtag teenage criminal street gangs who claim the Mahdi mantle. He has been spending a lot of time in Iran lately, where he is said to be receiving advanced religious training. The future of Iraq is likely to be decided by the struggle for power between the Hakim and Sadr families. That struggle could easily turn very lethal. Indeed, in recent days there have been battles between the Sadr and Hakim forces in Karbala and Basra. The next crucial U.S. military decision is, How deeply do we get involved in this fight? Do we side with the Hakims, who are more lite and less popular than the Sadrists? Do we continue what we are doing now--sporadic raids targeting the special groups and police actions aimed at the street gangs in Baghdad? Do we expand our anti-Sadr actions into the southern third of Iraq, a course of action that could prove quite bloody?
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That is a decision for a President to make, but apparently not this President. George W. Bush has abdicated his control over the military mission and seems boggled by the political side of the Iraqi equation. He has lashed himself to the inept, unrepresentative government of Nouri al-Maliki but seems powerless to influence that government's actions. Bush's Iraq poster boys, General David Petraeus and Ambassador Ryan Crocker, are doing a wonderful job but lack the rank to make strategic regional policy. The Administration was so inept in dealing with Turkey that its designated mediator, retired General Joseph Ralston, recently quit in frustration. Bush's refusal to engage the Iranians has left a clear field for Russian mini-czar Vladimir Putin to move in and build an alliance. The Secretary of State is chasing an Israeli-Palestinian chimera at a moment when a burst of high-level U.S. diplomatic pressure might actually make a difference in Iraq. There are goats and hugs to be had, and we are not grabbing them.
The Bald Truth

Thursday, Oct. 25, 2007 By STEVE RUSHIN
If the 2008 presidential election comes down to a choice between Hillary Clinton and front runner Rudolph Giuliani, Americans will elect a woman before they will elect a bald man. The U.S. has had more than five bald Presidents, but Americans haven't voted one into office in 51
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years, when Dwight Eisenhower won a second term over Adlai Stevenson--the second consecutive election in which two bald men went head to glorious head. That was 1956, when 20th Century Fox released The King and I, starring Yul Brynner as the King of Siam. It was an annus mirabilis for hairless potentates but also the twilight of their brief golden age--the last time heads of state were not synonymous with heads of hair. When President John F. Kennedy went hatless during his Inauguration speech in 1961, he committed in essence a double homicide: of the hat industry and of the prospect that any bald man would ever have to the nation's highest office. Since Eisenhower left the White House, voters have carved out a Mount Brushmore of Presidents--Kennedy, Ronald Reagan, Bill Clinton--with magnificent hair. What we need is a tonsorial memorial to those giants--Ike, Winston Churchill, Mohandas Gandhi, David BenGurion--of the World War II era, that one brief and very shining moment in history when baldness was tantamount to greatness. Today the only thing voters like less than a candidate who gets a $400 haircut is a candidate who doesn't require one at all. Whether or not they realize it, voters think of great leaders as people with haircuts, and really great leaders as people with haircuts named for them. George Clooney once wore a Caesar. It is unlikely that he will ever ask his stylist for a Stevenson. Or a Giuliani. Indeed, the last time Giuliani was elected to anything (re-elected as mayor of New York City in 1997), he had a scalp full of hair (wink, wink), even if that comb-over was the biggest political cover-up since Watergate. In the present presidential campaign, some of Giuliani's rivals have receded (John McCain), and some have even reseeded (Joe Biden, whose scalp is less spartan than it used to be), but none are nakedly, unabashedly bald. Not even Homer Simpson, who announced his candidacy to David Letterman and combs his pair of hairs to the right, a two-string comb-over that still leaves him two strings shy of a ukulele. Hair is, quite literally, political cover. The emperor may have no clothes, but he damn sure
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better have a comb. Charles the Bald, the 17 century King of France and Holy Roman Emperor, was not bald but fully maned, to judge by the portraits and coins of the day. The nickname was evidently ironic, the way 300-lb. members of Hells Angels frequently answer to "Tiny." I wish it weren't so. As a bald man, I long for a President who is, in the words of the English poet Matthew Arnold, "bald as the bare mountaintops are bald, with a baldness full of grandeur." This is the baldness of Sean Connery or Michael Jordan or Buddha. But as a realist, I know I can never be President, will never be part of the American hairistocracy. The presidency is not one of those high-profile jobs in which you can sneak by with a paisley head scarf (think Steven Van Zandt of the E Street Band) or a pompadour wig (think Steven Van Zandt of The Sopranos). Balder men can be aldermen, even Governors and Senators. We seem to have a competitive advantage as late-night TV sidekicks (Paul Shaffer and Kevin Eubanks) and early-morning TV weathermen (Al Roker and Willard Scott). But no bald man has been voted into the White House in 12 elections. (Gerald Ford doesn't count. And neither does Dick Cheney.) Before Ike, you have to go all the way back to the election of 1836 and Martin Van Buren. But his white sideburns were so overcompensating-two enormous parentheses bracketing the nonrestrictive clause of his face--that he is seldom thought of as bald. The country's most prolifically failed presidential candidate, Harold Stassen, ran nine times, and in many of those elections he wore a toupee so alarming that the Washington Post thought it resembled a "sullen possum that had been dipped in bronze." But Stassen knew that wearing a bronzed possum was safer than hitting the stump with a naked scalp. Why? For the same reason, perhaps, that bald men are icons of evil in the movies, from Lex Luthor to Dr. Evil to Mr. Potter in It's a Wonderful Life. Sometime in our political history, baldness was downgraded from Churchillian to ... Dr. Phil-ian. Hairless breeds never win the Westminster Dog Show. And they no longer win the dog-andfile:///D|/PISMA/TIME/2007/11/TIME%202007.11.05%20...2019/TIME%202007.11.05%20Vol.%20170%20No.%2019.htm (43 z 91) [2007-11-03 22:51:31]
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pony show that is a presidential election, no matter what surveys say about Giuliani as the Republican front runner. Forget the Roper polls. I trust the barber poles. HEALTH & MEDICINE
When Lite Gets Heavy

Thursday, Oct. 25, 2007 By SANJAY GUPTA, M.D.
It would be an awful lot easier count calories if we could just see the pesky things. Add up how many of them are on your plate, and you never have to eat a single one more than you want to. But calories are very good at hiding themselves--never more so than at health-food restaurants. Almost everyone has had the experience of bypassing a McDonald's for a virtuous, dietfriendly place, only to leave feeling oddly more stuffed than if you'd just had the Big Mac and fries. That's no illusion. Menus at restaurants that market themselves as healthy alternatives are often big minefields, booby-trapped with hidden fat and calories than can blow any diet to smithereens. Take those heart-healthy symbols that keep popping up next to menu offerings. A 2003 study in the Journal of Marketing found that diners may trust the little icons more than their own
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common sense, believing that there's a reduced risk for heart disease even if the symbol is next to a manifestly fatty food like lasagna. We're also suckers for the term low cholesterol, thinking that it's synonymous with low fat, which is by no means always the case. Even when we make the right choice, we manage to trip ourselves up. If we're having a healthy entre, we decide we might as well cut loose with the extras, adding a helping of mashed potatoes to the lean piece of fish or loading up a salad with cheese or croutons or too much dressing. Healthy snacks can be similarly fraught. One study showed that if you give people the low-fat, low-calorie version of a food like a granola bar or Chex Mix, they'll compensate by eating 28% more of it than they would of the higher-fat version. In another study, people were given sandwiches that they were told came from either McDonald's or Subway, which has successfully marketed itself as a smarter alternative (even if its meals can still be stuffed with calories). The subjects eating the food labeled Subway often washed it down with sugary soda or followed it up with cookies or chips, apparently concluding they had a little room to indulge. Perhaps worst of all, there's the notorious what-the-hell effect. Calorie counters who realize they're exceeding their limit, even in a health-food restaurant, often don't pull back to contain the damage but reason that the day is a loss anyway, so they might as well have fun, piling on desserts and sides they'd otherwise avoid. Such a combination of rationalization and misinformation is hard to overcome, but there are things we can do. First, keep alternative options in mind. A 2005 study showed that people are actually more likely to choose a lower-fat cheesecake when it appears on a menu alongside a high-fat version, almost as if picturing that dense serving of after-dinner indulgence makes the lighter choice more appealing. Having a real sense of serving size and calorie content can help too. Most studies suggest that only 10% to 20% of people really know how to count calories. When the rest of us bother to guess, we usually lowball what's in a meal by as much as 45%. One solution even for the least calorie-savvy is to order what you want but push your plate away while you've still got a sizable portion left. If you have to ask the waiter to clear the plate so you're not tempted to dig back in, do so. Finally, don't be too pure. There's nothing that makes food harder to resist than being told you
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can never have it. The occasional, moderate-size serving of warm chocolate cake or McDonald's fries is not going to kill you. And in case you forgot, it will be utterly delicious. With reporting by Shahreen A. Abedin/New York NOTEBOOK
A Hard Line on Cuba

Thursday, Oct. 25, 2007 By TIM PADGETT You would think a major policy shift was imminent, given the way the White House touted President Bush's Oct. 24 speech on Cuban-American relations. Yet, backed on a State Department stage by the emotional relatives of jailed Cuban dissidents, Bush simply gussied up some of the same old bromides--"The socialist paradise is a tropical gulag"--that have marked U.S.-Cuban relations for decades. Bush reiterated his hard stance against lifting the 45year-old U.S. trade embargo against Cuba, and Fidel Castro was predictable as well, writing beforehand that Bush's speech reflected the U.S.'s desire to "reconquer" Cuba. Who benefits most from this war of words? Fidel and his brother Ral Castro, who is likely to succeed him. With plenty of material support from Hugo Chavez in Venezuela, the embargo is not so painful as it once was, and heated U.S. rhetoric only bolsters their image at home as the island's anti-Yanqui defenders. Critics of Bush's Cuba policy are again urging Washington to consider stepped up contact with Ral--widely regarded as more pragmatic and flexible than Fidel--as a more effective means of jump-starting a democratic transition. "President Bush is right when he says this is a unique moment in Cuba, but he's missing that moment," says Jake Colvin, director of USA Engage in Washington, which favors moves like lifting the ban on U.S. travel to Cuba--something that even most Cuban Americans in Miami favor and many Cuba watchers suggest the Castros actually fear. Bush insisted that engaging Cuba now would just give "oxygen to a criminal regime." But, argues Colvin, "American citizens have always proven the best ambassadors of
freedom and democracy."
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Profile
Thursday, Oct. 25, 2007 By GILBERT CRUZ In August 2006, Bobby Jindal had to unexpectedly help his wife Supriya deliver the couple's third child at home. It was possibly the only thing that has happened in his life for which he didn't have a multipoint plan. Louisiana's new Republican Governor boasts a level of everprepared wonkiness that doesn't typically appeal to the state's voters, who often opt for colorful pols, glad handers and bons vivants. Jindal knows he'll never be that guy. Why try to fake it? "For too long, politics have been entertainment in Louisiana," he tells me two days after winning the state's off-year election on Oct. 20. "I may not be the guy you want to go to the party with. But I do want to be the guy who is remembered for competence and honesty." Competence and honesty are two words for the GOP that--following a recent spate of ethical scandals--have proved elusive. Yet 36-year-old Jindal, a second-term Congressman, was able to win Louisiana's highest office (a position that has almost always been held by a Democrat) on a platform of ethics reform and eliminating corruption. Following his January inauguration, Jindal will be the nation's youngest Governor, one of the Republican Party's few rising stars and the first Indian American to occupy a Governor's mansion. Jindal, the son of Punjabi immigrants, studied at Oxford as a Rhodes scholar and was tapped to lead Louisiana's gargantuan health department at the absurdly young age of 24. Over the next seven years, Jindal headed up one of the state's university systems and served as an assistant secretary of the Department of Health and Human Services in the Bush Administration. It's the kind of rsum for which the term wunderkind exists. Yet even whiz kids suffer setbacks. In 2003, despite never having run for office, Jindal lost the gubernatorial race by only four points to Democrat Kathleen Blanco. He had led the race for months, and while Jindal will never admit it, his ethnicity likely played at least some part in his
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defeat. Despite a college-era conversion from Hinduism to Catholicism and his close alignment with the passionately pro-life wing of the GOP, Jindal could not convince rural voters in the state's north, who had voted for white supremacist David Duke less than two decades earlier, to give him their support. Not easily dissuaded, Jindal ran for and won the congressional seat vacated by Senator David Vitter one year later. He was elected freshmanclass president, and within a month of taking office, he masterminded a photo op at the 2005 State of the Union Address, convincing some of his fellow Republicans to ink their fingers purple in solidarity with Iraqi voters, who had recently cast ballots in an open election. It's that kind of shrewd political maneuver, combined with Jindal's technocratic background, that critics use to try to cast him as an overly ambitious and unfeeling bureaucrat. But these days, many Louisianans are willing to welcome a little wonkery. This gubernatorial election, the first since Hurricane Katrina in 2005, was widely seen as pivotal for a state struggling to recover from the storm's devastation, stem an exodus of young talent, and halt a rising crime rate that has made it one of the most dangerous states in the nation. (The day of the election, three men were shot in New Orleans, America's deadliest city.) Taking advantage of dissatisfaction with the state's Democratic leadership--current Governor Blanco and New Orleans Mayor Ray Nagin were widely criticized for their botched responses to the hurricane-Jindal overwhelmed Louisianans with a battery of detailed plans for ethics reform, economic development and hurricane-recovery efforts. For once, competence--or at least the promise of it--seems to have trumped race, one of Louisiana politics' most powerful emotional motivators. Jindal, a man who speaks in veritable sheets of words, has few campaign-worthy slogans. Yet at his victory party, where attention was split between his speech and the LSU-Auburn game, Jindal used a memorable one to explain his victory: "Who you know is not more important than what you know." Bobby Jindal knows a lot. Seriously. Just take a look at any of his 12-point plans.
Politics
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Thursday, Oct. 25, 2007 By ALEXANDRA SILVER Kate Michelman surprised a lot of people when she announced her support for John Edwards in the early part of 2007. The longtime women's rights leader and former president of NARAL Pro-Choice America is a senior adviser on the Edwards campaign, and as such she spends her days arguing that women should support Edwards over the first major female candidate for Commander in Chief. Michelman, 65, has never worked directly for a candidate, and the decision was not a light one. As NARAL's president for nearly two decades, she worked with and developed admiration for most of the Democrats currently in the race. But she argues that Edwards is the best candidate on "women's issues"--which she defines as including not just abortion but also poverty, low wages and access to health care, all of which affect women more acutely than men. "I know what it's like to be a woman who is marginalized," she says, citing her time as a single mother on welfare. When it comes to attracting the coveted women's vote, Michelman has no choice but to focus on grass-roots outreach. Hillary Clinton has the endorsements of NOW and Emily's List, and her campaign has been redoubling attention to Clinton's chance to make history, issuing a memo highlighting her support among women and touting her appearance on The View. Michelman is happy to see a woman running but says, "It's more important to change history than to make history."
Milestones
Thursday, Oct. 25, 2007 DIED LIFE MAY IMITATE ART, but sometimes so does death. South African reggae icon Lucky Dube-who wrote the lyrics "Do you ever worry about leaving home and coming back in a coffin with
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a bullet through your head?"--was fatally shot by carjackers in a Johannesburg suburb, caught up in the rampant street crime that has plagued his country since the end of apartheid. Dube sang in three languages--Zulu, English and Afrikaans--and recorded 22 albums, some of which were banned under apartheid. Inspired by Bob Marley to use reggae as a vehicle for tackling social injustice and inequality, Dube was honored by thousands at a Johannesburg memorial service. He was 43. EVERYONE WAS EXPECTING him to sit and watch from the sidelines. But moments after the Green Bay Packers' first-string receiver separated a shoulder, Max McGee was forced to borrow a teammate's helmet before racing onto the field. The former Air Force pilot made history that day, catching the first touchdown pass in Super Bowl history--leading the Packers to a 35-10 victory over the Kansas City Chiefs in 1967. After 12 seasons, McGee retired, refocusing his energy on Chi-Chi's, the Mexican-restaurant chain he co-founded, which operated throughout the U.S. until 2004. He died after falling off his rooftop. He was 75. AFTER HE WAS APPOINTED Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff by President Ronald Reagan in 1985, Admiral William Crowe Jr.'s esteemed counsel and leadership helped placate difficult situations with the Soviet Union, Iran and Libya, leading the New York Times to call him the "most powerful peacetime military officer in American history." The nonconformist Vietnam vet with three advanced degrees openly condemned the military's "Don't ask, don't tell" policy as anti-gay and sharply criticized the buildup to the first Gulf War. He served as U.S. ambassador to Britain during the Clinton Administration. Crowe was 82. HER FAMOUS HAWAIIAN-beach kiss with co-star Burt Lancaster in the wartime drama From Here to Eternity introduced sex appeal, however tame it may seem by contemporary standards, to 1950s moviegoers. Previously cast for roles that accentuated her genteel English demeanor, Deborah Kerr gave a sultry performance that earned her a spot in history as one of Hollywood's premier sex symbols. Too tall to pursue her first love, ballet, Kerr also made her mark in roles like the starched governess in The King and I and a hopeless romantic in An Affair to Remember. She was nominated for six Oscars but never won. The Academy finally granted her an honorary Oscar in 1994 in recognition of her "perfection, discipline and elegance." She was 86.
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LIBERATED HOUSEWIVES adored her. Hungry husbands, presumably, couldn't stand her. Peg Bracken, a former advertising copywriter, parlayed her disdain for wifely chores into the snarky best-selling 1960 recipe manual The I Hate to Cook Book, a guide for quick, easy meals. It became a staple of baby boomers' kitchens, and she followed up with popular sequels about housekeeping and etiquette. Her beef stew would "cook happily all by itself," she once wrote, on "days when you're en negligee, en bed with a murder story and a box of bonbons." She was 89. LEAVE IT TO THE COMEDIAN to have the last laugh. Joey Bishop outlived all the more famous-and more raucous--Rat Packers. By the 1960s he had earned stardom alongside buddies Frank Sinatra, Dean Martin, Peter Lawford and Sammy Davis Jr. But he was never completely overshadowed by the better-known members of his cohort. In 1960 TIME wrote, "Theoretically, Joey has bottom billing, [but] as soon as he starts talking he is recognized as top banana in a newly assembled comedy act that is breaking up Vegas." Bishop later appeared in his own sitcom and filled in about 200 times as host of the Tonight Show. He was 89. PHILADELPHIA HAS ITS cheesesteak, Chicago has its bratwurst, and, thanks to Vincent DeDomenico, San Francisco has Rice-A-Roni. The sons of Italian immigrants, DeDomenico and his brothers began experimenting with food recipes at their parents' pasta business during the 1930s, mixing ingredients like long-grain white rice, pieces of vermicelli and chicken broth. Eventually they hit the jackpot, creating packaged, easy-to-make rice and pasta dishes. In 1986 they sold their company to Quaker Oats for about $300 million. DeDomenico was 92. With reporting by Gilbert Cruz, Elisabeth Salemme, Carolyn Sayre, Tiffany Sharples, Alexandra Silver, Kate Stinch
Bordering on War
Thursday, Oct. 25, 2007 By ANDREW PURVIS
November 5, 2007
In a region fierce with enemies, it's especially alarming when your friends start to fight. So the recent rumblings between Kurds and Turks have reminded U.S. officials that they can take nothing in Iraq for granted, especially the country's greatest success story. Seventy percent of U.S. military air cargo reaches Iraq through Turkish airspace, and over the border flow the grandfather clocks and designer clothes that make Iraqi Kurdistan feel so much more prosperous than the rest of Iraq. But from the opposite direction come the attacks by Kurdish guerrillas on Turkish soldiers. It's an escalating decades-long fight for Kurdish rights that has already claimed close to 40,000 lives, including 42 Turkish soldiers in just the past few weeks. The brutality of the killings has produced an outpouring of anger in Turkey. Flag-waving students, some in school uniforms, mourned fallen soldiers in a nationwide funeral that spread across 11 provinces. Turkish lawmakers passed a resolution authorizing the military to invade Iraq and hunt down the militant group blamed for the attacks, the Kurdistan Workers Party, or PKK. Turkish troops have massed at the border; the U.S., meanwhile, has pressed Turkey to show restraint and Iraqi leaders to rein in the PKK. In response, Iraq President Jalal Talabani, a Kurd, said the local government would not turn over any Kurds to Turkey, not "even a Kurdish cat." U.S. Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice will try to calm these passions in person with a hastily scheduled trip to Turkey. After strong language from both Washington and London, Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki appears to have gotten the message. He broke the government's long silence on the issue and finally vowed to shut down PKK "operations" in Iraqi territory. Turkey has agreed to consider talks with Iraqi government representatives, including, perhaps, Iraqi Kurds--but not with the PKK, which the U.S. has designated a terrorist group. Turkey may yet send troops across the border, but if communication channels with Iraqi leaders stay open, Washington's worst-case scenario of a clash between its allies may be averted.
SOCIETY
November 5, 2007
Floating Your Own Boat

Thursday, Oct. 25, 2007 By ANITA HAMILTON
As the sport has caught on, new boat styles have been created that are sturdier, more comfortable and lighter in weight than their predecessors. Peter Dennen / Aurora Plunk yourself down in a small plastic kayak with nothing but a paddle, and you might think you'll need Hulk-like strength to do anything more than bob gently downstream. But that's a myth that Anna Levesque, 33, is helping to debunk. A professional white-water kayaker and instructor based in Asheville, N.C., she says, "Kayaking isn't about strength; it's about finesse." And once you get the hang of it, "you get a real sense of accomplishment," she continues. "You are the master of your craft." That could help explain why more landlubbers are picking up oars. Participation in the U.S. has doubled to nearly 8 million people over the past decade, according to the National Sporting Goods Association, and women enthusiasts are among kayaking's fastest-growing groups. "I love the quietness of it," says Linda Weinmann, 36, of Winona, Minn. "It makes you feel like you are a part of your surroundings." Smarter lightweight designs are making kayaks easier to carry and maneuver. Meanwhile, the free lessons that kayaking outfitters offer along urban waterfronts in places like Baltimore and New York City, man-made white-water parks inland, and myriad kayaking festivals and expeditions let newcomers get their toes wet before sinking what is typically about $1,000 (but can run up to $5,000) into a boat and accessories.
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Just as participation in many group sports has declined, individual sports like archery, snowboarding and kayaking have seen steep increases in recent years. After all, why hang out in the outfield waiting for a ball to head your way when you can be the star player in your very own craft? "It's really part of this greater trend of people wanting to self-express themselves," says Mark J. Penn, author of Microtrends. At Wenonah Canoe, one of the largest canoe and kayak makers in the country, kayak sales outpaced those of canoes four years ago, according to president Rich Enochs. While canoes typically seat two people and are harder to steer, most kayaks are built for one, and after a 30minute lesson, even novices can go faster than they could in a canoe. New activities like kayak fishing, in which fishers explore narrow creeks and waterways in specialized boats with more legroom, have helped boost sales. And Wenonah's Current Designs line features smaller vessels that are easier for shorter adults to control. Most kayaks are still made of plastic, but some newer ones, like the $3,350 Suka, come in stronger, lightweight Kevlar, which can shave up to 20% off the total weight. While kayaking is a solo sport, it's hardly for hermits. The Washington Kayak Club, based in Seattle, boasts some 700 members and sponsors everything from fall outings on the Cedar River to viewings of the sockeye salmon swimming upstream to clinics at local pools on how to roll your boat over in the water. Year-round festivals include the weeklong Calusa Blueway Paddling Festival, which starts Oct. 27 in Fort Myers, Fla., and features more than 50 group paddles. You'll always be the master of your kayak, but it's more fun when a paddling buddy comes along for the ride.
Golf's Swinging Singles

Thursday, Oct. 25, 2007 By SEAN GREGORY/LAS VEGAS
November 5, 2007
From left, Klaus Schaloske (Ontario, Can), Keith Fullgraf (Pennsylvania), Dennis Itha ( Illinois), winner of the assisted division, John Getchell (Alberta, Canada) and the winner of the unassisted division, Jack Wiseman. Robert Gallagher for TIME Alan Gentry stood by his ball off the seventh fairway and took a few practice swings. He had no club in his hand. Like any other golfer, he was grooving a perfect shot in his mind before selecting the proper stick. But unlike most, he had no right arm in his socket. So when a car drove by Gentry as he warmed up, four heads whipped back to catch the sight. Did you see that? Was that guy actually warming up with one arm? The golfers who gathered in Las Vegas in October for the North American One-Armed Golfer Association championships will tell you they're used to the stares. But keep looking, and you'll find some of the most inspiring play on the planet. Golf is frustrating enough with two arms. "Having one arm is difficult for balance, hard for timing and hard for getting the clubhead in the right spot at impact," says Mike Altman, head pro at Stallion Mountain Country Club in Las Vegas, which hosted the one-armed players' tournament. "And these guys do it for 18 holes. It's mind-blowing." The one-armed golfers will soon step out of obscurity. Just days before next year's Ryder Cup in Louisville, Ky., the North American organization, which Gentry and a group of friends founded in 2000, will square off against Europe's best one-armers in a Cup-style match-play event. This inaugural Fightmaster Cup, named after Louisville resident Don Fightmaster, an
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Arnold Palmer of the one-armed-golf world, will be an official part of the Ryder Cup festivities. And it will not be some friendly freakfest. Tensions between the Americans and Brits are running high over the question of whether prostheses and other aids have a role in onearmed golf. So much trash talk has been exchanged that the Fightmaster Cup might prove more compelling than that two-armed Ryder Cup thing. How do the single-wingers do it? They essentially swing a golf club like the two-handers they call "normies." But without a second hand to guide the club, they find their backswings are often shorter, their follow-throughs a little wilder. "People tend to avoid you at the driving range," says Christian Fisher, whose left arm was cut off in an elevator accident (the limb was reattached but is not functional). Driving the ball is particularly difficult, which makes it all the more amazing that the good players consistently hit 280 yds. and above. "I've lost muscle mass on my left side because I don't have anything there," says Scott Lusk, 34, who has been missing his left arm since a car wreck in 1992. "You have to pull with your hips and legs to make up for it, which takes away the consistency on your swing." While it's also harder to control pitches and putts with one arm, some players say that on these shorter shots, it's advantageous to single-wing it. "On chips, I see so many guys move their second hand all over the place and get the yips," says Steve Quevillon, a bond trader from Montreal. "We can just let the club do the work." Quevillon, who won the 2006 North American title, is even more unusual: though he has two good arms, his legs were paralyzed in a car accident--so he uses a crutch in his left hand for balance while swinging the club with just his right hand. For many of the players who have been through horrific accidents, membership in the North American organization or its British-based counterpart, the Society of One-Armed Golfers, is therapeutic. "You don't feel like you're on the outside," says Lusk, whose accident left him very depressed. "You come here, hell, everyone has arms missing. It's rehab as much as anything else." Want to tell amputee jokes? Go ahead. "We tell the young lads, If you want to join the society, get yourself a motorbike," says Peter Priscott, a member of the British group, referring to the
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disproportionate number of members who have lost arms in cycle wrecks. Lusk greets buddies with "high stumps" all over the course. At his first society tournament in Scotland, David Bailey--another motorcycle casualty--walked into a bar with an ax. Confused members wondered what the hell the new guy was doing. He then unbuttoned his collared shirt to reveal a T shirt that read RECRUITING OFFICER--SOCIETY OF ONE-ARMED GOLFERS. It can get less chummy on the course. For example, at the North American tournament, a golfer named Bobby Baca made opponent Laurent Hurtubise tap in close putts during their semifinal match. Usually a competitor concedes those gimmes. "He's not a golfer," Hurtubise barked as they approached the 14th hole. "He's not a gentleman." You thought Tiger Woods and Phil Mickelson didn't get along? Baca, from New Mexico, and Hurtubise, from Quebec, will be teammates at next year's Cup-style event, so they're better off fighting the Euros than each other. They won't need much motivation: though the North American and British organizations share members and have worked amicably to launch the Fightmaster Cup, one American calls the Brits "snobs," while a British golfer who played in Las Vegas called the North American organization a "shambles." Some North Americans are ticked that so-called assisted players cannot participate in the Fightmaster Cup. The North American organization has an assisted division in which golfers can use a prosthetic device or their damaged arm to support the club. The unassisted division outlaws all aids. The Society of One-Armed Golfers, founded in 1932 as an avenue of competition for World War I amputees, has never had an assisted division and probably never will. Tradition, you know. At the Fightmaster Cup, only the unassisted players will be allowed. "Not to be disrespectful, but this has to be in the pure context of one-armed golf," says Michael O'Grady, who owns a driving range in Ireland and plays to a seven handicap. What makes the issue trickier is that there's often a fine line between assisted and unassisted playing. When Klaus Schaloske, a retired schoolteacher from Ontario, takes a backswing with his left arm--from a right-handed stance--the stump of his missing right arm grazes the club. Under the society's rules, that counts as assisted play, though its president, Malcolm Guy, has promised to review Schaloske's case with his rules committee. "It's a silly rule," an incredulous Schaloske says. He holds up his appendages. "How many do I have?" But that stump makes a
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difference. At the driving range, Schaloske tried moving the stump out of the way on his swing. He missed the ball. "I'll have to go to the meat cleaver and cut off some more," he says. No matter how that dispute plays out, the one-armed event will enhance next year's Ryder Cup by offering some of the most uncommon golf in the world. Any bold predictions from the Brits? "If I did that, I would get shot," says Guy. As for the Americans, no handicap will hinder their hubris. "We're going to set an example right away for the [American] PGA Tour guys," says Alan Gentry, the North American co-founder. "They're going to have no other choice but to follow suit." That almost sounds like a guarantee. Says a smiling Gentry: "Absolutely."
The Power Of One
Beyond the Call of Duty

Thursday, Oct. 25, 2007 By CAROLINE KENNEDY
U.S. Navy Commander Maureen Pennington in the healing garden at the Naval Medical Center in San Diego, California. Mikey Tnasuttimonkol for TIME Regardless of what we feel about the war in Iraq, most Americans feel a deep connection to the men and women in uniform who are there fighting for us. But we don't often think about the people who are caring for them on our behalf, the nurses and doctors who are putting
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their lives at risk to tend the wounded. People like U.S. Navy Commander Maureen Pennington. Pennington, 45, is the first nurse to lead a surgical company during combat operations, and her work in Iraq, along with her previous two decades of active duty, offers living testimony to the difference one individual can make by building a career out of serving the needs of others. Pennington's eight-month tour in Iraq in 2006 earned her the Bronze Star for "heroic or meritorious achievement" in part for attaining an unprecedented 98% survival rate for her patients, many of whom were victims of severe blast wounds. On Oct. 23, she received a Minerva Award at the California Governor and First Lady's Conference on Women. Named for the Roman goddess whose image is on California's state seal, the award honors women who have "changed the state and nation with their courage, strength and wisdom." As commanding officer of three Level 2 medical facilities--field hospitals providing emergency medical treatment and surgery--just behind the front lines in Fallujah, Ramadi and Taqaddum, Pennington displayed all those virtues. She was responsible for overseeing the treatment of mass casualties coming through the door of the surgical units, day or night, including U.S. Marines and Iraqi soldiers, civilians and insurgents; and transporting the most severely wounded on emergency helicopter flights in complete darkness to avoid enemy fire, all while maintaining the safety and morale of medical personnel under frequent attack. But even in the midst of this maelstrom, Pennington made time to attend to the small things that can make a big difference. Things like setting up a special area where Marines could stay close to their injured comrades and receive frequent updates on their medical condition. Or washing the blood from vehicles used to transport the wounded so that their buddies would be spared the gruesomely vivid reminder of the attack that felled their colleagues. "The more intense it got with combat casualties coming through the door, the calmer Maureen became. I think the Marines really appreciated that," says Lieut. (j.g.) Joelle Annondano, a physician's assistant who served in Iraq with Pennington. "But she was also like a mom to all of us. She was not afraid to give someone a hug when they needed it." Or to be tough when the situation called for that. "These Marines are the same age as my son," says Pennington, the mother of a son Travis, 26, and a daughter Grace, 15. "So I know what
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their fears are and how concerned they are for themselves and their brothers. And being a mother, I know you also have to be willing to be hated in order to be loved. I knew it was up to me to make sure that there were rules and structures in place because people need those too when the world is falling apart." Now back Stateside and working at the Naval Medical Center in San Diego, Pennington is particularly proud of the treatment she was able to provide for wounded Iraqi soldiers and civilians--including women and children--and considers it an important part of the U.S. mission in Iraq. "If you care for someone's children, they will love you," she says. "The Iraqis are so grateful for the care we provide, even though it sometimes puts them in danger." Commander Daniel Maher, Pennington's current supervisor, attributes her success to her ability to communicate across cultures--military, medical or ethnic. But Pennington credits her leadership skills to the inspiration she receives from others and her desire to give something back. "It wasn't always easy to balance a military career and raising a family," she says. "But I have always tried to do something for someone else every day. People inspire you, and you inspire them, and after 21 years I can look back and say, 'Things are better because I cared. I know I made a difference.'"
Geneva Conventions 101

Thursday, Oct. 25, 2007 By NATHAN THORNBURGH
November 5, 2007
An alarming number of future physicians may not be familiar enough with the Geneva conventions. America's wrenching debate over what constitutes torture and whether the nation practices it is beginning to involve a group you'd think would be above such things: the medical profession. According to a new survey of more than 1,700 students from eight medical schools, an alarming number of future physicians may not be familiar enough with the Geneva conventions to recognize torture. Worse, even some who do know what it is may be willing to inflict it anyway. Dr. J. Wesley Boyd, a psychiatrist with the Harvard-affiliated Cambridge Health Alliance, started the study after hearing media reports that U.S. doctors had been complicit in intense interrogations, torture and other abuses. Among the allegations: they let jailers know if prisoners were fit enough to survive abuse, shared medical information such as phobias or other vulnerabilities and altered the death certificates of detainees who died from mistreatment. Boyd's survey found that 94% of medical students received less than one hour of instruction
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about military medical ethics in school. More than a third didn't know that the Geneva conventions say doctors should "treat the sickest first, regardless of nationality" or that it prohibits them from threatening prisoners or depriving them of food or water for any length of time. Students did no better when asked if they, as physicians, should obey any of three hypothetical orders: to threaten a detainee with psychotropic drugs that would not actually be given; to give detainees a shot of harmless saline solution that they've been led to believe is a lethal injection; to kill a detainee with a genuine lethal injection. More than a quarter of the respondents said they would do the first two but not the third. Six percent said they would do any of the three. The right answer, according to the Geneva conventions, as well as the American Medical Association, is none of the above. The scant attention civilian med schools give the question of torture is troubling, since about 70% of military doctors are recruited from those institutions in exchange for scholarships. There could be even more civilian docs in the military, thanks to the "doctor draft," a 1987 congressional authorization that lets the military call up civilian doctors in case of a wartime shortage. Preparing doctors for the possibility of service would not have to demand much of a med school's curriculum. "It doesn't have to be a full class," says Boyd. "Even five lunchtime talks would make the difference." Dr. Steve Miles, a medical ethicist and the author of Oath Betrayed: Torture, Medical Complicity and the War on Terror, says it may not be necessary to teach every medical student the specifics of torture. Rather, there's a more general skill all doctors need: push back--the ability to say no, whether it's to a commander who wants a prisoner tortured or an HMO that wants the potential benefits of an expensive treatment concealed. "Every doctor is going to wind up in a dual-loyalty situation," Miles says. The answer is to remember that a doctor's first objective is to relieve suffering--not to cause it.
Tattoo Bans
November 5, 2007
Thursday, Oct. 25, 2007 By CAROLYN SAYRE
Soares spent three years and $5,000 perfecting his tattoo but now must cover it up when on the job as an East Palo Alto, California, police detective. Timothy Archibals for TIME There are two things Ed Soares is devoted to. One is his job as a detective for the East Palo Alto, Calif., police department, where he has worked for five years. The other is a large garish tattoo of St. Michael casting the devil into hell that adorns his forearm. The image is a work in progress, and Soares, 33, has spent three years and $5,000 getting it just the way he wants it. So he faced something of a test of allegiances this summer when the department forbade all its officers from displaying tattoos on the job. "It is not fair. I have spent a lot of time and money on my tattoos," says Soares. "But I am in the business of taking orders, so that is what I will do." East Palo Alto's prohibition may seem like a quirky, isolated incident but in fact is a sign of the times. Over the past six months, tattoo restrictions have been imposed on at least a dozen police departments around the country, and the Marine Corps placed a ban on "excessive body art" for new recruits on April 1. Oddly, the crackdown is occurring at a time when large,
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excessive tattoos are more popular than ever. Last year a study published in the Journal of the American Academy of Dermatology found that 89% of the men and 48% of the women who wear tattoos have conspicuous and sometimes outlandish designs on their hands, necks, arms, legs, toes and feet. "We are seeing more tattoos than ever before," says Ronald Davis, chief of police at East Palo Alto, where officers are required to hide their ink with clothing or bandages. Since the Stone Age, tattooing has been seen as a spiritual ritual, used to mark a right of passage. During the Civil War, getting a flag emblazoned on the arm emerged as a patriotic symbol for soldiers. But in the past few years, the garish body-art trend has taken on an increasingly negative connotation as it has become a signifying mark of street gangs and prison inmates. The East Palo Alto ban was sparked by community complaints about a group of officers, known as the "Wolf Pack," who wore tattoos of the animal. "The uniform needs to reek of professionalism," says Larry Harmel, executive director of the Maryland Chiefs of Police Association. Several departments in his state have already initiated bans. "People can draw negative conclusions by looking at big, bold tattoos." Few organizations are more committed to the image of professionalism than the Marine Corps. "Marines hold themselves to a higher standard than everyone else," says Sergeant Major Carlton Kent. Although new recruits can't enter the service with sleeves, as large inked designs are often called, Marines already in the Corps can keep the body art they have. But a commanding officer must document those tattoos to make sure nothing is added. "My tattoos express who I am," says Sergeant Adam Esquivel, a Marine serving at Camp Pendleton, near Oceanside, Calif. But he's resolved to follow the new order. "I chose to be a Marine. So I have to take the good with the bad." But does it makes sense for the Corps to take such a stiff stand on an aesthetic issue at a time when the nation is at war and it's already tough enough to persuade young people to enlist in the military? Marine officials claim the new policy isn't hurting recruitment. But it is telling that last year the Army relaxed a similar tattoo policy to help bolster its numbers. There are no statistics indicating what effect the bans have had on law-enforcement hiring, but there is
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evidence that cops aren't happy. A few months ago, the police-officers union in Anne Arundel County, Md., filed a grievance against the department. So far the courts have been staunchly antitattoo. Last year a federal appeals court in Hartford, Conn., upheld a ruling that required officers to cover up spiderweb tattoos--a symbol of white supremacy--setting a precedent that such ordinances do not violate the First Amendment. But departments like East Palo Alto are banning not just tats that are racially offensive--they are prohibiting them all. "Tattoos are an icebreaker," says Soares, who thinks society is generally accepting of tattoos. "Civilians know we are normal people, not robots." BUSINESS: Life - Society - Living - The Power Of One - Business - Fit Nation - Ethics
How Dumb Is Your Bank?

Thursday, Oct. 25, 2007 By JUSTIN FOX
From left, Angelo Mozilo, Chuck Prince and James Cayne. Lucas Jackson Reuters / Landov; Eyepress; Daniel Acker Bloomberg News
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When times are good, it's awfully hard to tell the knuckleheads from the geniuses in the financial-services business. That's because bad loans and bad investments tend to look just as profitable as good ones--and sometimes even more so--until trouble hits. Lots of trouble has been hitting lately, with private-equity loans turning sour, AAA-rated subprime mortgage securities turning into junk, and all manner of other bets going bad. This ought to make it easier to figure out just who in the money business knows what he's doing. Which explains why the just-completed earnings-reporting season for banks and other financial firms was the most informative in years. Not to mention entertaining, especially during the usually soporific conference calls with analysts in which executives discuss their results. There was Bank of America chief Ken Lewis, who, after reporting setbacks in his attempts to turn the bank into a major force on Wall Street, declared, "I've had all the fun I can stand in investment banking at the moment." And after Citigroup announced a nearly 60% drop in earnings, Deutsche Bank analyst Mike Mayo more or less asked CEO Chuck Prince why he hadn't been fired. Prince's response: "If you look at the strategic plan that we are executing on, I think any fair-minded person would say that strategic plan is working." Not everyone agreed, and Prince pushed aside James Cayne of Bear Stearns--the investment bank that started Wall Street's summer of pain when two hedge funds it managed nearly imploded in June--as the subject of the industry's most feverish when-will-he-go talk. Citi was far from alone in its troubles. BofA (profits down 32%) and Wachovia (down 10%) had bad quarters too, as did investment banks Morgan Stanley (down 7%) and Merrill Lynch (which recorded a loss). The two big companies that most dramatically bucked the trend were Goldman Sachs and JPMorgan Chase. The latter's success got the most attention because its CEO, Jamie Dimon, was once in line to succeed Sandy Weill at Citigroup. According to Monica Langley's book Tearing Down the Walls, Dimon, a notoriously tough manager, got the boot after losing his temper with a fellow executive who had been rude to a colleague's wife at a 1998 corporate retreat. Prince, Weill's legal adviser, inherited the top job in his place.
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It's hard not to root for a guy--even a filthy-rich guy--who loses his dream job by standing up for a colleague's wife. But veteran banking analyst Richard Bove of the brokerage firm Punk Ziegel says Dimon owed his big quarter to a billion dollars in onetime gains. "Apart from that, JPMorgan's results are just as bad as everybody else's," he says. He has similar concerns about Goldman Sachs. Bove's verdict: We're in the midst of a "systemic debt crisis" from which no one can emerge unscathed. Still, some will end up less scathed than others. The banker with the most impressive record of avoiding scathings is Dick Kovacevich, chairman of Wells Fargo. Wells not only had an O.K. quarter but also has the best long-run stock performance of the country's big-five banks. So what does Kovacevich, who took over as president of Wells predecessor Norwest in 1989 and just stepped down as CEO in June, think of the current troubles? "We make all the same mistakes," he says. "These past two years show it again: we never learn, we don't price for risk, we think that it's going to be different this time." There is one meaningful difference this time though. While several mortgage firms have gone under, the banking industry is on track for what Kovacevich guesses will be its third or fourth biggest profit year ever. "The reason for all that is diversification," he contends. Banks that used to be pinned down in one state, doing nothing but taking deposits and making loans, can now operate coast-to-coast selling everything from stocks to insurance. Kovacevich does profess to be dubious of competitors' efforts to break onto Wall Street in a big way--because he thinks that "transaction oriented" investment bankers and "relationship oriented" traditional bankers don't mix. He does not, however, think the business is in for a repeat of the serious troubles of the 1980s. Is he right? Let's give it a few more such informative earnings reports and see. ARTS & ENTERTAINMENT
Elitist, Moi?
Thursday, Oct. 25, 2007 By RICHARD ZOGLIN
November 5, 2007
British playwright and screenwriter Tom Stoppard. Seamus Ryan / Camera Press When his interviewer arrives, Tom Stoppard is standing outside the Broadway theater where his latest play, Rock 'n' Roll, is about to begin previews. Sporting an open white shirt with the sleeves partly rolled up and tousled (if graying) hair that still gives him the look of an overage college student, he's enjoying a cigarette in a circle of warm spring sunshine that has managed to find a hole in the Manhattan skyline. But he really should be off his feet. A few days earlier, in the rush to catch a plane to New York City, Stoppard stubbed his toe hard in his London apartment. He has just come back from the doctor, who told him the toe is broken and ordered him to stay off it as much as possible--after which, Stoppard walked 13 blocks to the theater. The spectacle of Tom Stoppard hoofing it through the theater district on a bum foot would be disconcerting to people who think of the playwright as something of an litist. Ever since his sensational stage debut in 1967 with Rosencrantz and Guildenstern Are Dead--his absurdist riff on a pair of minor characters in Hamlet--Stoppard has become almost a genre unto himself, taking intellectual, often abstruse subject matter and turning it into challenging yet
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playful drama. His game, frequently, is the oddball juxtaposition: moral philosophy and gymnastics (Jumpers); Fermat's last theorem and Byron's love poetry (Arcadia); James Joyce and Vladimir Lenin (Travesties). "Tom said to me once that he decides on one play, and then shortly after decides on a different one," says Trevor Nunn, director of Rock 'n' Roll and several other Stoppard plays. "And then he lets them crash into each other." The Coast of Utopia, his nearly nine-hour trilogy about Russia's radical political thinkers of the 19th century, was a relatively straight-ahead historical journey (which is why this critic, at least, didn't rank it among his best), but it was an unexpectedly huge hit, playing to sold-out crowds during its run at New York City's Lincoln Center last season and winning seven Tony Awards, a record for a straight play. And that gives him the right to hobble into any Broadway theater with a play on just about any subject he wants. With Rock 'n' Roll, which took London by storm last year and opens on Broadway Nov. 4, Stoppard is exploring two more of his passions, one old and one relatively new. The play spans a couple of decades in the lives of a group of Czech political activists and British academics and shuttles back and forth between Cambridge and Prague in the years between the 1968 Soviet invasion and the "velvet revolution" of 1989. It's an exploration of political repression and commitment (with a typically Stoppardian digression into Sappho's poetry), but also a celebration of the rebel rock music that, in Stoppard's view, was as potent a force for revolution as Vaclav Havel's speeches. Scenes are punctuated with the sounds of groups like the Rolling Stones and the Plastic People of the Universe, a Czech band imprisoned during the Soviet crackdown--with a special nod to Syd Barrett, a founding member of Pink Floyd, who was ousted by his band over his erratic, drug-fueled, near psychotic behavior. Rock 'n' Roll is the first stage work Stoppard has written explicitly about Czechoslovakia, where he was born in 1937 but which he left as a baby when his parents fled the Nazis, moving to Singapore and then India before landing in Bristol, England. Until the fall of communism, he returned only once to the country, in 1977. "I began to have more identity as a Czech comparatively recently," he says. "To tell you the truth, I think it was my mother dying about 10 years ago that gave me permission to be Czech. Because my mother's whole attitude was to leave the past behind. So I tended to kind of just respect her attitude." A pause. "That's not the whole truth. The fact is, I loved being English. I was very
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happy to be turned into an English schoolboy." Those schoolboy days ended at age 17, when Stoppard went to work for a newspaper in Bristol. He covered the police beat and routine local news, but he also got to interview visiting celebrities--New Orleans jazz musicians, British movie-glamour queen Diana Dors. "I was so thrilled being a reporter," he says, "because it gave you the kind of access to people that you wouldn't ever get to meet." After a few years, he moved to London, where he continued to write reviews and celebrity profiles. In 1960 he talked his way into a trip to New York with a group of architects visiting the city's buildings and did a story for the Yorkshire Post on Lenny Bruce, whom he saw at the Village Vanguard and corralled outside for a 10-minute interview. Stoppard was taken by the irreverent comic (he even recalls some of his jokes, like Bruce's plea for world peace, urging all the nations of the world to get together and "kick the s___ out of the Polacks"). "His act was very scatological by English standards," he says. "But I was amazed by him." Stoppard's passion for rock music dates from his days in Bristol, where he would see most of the touring music acts that came to town--among them Frank Sinatra (who played the Bristol Hippodrome in the early '50s and didn't sell out), the Everly Brothers and Eddie Cochran, the rockabilly singer whose British tour ended when he was killed in a car crash in 1960. Like everyone else, Stoppard embraced the Beatles and Rolling Stones when they came along, but he admits to being a late bloomer when it came to Pink Floyd. "I ignored them completely at first," he says. "When Dark Side of the Moon came out, a friend of mine, a photographer, came over with the record and said, 'Please, listen to this. There's a play in this album.' I put it on top of this big wooden filing cabinet, and it stayed there for a year." The twice-divorced Stoppard, who turned 70 this year, is a grandfather now, but he keeps up with groups like Arcade Fire and the Arctic Monkeys. "I listen to what shows up, really out of curiosity more than anything else," he says. "It's not often that something really gets to me." He goes to concerts only rarely--for the Stones when they tour and an occasional experiment like Oasis (a "brilliant songwriting band"). "I'm a very boring person," he insists. He doesn't go to movies, he says (though he writes plenty of them; see box), and spends most of his spare time reading--most recently Janet Malcolm's biography of Gertrude Stein and Alice B. Toklas. His chief recreational passion is trout fishing, which he does four or five times a year, usually in
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Hampshire, England, but with periodic ventures to more exotic climes like New Mexico and Wyoming. Stoppard, who rolls his r's with a Continental flourish that somehow manages not to seem affected, bristles at the notion that his work is too highbrow or litist for an ordinary audience-never mind that the New York Times felt the need to print a reading list for theatergoers who wanted to bone up before seeing The Coast of Utopia. He notes that his intellectual obsessions are hardly unique or rarefied. "The market for books about science and philosophy on the level on which I deal with things is a best-seller market," he says, pointing to authors like Steven Pinker, Richard Dawkins and Richard Feynman. It tickles him when he gets good reviews for his scientific accuracy in specialist publications. Yet he insists his goal is not to lift the audience's brow but simply to explore fresh subjects that engage him. "I've got no interest in educating or instructing people. It's entirely about my getting interested in something because of its dramatic possibilities. I'm not there to do Op-Ed on Broadway." Indeed, Stoppard has always stood apart from many other British playwrights of his generation, like David Hare, for avoiding an overtly political (usually left-wing) point of view. He describes his politics as "timid libertarian." Yet he can rev up a pretty bold rant on Britain's "highly regulated society," which he thinks is "betraying the principle of parliamentary democracy." There was the garden party he threw recently, for example, where because there was a pond on the property, he was required to hire two lifeguards. "The whole notion that we're all responsible for ourselves and we don't actually have to have nannies busybodying all around us, that's all going now. And I don't even know in whose interest it's supposed to be or who wishes it to be so. It seems to be like a lava flow, which nobody ordered up. Of course, one does know in whose interest it is. It's in the interests of battalions of civil servants in jobs that never existed 10 years ago." Don't call Tom Stoppard a snob. But try finding a political rant in America as polished as that.
Outing Dumbledore
November 5, 2007
Thursday, Oct. 25, 2007 By JOHN CLOUD
J. K. Rowling brings a beloved character out of the closet. Illustration by John Ueland When J.K. Rowling said at Carnegie Hall that Albus Dumbledore--her Aslan, her Gandalf, her Yoda--was gay, the crowd apparently sat in silence for a few seconds and then burst into wild applause. I'm still sitting in silence. I feel a bit like I did when we learned too much about Mark Foley and Larry Craig: you are not the role model I'd hoped for as a gay man. Yes, it's nice that gays finally got a major character in the sci-fi/fantasy universe. Until now, we had been shut out of the major franchises. J.R.R. Tolkien wrote a rich supply of homoeroticism into The Lord of the Rings--all those men and hobbits and elves singing to one another during long, womanless quests. The books and their film versions feature tender scenes between Frodo and Samwise. But in the end, Sam marries Rosie and fathers 13 children. Thirteen! Got something to prove, hobbit? Other fantasy worlds have presented gay (or at least gay-seeming) characters, but usually they are, literally, inhuman. George Lucas gave us the epicene C-3PO and the little butch R2-D2,
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and their Felix-Oscar dialogue suggests the banter of a couple of old queens who have been keeping intergalactic house for millenniums. But their implied homosexuality is quite safe. There is no real flesh that could actually entangle. Similarly, there was a girl-on-girl plot in 1995 on Star Trek: Deep Space Nine, but let me spare you a fanboy summary by noting merely that the two girls weren't girls--they were gender-complex aliens called Trills--and they only kissed. So along comes Rowling with Dumbledore--a human being, a wizard even, an indisputable hero and one of the most beloved figures in children's literature. Shouldn't I be happy to learn he's gay? Yes, except: Why couldn't he tell us himself? The Potter books add up to more than 800,000 words before Dumbledore dies in Harry Potter and the Half-Blood Prince, yet Rowling couldn't spare two of those words to help define a central character's emotional identity: "I'm gay." We can only conclude that Dumbledore saw his homosexuality as shameful. His silence suggests a lack of personal integrity that is completely out of character. I had always given the Potter books a pass on the lack of gay characters because, especially at first, they were intended for little kids. But particularly with the appearance of the long, violent later books, Rowling allowed her witches and wizards to grow up, to get zits and begin romances, to kill and die. It seemed odd that not even a minor student character at Hogwarts was gay, especially since Rowling was so p.c. about inventing magical creatures of different races and species, incomes, national origins and developmental abilities. In a typical passage, Blaise Zabini is described as a "tall black boy with high cheekbones and long, slanting eyes." Would it have been so difficult to write a line in which Zabini takes the exquisitely named Justin Finch-Fletchley to the Yule Ball? And then there's Dumbledore himself. Sure, he's heroic. His twinkling eyes, his flowing manteau, his unfailing wisdom--Rowling made it impossible not to revere him. But here is a gay man as desexed as any priest--and, to uncomfortably extend the analogy, whose greatest emotional bond is with an adolescent boy: scarred, orphaned, needy Harry. Rowling said that in her conception of his character, Dumbledore had fallen in love with Gellert Grindelwald long ago, when the two were just teenagers. But Grindelwald turned out to be evil--Rowling's
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Hitler, in fact--which apparently broke Dumbledore's heart. As far as we know, Dumbledore had no fully realized romance in all his 115 years--just a lifetime spent around children and, for the seven years we know him, a fascination with the boy Potter. That's pathetic and frustratingly stereotypical. It's difficult to believe someone as wise and sane as Dumbledore couldn't find at least one wizard his age to take to the Three Broomsticks. Am I making too much of this? Undoubtedly. Some of the best Star Trek fan fiction involves steamy Kirk-Spock love affairs. So it will be with the Potter world, as Rowling has acknowledged. We are now all free to imagine a gay life more whole and fulfilling than the one Rowling gave Dumbledore. But it would have been better if she had just let the old girl rest in peace.
The Genius Who Wanted to Be a Hack

Thursday, Oct. 25, 2007 By LEV GROSSMAN
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Michael Chabon Illustration for TIME by Riccardo Vecchio In the past eight years Michael Chabon, who is probably the premiere prose stylist--the Updike--of his generation, has written a novel about superhero comics; a fantasy tale; a mystery starring an old man who may or may not be Sherlock Holmes; and a pulp crime book set in an alternate time. (That last would be The Yiddish Policemen's Union, about a murder in a what-if world where Alaska becomes a homeland for the Jews, or as they're called there, "the frozen Chosen.") Chabon is still a literary novelist, but he's having a hot, star-crossed flirtation with the "popular" genres. He riffs on them, toys with them, steals their best tricks, passes them notes in class, etc. In Gentlemen of the Road (Del Rey; 204 pages)--which appears a scant, almost show-offy six months after Policemen's Union--he achieves something like consummation. He goes all the way. Gentlemen is set around A.D. 950 in a politically chaotic region of the Caucasus mountains. Our heroes are two rootless adventurers: Amram, a massive Abyssinian axman, and Zelikman, a pale, painfully skinny Frank (a kind of proto-German) who dresses in all black and carries a surgical instrument as a weapon. They are fast friends, seasoned brawlers and amateur
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philosophers given to terse exchanges of melancholy wit. They resemble--as all couples who stay together long enough ultimately do--Vladimir and Estragon from Waiting for Godot. Amram and Zelikman are too cynical to take up anything resembling a cause, but on a whim and for the promise of gold, they undertake restoring to the throne a deposed princeling named Filaq. This involves much swordplay, thieving of horses, charging of war elephants, lodging of arrows in throats and so forth. There's virtually no line in this book that isn't typical of the whole, so this one will serve: "She flung herself onto the Turkoman's back and with the rank bacon smell of his oiled hair in her nostrils bit off his ear, a salt apricot between her teeth." Chabon is playing a double game here: he's a Pulitzer winner with the verbal chops of a mandarin writing in the voice of a junk-sick 1950s pulp hack who dreams of being a Pulitzer winner. He seems to find the masquerade liberating. For once he never has to stop the action or worry about the prose being too purple or not purple enough. Gentlemen contains only trace amounts of irony. Best of all--and this is good for Chabon, who, unlike Updike, has a sentimental streak--the characters feel emotions only when they want to, and never more than necessary. "Are you sad?" a chatty prostitute asks Amram. "Filled with remorse?" No, he says: "I've lost the knack." The charade feels oddly right--so right that one suspects that where literature is concerned, high and low are no longer easily distinguished. PEOPLE
10 Questions for Ron Wood

Wednesday, Oct. 24, 2007
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Ron Wood of the Rolling Stones Jonathan Daniel / Getty He has been the Rolling Stones' hard-living guitarist for more than three decades. Now he is telling it all in his autobiography, Ronnie. Ron Wood will now take your questions You were often the mediator between Keith Richards and Mick Jagger. How do you feel about your role in keeping the band together? Kathy Lenard, Broomall, Pa. It is an institution that is well worth keeping together. So I took it upon myself to stop the arguing as best I could. It wasn't just the songwriting. It was having to go through life, day to day. Sometimes that is really hard, and things get misread. I tried to heal the wounds and am proud of myself for that. I hear that in the book you say Keith once pointed a gun at you and cut you with a broken bottle. Were you ever afraid he might actually kill you? Andy Baker, Des Moines, Iowa It was just part of living with Keith at the time. It was like, "You are going to kill me. Go ahead." Then he would say, "I would, but look at all the mess me and your wife would have to clean up
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afterwards." It was like brothers arguing, and it could turn bad, or we could have a laugh. Our sense of humor pulled us over those dodgy times. Is it true that Mick and Keith often forget how to play your greatest hits? George Rosenburg, Ithaca, N.Y. It is true that sometimes they do forget. [Laughs.] As it says in my book, "Just because I wrote it doesn't necessarily mean I know it." I need prompting too, but I am ahead of the game as far as remembering what they should know. Was your music affected by drugs for better or for worse? Aaron Muller, Kansas City, Kans. Sometimes it was affected for the good. Cocaine used to make you come out with these incredible ideas. We would have a line and go, "Yeah, that is a great song." I can only think of the good items that came out of it, but I wouldn't recommend it to anybody starting out. You have made comments about Amy Winehouse's alleged drug and alcohol abuse. Do you have any advice for her? Mike Moll, Bethlehem, Pa. I think Amy should hang out with winners more than dealers. Sometimes when you are that talented, you are the last one to realize it. So you tend to hide your talent behind getting high. I have been there. Do you think modern recording techniques have a bad effect on musicians? M.S. Freedman, Los Angeles No, I think it is a good thing. Nowadays you can record on your laptop with Pro Tools, which I do quite often. Within one hour I can go in, play my guitar and walk away knowing they can mix it any way they wish. I can't work [the technology] myself. It is quite frustrating. But if I can sit and play and it gets done in five minutes, then it is great! Are you really broke? How is that possible? Angie Silverstein, Salt Lake City I have been rich, and I have been broke. Some of it is my fault for choosing bad management and making bad investments. But that is life we all take risks. At the moment, I am on a good upswing financially. But that could all change in a minute. You have a second career as a painter. Has any particular style influenced you? Edward
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Romero, Madrid I am a big fan of the Impressionists, and in my school days, I was inspired by Caravaggio, Velazquez and Rembrandt. All the early influences are still there, but I tried to take my painting in a different way towards an Expressionist form. I love to get into a landscape and paint my horses. When I come to London, I go to the Royal Opera House and paint the ballerinas. I love the human form, and I like to capture movement in everything that I paint. Do you have an iPod? If so, what's on it? Meghan Wieckowski, Boston Oh, yeah 5,000 songs loaded straight away. I have anything from Mozart to Marley. Why did you turn down a guest appearance on CSI? Kristen Taylor, London I haven't turned it down. It is still an ongoing thing. They said I could play Uncle Ron the safecracker. [Laughs.] I would love to do that, but it would be a challenge to actually pull it off. I am a big fan of CSI: Las Vegas. The programs are quite good fun. But Law & Order: Special Victims Unit is really my favorite. You've got Ice-T. It's fantastic! Why did you decide to write a tell-all book? Christopher Mariano, Turin, Italy It is only "tell-some" you can only do some things at a time. My eldest son, Jamie, prompted me. He said, 'Come on, Dad. People want to know what makes you tick.' So I said, 'I haven't got no time for this.' But he said, 'Make time.' So over the last three years, I have been jotting things down. How did you feel about following the legendary Brian Jones and the great Mick Taylor in the guitar spot? Rich Cervantes, Philadelphia, Pa. I used to work with Mick Taylor when he was very young. He had no confidence, but I knew he was a damn good player. He is the only one who won't take a solo. That kind of thing annoys me. If someone has talent, they should have faith in themselves and play. Brian Jones set a precedent swapping between rhythm and lead guitar which I like to keep going. He was the ultimate rhythm guitar player. Do you think that vulnerable young fans may have emulated your drug and alcohol saturated lifestyle? Patti Powell, Murfreesboro, Tenn. I would think that I put them off going down the wrong road. Sure, you can have some good
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times and experiment, but I think most people once they try it decide [drugs and alcohol] are not for them. Many consider the '60s and '70s to be the quintessential time for rock 'n' roll. Has music taken a turn for the worse? Mark Cowden, Shelbyville Ky. No. I just hope that some of these new bands can make an imprint like the Stones and the Beatles did in their day. What's your favorite Stone's Album? Frank Schieber, Atlanta I love Beggars Banquet, Exile on Main St. and Some Girls to name a few. Who is better to party with: Rod Stewart, Mick Jagger or Keith Richards? Fred Nickerson, Brandon, Canada Oh my God! All I can say is you get them all in the same room and forget about it.
SPECIAL SECTION
Broadway's Favorite Babe

Thursday, Oct. 25, 2007 By BARBARA ISENBERG When Mel Brooks' The Producers closed on Broadway in April after more than six years, 12 Tony Awards and a billion dollars in worldwide ticket sales, director and choreographer Susan Stroman didn't get much time off. Stroman, Brooks and company are back with Young Frankenstein, a new musical opening on Broadway Nov. 8 that's based on Brooks' 1974 hit movie. Also readying a new ballet for Pacific Northwest Ballet and a new musical for Lincoln Center Theater, five-time Tony Award winner Stroman talked with TIME about life after The Producers. As you developed Young Frankenstein, were you worried about the huge expectations surrounding another musical based on a Brooks movie?
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I have a passion for the theater and for what I do. If a writer comes to me and says, "I have a script that could make a great musical," why would I not follow that through? That seems particularly true if the writer is Brooks. What was it like working with him not once but twice? He has the most spontaneous mind of anyone I ever worked with. He is constantly funny and smart. Writing a Broadway musical was so fulfilling for him, he wanted to come back to that world, and I was ready to do it all over again with him. How would you characterize the appeal of Young Frankenstein? There are people who love Mel Brooks, the Frankenstein story or just the idea of reanimating dead tissue. Horror aficionados who don't know much about the movie or the musical like knowing they'll get to see someone create a monster. After the film version of The Producers musical fared so poorly at the box office, is it a relief to be back on Broadway? Yes. In the theater, all the different artists--designers, actors, writers, musicians and others-drive toward opening night together. In the film world, your collaborators are only with you part of the way. Did you worry there wouldn't be a show after Brooks lost Anne Bancroft, his wife of more than 40 years, in 2005? When Mel first talked about Young Frankenstein, I never thought it would happen. It wasn't until after Anne's death that he really started to write. It was a release from his grief, and I think the writing saved him. When he lost Anne, he lost everything. Mel sees the audience laugh each night, and it infuses him with a big breath of life. It was so similar to what happened when you and your late husband, the director Mike Ockrent, were starting work on The Producers.
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It was. Mel egged me on to continue working on The Producers after Mike's death, and after Anne died, I encouraged him to work on Young Frankenstein. A show that is so filled with humor is a great antidote to grief. To laugh and to hear the sound of laughter is healing. Laughter is that powerful? When Mel walks down the street, people call out to him as if he is a best friend because he made them laugh. Just as people ran to The Producers after 9/11, I think they'll run from the evening news to see Young Frankenstein. During the Depression, people loved to go to musicals and the movies to escape. Were you apprehensive about reimagining an iconic movie moment like the monster's star turn singing and dancing Irving Berlin's Puttin' on the Ritz? No. That's where I live. I love the 1930s, tap dance and Irving Berlin. I couldn't wait to get my hands on that number. During the curtain call for Young Frankenstein, there's a hint to the audience that Brooks' Blazing Saddles is waiting in the wings. Is that likely? At the ends of Mel's movies, there's always some sort of indication that he's coming back. So at the end of this musical, there's a little nod to that possibility. And if he comes by your house with a script for Blazing Saddles: The Musical? I would schedule a production meeting right away.
Move Over, Maharajahs

Thursday, Oct. 25, 2007 By SARAH RAPER LARENAUDIE
November 5, 2007
A view into the lounge of the Samode Haveli Hotel in Jaipur. Samode Haveli Goverdhan Singh Rathore broke the news gently to his young guests: there might not be a tiger. They had traveled all day through the Indian countryside by car and train with their families to Ranthambhore National Park to see the tigers, and Rathore, a medical doctor turned hotelier who grew up in the park, wanted them to understand why there were only 32 remaining in the 155 sq. mi. (400 sq. km) reserve. It was cocktail hour, and the families staying at Khem Villas, the 15-room guesthouse opened by Rathore and his wife Usha 2 12 miles (4 km) from the park entrance in October 2006, slurped guava juice and pulled their camp chairs closer to the fire to escape the evening chill. Rathore's tiger whodunit featured local farmers who had plowed deep into the tiger's habitat and faraway medicine makers in China and Southeast Asia who paid extravagant bounties for tiger bones and genitals. He introduced his father Fateh Singh Rathore, a former director of the park who collaborated in Indira Gandhi's tiger-conservation project in the 1970s. "Between 2003 and 2004 half of the tigers at Ranthambhore were killed," the son said gravely as the father lamented the current lack of government support. Local officials had tried to cover up the missing tigers, and detectives were hired to out the poachers. But there was also good news: 14 cubs had been born. The children were riveted. In 10 days traveling in India they had ridden an elephant and met a gemstone merchant, and now they knew two tiger specialists. And the next afternoon when they observed a female tiger watering at a stream on a safari ride, they savored their good luck.
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"My whole ethos is that luxury travel is about having experiences," says James Jayasundera, founder of Ampersand Travel in London, which specializes in customized tours of the Indian subcontinent. Paradoxically, in a country with 1.1 billion people, it can be tricky for visitors to truly connect with even one or two natives. "Traveling by train for short distances has always been a good way for foreigners to engage locals," he says. "Now there are a lot of small hotels run by absolutely fascinating people where guests mingle, sometimes eat together. These are also the best places for meeting upwardly mobile Indians who are starting to travel around India instead of going to Switzerland." He raves about Devi Garh, an 18th century fort in Rajasthan, a short hop from Udaipur, with 39 suites featuring mod interiors, and gets so excited talking about Ahilya Fort in Maheshwar, in the central state of Madhya Pradesh--a region that Jayasundera feels has been unfairly neglected by tour operators--that he chokes with laughter. "The Indore royal family that owns the small fort were very avant-garde. They had an amazing art collection by the '30s, and they were the first family to build an air-conditioned palace," he says, going on to describe the Labradors that jump in the skiff ferrying guests to nearby islands and temples, and host Prince Richard Holkar, son of the late Maharajah of Indore, who has written a cookbook and serves "marvelous gingerbread cakes." Dispatches from the road are equally enthusiastic. "We stayed in a wonderful if chaotic new hotel called Vivenda, run by a brother-and-sister team, Charlotte and Simon Hayward, whom we loved meeting," wrote Amanda Deitsch Hochman in her online journal on her four-month journey through India, Southeast Asia and Japan with her husband and two young children. We felt "like guests in a friend's house. More guests arrived, and it was like one big house party." They were booked into Vivenda, in Goa, by Victoria Mills and Bertie Dyer, founders of the India Beat travel company in Jaipur, who pride themselves on uncovering new addresses. The Hochman family also liked other small hotels, including Samode Haveli in Jaipur ("like a pensione--the way they used to be") and Deodars, a manor house in Almora, in the Himalayas. For decades, the fashionable way for Westerners to tour India was hopscotching from one former maharajah's palace to another, many made over and managed by India's big hotel chains and all of them trading on India's colonial past. They boast scores of costumed staff, playful nods to aristocratic pastimes like life-size chessboards and an irritating parade of
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people with name tags searching for their corporate event. Now, the more modern way to see India is a mix: a few outstanding palaces and an eclectic selection of small luxury hotels and guesthouses. "Prior to 20 years ago, these small hotels didn't even exist," says Mary-Anne Denison-Pender, whose Mahout agency promotes small Indian hotels in the U.K. In the '80s, in a bid to finance maintenance on their private properties, some families tried their hand at the hotel business. "Every person with a fort thought they had a hotel, but many of them didn't invest enough, and they got backpackers and low-budget tourists," she says. Several waves of development followed, typically punctuated by plagues, strikes, terrorist attacks and floods, sending all but the most determined tourists scrambling to alternative destinations. Some of the independent owners upgraded their properties, taking cues from the larger chains or from their own travels abroad. "The best ones reinvested, and now they've grown up," says Denison-Pender, who set up her agency in 2002 after 17 years as a travel planner. She likens the boom to the riyadh craze in Marrakesh. The small hotels she represents range in price from $50 to $700 per night, compared with the average price of $350 for the luxury category in Delhi or $250 to $300 for five-star hotels there. The government does not break down its hotel count by ownership, but M.N. Javed, deputy director general in charge of hotels at the Ministry of Tourism in Delhi, estimates that some 25% of the country's 121 luxury hotels and about half the 141 five-star properties are independently run. The arrival of low-cost airlines in India has made out-of-the-way locations much more accessible to foreign travelers, and the Internet has provided greater visibility without the hefty marketing budgets of the large hotel groups. They're not for everyone: "The sophisticated spoiled rich traveler may be better off in a big hotel. You have to be able to be a little more accepting" to have a good time at the smaller places, says Denison-Pender. But parents traveling with children, those looking for inside addresses from locals and those who are exhausted by the many tips expected at larger hotels (most of the guesthouses opt for a collective tip box) will soon be hooked.
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Even travelers who ordinarily make their own arrangements may welcome help in India. Keeping tabs on the new small hotels and knowing which ones have experienced declines in service require frequent visits. We loved one of the chic co-owners of Barwara Kothi, a new guesthouse in Jaipur. The food was delicious, and the Art Deco home where her in-laws' family entertained a maharajah has a good ambiance. However, it was noisy, though the owners have since planted barriers and reinforced windows. Also, be warned that some large travel operators snub the small hotels because the commissions paid are smaller than those of the big chains and booking rooms requires more legwork. The small luxury hotels represent just a corner of the overall market in India, where business is booming. For the luxury and five-star categories, the occupancy rate is 88% during the peak October-to-March tourist season, and it's close to 100% in the largest cities, says Javed. With a total of 89,000 hotel rooms, India is far behind other markets: New York City alone has more than 72,000, and in Asia, Bangkok, for example, counts nearly 100,000. To close the gap, the big hotel groups are currently focused on no-frills hotels in booming economic centers like Bangalore, as well as leased residence hotels. The Indian government, concerned about the shortage driving up prices and eager to create more options by 2010, when India will host the Commonwealth Games, is pushing for families to turn their homes into bed-and-breakfast operations. Faiz Dadarkar, a Jaipur entrepreneur who set up the Jaipur Pride network to match travelers with homestays, was astounded when 4,500 people responded to his billboards in 2005. He organized five training seminars. "We covered all the basics: how to clean a toilet and how not to hover," he says, laughing. The 75 homes currently on his roster are priced from $13 to $203 per day. Most are simple, but he has a seventhgeneration miniature painter renting out rooms and a house with a private theater and pool. TO OUR READERS
Paging All Political Junkies

Thursday, Oct. 25, 2007 By RICHARD STENGEL, MANAGING EDITOR
November 5, 2007
When I was a middling political reporter covering presidential campaigns, the first stop of my day was always Mark Halperin's politics coverage on ABCNews.com I wasn't alone--pretty much every political reporter started with Mark's take on the day. After 20 years at ABC News-where he is still an on-air consultant--Mark came to TIME this spring. Last week we launched thepage.time.com his daily one-stop-shopping site for everything that's important in the political world. I'm guessing that it will become the indispensable site not only for political insiders but also for all those who care about the presidential race. This site was designed by Mark and TIME.com to fill a void--it is clear, clean, Webby and user-friendly. Now you can check in every morning, as I do, with Mark's PageCast, which highlights the day's big political stories. (It's also my way of keeping track of where he is.) The Page exemplifies TIME's tradition of aggregating the best information out there: it has links to the latest stories, campaign ads and TV clips from debates, talk shows and YouTube. If Barack Obama says something memorable on The Charlie Rose Show, you'll be able to find it on The Page. In politics, schedule is destiny, so the site has a constantly updated calendar of important campaign events. Plus, it's truly 24/7, updated by our colleagues in Hong Kong and London. And just in case you don't get enough politics on The Page, you can read Mark's newly released book, The Undecided Voter's Guide to the Next President. Richard Stengel, MANAGING EDITOR LETTERS
Inbox
Thursday, Oct. 25, 2007 Conflict in the Court Your cover story suggested that the Supreme Court has become increasingly conservative and increasingly irrelevant [Oct. 22]. The first proposition is true; the second is not. The decision to strike down voluntary school integration plans in Seattle and Louisville, Ky., would have been significant even if it had affected only a handful of students in those two cities, as your article
November 5, 2007
suggests. In fact, the decision established a new set of constitutional rules that are likely to accelerate the resegregation of urban school districts across the country. Similarly, the decision that Congress could prohibit an abortion procedure that it finds offensive, despite health risks to the woman, is already being used to justify additional abortion restrictions that deprive women of their equal rights and reproductive freedom. This year promises more of the same. Among other cases, the court will decide whether the Bush Administration can continue to imprison hundreds of detainees at Guantnamo Bay for years without any meaningful judicial review, whether voter-ID laws are constitutional and whether we can execute human beings using a lethal-injection protocol that we do not allow for our household pets. These are not small questions. The answers will help determine our standing in the world, the functioning of our democracy and what the Supreme Court has described as "evolving standards of decency." In short, the Supreme Court still matters, and all Americans should be concerned with how it goes about its business. Steven R. Shapiro, Legal Director American Civil Liberties Union NEW YORK CITY The Supreme Court still matters. The difference is that it matters for the cases it refuses to hear, not for the predictably partisan decisions it hands down. As Chief Justice Roberts' history makes all too plain, his main interest is in restricting access to the court, effectively removing the judiciary as a resource for those injured by the powerful. This is a radical revolution indeed. Jon Sherman, CHICAGO As long as the Supreme Court Continues to rubber-stamp all the misdeeds, misbehavings and misdemeanors of the current Administration, it will surely remain irrelevant. Jean-Jacques Lasne, SAN FRANCISCO David Von Drehle's article was provocative and interesting, but I believe it is erroneous to assert that "the court's ideology is playing a dwindling role in the lives of Americans." This observation ignores the significant role the Roberts Court has assumed in shaping federal antitrust, labor and securities law. Big Business may be benefiting from the court's rulings at the expense of consumers, workers and small investors. Decisions on pocketbook issues may
November 5, 2007
not make headlines or create strong emotional reactions, but they may ultimately have a greater impact on the average American than the more high-profile cases to which Von Drehle referred. Thus, I must respectfully dissent. Daniel E. Lazaroff, Professor Loyola Law School, LOS ANGELES Writer Von Drehle seemed to imply that the court does not matter because the number of cases heard and U.S. citizens affected has dropped dramatically since the appointment of Roberts. The Supreme Court is part of the U.S. Constitution's checks and balances. It does not have a mandate to legislate or impact as many citizens as possible. Thomas R. Polacek, PHOENIXVILLE, PA. The Marines Respond Mark Thompson's cover story "Flying Shame" unfortunately served up a one-sided, sensationalistic view of the V-22 Osprey program, full of inaccuracies and misleading to TIME's readers [Oct. 8]. The Osprey has taken a long time to move from a concept to extensive developmental and operational testing and now to its first combat deployment. It is sad that TIME's story failed to include the fact that in the past six years, the V-22 program had the most extensive technical and programmatic review in the history of aircraft. The cover and the story, which included dated material, were neither balanced nor accurate. The first V-22 combat squadron deployed last month for operations in Iraq. The V-22 aircraft have been rigorously tested and found to be ready and relevant for combat operations. The Osprey tilt-rotor aircraft will provide our forces with unprecedented increases in speed and range as well as critically needed troop-lift, medevac and cargo capabilities. We have no doubts that the Marine Corps' V-22 Ospreys are ready for their most important mission: carrying our most precious assets-Marines and sailors--into combat. General Robert Magnus, Assistant Commandant, U.S. Marine Corps, WASHINGTON An Okie's Choice for '08
Joe Klein pointed out that Merle Haggard sees right through the Republican strategy of frightening us into voting Republican [Oct. 22]. This fearmongering seems to work on the Republican Party's base of white males. Their continued support for the Iraq war is based on the same fear, even though Bush himself has admitted that Iraq had no connection with 9/11. Melvin Shapiro, SAN DIEGO You're Getting Warmer Danish statistician Bjorn Lomborg's claim that global warming will only cause us to wear "slightly fewer layers of winter clothes" is not credible [Oct. 15]. My new book, Global Warming and Agriculture, uses averages from six climate models and two schools of agricultural-impact models to estimate that in the absence of action, by the 2080s global warming will reduce agricultural productivity 30% to 40% in India, 15% to 25% in Africa and Latin America and 20% to 35% in the southern U.S. and Mexico. And if we consider the longer-term catastrophic risks from the runaway greenhouse effect, shutdown of the Gulf Stream and collapse of the West Antarctic ice shelf, curbing carbon dioxide emissions is a small price to pay for insurance, even though adaptation will also be needed. William R. Cline, Senior Fellow, Peterson Institute for International Economics and Center for Global Development WASHINGTON Phony Friendship Joel Stein's "You Are Not My Friend" was a hilariously true portrait of "friendship" online [Oct. 15]. Facebook can be a fun diversion, but it mainly streams self-important updates from people who are not true friends and makes users more concerned with monitoring others' lives than with living their own. Elizabeth Findell STEAMBOAT SPRINGS, COLO. MAILBAG Biggest Mail getter: The Supreme Court 57% The court still matters -- it continues to decide cases that ultimately affect every American
November 5, 2007
November 5, 2007
43% The court no longer matters -- its deadlocked Justices have made it irrelevant

TIME 2007.11.05 Vol. 170 No. 19

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TIME 2007.11.05 Vol. 170 No. 19

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November 5, 2007

November 5, 2007 Vol. 170 No. 19

PHOTOGRAPH BY ROBERT GAUTHIER LOS ANGELES TIMES

The Fire This Time

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What to Save From a Fire

After the Destruction...the Insurance

Wednesday, Oct. 24, 2007 By KATE STINCHFIELD

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Cue Disaster, Cut to Schwarzenegger

Why Californians Don't Leave

San Diego's Inferno: Relief Ahead?

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Surfing the Santa Ana

Emergency Evacuation at Dawn

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The Silver Lining in San Diego

Can Arab Preppies Save the Middle East?

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Hold Your Conventional Wisdom!

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The Ramadi Goat Grab

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The Bald Truth

When Lite Gets Heavy

A Hard Line on Cuba

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freedom and democracy."

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Floating Your Own Boat

Golf's Swinging Singles

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The Power Of One

Beyond the Call of Duty

Geneva Conventions 101

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Thursday, Oct. 25, 2007 By CAROLYN SAYRE

How Dumb Is Your Bank?

Thursday, Oct. 25, 2007 By JOHN CLOUD

The Genius Who Wanted to Be a Hack

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10 Questions for Ron Wood

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Broadway's Favorite Babe

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Move Over, Maharajahs

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Paging All Political Junkies

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