LEONARD WOOLF DIARIES CEYLON ean RECORDS OF A COLONIAL ADMINISTRATOR Being the Official Diaries maintained by Leonard Woolf while PCa e teh Gua: (Tn ae) the Hambantota District, Ceylon Ears | STORIES FROM THE EAST Three Short Stories on Ceylon Ly Leonard Woolf Tisara PrakasakayoOVER ENGLISH PUBLICATIONS ON SRI LANKA FOREIGN RELATIONS OF SRI LANKA EARLIEST TIMES TO 1965 by V. L. B, Mendis AN HISTORICAL RELATION OF CEYLON by Robert Knox ENGLISH LITERATURE IN CEYLON 1815-1878 by Dr. M. Y. Gooneratne HISTORY OF THE CEYLON CIVIL SERVICE 1802-32 by Dr. P. D. Kannangara THE ADMINISTRATION OF SIR HENRY WARD Governor of Ceylon 1855-1860 by S. V. Balasingham BUDDHISM AND CULTURE by Martin Wickramasinghe THE ADMINISTRATION OF SIR WILLIAM GREGORY by B, Bastiampillai THE HISTORY OF EDUCATION IN CEYLON 1796-1965 by K, H. 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James Cordiner Catalogue of books with detailed contents and forthcoming publications available free on request TISARA PRAKASAKAYO LTD. 135, Dutugemunu Street, Dehiwala, Sei Lanka (See back flap for more titles)1 Leonard Woolf From a photograph taken in Ceylon 1960 Leonard Woolf DIARIES IN CEYLON 1908-1911 Records of a Colonial Administrator Being the Official Diaries maintained by Leonard Woolf while Assistant Government Agent of the Hamban- tota District, Ceylon, during the veriod August 1908 to May 1911 Edited with a preface by LEONARD WOOLF and Stories from the East Three Short Stories on Ceylon by Leonard Woolf The Ceylon Historical Journal Vol. IX—July 1959 to April 1960—Nos. 1-4First Edition >. February 1962 Second Edition .. September 1983 Printed at the TISARA PRESS Dutvgemunu Street, Dehiwala, Sri Lanka Introduction Part I—Historical Part Il—General Glossary List of Abbreviations Preface by Leonard Woolf ,,,; Diaries in the Hambantota District, 1908-1911 Index * . * . Stories from the East A Tale told by Moonlight Pearls and Swine The Two Brahmans PAGE vii xlviii Ixxiv xxv: ms 255 265Tllustrations Leonard Woolf Virginia Woolf Map of the Hambantota District, Ceylon - Page Frontispiece 144 24 INTRODUCTION PART I—HisroricaL In January 1960 Mr. Leonard Sidney Woolf returned to Ceylon in his eightieth year for a brief visit of a few weeks. He was however no stranger to the country for he had been a member of the Ceylon Civil Service from 1904 to 1911 and had after his return to England written a novel, The Village in the Jungle, which is generally acknowledged to be the best work of creative writing in English on Ceylon. On his return to this country last year Leonard Woolf was received with much honour and he left the island three weeks after, but not before paying a sentimental visit back to the Hambantota District in which he had spent three very interesting years of his life. In view of the literary eminence which Leonard Woolf had attained in English literary circles subsequent to his departure from Ceylon and in view of the wide popularity and merit of his book The Village in the Jungle, considerable discussion was focussed while Woolf was in Ceylon, on the diaries which were maintained by him while Assistant Government Agent of the Hambantota District from 1908 to 1911. Numerous suggestions were made in the newspapers that these diaries, which were known to exist in manuscript form in the Hambantota Kachcheri be published, while the then Prime Minister the Hon. W. Dahanayake himself directed that they be printed by the Ceylon Government. Very few people however appear to have had any idea of what these diaries really contained and where their value lay, while most persons who were anxious to see them published assumed that the diaries were of a personal and private nature, and-would thus be valuable considering the literary standing that Leonard Woolf had attained subsequent to their writing. This lack of knowledge as to the nature of Woolf’s Hambantota Diaries is however understandable because only once before has ViiINTRODUCTION even a small portion of the vast corpus of diaries which the British colonial government in Ceylon required its officials to maintain, been published.! The origins of this collection of diaries, of which Woolf’s is a very minor part, goes back to the year 1808 when Governor Sir Thomas Maitland required every Collector. (sub- ently termed Government Agent) of a district to maintain a diary of his work. This requirement was shortly after extended to other heads of departments as well. In pursuance of Governor Maitland’s orders daily records of work done was maintained by heads of all provinces and districts and their assistants and all heads of departments from 1808 until 1941 when this require- ment was dispensed with. The diaries were meant to contain a full record of work done by each writer and a full description of events and the conditions of their districts. These records were transmitted periodically to Colombo and were read through by the Colonial Secretary and sometimes by the Governor, who found in them the chief means of knowing what was happening in the Provinces. A historian could hope for no greater source of in- formation than these diaries, which present a continuous daily record extending over 130 years, of events and conditions in all the different districts of Ceylon. The present publication of Woolf’s Diaries has been under- taken by the Ceylon Historical Journal so that attention can be focussed on this vast corpus of diaries which have hitherto re- mained unknown to students. Woolf’s Diaries have been selected as a good introductory to them not only because they are typical of the diaries but because of the wide public interest in them and also since they help to throw some light on the experience in the villages of Hambantota which provided the inspiration for Woolf's celebrated book The Village in the Jungle. THE COLONIAL ADMINISTRATORS The common thread that runs through this vast corpus of diaries is the bond and traditions of the British bureaucracy in Ceylon. The British colonial government. ruled Ceylon for 150 years through this bureaucracy in whom all effective powers were 1. The only exception is the diary of Sir John D’Oyly published in 1917. Edited by H. W. Codrington, Journal of the Ceylon Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Volume xxv. John D’Oyly was Resident at Kandy from 1815 to 1824 and his diary deals with the period when he served as the Chief Translator to Government before 1815. viii INTRODUCTION vested. This bureaucracy consisted of various “Services” manned. almost exclusively by Britishers. The chief ‘* Service” was the Ceylon Civil Service, founded in 1802, which was the premier “Service” and the oldest.2 Its members were specially selected and had special training, special pay and the exclusive right to hold the most influential and powerful positions in Government, such as membership of the Legislative and Executive Councils and the posts in the central administration in Colombo and in the entire provincial administration. In addition to the Civil Service were a host of lesser ‘“‘Services” also run by Britishers, confined to the’ various different departments of government. These ‘Services’ however never got the oppurtunity of wielding much power as their members were mostly technical officers, restricted to their own departments and not transferable. They were also of much later origin and never acquired the traditions and power which the Civil Service acquired to itself in its 150 years of existence. Not surprisingly, all these ‘Services’,some of which existed for over a century acquired certain commons aims and methods of gover- aing and a common set of ideals which are not without interest today, and which are relevant to a further understanding of the diaries. . = Though there were several “Services”, the real substance of power however lay with the Civil Service as unlike other‘Services’ which were confined to particular departments, Civil Servants were the administrators par excellence to whom were entrusted 2. A separate ‘Civil Service’ of permanent officials was established by the English East India Company for service in its possessions in Bengal, Madras and Bombay in the 18th century. This ‘service’ which was reorganised and Put on a proper footing by Warren Hastings was finally to develop into undoubtedly the most efficient administrative organisation in Asi the Indian Civil Service, which ruled India for the Company and later for the Crown for nearly 200 years. The Ceylon Civil Service was founded on a much smaller scale but on similar lines by Governor Frederick North in 1802. Its original members were the eight officers whom North brought out with him in 1798, twenty-four others who were sent in September 1801 by the Secretary of State for the Colonies and a few officers from the Madras Civil Service who elected to remain here after the East IndiaCompany withdrew from the affairs of Ceylon. 3. Chief among these ‘Services’ were the members of the Department of the Civil Engineer (later Public Works Department ), Survey, Medical, Railway, Irrigation, Forest, Postal and Police Departments. Most of these departments were technical departments with technically trained officers and transferabilit:’ of officers to posts outside the department was not practicable. Except for the Survey and Public Works Departments which were founded early in the last century, other departments are of comparatively recent origin beginning in the latter part of the last century. Very frequently however Civil Servants were appointed as heads of some of these technical departments also. ixINTRODUCTION the most responsible posts in government in all departments. The Civil Service was the virtual ruler of Ceylon from 1802 when the service was established upto 1931. What permitted the Civil Service to play such a vital role and so effectively wield power in the colonial administration was the position of supremacy accorded to the service from its inception. From 1802 the ser- vice was entrusted not only with executive functions but also with legislative and judicial functions. There was no separation of powers. Till the growth of the legislature in the twentieth century, when legislation increased and when responsible government in 1931 gave elected representatives the control of the administration, one of the most important functions of the colonial administration was to rule the country by executive action, and this was done through the Civil Service. The central government in Colombo — the offices of the Colonial Secretary, Colonial Treasurer etc. were all manned by Civil Servants while the entire provincial adminis- tration on which the whole colonial structure rested was exclusively theirs. They also were the heads of the more important depart- ments. The Civil Service however was nominally under the chief executive of the colonial government, the Governor of Ceylon, but they found ways to even control his powers since they were the members of his Executive Council which decided on all matters of major executive policy. During the nineteenth century particularly, when the volume of legislation was very small and it was largely an executive government, this major share in executing government policy gave considerable powers to the Civil Service. The Civil Service apart from being the chief executors of go- vernment policy were also the chief legislators. From 1802 to 1832 .4. The Executive Council was established in 1832 to advise the Governor ‘on “all details relative to the revenue and disbursements of the island and to supersede the appointment of committees for investigating these matters’’. The Council in short was to advise the Governor on all administrative and financial matters and had the power to call for information from any source. ‘The Governor had the power to overrule the decisions of the Executive Council but in practice he rarely did so as his Council consisted of experienced adminis- ‘trators who knew the country well. Besides when a decision was overruled a satisfactory explanation had to be made to the Secretary of State. The Exe- cutive Council as first constituted in 1833 ha. “official’’ members only and continued to have an “official” majority till 1931, though unofficials were given a place on it in the 20th century. The members of the Executive Council were the persons holding the offices of Colonial. Secretary, Queen's Advocate, Colonial Treasurer. Government Agent of the Central ‘ince and Officer Commanding the troops. Of the five members, three were Civil Servants. x INTRODUCTION the Governor legislated with the advice of a council which consis- ted mostly of Civil Servants.5 In 1832 a Legislative Council was established and vested with sole law making power for the island. This Legislative Council had a majority of “official” members and continued to have an official majority till the reformed Legis- lative Council of 1921. From 1921 to 1931 also however the “officials” were significantly represented and they exercised a power over certain aspects of legislation. The majority of the “officials” were members of the Civil Service, the persons appointed being the holders of certain specified and important posts. Since almost all the laws passed by the Legislative Council were those which had “official” sanction, the Civil Service who were the officials had a large share in their formulation.’ The Civil Service in addition to being the chief law makers and chief executors also had an important share in the judiciary. From 1802 to 1832 the judiciary was chiefly manned by the Civil 5. When Ceylon became a Crown Colony in 1802 an Advisory Council to the Governor was established, The Council's duties however were purely advisory. All laws from 1802 to 1832 were passed by the ‘ Governor in Council. The Council consisted of five persons, the Chief J the Commander in Chief, the Colonial Secretary and two others in the Governor's discretion. 6. The Legislative Council of 1832 consisted of 6 “unofficials” appointed by the Governor from the different local communities and 9 “officials,” the officials, being the holders of certain specified posts in Government. In 1889 two more unofficials were added and in 1912 the Council was enlarged to 10 unofficials and 11 officials. In the reformed council of 1921 the unofficials were given a majority for the first time, there being 14 officials against 23 un- officials, Considerable attention has been paid to the composition of the “un- official’’ members of the Legislative Council in view of their significance in the development of responsible government in Ceylon. Little notice has however been taken of the officials who were the majority and formulated and passed all the laws of the council for ninety years from 1833 to 1921. The official members from 1833 to 1912 were the Colon‘al Secretary, the Chief Justice, the Auditor General, the Colonial Treasurer, the Government Agents of the Western and Central Provinces, the Surveyor General, the Collector of Customs and the Officer Commanding the troops. Of the 9 members 6 were Civil Servants. ‘The two new officials added to the Council in 1912 were. the Government Agent of the Southern Province and the Principal Civil Medical Officer. The Legislative Council was established not only for the purpose of passing logislatio but also to serve as a check on the unlimited powers, of the Gevernor. The “ official’ members, were sometimes subject to a ‘‘direc- tion” by the Governor on how to vote. Occasion: however when “officials” yote:. against policies recommended to the Counci! vy the Governor were not infrequent, See “Development of the Legislative Councils of Ceylon” by W.J.F. t \Brooy. The Ceylon Economist Vol. 11, No, 3. Except for official records very ittle unfortunately has been written about the Legislative Council. One of the most readable books on the subject is Our Legislature by J. R. Weinman while of course there are the biograrhier of those who played an importent part in the various Legislative Councils sr:h as C. A. Lorenz, Sir William ory, James ce Alwis, Sir Richard Mo: an, Sir J: aes Peiris, etc. xiINTRODUCTION Service.’ In the 1832 reforms their powers were somewhat reduced when a Supreme Court was established composed of non-Civil Service officers. This court was given appellate jurisdiction over all courts in the island. Apart from the Supreme Court, how- ever the island was divided into a number of circuits or districts and each was placed under a District Judge who held full civil jurisdiction and a limited criminal jurisdiction while criminal courts to deal with lesser criminal offences were established under Sitting Magistrates. Both the offices of District Judge and Magis- trate were filled by members of the Civil Service? This system where Civil Servants held all judicial posts, except on the Supreme Court, continued until the establishment of a separate Judicial Service in the late 1930s. ; i The powers of the Civil Service were thus supreme; they were the chief executors, the chief legislators and the chief judicial Officers, except for the appellate powers and the major crimit jurisdiction held by the non-Civil Service Supreme Court. The only Person above the Civil Service was the Governor who was appointed by the Sovereign and who was responsible to the British Parliament for the good government of the country. Several factors however helped the Civil Service to circumscribe even his powers. The persons sent out as governors of Ceylon by the British were never outstanding men. Few educated or able persons were anxious to come to an obscure colony leaving England, and the Governorship of Ceylon was frequently used to help an ex-Member of Parliament recoup his fortunes or to provide positions to younger sons of the British aristocracy. Very often even such persons could not be found and then it was ‘entrusted to distinguished members of the Colonial Service who had served as Governors in the smaller colonies. 7. In 1801 a Supreme Court was established by Royal Charter, this Court consisted of a Chief Justice and a Puisne Judge sent from England. Six Provincial Courts presided by Civil Servants were set up for civil mat- ters throughout the Maritime Provinces and lesser criminal courts under Sitti Magistrates who were Civil Servants were set up for criminal cases, A High Court of Appeal under the Presidentship of the Governor which was largely Servants was staffed by Ci also set up with revisionary powers over the Pro- yincial Courts. This system operated in the Maritime Provinces till 1832 while in the Kandyan Kingdom from 1815 to 1832 the administration of justice was ° in the hands of the officers of the Civil Service in charge of the different and in the Judicial Member of the Board of Commissioners in Kandy. Aa appeal from these decisions lay only to the Governor. After the Reforms a uniform system of judiciary for the whole island was established. See Jennings a Tambiah Ceylon, the Development of the Laws and Cor- 8. The only exception was the District Judgeship of Colombo which was held by a senior member of the Colombo Bar from 1856 and the District Judgeship of Kandy which was given to the Kandy Bar in 1872. xii INTRODUCTION The persons who held the governorship being ordinary men, the Civil Service i wariably had its way. They formed a well entrench- ed organisation which only a man of exceptional ability could over- come. The Civil Service also had certain arguments which a Governor disregarded at his risk. A Governor usually served only for a five year t the Civil Servants spent their entire careers in Ceylon. They Were the more intelligent and able men, they were trained administrators with knowledge of local conditions and they had experience of governing the Ceylonese. It was only a rare Governor, who was fresh to the island, who dared to over- mule advice with such weighty backing, particularly when an ex- planation for disregarding such advice had ito be made to the’ Secretary of State. Thus invariably the Governors were content to let the Civil Service rule. Sometimes the Governors were from the Colonial Service or from the Ceylon Civil Service itself,. then controlling such Governors was an easy task. Long years in the Colonial Service had made them also very much like ‘Civil Servants, they had been trained in the same way and they could always see the point of view of the Civil Service. Although such considerable powers were vested in the Civil Service and the men who composed it, there was rarely any trace of tyranny in the colonial administration. Often an Assistant Government Agent in a remote district was alone and was both executor of the law and the judge but he rarely exercised power arbitrarily, The reason as to why all the individuals who 9. The British Governors of Ceylon could be roughly classified into three main categories, junior members of the British aristocracy, ex-parliamentarians and senior Colonial CivilServants, The firstcategory was the commonest, these patria ee younger sons of members of the House of Lords. who were given their appointments purely on is of litical patronage. Some of them however did turn out to be very good admit tors. Into this group falls Frederick North (later Earl of Guildford) Sir Thomas Maitland Gon of the Earl of Lauderdale)Sir Robert Wilmot Horton, Sir James Mackenzie Viscount Torrington (acousin of the then Prime Minister Lord John Russell) Sir Hercules Robinson (later Lord Rosmead), ‘Sir Arthur Gordon (later Lord ‘Stanmore and son of Prime Minister the Ear! of Aberdeen) Sir Joseph West Ridgeway and Sir Robert Chalmers (later Lord Chalmers). The ex-parlia- mentarians were notably Sir Henry Ward and Sir William Gregory though some in the earlier category too had served as Members of Parliament. Pro- moted Colonial Civil Servants were George Anderson, H. J. Stanley, Graeme Thomson, Manning, McCullum and Andrew Caldecott while Charles Macarthy, R. E. Stubbs, Hugh Clifford and Henry Moore, were all formerly members ‘of the Ceylon Civil Service before becoming Governors. Among. these comparatively ordinary men it is not surprising that the two best Governors Ceylon had were the ex-Members of the House of Commons, Sir Henry Ward and Sir William Gi . Their parliamentary experience and the fact that they were fresh to colonial government together with their own outstanding ability resulted in their being real Governors who had policies independeni of their Civil Service advisors. xiiiINTRODUCTION composed. the service acted alike and without becoming ty cannot be explained only by the fact that they wgfe dismissable officers or by the fact that they were bound by ‘he rule of law. The explanation as to why such bps pore fa misused lies largely in the unifying bonds and traditions of the The bron hundred and fifty on certain princi- to progress to. These rps of the service is worth examining. The principles on which the government should be carried out were derived by the “Service” largely from a mixture between the liberal humanitarian and utilitarian ideals of Britain of the early nineteenth century modified by the actual facts of what had to be done in the East. The common aim of the bureaucracy was to improve the economic conditions of the people of the country in the manner in which they felt their lot should be improved. Good government under a rule of law was to be established and the full benefits of western science and economic advancement was to be extended to the largest possible number of people. These ideals soon become the mission, the ‘white man’s burden’, for the British bureaucracy.!° The implementation of these ideals and the business of ruling could not be done haphazardly. So early in the last century the Civil Service began to take on the appearance of a ‘caste’. It was well organised and well disciplined, its members were selected from certain social groups and after selection they were intensively trained for the business of ruling. A strict code of official discipline grew up and it was strictly followed together with an elaborate social code regulating conduct not only among themselves, but 10. In these respects, the traditions built up by the Ceylon Civil Service were similar in many ways to the traditions built up by another service on a very much vaster scale—the Indian Civil Service, which ruled India for the Company and later for the Crown for nearly 200 years. The building up of such. traditions and attitudes to the people they rule is found to recur in varying degrees among the bureaucracies in all parts of the British Empire in which a Colonial Government functioned for a long period. Considering that all these ‘ices’ functioned it lar situations the reactions were not similar. The older ‘services’ such as those in India and Ceylon stronger fraditions because they were in existence over longer periods. For a full discussion of the Indian Civil Service - attitudes to the ruled, seo K. M. Panikkar, Asia and Western Dominance; Phillip Woodruff, The Men who Ruled India, 2 volumes and E. Penderel Moon, Strangers in India xiv INTRODUCTION, between thenh and other Europeans. and the “‘Ceylonese”. The caste sought fohand kept power exclusively for themselves. The significant character of the caste was that it was composed almost ‘exclusively ‘ef Europeans. The majority of these persons - were British, conscitus of England’s:imperial destiny, conscious of the lead given her\by industry and sea power and the fact that their country had been undefeated in war since 1784. The selection to the caste was confihed to persons of the British middle class. Upto 1854 only persons\who had gone through an education in a public school, Haileybury, were selected and after 1854 those who had been through.a. University in England.'! The English educational system during this period also being itself exclusive, applicants were invariably from:a certain social strata and a certain type —. middle class, public school, university, sportsmen etc. After 1854 a cadet'to the ‘Service’ was selected after a stiff competitive exa- mination which made certain he was a man of more than average intellectual ability. vo For the Civil Service to wield power effectively the ‘Service’ had to be well disciplined both in official as well as in private con- duct. In the early years of the last century this discipline was. not strong, but after 1844 when the entire Civil Service was reformed by Secretary. of State’ Stanley, the Service became the most dis- ciplined body of public servants in Ceylon. !2 This discipline was enforced by certain governmental regulations or “Minutes” which 11. Upto 1854 Cadets to the Civil Service were selected from the Haileybury Entrance Examination which: was based on public schoo! standards. In 1854 8 competitive examination was substituted for which only graduates of British Universities could enter. This examination was held by theCivil Service i sioners in England and persons were selected on its results to the Eastern Civil Service (i.e. for Ceylon, Hongkong and Malaya). Both before and after 1854 however the Governor of Ceylon had the right of nominating persons to the Service. In 1870 however the Governor's nominees were also required to sit for the competitive examination which was held’ simultaneously in both England and Ceylon. In 1880 the competitive examination was held in England ‘only and the Governor was deprived of the right of nominating candidates. In 1896 one examination was held in London on the results of which persons were selected to. the Home Civil Service, the Indian Civil Service and the Eastern Civil Service. 12. The Civil Service which was rapidly developing into a well organised service in the early years of the last century received a setback with the Cole- brooke Reforms of 1833. The number of posts were reduced while salaries were drastically cut, pensions were abolished and with the reduced posts pro- motions prospects became negligible. These factors shattered the morale of the Service but certain remedial measures were taken in 1837 when the salaries of junior Civil Servants were increased. The subsequent reforms by Lord Stanley in 1844 however restored the service to its position of pre-eminence and to its former jiency. xvINTRODUCTION laid down official behaviour and the terms or servic. The Service was graded according to seniority and there was a sffict hierarchical structure. Seniority was respected and invariabW brought its due reward with posts carrying high salaries oftep/irrespective of in- dividual abilities. Salaries likewise were fixed at very high levels, thus enabling the bureaucrat to devote his/full attention to his work and no* be bothered with financial pyoblems. The pay was more than what a person of his qualifications could earn in the United Kingdom and there was the added advantage of a pension after retirement, and pensions for his wife and children in case of sudden death. The high pay had another advantage that the Civil Servant did not have to take part in either trade or planting to sub- sidise his salary, which not only made for inefficient work but also opened the door to corruption. In fact both planting and trading were expressly forbidden by government regulations. All these conditions of service which provided for proper official conduct such as pay, recruitment, senioiity, pension. , promotion to grades, examinations, etc. were all laid down in governmental instructions, later called the Civil Service Minutes. These ‘Minutes’ however only provided for official conduct, but private conduct was also strictly regulated by the tiaditions that grew up over the years. The traditions of the service were soon instilled into young cadets on their arrival. They were to be exclusive, social mingling with the “Ceylonese” was virtually taboo and with the planters and traders even of their own community was permitted, but only to the extent ‘o which it did not affect their work, The Civi] Servant moved in exclusive clubs, ho’cls, etc. while in the provinces especially an elaborate social organisation centred round the Government Agent was built up. 13, Private trading by Civil Servants was forbidden by Governor Mait- land in 1805. Owning landed property in Ceylon was likewise prohibited in the early years but the rule was withdrawn after the suitability of the Kandyan areas for plantation crops became known. After 1833, particularly when the Colebrooke Reforms had reduced salaries, Civil Servants took to planting on a major scale. In Lord Stanley’s reform of the Service however it was specifically Jaid down that “no Civil Servant will hereafter be permitted to engage in any agricultural or commercie! pursuits for the sake of profit.” Though the rule was subsequently relaxed to exclude the possession of “a house and grounds” it continued ‘qapply to British Civil Servants up to 1948. This rule where the ruling caste, Jike Plato’s Guardian Class, were not to own property was not unfortunately extended and enforced against “Ceylonese” Civil Servants who began to enter the Service in strength with the twentieth century. xvi INTRODUCTION This social code, which even provided for such minor items as “visiting”, was strictly followed. 4 What further added to this sense of discipline was the in- tensive training for wielding responsibility that a recruit to the caste underwent after appointment. This training began almost from the day he arrived in Ceylon after his selection. As a member of the ‘caste’ he was treated with a deference and respect by his subordinates almost to the point of embarrassment, while he was given authority which he would fot in the United Kingdom have attained without at least 20 years experience.'5 He felt confident . that what he did would be supported and that what he did would be understood by his superiors. The young bureaucrat was sent through a strenuous training under senior officials, particularly in the traditions of the service. He was usually sent first as a Magis- trate to learn law and court’procedure, Then on to being an Office Assistant to learn office administration, then as Assistant Government Agent to run a district though under the supervision of a Government Agent, and so on with postings in the central administration in Colombo thrown in-between. A young officer was required to work in all the different departments in which he may be called to serve on later, both in the provinces and the central government, and thus soon acquired an understanding of the whole administrative machinery which members of non-trans- ferable ‘closed services’ did not get. The young Civil Servant was also required to learn the languages of the country. '6 _ This complicated training in work as well as in the traditions of ruling and the strong public and private code of discipline was enforced uniformly against every member of the Service including 14, _It was very necessary that the Civil Servant conform to th: traditio: of the Service and behave with propriety and respect accepted social conven? tions. The slightest breach resulted in dismissal and a voyage home to England- One of the best known cases was that of le Mesurier in the last century who” became a Muslim convert under the second name of Abdul Hamid ia order to marry a second wife. He was dismissed for this even though the situation was @ a Dexfectly legal one and did Bo! concern the government in any way. ‘or the views of one who refused to conform and returned to England in disgust, see Smythe, Ceylon Commentary. 15. It was not unusual for a cadet with a few days service and with no knowledge of either the law or the local languages to be i ie Magistrate and given in charge of a Court. eset pattern while he was here. For example he strongly felt that chenas were necessary, as is evident even from his The Village in the Jungl2, but he very ruthlessly executed Government's policy of denying chena permits. To reduce the injustice of the law by enforcing it less rigorously never occurred, as happens frequent'y today. One did not do this but resigned. This is what Woolf aid, As he himself admitted fifty years later when he aa et Ceylon last year “I resigned because I did not like being an imperialist and taling people”, quoted in Ceylon Observer 6th March "60, 7 19, Surprisingly no complete history of the Ceylon Civil S:rvice in its one hund ed and sixty years of existence, which in effect ruled Ceylon for the British, has been written. It is a subject well worth study. One small book Annals of the Ceylon Civil Service by J.R. Toussaint which consists of biogra- phical notes on members of the service in th: last century is about the only published work while there is also in ths Archives an unpublished history of the Service “in .ae early British period prepared by a Civil Servant E. B. F. footnote continued on p. xx. RIXINTRODUCTION The benefits of being ruled by such a class of administrators were considerable. They afforded ‘good government’ and built up a good administration based on the rule of law. It was remarkably free of corruption and being manned by non-Céylonese showed no favour to any particular caste or community. The interests of the less vocal masses of society in particular were looked after from exploitation, either by the new Ceylonese middle class or by the planting or mercantile classes of their own community. The “good government” so afforded introduced the benefits of western science and civilization, medicine and health services, education, roads, irrigation and most of the other innovations that have gone to make Ceylon a modern state. The ‘caste’ also had the advantage that it afforded through its traditions a con- tinuity to government policy. Sueter. Professor Lennox Mill’s Ceylon Under British Rule gives considerable information on the development of the Service, its structure, pay, pensions etc. In con@ast a considerable amount of study has been devoted to the Indian Civil Service. On the abolition of the Service in 1948, the ILC.S. Association commissioned the writing of a history of the Service’ which was iblished in two volumes in 1954. Philip Woodruff’s The Men who Ruled india. Considering the major role played by the Ceylon Service in the,150 * years of Br rule the subject certainly deserves more detailed study. Perhaps the commissioning of a history may well be undertaken by the Ceylon Civil Service Association. 20. This would appear to be asurprisingstatement to make when the Civil Service was only the instrument of British imperial and capitalist interests whose aim was the economic exploitation of the colonies. he Civil Service however in its traditions built up over the years did set itself up certain inde- pendent goals such as championing the broad masses of the people whom they were ‘serving’ against both the local educated classes as well as their own community. ‘The service frequently had policies independent of both Whitehall and local British interests based on what the Service considered the genuine interests of the country. Before the development of nationalism there was much to commend this view. It is only by this that one can explain ‘the attitude taken by the government i.e. the Civil Service who were the “officials” in the Legislative, and Executive Councils and advi- sors to the governor, during the first period of agitation for reform of the Legislative Council in the last century. ‘The ‘unofiicials’ who were mainly Burghers and Europeans representing planting and mercantile interests — Eliot, Fergrson, George Wall etc. wished to have an unofficial majority in the Legislative Council so that they could permit greater expenditure on roads and railways to benefit their own interests. The officials objected strongly to this on the grounds that the Burghers and Europeans did not in any way represent the majority of the people. The officials had their day. In 1868 the acting Governor Major General Hodgson turned down the agitation for reform from the “‘unofficials” with the words: “In a country where the dominant class bear but a small proportion to the bulk of the population, where their interests are often different, perhaps conflicting, the real responsitility must always rémain with the government, and to make the government ‘equal to such responsibility you must yield: to it power and authority”. See Our Legislature p. 41. footnote continued on p. xxi,. Xx INTRODUCTION As against these benefits however there were the corre- sponding disadvantages. Of course the most important one is that good government was no substitute for self-government. The British Civil Servants offered good government and adminis- tration and progress according to what they considered good government and administration and progress. Being quite certain within themselves of what was required for the country, they were intolerant of other views. The views of the people who were ruled did not matter very much, nor were serious attempts made till late in the twentieth century to train them for self-government. The bureaucracy was strangely unsympathetic of local political aspirations. ?! The caste was besides too entrenched, it had its pre- The independence which the Ceylon Civil Service showed against the dic- tates of Whitehall and local British capitalist interests was however insignificant compared to that shown by the Indian Civil Service. The classic example of this was the cotton import duties. They were abolished in 1879 by Lord Lytton in the interests of free trade and Lancashire.. The measure was regarded by Lord Lytton’s Council of 1.C.S. men as contrary to India's interests and the Council protested. They continued to protest and in 1894 the import duties on manufactured cotton were re-imposed but a corresponding excise duty was clapped on Indian cotton. The Council again objected and was ove the protests were so strongly expressed that the Secretary of State wrote back tosay that “once a policy had been adopted under the direction of the cabinet it becomes a clear duty of every of the Government of India to conside how effect may best he given to that policy”. See Woodruff, The Guardians p.91, and Panikkar, Asia and Western Dominance p. 121 et seq. 21. By this I mean that the great majority were uninterested. In dealing with a ‘service’ which consisted of well over a thousand individuals over ‘one hundred and fifty years there were in fact many exceptions. of the most notable was H. R. Freeman who after retiring from the Government Agency of the North Central Province served on the State Council for many years as ‘ite elected representative of the people of his province. He was the first champion of the cause of the Dry Zone peasant. Lack of sympathy with local aspirations did not however prevent members of the Civil Service from making some of the most valuable contri- butions to the study of Ceylon’s past culture and civilization. In field ‘of scholarship concerning Ceylon, Civil Servants have left behind a lasting con- tribution. To take for example one field, that of Pali learning, George Turnour first edited and translated the Mahavamsa, R. C. Childers compiled the first Pali English Dictionary and T. W. Rhys Davids founded the Pali Text Society. Both Childers and Rhys Davids subsequently served as Professors of Pali and Buddhist Literature in the University of London. In the field of history the names of Codrington, and Paul E. Peiries are only too well known while H. C. P. Bell founded archaeology in Ceylon. Besides these were several other Civil Servants who published valuable works on Ceylon, some of the better known names being those of John D'Oyly, levers, le Mesurier, Lee, J.P. Lewis, Anthony Bertolacci, E. L. Layard, J. W. Bennett, William Tolfrey, E.L. Mit ford, Hugh Nevill, W. E. Wait, Major Thomas Skinner, Emerson Tennant, H. White and E. B. Denham, Ail these contributions to scholarship were how- ‘ever purely academic exercises and marked by an almost clinical objectivity, ‘The writers had no special sympathy for the Ceylonese people and it is doubtful if they ever understood the spirit of the civilisation they took such pains to elucidate. Sir Robert Chalmers who crushed the 1915 disturbances with such tuthlessness was one of the greatest Pali scholars of his day. XXxiINTRODUCTION judices and acted on them. They did not see eyé to eye with any Governor who did not approve of policies drafted by them, such as for example when opposing well intentioned Governors such as Sir John Anderson. In this sense they formed a power- fully entrenched vested interest with ramifications throughout the entire administration which was able to set at nought any” proposal other than what received their approval.” 22. It is interesting to study how the Civil Service adjusted itself to respon- sible government when first introduced to Ceylon in 1931 with the Donough- more Constitution and later when it was extended to fully responsible status in 1948. How did the Civil Service from being rulers adjust themselves to becoming mere officials subordinate to a legislature? How did the caste of despots, bene- volent undoubtedly but despots nevertheless, answerable in practice largely to themselves, transform themselves intoa modern il Service answerableto Minis- ters and a respoasible legislature? Such an adjustment was in fact absolutely essential if re.poi le government wasto be a success for without capable ad- ministrators no legislature could hope to govern. Few can deny that this trans- formation from rulers to officials has been smoothly made and much of the credit for the success of both the Donoughmore and the present constitutions must lie with the administration led by the Civil Service. Several factors helped to make this adjustment acomparatively casyone not only for Ceylonese but even for European Civil Servants. All Civil Servants were given retirement rights in 1931 and 1948 so that those unable to adjust themselves to the new dispensation could leave with compensation for loss of careers. This meant that only those willing at least to try to adjust themselves remained. These retiremeats rights were availed of particularly in 1948 by the majority of European officers, while in fact several Ceylonese too made use of them. The acclimatisation of the service to responsible government was also a gradual one. Only a certain measure of responsible government was given in 1931 to the State Council and though Civil Servants were subordinate to Ministers, the fact that the Public Service was still under the Government appointed Chief Secretary and that the Civil Service was a transferable service, gave Civil Servants a measure of independeace while assisting them gradually to learn to work in subordination to a legislature. In 1948 when independence was granted the civil service was retained as the premier administrative service. This was largely because the government to which power was handed over in 1948 was the same as that which held power in the State Council and this government had found the Civil Service a capable instrument of administration. To a less r extent of course was the fact that the members of the Civil Service were like the leaders of the United National Party government of 1948 members of the upper middle class to whom they were connected not only in manners and ideals but also in kin- ship. Unlike in Ceylon where the transfer of power was to an upper middle class group in 1948, in India where there was a long fought struggle for inde- pendence and where the Indian Civil Service was too closely identified with the British Raj, the Indian service was abolished though the individual members continued to keep their posts and privileges. ce 1948 the Civil Service still continues to be the premier administrative service in Ceylon though the upper middle class government of the United National Party was ousted at the polls in 1956. No greater proof can be adduced, than the fact that several successive governments have found it expedient to continue the service, in support of the view that the civil service has very suc- cessfully tratsformed itself from a caste of despots to a modern civil service answerable to Ministers and to a responsible legislature. Today there are many cogent arguments for extending the privileges enjoyed by the Civil Service to a unified administrative service, but the argument that it is “colonial”’ in the tense that its members are unable to adjust themselves to working under ministers and a legislature is not correct. xxii INTRODUCTION In the well ramified bureaucratic structure of the colonial government in Ceylon the provincial administration of the Govern- ment Agents and their Assistants played a major role. The origins and development of the provincial administration under the British from 1796 to 1948 and the powers which the Government Agents exercised vis-a-vis the central government are briefly dis- cussed below. The main factor which guided the administrative structure first set up by the British in Ceylon was the lack of speedy commu- nication between Colombo and the provinces. The administration had therefore necessarily to be one in which the central government was weak and the real power was vested in the provincial rulers. The colonial administrative system was a simple one and remained comparatively unchanged in its essentials from the beginning of British rule in 1796 to the inauguration of the Donough- more Constitution in 1931. There was a central government in Colombo of which the nominal head was the Governor. The chief executive and the head of the Public Service was the Colonial Secretary?3 while there was a Colonial Treasurer in charge of revenue and an Auditor and Accountant General ?5 in charge of accounts. These three officers of course had a number of subordinates under them whose powers and numbers grew with the increasing centralisation of the government. 23. The chief executive officer of the government and the head of the public services including the Civil Service was the Colonial Secretary. He was the chief advisor of the Goverrior and preparedthe annual budget forthe Legis- lative Council and the annual report to the Colonial Office onthe affairs of the colony known as the Blue Book. The post was created in 1798 and was first occupied by Hugh Cleghorn. The holder of the office was also known as the Chief Secretary in the early British Period but susbsequently it was redesig- nated Colonial Secretary which was the title used till the inauguration of the Donoughmore Constitution in 1931. After 1931 the post was once again known as Chief Secretary. The post was sometimes filled from outside the Civil Service by the Secretary of State for the Colonies from either the staff of the Colonial Office or from a Crown Colony, but usually it was held by the most senior member of the Civil Service. Ths Colonial Secretary had several Civil Servants and a large staff to assist him in Colombo. See Lennox Mills, Ceylon Under British Rule p. 95. 24. The Colonial Treasurer was concerned with the collection and ex- penditure of revenue. He received the accounts of the Assistant Treasurer and the Government Agents for all revenue collected in theirdistrictsand hadcharge of all money paid into the Treasury. No money could be drawn out without the signed warrant of the Treasurer. The post was held exclusively by members of the Civil Service. See Mills, p. 95. 25. The duties of the Auditor and Accountant General and Controller of Revenue extended beyond the audit of accounts. As Auditor he had the power to advise the Governer to abolish any post which he considered super- fluous while he also saw that money was regularly and uniformly collected and accounted, The officers holding this post were also members of the Civil Ser- vice. See Mills,.p. 95. ;INTRODUCTION The main strength of the colonial administration however lay not in Colombo but in its provincial organisation. The island was divided into a number of territorial units each of which was in charge of a member of the Civil Service, variously titled at differ= ent times as Collector, Agents of Government, Resident and Govt. Agent. These officers usually had other Civil Servants to assist them, such as Assistant Government Agents, Office Assistants, Cadets, etc. Each of these territorial units were subdivided into divisions every one of which was under a “native’ chief headman, who had under him a whole hierarchy of lesser officials.2 Except for the Government Agent and his immediate assistants the rest of the administration consisted of ‘native’ officials, but the system worked efficiently for the British as it was a continuation of an older administration organisation. The office of the Government Agent and Assistant Government Agent were only created consequent to the Colebrooke Cameron Reforms in 1833, but the concept of a chief executive and revenue officer for a particular territorial area responsible direct to the centre of power and ruling through a hierarchy of lesser officials was nothing new. The feudal Sinhalese administrative system was similar in many ways, distinct territorial areas being controlled by disawas on behalf of the king. The Portuguese and Dutch continued the same system in Ceylon. This system of adminis- tration was essentially feudal in its conception and the British system of provincial government was different only in that firstly the officers were subject to the rule of law and secondly the sepa- ration of judicial from executive functions, particularly in the latter period, When the British took over the Maritime Provinces of Ceylon from the Dutch in 1796 they continued with the three districts into which the Dutch had carved out their territories. Each dis- trict was placed under an Assistant Resident who was responsible for its administration and the collection of revenue. The British however made the error of not retaining the services of the ‘native’ headmen and instead brought dowa a whole hierarchy of lower 26. The divisions to which each district was subdivided were usually the older Sinhalese divisions of pattus, korales., etc and were also known by their previous Sinhalese and Tami! names. The chief ‘native’ headman in charge of each division was called a Mudaliyar in the Low Country and Tamil areas and Rafemahatmaya inthe Kandyan areas. Thelesser hierarchy of officials consisted of village headmen at the lowest level who were in charge of groups of villages and superior headmen or koralas who were in charge of groups of village headmen’s divisions. xxiv INTRODUCTION officials from Madras.?” The system was nota success, and in 1798 the British territories were redivided into four districts by Governor North and each given in charge of a Collector, while the heirarchy of ‘native’ officials was reinstated. The title of Collector was abo- lished in 1800 with Ceylon becoming a Crown Colony and sub- stituted with that of Agent of Revenue and Commerce, the four territorial divisions being raised to eight. This change too did not last long and in 1808 a further reform was made by Governor Maitland who reintroduced the title of Collector and raised the number of Collector's districts from eight to ten., After the con- quest of the Kandyan Kingdom in 1815 an administrative organi- sation for this territory became necessary, and a Resident was appointed to Kandy with four Assistant Residents in charge of the four territorial districts into which the Kandyan Kingdom was divided. After the 1818 rebellion the Kandyan Kingdom was again subdivided into eleven districts, each of which was placed under an Agent of Government, these officials being responsible to a Board of Commissioners in Kandy and through the Board to the Governor. 78 In 1833 consequent: to the Colebrooke recommendations the two different administrative systems for the Maritime Provinces and the Kandyan Provinces were unified and a new system intro- 27. The conquest of the Maritime Provinces of Ceylon from the Dutch in 1796 was bv the English East India Company which continued to rule this territory from Madras ‘for the next two years. Shortly after the conquest the ‘Company discontinued all the local Mudaliyars and lesser officials and aj Rointed persons from Madras called aumildars, gumastas, etc, to do their wor! le experiment was not a success and was discontinued when the methods of revenue collection of the aumildars provoked a rebellion in 1797. The only legacy of the East India Company rule from Madras is the word ‘Kachcheri? which was the Hindustani name given by the aumildars to their revenue cole lection offices. The word has come into common use in Ceylon being used still to refer to the offices of the Government Agents. 28. As the security of the British occupation was in doubt in many of “the Kandyan areas after the rebellion, greater military control was necessary and some of the Agents of Government were not Civil Servants but military officers with garrisons under them. These military officers continued as Agents until their retirement when they were replaced by Civil Servants. Those in service in 1833 were reappointed as Assistant Government Agents with the reorganisation of the provincial system. Three of the vest known of these provincial rulers from the military were Major Rogers who was Assistant Government Agent in Alupota ani later Badulla from 1828 to 1845, Lt. Colonel J. Carfipbell author of Excursious, Adventures and Field Sports in Ceylon who was Agent in the Seven Korales and Nuwarakalaviya and Major 4, Forbes, Agent at Matale and author of Eleven Years in Ceylon, Six of the nine gents of Government in 1818 and nine of the eleven Agents in 1831 were military officers. Apart from security reasons appointing military officers ‘was very much cheaper to government than Civil Servants, XxXVINTRODUCTION duced. The entire island was divided into five provinces—the Nor- ‘fhern, Southern, Eastern, Western and Central provinces, and each province was placed in charge of a Government Agent. Each province was further subdivided into a number of districts, each district being placed in charge of an Assistant Government Agent who acted under the general control and supervisiqn of the Government Agent of the province, who was responsible direct to the Colonial Secretary. This provincial administrative system introduced in 1833 has continued with few changes to the present day.” In 1845 a new province the North Western Province was created and this was followed by the North Central Province in 1873 and the Uva and Sabaragamuwa Provinces in 1886 and 1889 respectively. Initially the duties and powers of the provincial adminis- tration were considerable. The Government Agents were the chief representatives of the government in their areas and were vested with all the executive authority of the state. They were responsible direct to the Colonial Secretary and through him to the Governor. Their chief duties were to see through the “native” headmen that the people remained loyal to the governmeat and that law and order was maintained. Secondly they were ‘reve- nue officers’, whose duty was to sce that all revenue due to govern- ment was collected and all dues from government were disbursed properly. They were besides the chief executive officers of the government who implemented the laws and also did work for other departments which did not have a provincial organisation 29, Even after Ceylon became independent in 1948 the provincial adminis-- tration through t..eGovernment Agents and t. eir Assistants has been continued. The only significant changes made wer. those brought by the Acministrative Districts Act of 1954 by which Assistant Agents ia charge of districts were titled Government Agents. The Government Agents in charge of provinces was thus done away with and cach Government Agent had authority only within his own administrative district. Two new districts were also created for Lower Uva at Monaragala in 196) and for Amparai to take in the area develop- ed under the Gal-Oya Scheme in 1961.1n the hierachy of officials of the provin- cial administration however some significant changes have been made. The dis- sawas, ratemahatmayas, mudaliyars etc. who were in charge of divisions wer: gradually discontinued beginning in 1938, and a new grade of transferable officers called Divisional Revenue Officers introduced to take their place. These officers were selected after a competitive examination and were trans- ferable within Tamil, Low Country and the Kandyan areas. This was a decisive and definite break with old traditions and brought an end to the local “feudal” system which had come down from ancient times. The grade of s. perior headmen was also gradually discontinued by.no new appointment: being made, and was firfally abolished in 1961. The grade of Village Headmen who had traditionally been recruited from influential families in the villages was like» wis: abolished in the following year and substituted with Grama Sevakas, officers recruited on a competitive examination and transferable. xxvi INTRODUCTION of its own. In an overall sense their duty also was to see that the prosperity of the people was increased. Of course throughout the 150 years of British rule, one or the other of these duties received greater emphasis at particular times, but basically these were and have continued to be the duties of the Government Agents and the provincial administration.>° Such wide powers entrusted to the provincial rulers could if improperly used result in the oppression of the people but these Powers were limited by two factors. Firstly all administrators were subject to the rule of law enforced through the courts and second,and more important, every member of the administration was a member of the Civil Service, which had i certain tradition of ruling, beyond the limits of which none transgressed. Here the ‘Service’ played a vital role, its traditions laid dowa a system of paternalistic and benevolent rule. Oaly senior members of the ‘Service’ who had at least twenty years seniority were given charge of provinces, and these traditions were enforced without a single exception. The powers which the provincial administration exercised initially however underwent a gradual change in the 150 years of British rule. The vestirg of wide powers in the provincial administration was rezessary largely because of the lack of proper communication which made ceatral control impossible. There were no roads or railways initially, and a trip or a letter to some of the provincial capitals took several days. The telegraph and telephone system was unknown. No consultation with Colombo was possible therefore in any urgent matter and considerable Powers of independent action had therefore to be given to the Government Agents.*! But once a good system of roads, railways and telecommunications grew up in tne latter half of thelast century, 30._ The Powers an duties of the provincial administration and the Government Agent has never been expressly laid down at any time. Theirs were g neral functions, to represent the central government and exercise its Powers and duties in the provinces. The closest there is to a definition of func- tions is Governor Maitland’s famous Minute of 1808 which was quoted as such as late as 1881 by Dickman in his Civil Service M-n.al. 31, Government Agents were more or less on their own in the provinces and soon became petty rulers in their own right. This was largly ; ossib’e be- cause they were also not transferred often. For example P. A. Dyke appointed Collector (later Government Agent ) Jaffna in 1829 held that office tilt 1867. ‘He was known as ‘Rajah of the North’ and the Colombo Observer commen.ed on his death in 1867 as follows :-- _‘‘Notwithstanding his austerity however, the natives always felt that Mr. Dyke was a friend, b.cause he took s ch an ab orbi ig interest ia native affairs, and because he defended their claims aga'nst all cla..es"’. Dyke's successor W. C. Twynam was Government Agent from 1867 to 1896, Toussaint, p, 81, and 113, xxviiINTRODUCTION greater control from Colombo was possible and was enforced. 3? This increasing central control gradually reduced the powers of the provincial administration. A second factor also caused by the growth of communications which worked in the same direction was the increase of departments centred in Colombo. Hitherto there had been only a few departments and these were content with working through the Government Agents, but with the work - of government increasing and diversifying, additional departments were created and many of these departments soon acquired a separate provincial organisation, independent of the administration -of the Government Agents. The other great factor in reducing the powers of the provin- cial administration was of course the growth of representative government, beginning with the 1921 Reforms and the grant of responsible government with the Donoughmore Constitution in 1931. Representative and responsible government meant that greater central control was enforced from Colombo as the legis- lature, consisting of elected representatives of the people, wished to exercise a greater control over the executors of policy both in the central and the provincial governments. The elected represen- tatives in the legislature rather than Government Agents and other administrators also became the medium through which the people placed their problems before the government. The development of the legislature particularly after the grant of responsible go- vernment in 1931, also resulted in the passage of a large amount of legislation which curbed the independent powers of action which had been exercised by the Government Agents. Similarly the growth of local government institutions particularly after 1931 reduced their powers, 33 while in the 1930’s executive officers of the provincial administration were relieved of their judicial powers. 32, To establish some uniformity in provincial administration an annual Government Agents Conference was first begun in 1873 by Governor Sir William Gregory. These conferences have been held regularly for the last ninety years. 33. Municipal Councils were established by an Ordinance in 1865. The Councils had a majority of elected members as well as nominated members. ‘The intention was that these Councils would give some meansure of training in self government to the Ceylonese. The Government Agent of the province was however the ex officio chairman of these councils at Kandy and Galle while the Colombo Council hada full time Civil Servant as chairman. This continued till the 1930°s. The Local Boards of Health established in 1876 and the Provincial Road Committees created by the.Thoroughfares Ordinance of 1848 also had the Government Agents as Chairmen whi'e the Assistant Government Agents were Chairmen of the District Road Committess.. xxviii INTRODUCTION Thus from being virtually absolute rulers over their districts. the powers of the Government Agents began to gradually decline, till they have become minor officers in the complicated machinery of administration in Ceylon. From being rulers they have become mere executors of policy over the formulation of which they have no control. This process was however a gradual one which went hand in hand with greater centralisation due to better communi- cations, growth of independent departments and above all the growth of a legislature which meant not only centralisation and greater control over the execution of policy but also the passage of a considerable amount of legislation which reduced the inde- pendent powers of action of the Government Agents. The Govern- ment Agents’ powers are now largely confined to statutory ones though they are nominally the chief representatives of the govern- ment in their districts. 3+ THE DIARIES It is in the context’ of this colonjal administrative organi- sation that the diaries can be understood. As already seen the central government in Colombo held few powers particularly in the 19th century, and administered the country mainly through a powerful provincial organisation of Government Agents (earlier termed Collectors, etc) and their Assistants to whom considerable powers were delegated. Some means had therefore to be devised by which a detailed account of the work done by each Govern- ment Agent and the happenings in his province could be brought to the notice of the central government. The method eadopted was to get the Government Agents and their Assistants to keep daily diaries, which were periodically transmitted to Colombo for the information of the Governor and other officers of the central government, such as the Colonial Secretary and the Con- troller of Revenue. This need to keep a check on what was hap- pening in the provinces was important, particularly in. the early years of British rule, when the powers of the Government Agents were very much greater and lack of communications left them more or less on their own. ‘The requirement to maintain diaries was laid down as early as 1808 by Governor Sir Thomas Maitland who made a complete 34. Nominally a Government Agent still exercises considerable powers over all departments. Thus every Government Agent is a Superintendent of Police, Superintendent of Prisons, Fiscal, District Registrar etc. xxixINTRODUCTION reorganisation of the administration of the Maritime Provinces held by the British.35 Governor Maitland laid down that every Collector should move closely with the people and travel extensively in his province to know the conditions in which they lived. His famous minute, which reorganised the provincial administration and which incidentally laid down the Tequirement to maintain diaries, is worth quoting from at length, particularly as it indicates the methods through which the colonial government wished its administrators to rule and also as it laid down what was to be the magna carta of the provincial administration and of the institution of the Government Agent for well over a hundred years. “The first great object for every Collector is to make himself acquainted with the various districts in hisProvince, and the various headmen belonging to such districts, by making frequent circuits through the whole of the province. “It is by adopting this measure alone, that any Collector can get at a thorough knowledge either of the real character of the headmen under him, or Pee bane iret situation of the country over which he presides .. a eeeeee eu Government has a right to expect that such circuits of the Collector must be and will be attended with the happiest consequences to the district over which he presides and though it does not from the uncertainty of the climate, fix any stated period for doing so, still it is clearly to be understood that each Collector is within the year, as the season or other circumstances may render it expedient in his mind to make one complete circuit of the whole of his district; during which circuit he is to keep a most minute diary of his proceedings and which diary is, at the close of the circuits to be transmitted to the goverament through the Commissioner of Revenue. “Tt must be unnecessary here to add that the Government ex- pects that in all instances, and on every occasion the greatest mo- deration be displayed to the whole of the natives by the Collectors... That, the power delegated by the Government to the Collectors, be made use of with consideration and forbearance and that they consider the only mode of ensuring the respect and conciliating 35. For a full discussion of Sir Thomas Maitland’s administration see Colvin R. de Silva, Ceylon Under the British Occupation Vols. 1 & Ul and the Colonial Administrations of Sir Thomas Maitland by C. Willis Dickson, XK INTRODUCTION ‘the feelings of the natives to be, by adopting a line of conduct at once firm, but moderate and considerate. “Neither can it be necessary to state, that the true interests of Government never can be to harass the Natives, with a view to immediate profit, but that on the contrary, the sole object of Government, is and always ought to be considered to be, to en- ‘sure the prosperity of the island, solely thro’the medium of gene- ally increasing the prosperity : and happiness of the Natives under His Majesty’s Government.” 36 As a result of the above Minute all Colleztors in the Maritime Provinces began to maintain daily records of work done and the conditions of their districts. Shortly after the same requirement was enforced on all heads of departments and after the Kandyan Kingdom was annexed in 1815, the Board of Commissioners and the Residents were also compelled to maintain these records, In 1833 with the reorganisation of the administration of the entire island consequent to the Colebrooke Reforms, the system of Gov- ernment Agents and their Assistants was begun, and the same requirement was extended to them as well. This system of provincial administration through Government Agents has jasted to this day. Thus the series of diaries which were begun in 1808 continued unbroken throughout the 19th century and well into the 20th century. As already discussed elsewhere, however, the powers and responsibilities of the provincial administration and the Govern- ment Agents gradually decreased in the course of time and with the 20th century when good communications made centralisation Possible and responsible government made centralisation necessary, the purposes for which the writing of diaries had been decided on no longer held good. Daily details of work done by each Gov- ernment Agent was of not much use to the government in Colombo because this work was largely routine and mostly that laid down by statutes. Keeping Colombo informed of events in the dis- tricts was also now unnezessary with the growth of communi- cations, while the elected members of the legislature took over the role played by Government Agents as the medium through which the people placed their problems before the goverament. With this gradual desrease in the importaaze of the work of the Government Agents and with their respoasibilities being reduced, 36. G.C. Mendis, The Colebrooke Cameron Papers, (Vol. 11. p. 265-266.) reproduces Maitland’s Minute of 1808 in full. XxxiINTRODUCTION the diaries also began to mean less and less in Colombo and in 1941 the requiren:ent to maintain them was dispensed with. Instead Government Agents and all heads of departments were: required to submit monthly reviews of work done to government. During the one hundred and thirty years in which the diaries were written however, Governor Maitland’s wish that the diaries should record the conditions of the people and_happenings in each district and the daily work done by the officer in charge was faithfully carried out. Maitland’s instructions were in fact too meticulously carried out and almost every single diary is replete with this information. The diaries also in the course of time be- gan to serve a second purpose in that they became the means through which successive holders of each post knew what their predecessors had done. This was very useful since by merely reading through his predecessor’s diaries for several years a new officer could very easily find out the exact condition of his new district. In this sense the diaries provided a continuity to the ad- ministration of each district, which was important and neces sary particularly in the carly years of British rule, when ordi- nances and directives from Colombo were few and most decisions were ad hoc ones made by the individual Government Agents and not often put down in files. This secondary use of the diaries serving as reports for future holders of the post was also fortunate because this resulted in the diaries being very carefully preserved and maintained, at least during the British colonial administra- tion. : The contents of the diaries could be conveniently divided into four categories. Firstly it rezords in detail what the writer, Government Agent or Assistant Government Agent, did for the day. In the days when the administration was centred round him as the chief representative of the government in his district, and when few departments had an independent provincial organi- zation, this usually provides a record of all important government work including development projects, undertaken in the district. Secondly the diaries include a record of important . happenings in the district which the writer has himself been through or which he has heard about. These usually vary from say a riot or other cala- mity to an important visitor or meeting. Thirdly the diaries con- tain accounts of the condition of the people of the district, de- scriptions of how they lived, their crops, their means of livelihood, difficulties etc. These too are usually observations of the writer taken down while on circuit or reports of reliable witnessses such as other government servants. Finally the diaries contain a re- Xxxii INTRODUCTION cord of any event or happening, or something seen or read, which has struck the interest of the writer. This type of entry was not of particular interest to the government in Colombo but the custom grew for the writers to record such trivialities because they were novel and unusual for their experience. In these random jottings lie another unexpected item of value for the scholar. For example diaries record social customs, habits, ceremonies etc., which were unusual and interesting. These are of immense value as many of these customs and ceremonies have since disappeared, and the diaries may be in fact the only records of them. To quote an example, the diaries of the Government Agents of the Eastern Province, contain a good deal of information on Veddah customs and life, which were recorded fifty or sixty years before early anthropologists like Seligman and others began studying them in the 20th century. The amount of such extraneous inform- ation contained in the diaries of course differs with the individuality of the writer. Some Government Agents were strictly matter of fact while others have written liberally on non-administrative matters. In this respect unfortunately Woolf’s diaries could be classed as belonging more to the former group. From this very brief description of the diaries it is obvious that their value as historical records cannot be over-estimated. Their value lies in several respects, they provide a continuous daily record extending over 130 years — nearly the full length of the British occupation of Ceylon — of work done by the co- Jonial government in every single province and district of Ceylon. Apart from being a record of administration, the diaries contain accounts of the social and economic conditions of the people and also additional incidental information on customs, ceremonies etc. which are of much sociological value. Besides these advant- ages the diaries are important in that they provide a glimpse into the thoughts and minds of the administrators who ruled Ceylon for the British and the motives which guided their actions. Diaries are however frequently found to be unreliable as historical records because being personal documents they are highly subjective and contain the prejudices of the writers. These sets of official diaries however, are not subject to these shortcom- ings, and can be taken as constituting reliable evidence. The facts. andevents mentioned inthe diariescan be taken as accurate, asthese writers, unlike the usual diary writers had no reason to exaggerate or lie or inflate their personal role in anything they wrote. The diaries were a record of administration and the conditions of theINTRODUCTION districts prepared for official purposes i.2. to be sent to Colombo and for the guidance of their successors, and there was no need to write anything but the truth. Even if exaggeration or personal vanity did creep in they were easily found out and frequently checked in Colombo by the Colonial Secretary and others who were aware of conditions in the districts having served in the pro- vinces themselves. Again the diaries were records made daily while events were fresh in each writer's memory and therefore left less room for inaccuracies. Apart from these reasons for the reliability of the diaries is of course the fact that their writers were educated men, frequently graduates from English Universities, with sensitive and well informed minds, and who could be taken to be accurate and careful observers. The diaries however have some obvious defects. They were written ;from day to day and the motives for particular courses of action tend to be left out from the diaries,obviously because they were too well known to the persons by whom the diaries were meant to be read, to be written down. Thus for example in the resent diaries Woolf frequently quotes the wastefulness of chenas Bat the reasons are never stated. A more important defect in the diaries, which however varies from writer to writer, is a lack of sympathy and understanding with the people whom they ruled. This prejudice is very seldom blatant, but is often noticed as an undercurrent in most diaries. This lack of sympathy is particularly strong in recording local political aspirations which were consi- dered by most writers as a hindrance to good government. Local religious sympathies and sometimes local customs too similarly do not receive much understanding from the diarists. These prejudices however are easily noticeable and need not seriously affect the value of the diaries to the discerning reader, particularly since there is an overall sympathy, a guiding desire in every writer to fulfil his mission of providing good government and introducing the benefits of Western civilization to the people whom they ruled. LEONARD WOOLF AND THE HAMBANTOTA DISTRICT It is into this colonial set up that Leonard Woolf entered when he joined the Ceylon Civil Service in 1904. Leonard Sidney Woolf was born on the 25th November 1880 the son of Mr. Sidney Woolf Q.C. He received his education at St. Paul’s School and xxxiv INTRODUCTION subsequently entered Trinity College, Cambridge from where he graduated. In 1904 he sat for the Eastern Civil Service Exami- nation and was selected for appointment as a cadet in, the Ceylon Civil Service. After his appointment Woolf sailed for Ceylon in November 1904 and on arrival there the following month was “attached” to the Colonial Secretary’s Office in Colombo. After a few weeks there, in the following year, Woolf was “attached” to the Jaffna Kachcheri where he served in several capacities such as Additional Collector of Customs (May 1905) and Additional Police Magistrate (May.1905). In February 1906 he was appointed Additional Assistant to the Government Agent, Northern Province and Additional Police Magistrate and Commissioner of Requests at Mannar and Puttalam in connection with the ,Pearl Fishery. From August to September 1906 he .acted as Assistant Govern- ment Agent, Northern Province, while the holder of the office was on leave. In November 1906 Woolf was appointed an Officer in Class 4 of the Civil Service and in May 1907 appointed to the substantive post of Office Assistant to the Government Agent, Northern Province. A few months after in August 1907 he was transferred to Kandy as Office Assistant to the Government Agent, Central Province, and a year later sent as Acting Assistant Government Agent to the Hambantota District where he served for the next two years and ten months.*” In December 1910 he was appointed to Class III of the Civil Service. In May 1911 Woolf went on a years leave to the United Kingdom, where he was married shortly after to Miss Virginia Stephen, a friend since his undergraduate days. At the end of his leave Woolf resigned from the Civil Service to devote his time in the United Kingdom to the literary pursuits 37. Apart from his celebrated work The Village in the Jungle which was based on his three years service in the Hambantota District, Woolf also wrote three other short stories based on his experiences in the other stations in Ceylon where he served. Leonard Woolf Stories from the East, (Hogarth Press, 1924.) The first story relating to mixed marriage is set_ in Colombo while the secot deals with a'pearl fishery one of which held in Mannar was attended by Woolf, as Police Magistrate in 1906. The third story is set in Jaffna where Woolf was Office Assistant for a couple of years. These three stories can easily rank among the best short stories written on Ceylon. Unfortunately the book con- taining them is entirely unobtainable and these three short stories are being feprinted in this volume. While in Ceylon Woolf was visited by his sister Bella Sidney Woolf who stayed on in the island after marrying an officer in the Department of Agriculture. also wrote a number of books onCeylon, the best known being How to See Ceylon, (Times of Ceylon, 1914 and 1922.) XEXVINTRODUCTION which had been his main interest from his undergraduate days at Cambridge. Subsequently both Virginia and Leonard Woolf were to me well known figures in the English literary world— Woolf as a writer, publisher and editor 3* and his wife Virginia as a novelist and literary critic. The Hambantota District in which Woolf served as Assistant Government Agent from August 1908 to May 1911, and where the present diaries were written, was somewhat dissimilar from any of the other districts of Ceylon. The land was flat and low and situated as it was on the south-east coast of Ceylon it usually missed both the monsoons, the effect being to make the climate particularly in the eastern half of the district very hot and dry. The rainfall was usually as low as 25” a year. As a result of this climate no settled forms of agriculture were possible in the district, except where irrigation facilities were available, and the people generally 38. After his retura Woolf worked for some time with the Fabian Society and also founded the Hogarth Press. In 1919 he became Editor of the Inter- national Review. The following two years he was editor of the international section of the Contemporary Review and in 1923 took up the literary editor- ship of the Nation, a post he held till 1930. In 1931 he was joint Editor and founder of the Political Quarterly , one of the best known political journals in the world today. From 1938 to 1955 Woolf was a member of the National Whitley Council for the administrative and legal its of the Civil Service. Leonard Woolf has a large number of publications to his credit, the best known in Ceylon of course being his novel The Village in the Jungle written shortly after he left Ceylon in 1913. His subsequent publications are :-- The Wise Virgins 1914; International Government 1916; Co-operation and the Future of India 1918; The Future of Constantinople 1917; Empire and Commerce in Africa 1920; Socialism and Co-operation 1921; Hunting the {Highbrow, Essays 1927; Imperialism and Civilization 1928; After the Deluge Vol. 1,1931 ; and Vol. IL 1939; Editor of the Intelligent Man's Way to Prevent War. 1933; Quack Quack 1935; The Hotel 1939; Barbarians at the Gate 1939; The War for Peace 1940; Principia Politica 1953; and Sowing, An Autobiography 1960. 39. Virginia Woolf was subsequently to acquire world fame as a writer and critic and died in 1941. Her major works include The Vo) Out 1915; ight and Day 1919; Kew Gardens 1919; Monday or Tuesday 192i; Jacob’s ‘Room 1922; Mr. Bennett and Mrs. Brown 1924; The Common Reader, First Ser‘es 1925; Mrs. Dalloway 1925; To The Lighthouse 1927; Orlando 1928; A Room of One's Own; The Waves 1931; Letter to. a Young Poet 1932; The Com- mon Reader, Second Series 1931; Flush 1933; The Years 1937; Three Guineas 1938; Roger Fry — a Biography 1940; and Between the Acts 1941. On her sud- den death.in 1941, Virginia Woolf left behind a host of unpublished writings hich were ntly edited by Leonard Woolf. These include The Death ‘the Moth 1942; A Haunted House 1944, The Moment and Other Essays 1947; Captain's Death Bed and Other Essays 1950; A Writer’s Diary 1954; ‘and Virginia Woolf and Lytton Strachey, Letters 1956. XXXVI INTRODUCTION were among the poorest in the whole island. The people in the Magam Pattu, the eastern part of the district particularly were very poorly off, though those in the more fertile and irrigable western sections found life less difficult. The district however had not always been so neglected and poverty stricken, for it was one of the two places colonised by the first Aryan settlers of Ceylon. These early Aryan settlements in the district soon grew to be a powerful kingdom centred round ‘Tissamaharama and it produced one of Ceylon’s greatest kings, Dutugemunu, who unified the entire country about 100 B.C. Re- mains of these past glories still remain in the Hambantota Dis- trict in the form or ruined dagobas and temples and above all in several tanks or irrigation schemes, which after restoration in tecent times, still continue to bring prosperity to the people of the area. In size the district had a total extent of 1013 square miles and had its capital at Hambantota, from which town the district itself took its name. Administratively the} district was in charge of an Assistant Government Agent, resident in Hambantota, and it formed part of the Southern Province which was controlled by a Government Agent stationed at Galle. The district was subdivided into three divisions—West Giruwa Pattu, East Giruwa Pattu and Magam Pattu—each under a Mudaliyar who had under him a hierarchy of superior and minor headmen. The population of the district which stood at 110,508 at the 1911 Census was composed mainly of Low Country Sinhalese though the capital town of Hambantota itself was populated largely by Muslims who were the descendents of a Malay regiment which was disbanded there early in the last century by the British. © The principal occupation of the people of the district was agriculture, of which paddy was the major crop. Under the Policy of providing irrigation facilities for the peasants, in- augurated by Sir Henry Ward in the 1850’s, four major irrigation works were undertaken in thedistrict utilising the two major rivers, the Walawe Ganga and Kirindi Oya. These works resulted in 40, It is possible however that the origins of the Muslim community at Hambantota is of greater antiquity than the Malay Regimen’. The word Hambantota itself means “Moor Port” and perhaps goes back to a time when it was populated by seafaring Arab traders. xxxviiINTRODUCTION many peasants giving up their chena cultivations and becoming farmers. The four schemes were the Tissamaharama Tank restored in 1876, The Kirindi Oya Left Bank Scheme irrigating 6500 acres at Tissa and Magama, the Walawe Right Bank Scheme completed in 1910 irrigating about 5000 acres in East Giruwa Pattu and the Urubokka and Kirama Schemes in the West Giruwa Pattu. In addition to these major works there were about 365 smaller village tanks. The total paddy yield of the district was 966,000 bushels per year in 1911.4! The paddy cultivation was done according to traditional methods but the administration, as seen in Woolf’s diaries, tried to improve them by encouraging the use of better ploughs, transplanting, etc. One of the major hindrances to the deve- Jopment of paddy cultivation however was rinderpest, an epidemic of which hit the district in 1909 and wiped out almost the entire buffalo and cattle population, without which the extensive culti- vation of paddy was impracticable. Woolf’s attempts to control this epidemic form one of the most absorbing episodes in his res. .__,. Paddy cultivation was however possible only under the major irrigation schemes and under village tanks where regular water supplies were guaranteed. There were however many parts of the district in which neither major nor minor irrigation facilities were available, and in these areas the villagers lived by chena cultivation. Chena cultivation was one of the most primitive forms of agricul- ture and consisted of the cultivator clearing and burning @ piece of jungle and then sowing a crop which depended for its success on the monsoon. Usually two or at the most three crops were taken from one chena and the plot was then abandoned for another. Governments have always frowned on chena cultivation because of its wastefulness of land resources but since no better alte:native agricultural methods could be provided, chenas have continued to exist. Chenas were and is the constant problem of dry zone agriculture where irrigation facilities are missing and Woolf's The Village in the Jungle is centred round a group of villagers living by this means. Of course one method of overcoming this scarcity of water was to introduce suitable new crops which required less water. But these attempts were not often successful among poverty stricken villagers and in the absence of a ready market. One such crop which enlightened administrators like Woolf tried to introduce, though unsuccessfully, was cotton. 41. All figures for Hambantota District in 1911 taken from E. B. Denham, Ceylon at the Census of 1911. lel xxXviii INTRODUCTION In the western portions of the district, however, apart from paddy and chena crops more settled forms of cultivation were possible as the rainfall was heavier and the major rivers flowing through this area could be tapped for water. Chief among these other crops was coconut while citronella was also widely grown for its oil. There were alarge number of citronella oil distilleries in 1911 in the district, while many thousands of acres were under this grass. The district’s chief revenue earner however was not an agri- cultural crop but salt. All along the coasts of the Hambantota District there were a number of shallow depressions, frequently connected with the sea, called lewayas. These lewayas which number 37 in all were evidently old sca bottom and is formed of mud heavily charged with brine. The lewayas generally fill with water during the rains and when this water evaporates during the drought, a thick layer of salt is left behind. The collection, pack- ing and transport of the salt offered seasonal employment to all persons in the district willing to work at it, while the salt revenue was the mainstay of the district’s annual income. The salt har- vest of 1910 which was organised by Woolf was until recent times, with the introduction of new methods of processing and collection, the highest ever collected in a season. Another aspect of the district was its general unhealthiness. The chief scourge of the district, and in fact of the entire dry zone of Ceylon, during this time was malaria. Malaria worked in a vicious circle. The disease broke out with the rains when mos- quitoes bred freely and struck down the cultivator at the time when his services were most required to cultivate his crops. With illness during cultivation time, planting was not properly done and as a result the crop and the income was poor. The income being poor the cultivator had to do with a poorer diet which weakened him still further. The circle continued indefinitely and at certain stages the disease wiped out entire village communities. as happened in Woolf’s The Village in the Jungle. CONCLUSION From the discussion above of the diaries of the Government Agents and their Assistants, it is clear that we have in them one of the most valuable sources for the study of the British Period of Ceylon History. They form a continuous record extending over one hundred and thirty years, of events and conditions and the administration of every single district and province of Ceylon XXXiXINTRODUCTION They contain besides the ideas of the administrators who ruled this country for these one hundred and thirty years and tells us how the colonial government’s work and its legislation affected the people. No other set of historical records for the British Period of Ceylon can be as useful. The Ordinances, the records of the various departments in Colombo, the Annual Reports of government departments and the Sessional Papers *, the despatches from the government in Colom to Whitehall and the replies to them, all can form at best only the skeleton of the history of the period. For the flesh and blood — for a statement of how the laws and other decisions made in Colombo affected the people — one has to turn to the vast corpus of diaries of the Government Agents and their Assistants and to a lesser extent, to those of other heads of departments. Yet it is surprising that government has not taken even the elementary steps to bring these diaries together and provide for their security in keeping with the valuable national records that they are. Before concluding this introduction. therefore, it would be a duty to suggest to government that steps be taken to ensure their security for posterity, before the remaining diaries which are themselves not complete, are lost or destroyed. If the interest created by this volume could only ensure this, then this publication would have served one of its major purposes. The diaries of the Government Agents and their Assistants were usually written (typed after about 1905) and submitted perio- dically to Colombo for the information of the Colonial Secretaries and the Governors. The diary leaves were returned after being read# and they were then bound and kept in the respect- ive kachcheries. They were maintained very carefully in the kachcheries during the colonial administration because they also served, apart from being reports to the superiors in Colombo, as a record for the guidance for each successive officer in the post. The writing of the diaries however was discontinued in 1941 and since then their safe keeping has fallen on evildays. With the diaries “42. Every head of a Government Department including the Government Agents and their Assistants were required to submit every year to Government an “Annual Report” on the activities of their departments. The publication of these annual reports was begun about 1860 and they have continued to be published since . These reports are very valuable for the historical data they contain. Equally useful are the Sessional Papers or reports submitted to the Legislative Councils which were also published from about 1855. 43. Frequently comments were written down in the margins of the Diaries by the Colonial Secretary and the Governor and in the case of an Assistant Government Agent’s diaries by his Government Agent. These side comments form very interesting reading. xl INTRODUCTION being no longer written, the need to refer to them also decreased with the passing of years. This was fatal to their proper main- tenance. From being the best maintained documents in the kach- cheri record room which were frequently consulted by the Gov- ernment Agent himself, they were reduced to the level of ordinary out of date records. A kachcheri record room is hardly a place to store documents of value nor is a kachcheri record kee] sufficiently conscious of the importance of documents that deserve preserving.** No care was thus givento the maintenance of the diaries nor were precautions taken to see that they were not lost. Kach- cheri record rooms are always overcrowded and in the search for space the diaries, which to most record keepers were just unused out of date documents, were frequently mislaid and thrown about. Often a diary thrown on the ground would soon acquire sufficient moisture as to be unusable thereafter, particularly as the paper and the ink were old and not selected by the writers for their lasting qualities. Diaries frequently became unbound and were never rebound even though pages continued to get torn and detached in the process. Diaries were often removed by interested officers and if no proper track was kept of them were not returned and lost. I don’t believe there is a single kachcheri in the island which can boast of an unbroken set of diaries from their inception to 1941. This sad fate of such valuable historical records is indeed lamentable, particularly as this should have taken place in the last twenty years, a time in which their value should have been only too clearly recognised. The Government Archives Depart- ment which is I believe, empowered by law to collect historical records in government departments, has also I think not shown 44, The Record Rooms particularly of the older established Kachcheries which have histories of over 150 years are veritable store houses of valuable records awaiting discovery. While rummaging through the Kandy Kachcheri Record Room in 1916 H. W. Codrington accidentally discovered D’Oyly’s celebrated Diaries of espionage against the Kandyan Kingdom. They ee been lying unnoticed in the Record Room for over one hundred years! . 45. Of course in certain Kachcheries these diaries continue to get the same attention and care as before, two examples I am aware of being the Batticaloa ‘nd Badutla Kachcheries where they are kept in the G.A.’s rooms in separate almirahs. Even inspite of such attention a few diaries from the set at Badulla are lost. There are however several other Kachcheries where the Diaries receive much less attention. Recently when a search was made by Mr. S. C. Fernando for the Diaries maintained by Hugh Nevill in Trincomalee, it was discovered that they had been destroyed by an over-zealous Record Keeper, who no doubt had tried to solve the accommodation problem of his Record Room. aliINTRODUCTION sufficient initiative in extracting these valuable documents from the Kachcheries. This could have been easily done as the diaries are of no use to present Kachcheri officers, while research students who would be the only persons really interested in them, would be saved the need to visit at least nineteen different Kachcheri towns to consult them. In these circumstances one would strongly suggest to gov- ernment that all the diaries of Government Agents, Assistant Government Agents and Heads of Departments from 1808 to 1941 be collected and deposited in one central place, which could be either in the Government Archives or the well equipped libraries of the University of Ceylon at Peradeniya. Here the diaries can be catalogued, bound, scientifically treated where deterioration has set in, and microfilming etc. made where the records are not likely to stand upto handling by readers. The diaries could be made available to research students. It is also very probable that not more than about fifty percent of the diaries could be traced. Lists should therefore be prepared of the missing documents by the library concerned and searches made for them both in the Archives to which they may have strayed or in Kachcheri record rooms, and the sets of diaries made as complete as possible. After these elementary steps are taken for their safe custody, publication of the more useful diaries or extracts from them on important items may be undertaken. To make the collection and completion of such a full set of diaries possible, a list is given below of the different posts in the provincial administration, the holders of which were required by government to maintain diaries. 46. The following Diaries of officers of the provincial administration should unless lost be in existence. MARITIME PROVINCES 1808-1833: Coltectors : ‘Colombo 1808 - 1833 Batticaloa 1808 - 1833 Jaffna 1808 - 1833 ‘Wanni 1808 - 1822 Trincomalee 1808 - 1833 (merged with Jaffna 1822) Galle 1808 - 1833 Magampattu 1813 ~ 1822 Matara 1808 - 1833 (ie. Hambantota) Chilaw 1808 - 1833 (Merged with Matara to form Mannar + 1808 - 1833 Collectorate of Tangalle in 1822) Kalutara 1808 - 1822 (merged with Colombo in 1822) footnote continued on p. xiii xiii INTRODUCTION Before concluding a word should be said about the circum- stances leading to the publication of the diaries. As already men- tioned when Mr. Leonard Woolf was in Ceylon in January 1960, a number of suggestions were made particularly by the Literary ——— KANDYAN PROVINCES 1815-1833: eeidents : Kandy 1815-1824 Post, abolished on D'Oyly’s t ‘Assistant Residents : Badulla 1816 - 1818 Kurunegala 1816 - 1818 Ruwanwella 1816 - 1818 Ratnapura 1816 - 1818 Agents of Goverament : Udarata 1818 - 1833 Three Korales 1818 - 1833 Nuwarakalaviya 1818 - 1833 Four Korales 1818 - 1833 Tamankaduwa 1818 - 1833 Lower Bulatgama —_—1818 - 1833 SevenKorales 1818 - 1833 Lower Uva 1818 - 1833 Saffragam 1818 - 1833 Wellassa 1818 - 1833 Bintenne 1818 - 1833 UNIFIED ADMINISTRATION FOR ISLAND AFTER 1833: Government Agents : Western Province 1832 - 1941 Capital Colombo. Southern Province 1832 - 1941 Capital Galle Northern Province 1832+ 1941 Capital Jaffna Eastern Province 1832 - 1941 Capital Trincomalee 1832-70 i Batticoloa 1870-1941. Central Province 1832 - 1941 Capital Kandy North Western Province 1845-1941 Capital Puttalam 1845-56 : Kurunegala 1856 - 1941 North Central Province 1873 - 1941 Capital Anuradhapura Uva Province «1886-1941 Capital Badulla Sabaragamuwa Province 1889-1941 Capital Ratnapura Assistant Government Agents: Colombo 1832-1941 Jaffna 1832 - 1941 Kalutara Assistant Agency Kandy 1832 - 1941 abolished in 1845 -nd 1832 - 1845 Matale Assistant 1832 - 1845 revived in 1875. 1875 - 1941 Agency abolished 1874 - 1941 Galle 1832 - 1941 in 1845 and Matara 1832-1941 __revived in 1874. Hambantota 1832 - 1941 Nuwara Eliya 1845 - 1945 Kegalle 1845 - 1941 Negombo 1832 - 1841 Ratnapura 1832 - 1941 1874 - Anuradhapura 1845-1941 Chilaw 1832 - 1845 Mullaitivu Amalgamated 1832 - 1889 1888 - 1941 with Vavuniya 1889 Ruwanwella 1832 - 1845 Vavuniya 1875 - 1941 Attapitiya 1832 - 1845 Mannar 1832-1941 Alupota 1832 ~ 1845 Batticaloa 1832 - 1941 Galagedera (Madawela - Badulla 1832 - 1941 tenne) 1832 - 1845 Trincomalee 1832 - 1941 Kurunegala 1832 - 1941 Puttalam 1832 - 1941 xiiiINTRODUCTION Critic of the Ceylon Observer, Mr. Mervyn de Silva that these diaries be published by the Ceylon Government. Subsequently when Mr. Woolf called on the then Prime Minister, Mr. W. Daha- nayake, the latter directed the Home Ministry to publish the diaries as a Sessional Paper. The Home Ministry however later felt that publication as a Sessional Paper would not serve much purpose, and that the diaries should be properly edited be- fore publication with introductory information, glossary, notes, etc. The edition of the diaries as now presented has been designed with this background information without which their proper appreciation is not possible. The present introduction gives the context in which the diaries were written, and provides back- ground information on the Government Agent’s diaries in general, and their value as reliable historical records. Information is also given on Leonard Woolf and the Hambantota District. The short literary introduction by Mr. Mervyn de Silva discusses Woolf’s place in the English world of letters and evaluates his Village in the Jungle and his short stories on Ceylon as literary works, while the manner in which these particular diaries shed light on the novel are also noted. A glossary has also been included which explains all the terms in the Diaries which are unintelligible to the modern reader by reason of the administrative changes in the last fifty years, or by their technicality. The terms are arranged in alphabetical order to make reference easier. The book also contains a short preface by Mr. Woolf himself, introduc- ing the Diaries. It is hoped that the second volume of his auto- biography, on which he is now working, and which will deal with the period in Ceylon will contain more valuable information “’. The Diaries themselves have been reproduced in full without any deletions, from the time Mr. Woolf assumed duties as Assistant Government Agent at Hambantota in September 1908 to May 1911 when he left on leave to England, at the expiry of which he resigned from the Civil Service. In conclusion I should record my thanks to those who have assisted us in the publication of this book. Our thanks are chiefly due to Mr. S. C. Fernando, Permanent Secretary to the Ministry 47. The second volume of Leonard Woolf’s autobiography dealing with the period 1904 to 1911 has since been published under the title Growing. (Hogarth Press, London 1961). Unfortunately thepresent writer could not consuit this téok when writing this introduction. 48. . Woolf was on leave for a short period from April 9th 1909 to May 14th the same year. During this time Mr. Chambers acted for him. Mr. ‘Chamber’s entries have however not been included in the present volume. xliv INTRODUCTION of Industries, Home and Cultural Affairs but for whose enthu- siasm this publication would not have been possible. Mr. Fernando was largely responsible for the attention focussed on the Diaries when Woolf was in Ceylon and he assist ed us by giving the manus- cript copies for the preparation of this publication. Our thanks are similarly due to Miss Nimal Wijayaratne for her considerable help in the preparation of this volume and to Mr. Leonard Woolf who very kindly wrote the Preface to the Diaries at short notice and also provided us with some of the photographs used in this book. The map of the Hambantota District appearing at the back of the book is based on the Survey Department map of the area. Finally our thanks are due to Messrs. Hugh de Mel, N. L. Vetha- nayagam and V. G. Fernando for their assistance to this publica- tion in various ways and to Mr. Benedict de Silva, Manager of Messrs. Metro Printers, Colombo, and his staff for the interest taken in the printing of this book, and particularly for his patience in excusing the numerous. delays which this publication was cons- tantly subjected to. S.D.S. INTRODUCTION TO THE SECOND EDITION The first edition of the diaries written by Leonard Woolf while Assistant Government Agent of the Hambantota District from 1908 to 1911, was published as Volume IX of the Ceylon Historical Journal in 1962. Apart from their iatrinsic value the main purpose of the publication was to draw the attention of scholars to the rich store of material available in the Diaries main- tained by the Government Agents and Assistant Government Agents of the different provinces and districts of Sri Lanka under the British. The Diaries commence in 1808 and ends about 1940, when the practice was discontinued. Unfortunately very few scholars have made use of these Diaries for research work. The main reason perhaps was that they were scattered throughout the Island in the different Kachcheries. The Acting Director of National Archives, Mr. Haris Silva has now collected all the Diaries from the Kachcheries and they are now deposited in the National Archives at Colombo. It is no longer necessary to visit the different districts to study them. Mr. Silva informs me that it is possible that a very few Diaries may have been overlooked in the transfer, but this is unlikely. xivINTRODUCTION When the edition of Woolf’s Diaries, the first set of Diaries in fact to be printed, was first published in 1962, Mr. Silva provided us a list of the Diaries then available in the Archives (1962). This list was published as a postscript to the Introduc- tion. Mr. Silva has now compiled a complete list of the Diaries available in the Arcnives including those brought from the Kachcheries. This list is published herewith. They can be taken as a complete list of the Diaries still extant. It is hoped that scholars will now study these and possibly publish further selections from them either for particular periods or on a district basis or on particular subjects. S.D.S. LIST OF KACHCHERI DIARIES AVAILABLE AT THE NATIONAL ARCHIVES, COLOMBO G. P. S. H. de Silva, Acting Archivist, Sri Lanka National Archives. ANURADHAPURA DISTRICT Govt. Agent 1814-47, 1849-52, 1852-58, eet |~74, 1876-79, 1881-85, 1887-89, 1889-1940 Asst. Govt. Agent : 1845-46, 1849, 1853- 54, 1856, 1858, 1858-69, 1935-41 BADULLA DISTRICT Govt. Agent : 1888, 1893-1939 Asst. Govt. Agent : 1852-54, 1864, 1867, 1871-75, 1883-84, 1929-32, 1934-39 BATTICALOA DISTRICT Govt. Agent : 1866-1946 COLOMBO DISTRICT ,- Govt. Agent : ap 1915, 1916-23, 1930-40 Addl. Govt. Agent : 1933 Asst. Govt. Agent 1931-40 Asst. Govt. Agent, Colombo and Negombo : 1910-1931 Asst. Govt, Agent, Negombo: 1884-96, 1931-39 Addl- Asst. Govt. Agent 1921-29, 1932-40 GALLE DISTRICT Govt. Agent : 1916-18, 1929, 1933, 1935, 1937-40 Asst. Govt. Agent : 1926-30, 1932-40 HAMBANTOTA DISTRICT Asst. Govt! Agent : 1846, 1849-50, 1852-55, 1859, 1865, 1867, 1870, 1877, 1882, 1884-95, 1897-1905, 1912, 1920-40 xlvi INTRODUCTION AFENA DISTRICT Collector : 1795-1833 Govt. Agent : 1833-1940 Travelling Diary : 1855-95 Asst. Collector Mullativu Diar, Mannar Diary 1834-57 Mullativu and Vavuniya Diary: 1847-97 1828, 1830-35 1811-68 1885-1896 Vavuniya Diary : 1818-84 KALUTARA DISTRICT Asst. Govt. Agent : 1883-1890 KANDY DISTRICT Govt. Agent : 1831-45, 1847-1915 Addl. Govt, Agent : 1935-36 Asst. Govt. Agent : 1883-84, 1920-39 MANNAR DISTRICT Collector : 1810-13 Collector : 1815-25, 1827-28, 1831-33 Asst. Govt. Agent : 1834, 1837-78, 1880-87, 1914-16, 1918-40 MATALE DISTRICT Asst. Govt. Agent : 1944-45 MULLATIVU DISTRICT Asst. Govt. Agent : KEGALLE DISTRICT Asst. Govt. Agent : MATALE DISTRICT Govt. Agent : Asst. Govt. Agent : MATARA DISTRICT Asst. Govt. Agent : NUWARA-ELIYA DISTRICT 1835-36 1845-66, 1870-84, 1886-1927, 1933-40 1838-65, 1870-1939 1944-45 1851-53, 64, 66, 69, 71, 1872-97, 1940 1833-41. 1885-86, 1850-51, 1887-1950 Asst. Govt. Agent : 1884-1938 PUTTALAM DISTRICT Collector : 1822-24, 1827-33 Govt. Agent, North Western Province : Asst. Govt. Agent : Asst. Govt. Agent, North Western Province : 1848-51 Asst. Govt. Agent, Puttalam : 1852-61, 72-86, 89-92, 1895-1900, 1902-1918 RATNAPURA DISTRICT 1845-48 1833-36, 38, 97, 1900 Collector : 1818, 1831-33 Govt. Agent : ae 3344 1847-58, 1863-69, 1872, 1878-79, 1883-1910 TRINCOMALEE DISTRICT Asst. Govt. Agent : VAVUNIYA DISTRICT Collector : 1807-13 Mullativu Collector : 1809-11 1910-11, 1932-41, 1966-69 xviiINTRODUCTION PART II - GeneraL by Mervyn de Silva “7 felt just as | did when as a!small boy at school in Brighton I stood in Brill’s Baths and looked down at the water so far below and nerved myself for the high dive. I got ready everything which 1 was to take with me to Ceylon, which included ninety large volumes of the beautiful eighteenth century edition of Voltaire printed in the Baskerville type and a wire-haired fox-terrier. At jast I dived; the waters closed over me; I took the train to Tilbury Docks.” The young man who took the plunge that day in October 1904 was Leonard Woolf. He was a member of the Ceylon Civil Service till 1911 in which year he resigned from the C.C.S. and sailed for England. During the seven years he served in Ceylon Mr. Woolf held several positions in the colonial administration, notably that of Assistant Government Agent, Hambantota. Cey- lonese have every reason to remember that last fact. For, shortly after his return to England,' Mr. Woolf published anovel entitled The Village in the Jungle which, after half a century, still re- mains the finest imaginative work based on life in this country.” The decision of The Ceylon Historical Journal to pub- lish the official diaries kept by Leonard Woolf as A.G.A. Hambantota is welcome for many reasons. The publication is . The novel was completed within a very short time of Woolf's return to the Unied Kingdom, and Virginia Woolf refers to it ecstatically in a letter to Lytton Strachey as follows: “Our great event has been that Arnold ‘has taken Leonard’s novel with great praise. Of course he makes it a condition that certain passages are to g0 out—which we don’t yet know. It’s triumphant to have made a complete outsider believe in one’s figments”. Letter of Nov- ember 16, 1912. “Letters of Virginia Woolf and Lytton Strachey Edited by L. Woolf and John Strachey p. 45. xviii INTRODUCTION exceptionally well-timed, too. For one thing, it has now been established beyond question that these diaries constitute the seminal source of The Village in the Jungle? Students who are now reading the novel as a literary text will discover the connecting links easily enough and the exercise should provide them, some knowledge perhaps of the way in which the creative writer trans- mutes fact and raw experience into art; though, it seems relevant to add here, one need scarcely seek a finer insight into the creative Process than Virginia Woolf’s A Writer’s Diary. _, Secondly, the diaries have a solid intrinsic worth. Woolf’s writing suffers little from the faults and excesses which we now . associate with ‘officialese’. On the contrary, it reveals a keen and sensitive observer, responsive to natural environment and people alike. What these diaries give us is an authentic and graphic re- cord of life in the southern dry zone of the island a half century ago. As such, it finds a place among those valuable reports on Ceylon which the more intelligent and Perceptive of colonial admi- nistrators have left us as a historical legacy. I have noted the timeliness of this publication. Woolf's visit to Ceylon in early 1960 was celebrated, locally, with such obvious 2._ Attention was first drawn to the Diaries as a record of the experiences in the Hambantota District which wasto result in The Village in the Jungle by Mr. Basil Mendis who published an article on“ The Official Dairies of Leonar Woolf” in the Ceylon Daily News of 21st June 1950. In this article Mr. pointed out several passages from the Diaries which showed a marked similarit to passages in the novel. For example the entries for January 28th 1909 great want in the sanctuary ...... snuffing the air” a 46) and for July 7th 1910 “There is little pleasure to be derived from tra’ ling ...... large Ieafless trees” (p.166) both show a strong resemblance to the descriptions of the Jungle in chapter one of the novel, particularly ‘ Over great tracts there is no water ..... + waterless shore of the sea” (p. 8-9 of Phoenix Edition of The Village in the Jungle) The description in the novel of villages dying out due to malaria were no doubt picked up from personal experience, e.g. Entry for Jan_13, 1911 gives a description of one such pillage Andarawewa, while the reference here to the fatalism with which death is faced is similar to the remark of a character in the novel “August is the month in which children die. What can I do?’ Similarly the reference in chapter one to a villager lost in the jungle is obviously taken from the incident of Game Watcher Punchi Rala who is Jost in the jungle(entry for April, 1911) while of course the references to “‘Bera~ gama Deiyo”’ in the novel obviously refers to the God of Kataragama, to whose Festival Woolf went once as officer in charge of the pilgrim camp (-ntries for July 8th - 22nd 1910). In another article published u-der the titt! ““Beddewewa and Beddegama” in the Ceylon Observer of 6th March 1960, vincingly points out that the Bed egama of the novel th the village of Beddewewa in north Magam Pattu. Careful study of th2 novel with the published Diaries should indicate many more such comparisons, xlixINTRODUCTION emotion that the ‘sentimental journey,’ as the newspapers calle\ it, seemed almost an opportunity for us to declare our secret yearnings for the British Raj! Or perhaps, it was only the individual that counted and our debt to Leonard Woolf is only too clear. Anyway, the diaries are being offered to the public at a time when interest in Woolf’s work has been revived, both by his visit and the publication of the first two volumes of this autobiography. | Is it too much to hope that a reading of these books, so geuerously received by the English reviewer, would encourage some English critic to read The Village in the Jungle and rescue it from long years of critical neglect 2? I doubt whether it is some misplaced political loyalty which has convinced many Ceylonese critics . that The Village in the Jungle is by no means inferior to Forster’s A Passage to India.* The young man who came to Ceylon in 1904 was to describe himself in his autobiography as ‘‘an arrogant, conceited and quick tempered young man”. Such candour is not unnatural to a writer who claims that the only point in an autobiography is “‘to give, as far as one can, in the most simple, clear and truthful way, a picture, first of one’s own personality...... "| But the judgment, we suspect, is excessively harsh. Or, rather, it leaves many things unsaid. While arrogance is hardly out of place in the make-up of a Cambridge intellectual of 24, the weaknesses which Woolf ascribes to himself were leavened by virtues only too evident in what he did in Ceylon and what he wrote. The virtue, mainly, I should say of a temperament, com- pounded of a liberal humanism and lively intelligence, and nur- tured by famiily, ;personal relationships, Cambridge and Blooms- bury. If conceit and quick-temper were all, Woolf should have adapted himself easily to the responsibilities and demands of the imperialist system. And we know that the process of emotional adjustment for Leonard Woolf was not especially marked by its smoothness or facility. In fact, he was never a perfect piece in the mechanism of colonial rule. In his own estimate, he was a con- scientious officer but the system called for habits of feeling and action which his whole personality must have steadily resisted. Woolf was given too!much to personal judgnients and discrimina- tions to develop that total conformism which must have been, one ‘guesses, almost a prerequisite of the ideal colonial officer. ~ 3. Strangely, the only noteworthy allusion to The Village in the Jungle be remarkably perceptive observation by Arnold Toynbee in A Study of listory. INTRODUCTION Inspite of his obvious enthusiasm for his work, his attraction to people, places and things, he could not acquiesce in the oppressive orthodoxy of imperialism.* In his remarks about his resignation from the Ceylon Civil Service, there is a regretful recognition of the fact that his ‘personal reasons” are not the kind that would be easily understood or ap- preciated by his superiors: “TI did not feel that I could explain to Mr. Harcourt or Mr. Stubbs that I had come to dislike imperialism, that I did not want to become Governor, that I wanted to marry Virginia Stephen and that if I didn’t marry her, I would like to continue to be a Ceylon Civil Servant provided that they would appoint me perma- nently Assistant Government Agent, Hambantota” > It is a simple statement but in the decision he took and in the manner in which he records it, there‘is implicit a scale of values. What he cherished most were personal relationships, Sensitivity and moral integrity —what, in fact, the reader of E. M. Forster’s novels would call a Forsterian enlightenment. And this was the product of Cambridge and the cultivated company in which he moved during his formative years. Of Cambridge, Leonard Woolf writes : “My loyalty to Trinity and Cambridge is different from all my other loyalties. It is more intimate, profound, unalloyed. It is compounded of the spiritual, intellectual and physical inextricably mixed—the beauty of the college and backs; the atmosphere of long years of history and great traditions and famous names; a profoundly civilised life; friendship and the Society.” 6 The term ‘Bloomsbury’ has gathered pejorative associations through the years. Arty, affected, bohemian? One cannot invoke such categories to classify the cultivated men and women who 4. An analogous case, if an extreme one, is George Orwell who also served ina colonial outpost but in the more exacting role of a policeman. “All this was perplexing and upsetting. For at that time I had already made up my mind that imperialism was an evil thing and the sooner I chucked up my job and got out of it, the better ........ ‘As for the job I was doing, | hated it more bitterly than I can perhaps make clear. In‘a job like that You see the dirty work of Empire at close quarters”. Shooting an Elephant. Selected Essays. (Penguin Books.) 5. Growing by Leonard Woolf. (Hogarth Press.) liINTRODUCTION the circle—John Maynard Keynes, Lytton Strachey, formes al Virgioga Stephen, Leonard Woolf, E. M. Forster, Roger Fry. it a group at all or just a circle of friends? Some years ago, VK estos wrote a study of these men and their ideas. This book, The Bloomsbury Group had a wealth of information which gives us a vivid picture of the milieu in which Woolf matured as an intellectual. Mr. Johnstone's study has one weakness, though. He is a victim of the characteristic temptation of the man who writes a doctoral thesis, a temptation to indulge in rationalisations, to make a neat package of his material and wrap it up in some impressive abstract notions. Moore’s Principia Ethica and Fry’s aesthetic theories must jnevitably have influenced the young, eager minds of this intimate circle with its’ Cambridge background. But they had no credo, no motto or banner. As Woolf himself remarked in a review of Mr. Johnstone’s book, “ With their roots in Cambridge, they had been of course greatly influenced by the personality and writings of Professor Moore and eternally interested and amused by the proliferation of Roger Fry’s lively intellect and imagination. They would not have become and remained for forty, fifty or more ears, such intimate friends, unless they had shared many tastes, delete and prejudices and delusions. But that is a different thing from being a group in the sense used in the first part of this book... In Old Friends, Clive Bell exasperated by the “Bloomsbury baiters”, confirms this view of an intimate but informal circle of friends who were not joined together by a common ideological belief. On the contrary, they were a group of highly individual- istic persons. There are many interesting references to Leonard Woolf in the writings of these distinguished men who were his friends both at Cambridge and later in ‘Bloomsbury’. It was in Cambridge that the foundations for Bloomsbury were laid. Mr. Woolf started a typically undergraduate club called ‘The Midnight Society’. The ‘midnighters’ later moved to the home of one of its members, Thoby Stephen. Here, Vanessa and Viginia Stephen, the talented daughters of Sir Leslie Stephen became the centre, according to Clive Bell, of what was to be known as the Bloomsbury Group. ‘ In My Early Beliefs 2 memoir by John Maynard Keynes we have 2 group photograph, as it were, of this intellectual family: hii INTRODUCTION “Moore himself was a puritan and a precisian; Strachey a Voltairean, Woolf a rabbi, myself a nonconformist, Sheppard a conformist and (as it now turns out) an ecclesiastic, Clive Bell a gay and amiable dog, Sydney Turner a quietist, and Hawtrey a dogmatist......”” A close-up of the young Woolf is found in David Garnett’s Flowers of the Forest. “Leonard Woolf usually came with Virginia, a lean man with the long hooked nose and burnt up features and ascetic lips of a desert dweller rather than those of the typical Jew. Leonard had spent ten years shaken by fever and burnt by the tropical sun as a District Magistrate in Ceylon. He was very quiet and used to sit silent until others had given their opinions when he would say in a low voice which vibrated with the passionate desire to appear reasonable that he disagreed with every word that had been said and that he believed the exact contrary was true—after which he would give a little laugh and the argument would begin in earnest.” I have furnished the reader of these diaries a fair number of personal details about Leonard Woolf because this knowledge is a necessary guide to the writing. What after all is the significance of his writings on Ceylon? For us, this writing represents the im- Pression made by our society and culture on a sensitive English mind; a special kind of mind, one must insist. Otherwise, the meaning gcis hazy and ill-defined. This is an intelligence of fine quality, morally aware, humane and inquisitive but, most of all; disturbed by the impact of the East, and uneasy before its strange, exacting demands on understanding. Insights into this interesting state of mind can be shared by the reader of the stories which the Ceylon Historical Journal has enterprisingly obtained and included in this volume. The purely literary merits of the stories are slight but they do offer an almost perfect illustration of the point I made. ____ In its very simplicity, the narrative mode employed by Woolf in “A Tale Told by Moonlight” is suggestive of his own approach to the Eastern experience. Fourintelligent and literary-minded men; stimulated by a moonlight scene and the sight of young lovers, begin to discuss romantic love when a fifth challenges their nice, sentimental notions. To drive home his point, Jessop (‘the had a iiiINTRODUCTION rather brutal manner sometimes of telling brutal things—the truth, he called'it’) recollects ‘xe tragedy of a man called Reynolds who came out East, mei * seautiful Celestinahami in aColombo brothel and fell in love ::. . her. No words pass betwzen them for the girl cannot spe:* tnglish. Nevertheless, she chooses to live with Reynolds. Graducity, Reynolds’ love turns to a maddening exasperation as Celestinaiami begins to give him not a kind of love that he can understand but the “love of a slave, the patient consum- ing love for a master, his kicks, his caresses, for his kisses and his lows”. The story is marked by a curious ambivalence. The writer is emotionally uncertain of his attitude to the materialhe is handling. There-is a simple attempt to counterpose the reality of “ the lave of dogs and women” in the East to romance of ‘moonlight’ and “nightingales’ (on a very much smaller scale, the Forsterian anti- thesis, I ‘suppose, of ‘dearest Grasmere’ and India) but even this is defeated in the actual writing of the story. The ‘reality’ of the East is itself nothing but the old glamourised image. Jessop, in fact, comes out with the singular remark—it always reminded me somehow of the ‘Arabian Nights’. The experience is interesting but the writer’s grasp of it is unsure. There is an emotional disequilibrium which robs the story of all ‘point. Perhaps, if Woolf had the crisp talents of an ironist like Maugham, ‘A Tale Told by Moonlight” might have been of a different order. “Pearls and Swine” is another essay on the East-West theme. Again, the technique is simple. The stock-jobber and the arch: deacon (caricature of English types) hold smug, dogmatic views on politics and life in the East. Into their company intrudes ns cian has actually lived in the East and, inevitably, he tells “I won't give you views’ he said, “But if you like 111 gi what you call details, things seen, facts,’ give you One's final impression of both these stories is that of a mind deeply conscious of its confrontation with a strange, ~ dis- quieting and alien element and striving hard to wrestle with and “They gave me one, little boy of twenty four, fresh-cheeked from England, just joined the service. He had views, he had been liv INTRODUCTION ducated in a Board school, won prizes, scholarships, passed the Civil Service exam. Yes, he had views; he used to explain them to me when he first arrived. He got some new onesI think before he got out of that camp. You'd say he only saw details, things happen, facts, data. Well, he did that too. He saw men die— he hadn’t seen that in his Board school—die of plague or cholera, like flies all over the place, under the trees, in the boats, outside the little door of his own little hut ........... i To the intelligent, responsive western mind, the East is.a great encounter. Questioning as it does the foundations of western thought and morality, it consitutes a challenge in as much asvit threatens the disruption of the sensibility which attempts to con- tain it. | Something of the nature of this encounter, which has proved in various ways the central subject of the best writing on the East from Kipling to Forster, was sensed a century ago by ‘Mathew Arnold’s brother, W.D. “First and foremost to ascertain what is the point at which the European mind and the native mind begin to diverge” he wrote in Oakfield “is the incompatibility, not in little things only, in manners and taste but in the vital feelings of humanity; is this necessary, is it to be lasting and is the language of our common brotherhood as false in theory as in actuality then again, our English society, in India; why should it be proverbial and to a great extent a true saying, that an Englishman leaves his morals at the Cape.” & . By the time Forster came to write A Passage to India the sea routes had changed and the physical frontiers of this pro- blem had moved. Nevertheless, in terms of moral sensibility, the fact of a ‘sea change’ had remained: “‘The Mediterranean is the human norm. When men leave that exquisite lake, whether through the Bosphorus or the Pillars of Hercules, they approach the monstrous and extraordinary; and the southern exit leads to the strangest experience cf all.”’ Leonard Woolf was aware of this, too, and expressed it in his own personal way: “The people with whom I now found myself (on board the Orontes) and practically all those with whom I should have . 6. I came across this passage in a stimulating article on ‘English writing ©n Ceylon’ by Dr. E. F. C. Ludowyk, former Professor of English in the University of Ceylon, I VvINTRODUCTION to live for tho next six years were the exact opposite of the people wi whom T had lived in Cambridge. They cared for none of the thors which I had cared for’. Out of this unique encounter with an alien culture, Woolf’s intimate friend E. M. Forster produced his remarkable novel, A Passage to India.? Forster worked on a large dramatic scale, grappling with the “incomprehensible mystery” of India. If we are to take note of certain inadequacies in that novel, we can say that Woolf was more fortunate. His ‘objective correlative’, the village in the jungle, was more tractable material, easier to control and define. * * * Woolf enjoys a reputation in his own country as a political essayist and sociologist. In neither field would be claim, I dare say, any original contribution. He is neither thinker nor theorist. In his books and in his frequent contributions to political and literary periodicals abroad, his role has been that of the sensible, intelligent commentator. The interests of the sociologist are evident in these diaries and his actual achievement in this direction is remarkable for a man who was scarcely thirty years old. At a time when the com- Paratively new discipline of sociology is being equated so often by our local academicians with statistical investigation and report, it is good to remind ourselves that the power of human obser- vation, and the gift for scrupulous and vivid recording of what is observed are considerations equally relevant to the proper function of sociology. For, statistics, as Mr. Koestler wrote once, don’t bleed. So much bloodless, arid documentation passes for sociology these days that one tends to forget the final purpose of the sociologist—to present us a total tesponse to a community, its habits of action and feeling, its values and motivations and its structure of relationships. In the name of “scientific” sociology, emotions and intuitions are being discarded as unreliable instru- ments of understanding social behaviour; they are suspect as the hit-or-miss methods of the amateur. And yet, an imaginative grasp of the way of life in a given community can be just as firm and trustworthy as knowledge based on ‘facts and figures’. But, these are incidental questions. « ,_ 7. Itwas Woolf, by the way, who encouraged Forster to continue work- ing on A Passage to India when the latter was dissatisfied with its Progress. Forster records his debt in Hill of Devi. Wi INTRODUCTION While it would be absurd to suggest that Leonard Woolf sat down to write these official diaries as if he were consciously embarking on a sociological exercise, the fact is that the conditions of that time and his own personal abilities and interest combined well to produce a document of. sociological and historical value, The provincial administrator of 1910 enjoyed not only more authority than his counterpart of today but more leisure. If the pace of life was slower, his contact with the people whose affairs he administered, was more personal and direct. These diaries, therefore, add to something more than a record of administration. They give a graphic and intimate picture of the place, the people and their conditions of life. Of Woolf's special aptitudes, I have already noted the most important. He was an exceptionally alert, observant person. ® In his capacity as observer of the social Scene, he was both de- tached and engaged. At times, he could be the ‘outsider’, and survey the harsh, tousled world before him with the unruffied and dispassionate mind of the English intellectual. But he was not always au dessus de la melee. ® Another of his outstanding virtues, in my opinion, was his steady refusal to make easy moral judgments. Interestingly enough, in a recent article on the race question, Mr. Woolf cites an in- cident from this country to illustrate his point that one cannot discuss large issues like race, as if there were immutable standards of judgement. The moral criteria in such instances, he suggests, cannot be absolute but must be relative to the specific social situ- ation. This attitude of mind (the healthy opposite of the all too familiar tendency to fashion others in your own image) is notice- ably present in his writing on Ceylon. The reader may regard it a negative advantage. All the same, it was very useful. His real and positive strength as a sociologist lay in his ability to penetrate beneath the surface the village life. Woolf’s study 8. While writing this article I stumbled on an interesting reference to Leonard Woolf's novel in the pages of HANSARD. Mr. H. R. Freeman, also a member of the Civil Service, made this remark in the State Council, in November 1936: “