Art and Aesthetics in Primitive Societies (Art Ebook)

Donated from the Library of Marti Kheel
ART MID AESTHETICS

in PRimiTlUE SOCIETIES
RRT
MID
AESTHETICS
in
PRimiTlUE
SOCIETIES
A critical
anthology
edited by
Carol
F.
Jopling
A Dutton
Paperback
New York
E. P.
1971
DUTTON
& CO., INC.
Copyright
1971 by Carol
F.
Jopling
All rights reserved. Printed in the U.S.A.
No part of this book may be reproduced in any form

whatsoever without permission in writing from the publishers,
except by a reviewer who wishes to quote brief passages in
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magazine, newspaper or broadcast.
Published simultaneously in Canada by
Clarke, Irwin & Company Limited, Toronto and Vancouver
Library of Congress Catalog Card
Number: 73-87202
sbn 0-525-05783-8 (cloth)

SBN O-525-47257-6 (DUTTON PAPERBACK)
FIRST EDITION
Grateful acknowledgment
from copyright material:
is
made
to the
following for permission to quote
warner muensterberger: Some Elements
of
Artistic
Creativity
Primitive Peoples. Reprinted from Beitrdge zur Gesellungs
wissenschaft by permission of Gebr.
anthony
Mann
und
Among
Volker-
Verlag, G.M.B.H., Berlin.
Wallace: A Possible Technique for Recognizing Psychological

Maya from an Analysis of Their Art. Reprinted from The American Imago, Vol. 7 (November, 1950), pp. 239-58,
by permission of the author and editor.
david b. stout: Aesthetics in "Primitive Societies." Reprinted from Men and
f. c.
Characteristics of the Ancient
Cultures, Selected Papers of the Fifth International Congress of Anthroand Ethnological Sciences, Philadelphia, September 1-9, 1956*
pological
by permission of The University of Pennsylvania Press.

paul s. wingert: Anatomical Interpretations in African Masks. Reprinted
from Man, Vol. 54, No. 100 (May, 1954), pp. 69-71, by permission of the
author and editor.
edmund r. leach: A Trobriand Medusa? Reprinted from Man, Vol. 54, No.
158 (July, 1954), pp. 103-05, by permission of the author and editor.
harold k. Schneider: The Interpretation of Pakot Visual Art. Reprinted from
Man, Vol. 56, No. 108 (August, 1956), pp. 103-06, by permission of the
author and editor.
Herbert barry, Hi: Relationships Between Child Training and the Pictorial
Arts. Reprinted from the Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology,
Vol. 54, No. 3 (May, 1957), pp. 380-83, by permission of the author and
editor.
george mills: Art: An Introduction
to Qualitative
Anthropology. Reprinted
Copyrights and Acknowledgments
from the Journal of Aesthetics and Art Criticism, Vol. XVI, No. i (September, 1957), pp. 1-17, by permission of the author and editor.
ronald m. berndt: Some Methodological Considerations in the Study of
Australian Aboriginal Art. Reprinted from Oceania, Vol. 29, No. 1 (September, 1958), pp. 26-43, by permission of the author and the editor,
Emeritus Professor A. P. Elkin.
roy sieber: The Aesthetic
of Traditional African Art. Reprinted from Seven

Metals of Africa by Froelich Rainey by permission of the author.
Margaret mead: Work, Leisure, and Creativity. Reprinted from Daedalus
(Winter, i960: The Visual Arts Today), pp. 13-23, by permission of

Daedalus, Journal of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences, Boston, Massachusetts.
herschel b. chipp Formal and Symbolic Factors in the Art Styles of Primitive Cultures. Reprinted from The Journal of Aesthetics and Art Criticism, Vol. XIX, No. 2 (Winter, i960), pp. 150-66, by permission of the
:
author and editor.

l. fischer: Art Styles as Cultural Cognitive Maps. Reprinted from
American Anthropologist, Vol. 63, No. 1 (February, 1961), pp. 79-93, by
permission of the author and the American Anthropological Association.
george devereux: Art and Mythology: A General Theory. Reprinted from
Studying Personality Cross-Culturally, ed. Bert Kaplan, copyright 1961
by Harper & Row, Publishers, Incorporated, by permission of the pub-
john
lishers.
claude levi-strauss: Excerpt from the chapter "The Science of the Concrete" in The Savage Mind. Reprinted from The Savage Mind, copyright
1966 by George Weidenfeld & Nicolson Ltd., by permission of The
University of Chicago Press, Chicago, and George Weidenfeld & Nicolson
Ltd.,
London.
vytautas kavolis The Value-Orientations Theory of Artistic Style. Reprinted

from Anthropological Quarterly, Vol. 38, No. 1 (January, 1965), pp. 1-19,
irvin l. child and leon siroto BaKwele and American Aesthetic Evaluations Compared. Reprinted from Ethnology, Vol. 4, No. 4 (October,
1965), PP- 349-6o, by permission of the authors and editor.
anthony forge: Art and Environment in the Sepik. Reprinted from Proceedings of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland,
1965, PP- 23-31, by permission of the author and editor.
daniel j. crowley: An African Aesthetic. Reprinted from The Journal of Aesthetics and Art Criticism, Vol. XXIV, No. 4 (Summer, 1966), pp. 519-24,
michael c. robbins: Material Culture and Cognition. Reprinted from American Anthropologist, Vol. 68, No. 3 (June, 1966), pp. 745-48, by permission
of the author and the American Anthropological Association.
nancy d. munn: Visual Categories: An Approach to the Study of Representational Systems. Reprinted from American Anthropologist, Vol. 68, No. 4
:
vi
Copyrights and Acknowledgments
(August, 1966), pp. 936-50, by permission of the author and the American Anthropological Association.
james w. Fernandez: Principles of Opposition and Vitality in Fang Aesthetics. Reprinted from The Journal of Aesthetics and Art Criticism,
Vol. XXV, No. 1 (Fall, 1966), pp. 53-64, by permission of the author and
editor.
robert farris Thompson: Aesthetics in Traditional Africa. Reprinted from

Art News, Vol. 66, No. 9 (January, 1968), pp. 44-45, 63-66, by permission of the editor.
William
h.
davenport: Sculpture of the Eastern Solomons. Reprinted from
Expedition, Vol. 10, No. 2 (Winter, 1968), pp. 4-25, by permission of the
author and editor.
Acknowledgments
In addition to the authors

articles to be
who have
published in this book,
so willingly permitted their

I
am
indebted to
many
kind
and generous people who have encouraged and helped me during

its compilation. I am grateful to all of them. I would particularly
like to express my appreciation to Allan Chapman and his staff
and Elizabeth Little of The Museum of Primitive Art in New York
for their invaluable assistance, and to Margaret Currier of The Peabody Museum and Harvard University.
Contents
xv
Introduction
WARNER MUENSTERBERGER
Some Elements
of Artistic Creativity
Among Primitive
ANTHONY
F. C.
Peoples
WALLACE
A Possible Technique for Recognizing Psychological Characteristics of the
DAVID
Ancient
Maya from an
Analysis of Their Art
STOUT
B.
Aesthetics in "Primitive Societies"
PAUL
S.
30
WINGERT
Anatomical Interpretations in African Masks
EDMUND
R.
35
LEACH
A Trobriand Medusa?
45
HAROLD K. SCHNEIDER
The Interpretation of Pakot Visual Art
55
HERBERT BARRY, III

Relationships Between Child Training and
the Pictorial Arts
64
GEORGE MILLS
Art
An Introduction
to Qualitative
Anthropology
RONALD M. BERNDT
Some Methodological Considerations
Australian Aboriginal Art
ROY SIEBER
The Aesthetics
in the Study of
99
of Traditional African Art
MARGARET MEAD
Work, Leisure, and Creativity
132
127
73
Contents
HERSCHEL B. CHIPP
Formal and Symbolic Factors
of Primitive Cultures
JOHN
L.
in the Art Styles
146
FISCHER
Maps
Art Styles as Cultural Cognitive
171
GEORGE DEVEREUX
Art and Mythology A General Theory
193
CLAUDE LEVI-STRAUSS
The Science of the Concrete
225
VYTAUTAS KAVOLIS
The Value-Orientations Theory
of Artistic Style
250
IRVIN L. CHILD and LEON SIROTO

BaKwele and American Aesthetic Evaluations Compared
271
ANTHONY FORGE
Art and Environment in the Sepik
DANIEL
An
J.
CROWLEY
African Aesthetic
MICHAEL
C.
315
ROBBINS
Material Culture and Cognition
NANCY
D.
290
328
MUNN
Visual Categories
An Approach
of Representational Systems
to the
Study
335
JAMES W. FERNANDEZ
Principles of Opposition
and
Vitality in
Fang Aesthetics
ROBERT F ARRIS THOMPSON

Aesthetics in Traditional Africa
WILLIAM
H.
374
DAVENPORT
Sculpture of the Eastern Solomons

Selected Bibliography
425
382
356
Illustrations
Korwar figure from Western
New Guinea
Hieroglyphic text of a divinatory almanac
Eskimo dance mask
33
Nine African masks
37, 39, 40, 42
Shield from the Trobriand Islands
17
47
Interpretation of designs on the Trobriand shield
Navaho mask
of Yebitsai
75
Bark painting of a Barramundi
Top
of a staff
114
fish
from the Fon of Dahomey
Dance mask from the Dogon
130
Dance mask from the Marka
130
Mundugumor
Flute figure from
Lime spatula from
New Guinea
Paddle from the Marquesas Islands
Maori ancestor figure
Maori canoe prow

Maori door
lintel
Maori knife
129
134
1
56
1
56
58
58
59
59
Maori portrait image
1
59
Blackfoot tepee with painted designs
Nootka painting of mythological animals
Crow
49
66
Ashanti soul-bearer's disk
buffalo-hide shield
Zuni pottery water jar
163
1
66
166
176
Front piece of a chief's headdress, probably Tsimshian

Francois Clouet
Portrait of Elizabeth of Austria
Club used for killing

Detail of club
fish
245
245
242
195

Illustrations
xii
Statue of Chalchiuhtlicue
255
BaKwele mask from upper Sangha area

Ceremonial house
Kwimbu
at
Yentschanmangua
amei, Wingei village
Marjgdndu as tambaran
of the
Congo
275
301
village
301
301
Completion of the house structure, Kwimbu/ Wingei
301
A long yam ceremonially displayed

302
A new rjgwalndu at Djiginambu village
302
Top of the facade of the ceremonial house
Yanuko village
302
Hornbill carvings on ceremonial house at
Waigagum
Kundagwa amei,
319
Chihongo and Katoyo masks

giant
319
Luena (Lovale) mask being worn with costume
Sioux saddle bag decorated with beadwork
Elementary visual categories
figure
Female
figure
Walbiri
364
365
Egun Tokele Bomu, "The Big Nose"

sl
342
364
Male and female figures
Alakoro,
331
340-341
Composite visual categories
Male
Bugiaura amet,
302
village
A Chizluke resin mask

A
at
brass face
mask
The Image of the Thundergod

Crowned Lord of the Yoruba
380
380
as
380
Figure supporting a bowl and a portrait figure
Fourteen ritual communion bowls,

Eastern Solomon Islands
Figure of a deity
388-392
393
Figure of a legendary hero
Commemorative house
post
393
394
387
320
xiii
Illustrations
Three canoe house posts
394~395
Three commemorative house posts, two canoe house posts,

and an offering post
396-398
Two caskets for the bones of honored dead

399
Two serving vessels for commemorative feasts
399
Personal ornaments of tridacna shell;
nose pendant of pearl shell
A trough
mortar
Food bowl
409
410
410
Household mortar
410
Two offering posts

411
A canoe house at Natagera Village
412
A sacred bonito canoe about to be launched
Six stem pieces from bonito canoes
Two men's dance
413
414-415
batons; a shield; a canoe paddle;
two women's dance paddles
Nine carved fishing
floats for
4 1 6-4 1
catching flying fish
Low-relief panel with polychrome shell inlay
418-419
420
Introduction
In 1935 the first important exhibit of African art in the United

States was held at the Museum of Modern Art in New York. In
1946 An Outline Guide to the Art of the South Pacific by Paul S.
Wingert was published, and in 1957 the Museum of Primitive Art
was established by Nelson A. Rockefeller. Although primitive art

had been a subject of study for some time, these landmarks reflect
an increasing interest. In the years since, there has been an accelerated development of theory pertaining to primitive art. The
chronological arrangement of the theoretical ideas collected in this
anthology shows to some degree what this development has been.
The focus of this book is on aesthetic ideas and the creative
process in primitive societies. Although
related to primitive art are beautiful
some injustice by
and explanations of
many
of the publications
and a pleasure
to look at, they
often do
oversimplification. Identifications of
objects
their ritual use
make
and meaning do not
clear the importance of art in a tribal society. This anthology
includes representative and meaningful writings that are con-
cerned with these problems.

Until quite recently
had no aesthetic
of religious and magical
societies
was believed
that the peoples of tribal
ideas, that art
was only a manifestation
it
have shown, howassumptions is true; rather, there is such

variation in aesthetic views among preliterate peoples that very
few general statements can be made. Some peoples have aesthetic
ideas close or parallel to Western aesthetics; others cannot or do
not express any opinions, or, at least, any that a field worker is
able to interpret; and still others have a completely different but
well articulated set of standards. Roy Sieber's discussion of African
ever, that neither of these
beliefs. Field studies
xvi
Introduction
aesthetics defines the problem clearly. Although
many
different
points of view are expressed in this book, they can be grouped into
broad categories. Psychological, cognitive, and methodological

approaches are represented, as well as those concerned with the
five
and the total process of art in a given society.

Methodological studies like D. B. Stout's provide a useful
introduction to primitive aesthetics and summarize many of the
creativity of the artist
problems related to
its
study. Although the differences
between
anthropologists and non-anthropologists working in the field are no
longer so great, and a start has been
made on
the research he
advocates, his other observations remain valid.
Ronald M. Berndt and George Mills also offer general ideas

and observations that are helpful introductions. Berndt's discussion of the various theories bearing on his own work is especially
informative. His analysis of the art and social organization of three
Australian societies illustrates clearly the difficulties both of relat-
ing art style to culture context and the need for knowledge of the
specific situation. Mills attempts a general theory of the art proc-
drawing on aesthetic theory. His contrast of the qualitative

and cognitive modes of experience may be profitably examined in
relation to the articles by Claude Levi-Strauss and George Devereux for other points of view and could also be compared to
ess,
Herschel B. Chipp's paper.

Nearly ten years later, Vytautas Kavolis tried developing a
theory of the linkage of values and art styles, using among his
sources, the writings included here by Mills, Chipp,
Herbert Barry, and Anthony Wallace.
He
J.
L. Fischer,
believes that
if
value
and art styles are linked subconsciously, and if this

psychological congruence does exist (he documents the possibility
orientations
with
many
examples), then
it
is
which hold
a useful tool for investigating
systems together."
Although his conclusions are admittedly speculative, he provides a
"intracultural linkages
total cultural
welcome synthesis of a great deal of information related to specific

social data from many different cultures, both historical and preliterate.
Psychological studies are closely allied to this group of writings in a
number
of ways. Devereux's definition of art in society
from a psychological point of view, or as he
says, in terms of
Introduction
xvii
communications theory, can be used as a guide to an understanding of art related to culture and personality. To mention only two
ideas from his broad discussion he gives reasons for the distortion
:
of the
human
figure, a visual characteristic of primitive art that is
difficult for the
novice to understand, or rather, too easy for
him
to
misinterpret. Cross-cultural conceptual artistic communication is

also complex, because it, too, is easy to misunderstand. Aesthetic
according to Devereux, is what makes an art object

acceptable or fitting in one society and not in another.
plausibility,
When
much
Wallace made his study of the Maya
it
promise. However, subsequent research has
reliability of this
Since a
way
seemed to offer
shown the un-
kind of cross-cultural psychological comparison.
of relating art style to personality has not been dis-
covered, the search continues. Such a linkage, as Dr. Wallace says,
"should be of considerable value in providing archaeologists and

historians with insights into personalities of long-dead populations."
Warner Muensterberger's psychoanalytic analysis of primitive

some original observations about the societal limitations
art offers
of the artist, the effect of fear
on
creativity,
and a hypothesis about
the origin of sculpture.
More recent psychological
studies have been related to cognipaper relating severity of socialization

and complexity of design has been both a stimulus and a source
for others, including Michael Robbins and Fischer. It would be
useful to know what works of art were used as a basis for his test.
In most societies certain forms and patterns of art are sex-linked.
That is, the women in most tribal societies traditionally create
pottery, basketry, and sometimes textiles. Repetitive design is
tive research. Barry's brief
characteristic of
women's
art.
Women
are often prohibited
from
creating representational or figurative designs. Therefore a theoretical distortion
on women's
may
exist if Barry's conclusions are
based partly
and partly on men's. It is quite possible Dr. Barry

allowed for this in his test, and the results would not be changed.
Fischer extends Barry's ideas to examine the connections
between social structure and art style, specifically social stratification and form of marriage. His observations on historical diffusion,
social conditions as determinants of creativity, and the adoption by
societies of some stylistic features and the exclusion of others on
art
Introduction
xviii
the basis of congeniality, offer stimulating avenues for further

research.
Turning an apparently negative result into a positive theory

the brief report by Robbins more interesting than if his
original hypothesis had proved correct. His use of Berlyne's cognitive theories adds another dimension to the research stemming
from Barry's.
makes
Cognitive studies, the analysis of the aesthetics of primitive

peoples,
and the
art process in specific societies are topics of con-
tinuing investigative interest. Directly or indirectly, Levi-Strauss
has been a major influence on symbol theory and cognitive research. Although the excerpt included from La Pensee Sauvage
includes some specific observations on art and the creative process
in primitive societies,
it
represents only a fraction of Levi-Strauss's
theory that has influenced research on
Nancy Munn uses
art.
Levi-Strauss to support her analysis of the
interaction of art symbols and totemic systems. She believes that

her structural analysis could be used in cross-cultural comparisons. Her well-defined presentation provides a model for similar
studies.
Anthony Forge's comparative analysis relates the art of the

Iatmul and the Abelam to the social structure. Two points: i) that
the differences between the two styles are not so much caused by
different concepts, but by different environments resulting in
divergent economies; and 2) that "disparate objects may serve
."
very similar symbolic functions
could be of particular consequence to archaeological research as well as to theories of
primitive art. Archaeological reconstruction of entire societies of.
ten uses style as the basis for assuming similarity or difference in

culture.
The writings
of Wingert
and Edmund Leach
relate to the
present interest in symbol theory and aesthetics. Leach's article
stimulated a lively correspondence in
Man
that resulted in the
number
of arguments for
and against his hypothesis. Whatever one's conclusions, the controversy is an excellent example of the difficulties in interpreting
symbols with a limited knowledge of the culture, as Berndt men-
presentation of additional material and a
tions in his article.
Introduction
xix
Wingert describes the formal characteristics of African

masks, showing how the visual influences in the maskmaker' s
environment affect the patterns and structural qualities of his art.
This emphasis on sensitivity of artists to their visual surroundings
makes an important and useful point.
Chipp compares the art of the Maori and of the Plains Indians
in a stylistic analysis relating art and its meaning. Like Wingert,
Chipp understands the need to include the creative process in an
interpretation of a society's art.
One
of the first attempts to examine the aesthetic ideas of a

from within that society is Harold Schneider's sympathetic
description of the Pakot and their ideas of beauty. The essay offers
points that could be tested in other societies. It would be interesting to know something about the personalities of his informants;
for example, are only a few of the Pakot able to express the evaluations cited by Schneider, or are all of them equally articulate?
Another important essay is Irvin Child's and Leon Siroto's
cross-cultural study of aesthetics using photographs of BaKwele
masks. The surprising concurrence in aesthetic judgment between
Yale students and BaKwele carvers tends to reinforce ideas of
universal aesthetic standards and recommends their method for
culture
use in future research.
James W. Fernandez leads up
to his
question "To what extent
does social structure reflect aesthetic principles?" with an interesting, precise analysis of the occurrence of the concept of duality
and opposition in art objects and village pattern, and in religious

and social structure. Although this article is based on a field
study, a student might well try a similar approach using ethnologi-
beliefs
cal source material.
Robert F. Thompson, in his study of Yoruba aesthetics, has

been able to focus on the art object and the evaluation of it by its
creators or viewers, without permitting it to become separated
from
its
criteria
cultural context. His explanations of
and
Yoruba aesthetic
conveys as clear a
society as we could hope to
their application to specific objects
picture of the significance of art to
its
find.
Daniel
process
J.
Crowley and William H. Davenport describe the
among
the
Chokwe and Solomon
art
Islanders respectively.
xx
Introduction
They
give special attention to the artist, his role in his society, the
creative process,
and the evaluative
criteria.
Crowley points out the
variations of art within the society according to

significance,
ties of
and
and
the artists
its
use, kind,
Davenport discusses the disparate abilistudied and the relative importance of aesthetics
creator.
religious belief.
Hopefully, this anthology of twenty-four articles and their
accompanying
illustrations will stimulate further research, par-
where first-hand opportunities

must inevitably decrease.
ticularly in the field,
tion
for investiga-
Carol F. Jopling
ART nnD AESTHETICS

Some Elements of Artistic Creativity

Among Primitive Peoples*
WARNER MUENSTERBERGER
This article
is
an analysis of the psychological factors
in
primitive society
and ceremony, to the origins of sculpture, and the restrictions of artistic expression. The observation is made that fear, particularly
of the dead, may be a major source of the primitive's creativity activity.
Dr. Warner Muensterberger is an Associate Professor in the Department
of Psychiatry of the State University of New York, Downstate Medical Center.
related to art
His research fields include psychosociological research
in
personality, social
and culture; and motivation and human interaction. He is the

author of "The Creative Process; Its Relation to Object Loss and Fetishism,"
Psychoanalytic Study of Society (1960-1967) and coeditor of Psychoanalysis
and Culture (1965).
structure,
For years, even after the "discovery" of primitive
was
called
an
idol, or, in sophisticated circles,
art,
every figure
with just a
little
Every mask was described as a dancing

mask. In the course of time, anthropologists have been able to
establish some sort of order and precedence for sculpture, while
painting and poetry remain, on the whole, unclassified.
On the basis of more recent research, we have come to the
conclusion that primitive creativity is not exclusively stimulated by
religious ideas, although it cannot be denied that the religious
element has had a strong influence on all artistic creation. Nevertheless, it is apparent that it was often simply a delight in ornamentation, such as we also feel, which led to the decoration of
articles of daily use, to drawings, and to molded and carved objects.
A number of groups of natives with definite artistic talent, such as
many New Guinea tribes and islanders of Indonesia and Oceania,
justification, a fetish.
Mann,
Reprinted from Beitrdge zur Gesellungs und Volkerwissenschaft, Berlin,

1950, pp. 313-17-
Art and Aesthetics
in
Primitive Societies
America and
in Northwest
in
West
Africa, do not limit themselves
to the creation of objects, dedicated solely to "religious" purposes.
But what we find is that the creative expression of a tribe does

assume a kind of institutional character, perhaps because of the
deep connection between art and ceremony.
We find everywhere traces of ceremonial institutions which
importance than in Westto us are often seem-
are, for psychological reasons, of greater
ern society.
We
casual,
ingly
must understand
spontaneous
that
what
expressions,
imbued with a thoroughly ceremonial
are
to
attitude.
primitive
It
man
evident in
is
almost every area, in customs of welcome, in the relationship of
and sexes, in eating manners, games, and trade.

would certainly have more understanding for many peculiariof primitive art if we had a deeper insight into the ceremonial
the generations
We
ties
laws of the respective ethnic units.
There
are, for instance, the
the Maori of
New
famous scar ornamentations
of
Zealand, of the Bena Lulua and the BaTeke in
who
the Belgian Congo, of the Baoule on the Ivory Coast,
repeat
marks in their sculpture. The scarifications have a ceremonial meaning and are not, as some might presume, just playful
embellishments. They are significant for the Maori, in that they are
a mark and proof of personal achievement and rank, and as such,
an individual distinction. These marks, we find repeated in the
those
sculptural representations.
ures and
masks represent
We
also
know
that
many
African
fig-
and acquaintances
who are still living, as well as dead ancestors. However, more
intensive research is needed to furnish us with a clearer picture of
the thought processes and interindividual relationships of these
individuals, friends,
peoples.
Speaking about elements of

tive peoples,
and
we
observe
first
artistic creativity
among
primi-
the inclination to personify things
generally
and demonic or mythological creatures

assume the appearance of humans or animals and only
rarely do
we
ideas. Ghosts, gods,
find really hybrid figures.
Man
reflects his
own
ideas,
and desires in his thinking about the world, and artistic

expression forms a medium for the solution of unconscious conconflicts,
flicts.
In his book Primitive Kunst
und Psychoanalyse Eckart von
Some Elements
Sydow made an attempt
Among
Primitive Peoples
to explain the sculptural art of primitive
people through the pole worship, where the pole

phallus. Frobenius
germ
had
is
a symbol of the
also developed a similar theory.
find a
of truth in their idea, but to base the explanation of the
on a few facts which have been observed in

and ancestor cults is not quite sufficient.
It seems to me, that the foundation of primitive sculpture can
be seen in the skull cult and worship and fear of the dead, which is
almost universal, and that can still be observed among many
primitive peoples. To give only a few examples from various
tribes: the Pahouin (Pangwe) in West Africa, the natives of New
Britain, the Solomon Islands, New Zealand, and some of the areas
of New Guinea, observe the custom of preserving the skulls of the
dead. The painted skulls of the Sepik region of New Guinea have
become rather well known. Approximately one year after the
funeral, the skulls are exhumed and are freed of all remnants of
flesh. The lower jaw is then fastened to the upper one and the face
is modeled to the point above the forehead with a mixture of clay
and resin in an extraordinarily realistic manner. Then it is
painted, generally with the same pattern with which the deceased
painted himself on festive occasions. The eye sockets are laid out
with Cypraea shells, so that the diagonal opening gives the impression of an eyelid with lashes. Finally, the skull is decorated with
human hair and sometimes with feathers. A rather similar method
is used in the Solomon Islands. Here, the skull is artistically decorated with mother-of-pearl inlay. On the New Hebrides we find an
intermediate form of the free standing figure. A skull is covered
with a layer of clay, in a fairly rough way. It is placed on a wooden
stick which is dressed up with tree bark, clay, resin, and other
origin of sculpture
fertility rites
it the appearance of a human body. This figure is

ornamented and painted in a specific manner to indicate the identity, rank, and position of the deceased. These representations are
placed in front of or inside the men's houses, and there are
materials to give
worshiped.
Another transitional form of sculpture can be found in the

West (Dutch) New Guinea. Here skull shrines
are built which are called korwar (or korowar). They are con-
coastal region of
tainers, carved in imitation of a
human
figure.
The head
of this
Korwar
figure. Biak,
Geelvink Bay, Western
New
Guinea. Type of funeral
sculpture permitting consultation with an ancestor. Rijksmuseum voor
Volkenkunde, Leiden.
Some Elements
Among
which generally does not possess a
figure,
Primitive Peoples
skull top or face, is
used
as receptacle for the ancestral skull. In this way, the valuable relic
is preserved. The head of the sculpture is life-sized, while other
parts of the body are greatly reduced, so that a comparatively large
head
on the tiny body, which
is generally represented in a
do not know of the existence of skull
shrines of this type anywhere else. However, figures which possess
the characteristic peculiarities of the korwar do exist. They seem,
at first sight, to be carved somewhat roughly and have a disproportionally large head, a more or less square face with a horizontal
chin, and a prognathic jaw. They are in a squatting position which
is a reminiscent of the burial and the fetal position. 1
sits
We
squatting position.
In this transitional form of sculpture, primitive

parently dared to
make
ancestral skull and imitated a natural figure.

tor worship, give a
tion exists
new
man
ap-
a double experiment: he preserved the
The
skull
and ances-
basis to the hypothesis that a close connec-
between primitive sculpture and the faith in the power
of the dead. But this procedure reveals at the
ambivalence toward the dead
same time
the
since they use his skull, the ances-
hands of his descendants.

guard carefully against the generalization that
this is the function of all primitive sculpture. Other factors also
operate. Fertility and pregnancy figures, defense and deity statues,
amulets, representations of medicine men, are connected with the
religious-magical world or, psychoanalytically speaking, with projective means. A very pleasantly familiar custom is observed in the
island of Nias, Indonesia, which has become famous for its high
megalithic culture. If a daughter gets married and leaves the
parental home, a statuette of her is made and placed in the house.
Such custom is certainly not based on religious thoughts but reminds us rather of our custom, of hanging up photographs or
tor
is,
so to speak, in the
But we have
to
paintings of friends and relatives

like to
keep alive the
The
memory
whom we
of those
who
love or admire. People
are absent.
exhibitionistic tendency is another important factor in
the production of primitive art. Possession of figures, amulets,
masks
1
Stijl
is
Cf.
and
enjoyed and the native feels proud of his objects as part
W. Muensterberger, "Over
Primitieve Kunst en over den Korwar-
in Indonesie en Oceanie," Cultureel Indie, Vol. VII (1945),
p.
63
ff.
Art and Aesthetics
in
Primitive Societies
Much has been said about the annual exhibition of

malanggans of Northern New Ireland. These figures presumably represent dead persons. At the exhibition, it is the owner of
of his property.
the
objects that are particularly beautiful,
Not
all
and many
primitive people possess
tribes display
chological viewpoint,
ers
who
no graphic
it is
who
gains prestige.
masks
They
all.
From
a sociopsy-
curious, yet important, that cattle breed-
are organized on a patriarchal basis,
of sculpture.
or sculptured objects
talent at
know hardly anything
are generally forced to travel with their herds
through large regions in search for pasture land. This sort of life,
little permanence or restfulness, is hardly conducive to modeling patiently large figures with simple tools. Neither would it be
wise to add extra possessions to the burden that must be carried on
with
the excursions.
cannot be a coincidence that we find in those African
It
regions where sculpture and rich handicraft exist, a state or tribal
organization with a matriarchal structure, or one in which the
woman
has at least a strong position. Again, we observe an inner

connection between sculptural art, social structure, economic conditions,
and psychological conditions.
We
find in Africa, a definite
region from the West Coast to the central area, where a matrilinear
or, at times,
a bilateral society functions, but never the exclusively
patrilinear. Here, there are families
many
who have been artisans

own sons and
generations. Artists prefer to take their
for
the
sons of their sisters (but not their brothers' sons) as apprentices to

carry on the traditional technique and style. Apprentices receive
orders to copy certain pieces as precisely as possible. But sculpturis rare. The "artist" is generally also a farmer or
hunter and has to make his living from these occupations. For
example, in some parts of Oceania, persons who are adept at building houses, are also expected to be good sculptors. The customer
describes his order as exactly as possible, but he leaves the execu-
ing as a profession
tion of
it
to the "professional"
Africa, each family has its
man. Among certain
own
specialty
tribes in
West
potters, weavers, black-
woodworkers. Sculpturing is considered an absolutely

masculine profession, while pottery making is usually left to the
women. When clay is used for making figures, it is again the man
who assumes the artistic work, which fact is interesting from an
smiths,
Some Elements
Among
Primitive Peoples
anthropological and psychological point of view.

pipes, bowls, etc.
while the artist
Women
is at
He forms
figures,
are sometimes avoided or even rejected,
work. The Ashanti
women
risked capital pun-
ishment, in former times, if they tried to approach the sculptor

while he was working. Elsewhere, masks and figures were created
in seclusion, again strictly isolated
The explanation
from
all
contact with
women.
what, to the Westerner, seem to be curious

rules, differs, but they generally deal with religious and social laws,
which certainly can only be considered as rationalizations for a
deep conflict with regard to the woman 2 as well as to the artistic
of,
activity.
Another important aspect of primitive
art
the
is
similarity in style within a certain area. Since anxiety
one of the important elements of

tives,
we
believe that
it
artistic creativity
striking
seems
among
to
be
primi-
limits the artist in his opportunities for
Not technical, but rather psychological and social

conditions, interfere with his individual work. And we have reason
to believe that the social pressures and demands influence even his
self-expression.
artistic
imagination. 3 The primitive
own impression and
ing to his
artist,
creating entirely accord-
intention, is strongly restrained.
Apart from the social restraints, does the primitive artist entertain
many new ideas and thoughts? Is it possible for him to create an
entirely new style? Can he find other themes than those which
have been known for generations?
answer these questions, because our knowlpersonality and individuality is extremely

limited. By the time modern research started, the artists were no
longer uninfluenced by Western culture.
Since we are not able to discover the origin and development
of primitive art through the artists themselves, we have to depend
upon our knowledge of the reactions and emotions of the human
It is
difficult to
edge about the
artists'
being to find the universal motifs for the
The unconscious aggressions
artistic drive.
against,
and the fear
dead, which have already been mentioned,
conservatism in the entire philosophy of

2
Among
Ma-Ngbetu we find women-sculptors

van Kongo (Antwerpen, 1946), p. 125.
the
brechts, Plastiek
life.
Olbrechts, op.
cit.,
pp. 97
ff.
of,
the
demand a certain
People who worship,
as well. Cf
Frans Ol-
Art and Aesthetics
10
in
Primitive Societies
venerate, or fear the dead

to live
according
to their beliefs.
which
is
basically the
same thing
try
wishes of the deceased and to remain true

also apparent in the life and rituals of many
to the
This
is
The reticence and fear of the primitive may be

considered a major source of his creative activity. He is making a
compromise with the dead toward whom he has ambivalent feelcivilized peoples.
we consider a prelude to
what, on a sublimated level, can be called "art." The mask or the
figure, which is used or worshiped, is a paternal representation,
ings. It is this bipolarity of feelings that
which
is
in the possession of the living generation;
which can be
used in a dance so that the dancer is identified with the dead, or,
so that the son is identified with the father. Or the figure can be
used like the nail fetish of the lower Congo region so that the
dead (or demon) can be tortured. As such the "artistic" object
gives the maker as well as the worshiper a socially accepted
chance to solve his inner conflicts of love and hate; it enables him
to
ward
off hostility
We
and anxiety.
are approaching an understanding of primitive creativity
through psychoanalytic insight, and our knowledge of the natives'

beliefs and customs, mythology and traditions. The artistic creation is largely an expression of the conglomerate of forces in which
the particular character of a population projects itself. Chesterton's
definition of art as "the signature of
man"
puts
it
succinctly.
The
strangely fascinating heathen images of Rurutu or Bougainville or

the Ba-Songe are perhaps typical and expressive works of art of the
respective peoples in just the same way, as the Greek spirit, or
even the Greek ideal of beauty speaks to us through the Venus of
Milo or the Pollux of Pythagoras.
Possible Technique for Recognizing
Psychological Characteristics of the Ancient Maya

from an Analysis of Their Art*
ANTHONY F.
C.
WALLACE
Using psychological projective techniques, the Rorschach technique, the

Thematic Apperception Test, etc., Dr. Wallace analyzes here the personality
of the Maya by an examination of some of their codices. His analysis was
later compared to descriptions of the Maya found in Landa and others. The
agreement of the psychological and historical data was convincing and
".
this implies that the deductive criteria used in the art analysis have,
in this case at least, cross-cultural applicability."
Dr. Wallace is Chairman of the Department of Anthropology at the University of Pennsylvania and is also Research Associate of the East Pennsylvania Psychiatric Institute. He has served in an advisory capacity on the
board of many institutes, among them the Social Science Research Council
and the National Research Council. His specialities include culture and personality, North East American Indians, and religion. Three important publications are Culture and Personality (1961); Religion: An Anthropological View
(1966); and Death and Rebirth of the Seneca (1970).
.
INTRODUCTION
This paper has a twofold objective. First of
possible
method
for handling the
art
all, it
suggests a
products of a society as
psychological data in order to
make statements about
ity structure characteristic of
individuals in that society. Secondly,
it
the personal-
presents, as a test case, certain statements about the personality
Maya, derived from an analysis of the three

These statements are then compared with remarks by
Bishop Landa, and also with recent Rorschach findings, in order to
check on the validity of the "art-analysis" diagnosis.
of the precontact
codices.
from The American Imago, Vol. 7 (November, 1950),

was read in abbreviated form before the session on
"Personality and Culture" at the XXIX International Congress of Americanists, New York City, September 6, 1949.
*
Reprinted
pp. 239-58. This paper
Art and Aesthetics
12
in
Primitive Societies
HISTORY OF THE RESEARCH

I
became
interested in this problem directly as the result of
taking a course in 1948 under Dr. Linton Satterthwaite of the

University Museum, University of Pennsylvania, in "Indian Back-
grounds of Latin American History." Under the guidance of Dr.

I. Hallowell of the Department of Anthropology, University of
Pennsylvania, I had already been introduced to the general field of
personality and culture, and more specifically to the Rorschach
technique. During the summer of 1948 I had spent three weeks
studying Rorschach and other projective techniques with Dr.
Bruno Klopfer under the auspices of the Rorschach Institute, Inc.
When under Dr. Satterthwaite's tutelage I became aware of the
extent and nature of some of the art products of aboriginal Middle
America, it occurred to me that it might be possible to derive some
insight into the personality of these people by applying to their art
A.
the
same diagnostic criteria which a number of clinical psycholoAmerica and Europe are applying systematically to the
products of both normal and disturbed people in our own
gists in
art
society.
The initial statement of Maya personality which I drew up

was submitted as a term paper to Dr. Satterthwaite in January,
1949. This statement was essentially a "blind" diagnosis: i.e.,
when I made it, I had practically no knowledge of those Maya
source materials which were psychologically revealing. I had deliberately avoided reading Landa and the other colonial commentators; I had not read the recent studies of the folk cultures of
Yucatan, by Redfield and others; and I had not read the articles by
Billig, Gillin, and Davidson on Maya Rorschachs which were published in the Journal of Personality in 1947 and 1948. I have
retained
my
original statement, "blind" as
verbatim, since
if
the proposed
method
is to
it
is,
in this paper,
be of any use,
it
must
independently of any guiding information

from other sources. Otherwise, it would be only too easy to read
into the art whatever preconceptions the student had acquired
be possible to apply
it
elsewhere.
Dr. Satterthwaite read the original paper
and made several
13
Possible Technique for Recognizing Psychological Characteristics
will be taken up later. After he had seen

read Landa, Redfield, Stephens, and the Maya Rorschach paper, which was called to my attention by Dr. Hallowell in
useful
comments which
the paper,
March, 1949.
Thus, the present paper consists of the presentation of the
"blind" diagnosis, together with a discussion of its methodology
and rationale, and a comparison of this diagnosis with descriptions
of Maya personality from other, subsequently studied, sources.
RATIONALE
The
kinds of
basic assumption underlying this approach
human
behavior are determined,
among
the personality of the agent. All behavior
is
is
that
all
other factors, by
expressive of
is
the agent's personality; the technical problem is

to isolate behavioral categories which can be directly correlated
with psychological categories. Once it has been empirically established that all, or almost all, persons who behave in a given way in
a given situation are characterized by a given personality trait, the
procedure becomes deductive. By recognizing that an individual
belongs in a certain behavioral class, one also recognizes that he
"projection" 1 of
belongs in a certain psychological class.
This
is
essentially the logic of the "projective techniques"
which are now given such a prominent role in clinical psychology.

These techniques, which include the Rorschach ink blot test, the
Thematic Apperception Test, the Szondi Test, and various tests
based on an analysis of drawings or paintings, began as a series of
more or less intuitive propositions about the correlation between
certain personality traits and behavioral traits. Many of these
propositions have subsequently proved to be clinically valid; their
further validation by statistically organized observations has oc-
cupied
1
much
time and space on the part of psychologists. Clinical
"Projection," as the
word
is
used here and by workers with projective
techniques, does not have altogether the
same meaning
used by psychoanalysts. Projection in the psychological
as the
test
same word
sense
is
auto-
matic, inevitable, and involves the total personality; in the analytical sense,
as one of the mechanisms of defense, it refers only to selected areas of the
personality. I am not using the word in the analyst's sense.
Art and Aesthetics
14
experience inclines
in
Primitive Societies
many
of those
who have worked
with projec-
techniques to feel that diagnosis from projective data is at

least as promising a basis for designing therapy as any other
psychodiagnostic technique which has as yet been devised.
tive
The nature
in
any
test
of the behavior
which
varies, of course, with
is
regarded as "projective"
the technique. Usually, the
categories chosen for observation are "trivial" in a conventional

color preferences, quickness
sense:
preference for seeing animals or
and so
on.
One
of response to a stimulus,
human
beings during fantasy,
of the reasons for selecting areas of behavior
are "unimportant"
which
by so doing, the investigator avoids those

which are consciously standardized according to cultural prescriptions. It is not that the investigator is bored by cultural patterns,
but because people who display the same culturally standardized
behavior may have very different personalities.
There are several considerations that prevent our jumping
eagerly to apply to ancient Maya art the same criteria which have
proved to be useful in analyzing the art products of twentiethcentury Western Europeans and Americans. Are our systems of
is
that,
interpretation cross-culturally valid? Is
it
legitimate to infer the
personality characteristics of a whole society from the productions
few individuals? And to what extent are the chosen criteria

Maya, by their culturally standardized function?
The question of the cross-cultural validity of systems of interpretation found useful in Western society was an early preoccupation of anthropologically inclined Rorschach and TAT workers.
Dubois and Oberholzer's Alorese experiment, and the experience of
Rorschach students working with American Indian materials, have
indicated that, for Rorschach at least, cross-cultural interpretations,
even by persons unacquainted with the culture, are valid. The
Alorese data also included analyses of dreams and drawings.
These, too, yielded meaningful results when evaluated by standard
"Western" criteria. It would seem, therefore, worthwhile going
ahead on the operating assumption that "Western" criteria will
of a
affected, in
prove
to
be valid with
Maya
materials too.
The hypotheses derived
from the projective techniques can later be checked against independent evidence, such as descriptions of the Maya by early
European observers like Landa. And agreement among two or

15
more
projective techniques of interpretation
would tend
to increase
confidence in both.
The legitimacy
of inferring the psychological character of a
whole society from the artistic behavior of a few male representatives would be very dubious if the art in question were spontaneous, private, and secular. In the case of the Maya, however, art was
it was largely a function of
and magical activities of the priesthood. The major
Maya arts painting and drawing, sculpture, and architecture
were public activities even if they were planned and executed by
individuals. As such, they were highly stylized rather than idiosyncratic; and the styles were consistent enough, outside of minor
not spontaneous, private, and secular;

the ceremonial
variations, to be regarded as diagnostic traits of
Maya
culture.
fundamental similarities among the

three surviving codices, there are fundamental similarities in the
sculpture of the various cities, and in the architecture. If we
Thus, in any
style there are
confine our observations to these
common elements, we shall avoid

Maya artists with the ten-
confusing idiosyncrasies of particular

dencies of
Maya
art in general.
In a statistical sense, furthermore,
we
are justified in assum-
we are dealing with

were subjected to the primary institutions typical of the society,
and that hence their basic personalities were, again very probably,
representative of the society as a whole. This unprovable assumption is even more likely to be true in Maya than in Western society,
because Maya art was not considered to be so much the expression
of a free and unique soul struggling for self-expression as the
mechanical arrangement of conventional forms in functional (calendro-magical) relationships. Artists, in Maya society, would have
ing that very probably the particular artists
to
be conventional people.
But why were the "conventional forms" which are evident in

art just these particular conventional forms and no other?
We can partly answer this by saying that a conventional art style
must contain elements which are aesthetically (i.e., psychologi-
Maya
cally) congenial to the large majority of the people supporting art
production over continuing generations. The nature of what is

aesthetically congenial is determined by the basic personality
structure of the people.
An
art
form
is
congenial
if it
reproduces
Art and Aesthetics
16
same
the
if
sort of art
in
Primitive Societies
which the viewer himself would
try to
put into his hands. In other words, no matter what the

object
may
be, people like to look at art
recognize the projection of their

is
produce
a brush (or a chisel or whatever the instrument might be) were
implicit the
same world
of
own
utility of the
forms in which they can
which there
which they are ac-
personalities, in
meanings
to
customed.
If all this is true,
then an analysis of
Maya
art according to
the criteria used in projective techniques should reveal personality

characteristics, certainly of the artists themselves, almost certainly
and calendro-magical affairs,

and probably enough of the whole society.
Another type of pertinent objection to this sort of analysis,
which I have heard several times from Dr. Satterthwaite and
others, is that the Maya codices were essentially utilitarian documents astrological handbooks containing elaborate astronomical
and arithmetical calculations and hence cannot properly be regarded as equivalents of such documents as Rorschach protocols,
TAT stories, and random drawings. Certainly the student cannot
totally ignore the social function of the codices. But I think it is a
mistake to assert that the codices were intended either as astrological manuals or as expressive art. Obviously they are both. Those
aspects of the codices which are determined by their astrological
function
e.g., the particular sequences of numbers, the particular
day signs, the particular deities represented are probably irrelevant to the particular sort of analysis I wish to make. On the other
hand, those descriptive categories which I have chosen e.g., the
general avoidance of sharp in favor of rounded corners, the
of the class involved in ceremonial
arbitrary use of color in a non-naturalistic way, the preference for

profile over full-face representation of
human
beings
do
not ap-
pear to be determined by the necessities of preparing an astrologer's
handbook
I
or of
making arithmetical
confess to abysmal ignorance of
calculations.
Maya
calendrical arithme-
cosmogony, and ritual lore. I have nothing whatever to add

about the use to which these books were put; I am confining my
tic,
observations to those aspects of
Maya drawing,
in the codices,
which appear to be determined by factors other than the purposes

for which the books were consciously made.
Hieroglyphic text of a divinatory
almanac supplemented by an
illustration of Ixchel,
goddess and wife
moon
of the
sun
the patroness of childbirth,

sexual relations, disease, the
earth and its crops, water, and
the art of weaving. Plate 17
from the Codex Dresdensis

Maya.
18
Art and Aesthetics
in
Primitive Societies
SPECIFIC METHODOLOGY
In order to make inferences about
Maya
character,
it is
neces-
sample of their art in psychologically

relevant terms. There is, unfortunately, no standard list of descriptive categories to be used automatically in the projective analysis
of art products. Each worker in this field has a more or less individual system of description and interpretation because each
worker uses slightly different kinds of data. Schmidl-Waehner
handles spontaneously produced drawings and paintings; Machover asks the subject to "draw a person"; and so on. In the face of
this welter of methodologies, it seems advisable to take an eclectic
approach: to select any descriptive categories (with their interpretive meanings) that are applicable to the sample chosen for
sary
first
to describe the
analysis.
The choice
of the sample thus
may
be
made more
arbitrarily before the descriptive categories are selected.

initially available a
or less
There
is
wide variety of materials: the three codices,
sculpture, architecture, wall paintings, ceramics, mosaics, textiles,
lapidary work, metalwork, featherwork. For practical reasons
have chosen the three codices as most suitable for primary study.
They are generally available to scholars; they are a sort of drawingand-painting which is similar to already studied art forms; and
they were probably made not many generations before the historic
period and hence inferences drawn from them can be checked
against approximately contemporary documentary accounts.
It would be tedious to list all the possible descriptive categories, with their meanings, to be gleaned from the literature. For
those unfamiliar with the general nature of the technique, however, the few following examples may be useful. In the interpretation of Rorschach responses, it has been found that persons who
use the color in the inkblots freely to form concepts, in general,
tend to be persons who enjoy emotional relationships with other
people: they are "extratensive." The precise way in which the color
is used indicates how the person normally behaves in these emotional relationships: crudely and impulsively, or smoothly, or
either, depending on the occasion. In the Bender Gestalt Test it is
considered that the drawing of pointed shapes is an indication of
19
aggression; blunted, rounded figures suggest an absence or inhibi-
Schmidl-Waehner found that a preference for

small form-elements was shown by persons who were constricted,
inhibited, an^i anxious. According to Machover, a preference for
drawing human heads in profile is correlated with general evasivetion of aggression.
life." The apparently arbimeanings of these categories are difficult to rationalize because the mechanisms involved are largely unconscious; but their
validity seems to be pretty well established by clinical experience.
My initial procedure in making the blind diagnosis was, having a general familiarity with the categories employed by Rorschach, Machover, Elkisch, and Schmidl-Waehner, to peruse the
codices (using both colored and photographic reproductions) and
to jot down certain features which seemed common to all or almost
all and which had been used by one or more of the authors as
interpretive criteria. I then matched these descriptive categories
ness in character, a "spectator's view of

trary
with the interpretive categories. This gave a disjointed
list
of
personality traits. These personality traits were then studied and
reorganized into a somewhat more structuralized personality portrait, the aim being to see the traits in a dynamic relationship to
one another rather than as a loose handful of labels. The sketch of
Maya
personality which follows
is
this "structuralized personality
portrait." 2
six months later, I returned to the paper, and, having
meantime read some of the early sources and also Redfield,
Gillin, and others of more recent date, I abstracted two more personality sketches of the Maya: one from Landa's data, and extremely fragmentary; and another from Gillin et al.'s Rorschach
About
in the
report.
MAYA PERSONALITY: A "BLIND" DIAGNOSIS^

The typical Maya male of the period of the three codices
appears to have been a somewhat introverted person who sought
2 In the appendix will be found the descriptive categories used, together
with the matched interpretive categories and the source.
3
The numbers
the statement.
refer to items in the appendix
which
give the source for
20
Art and Aesthetics
in
Primitive Societies
the clarification of his problems in ideation rather than in social

interaction (i, 3, 4, 5, 7, 18, 20); he had, however, little real
insight into the sources of his anxieties (2, 23); he was blandly
egocentric (1, 3, 6). This does not mean, however, that he was a
solitary boor; on the contrary, he was distinctly sociable, but in a
(8, 11),
way he was a type who would like being "alone in a

He made a sincere effort to appear outgoing and friendly
superficial
crowd."
and he was able
to
support a mechanical and ritualized
social facade (6, 10, 11, 12), but
he
felt little
need for relating
himself to others emotionally (5, 20). Consequently, his social
and formal.
The Maya was an ambitious,
relations were polite
creative individual with consid-
erable initiative (1, 13, 14, 15, 16). In view of his introversiveness
and the slightness of superego (conscience) development (19),
these ambitions were essentially egocentric rather than attached to

the fortunes of church or state, city or tribe.
At heart the
Maya conceived
other people as hostile to himself
(17, 18). This anticipation of the hostility of others was probably

the outgrowth of unsatisfactory relationships with the mother (20,
The almost
emphasis on the breasts as the criterion

an oral level
(22). This undoubtedly had profound implications for economic,
social, and religious institutions.
In response to this stereotype of the social world as inherently
21).
fetishistic
of female sexuality suggests a fixation of libido at
Maya nourished his own aggressive impulses. He

toward people (23, 24). This aggression, however, he
normally suppressed rather rigidly, presenting to the world a
preoccupied, restrained, almost constricted social facade (9, 10,
17, 25, 26). If and when the social facade broke down, however,
there were no defenses in depth against the underlying aggressive
frustrating, the
felt hostile
tendencies; behavior, then,
was
become disorganized and

One thing which no
aggression was the lack of
likely to
irrationally destructive (2, 11, 19, 23, 24).
doubt helped
to bleed off
some
of this
inhibitions about the exercise of phallic aggression in sexual relations (27).
was
the
The egocentricity of historic Maya character (if, as is likely, it

and well established) may have had something to do with
brittleness of Maya society. The unexplained breakup of the
old
21
Old Empire, and the instability of the New Empire, may have been
grounded in the incapacity of the Maya themselves really to "get
together" in any but a formal, conventional way.
RORSCHACHS OF MODERN MAYA INDIANS

The following description of the personality structure of the
modern Maya Indian male based on a series of thirty-six Rorschachs
taken by William Davidson, a graduate student at Duke University,
VALIDATION: THE
who worked with
Gillin in
San Luis Jilotepeque, a township with a
population of some 7,500 persons (of whom about 5,000 are

"Indians") in eastern Guatemala. The sample is small, but it is the
total
only one available.

the
Duke School
The records were
interpreted by Otto Billig of
of Medicine. Davidson actually took sixty-seven
Rorschachs, but thirty-one of these were of "Ladinos,"
have a culture
much
who seem
to
than that of the considerably

acculturated "Indians" themselves. It is worth mentioning that
these "Indians" apparently do not consider themselves to be the
less "Indian"
descendants, racial or cultural, of the imperial Maya, and that they

are considered by the ethnologists as being "heavily acculturated"
Maya than many other Guatemalan Indians.

extended statement of Maya personality is too technical and too long to quote in full; therefore, I will present an
abbreviated digest, arranged in an order to facilitate comparison
with the art-analysis diagnosis
and much
less
Billig's
The
typical
Maya male
in
San Luis Jilotepeque
is
basically
neither introverted nor extroverted, but his social behavior probably would be considered introverted by United States white standards; he
own
is
"shy."
He has no
personality and hence
nated by his
own
drives,
real insight into the forces within his
is
apt to be blandly egocentric, domi-
which he
"Instead of living with each other, the
next to each other."

The San Luis Jilotepeque male
is
incapable of evaluating.
members
of this
community
will live
not ambitious and

he is not very responsive to
stimulation. He tends toward a dependence upon careful control of
his behavior in a formal sense rather than upon a mature balancing of values; he appears to be dominated by stereotypes of social
is definitely
creative. In his social relationships,
Art and Aesthetics
22
in
Primitive Societies
own
patterns rather than able to depend on his
organize his social relationships
ability to
anew with each
meet and
social contact.
solves his problems in terms of "all inclusive generalities
He
and
rationalizations." Often this implies a constricted kind of personal-
which is like a machine, impervious to emotional contact either

with himself or others. There is no turbulent release of tension in
uncontrolled aggression.
ity
There are a number of points on which, owing

ences in the data for analysis, comparison
tially,
the codices as ambitious
as almost the opposite.
when
aggression
controls broke
saw
Billig
interpreted the
creative; Billig
possibilities
the stereotypes were useless
down;
saw
of disorganized
and the rather secure
regards that as unlikely. In other re-
two approaches come
spects, the
The
and
to the differ-
impossible. Essen-
there are only two points of disagreement.
Maya male on
him
is
to
very similar conclusions.
significance of the disagreements
or both of our interpretations
may
is
problematical. Either
be in error; and, of course,
we
are dealing with two populations, separated by at least five hun-
dred years in time and by only partly denned differences in

culture. These differences certainly include, however, the considerable difference between the great ceremonial civilization of
and the simpler ceremonies of the local Cathoprobably also includes the difference between a
the imperial Maya,

lic
parish.
markedly
It
class-stratified society in the old
undifferentiated social system

of
Guatemalan
I
am
now
days and a relatively
(within the "Indian" segment
culture, that is).
inclined to feel that the politically dominant magicoreli-
was a good deal more

and ambitious than the bulk of the peasant population,
either then or now. This suggests that in this respect at least, the
codices give data primarily on the ruling class and its associates. It
does not seem likely that the impressive Maya ceremonial centers
could have been conceived and planned by persons who were
unambitious and uncreative to the degree apparent in the Rorschachs. But if the bulk of the population were, both then and
now, relatively unambitious and uncreative, in comparison to the
dominant class, then the remarkable brittleness of Maya political
and ceremonial culture might be owing in part at least to the fact
gious class in Old Empire times probably
creative
23
that any disturbance of equilibrium of the ruling families could
not be readily repaired by families rising from the ranks.

leading family lives were smashed in their function as
When
the
community
on the cake of custom was shattered. This

renew its more complex manifestations
Maya
readily after shock thus may be owing both to the atomistic social
attitudes of the general population and to the uncreativeness of the
leaders, the frosting
society to
inability of
peasant portions of it.

The disagreement over the potentialities for aggression I
really do not know how to evaluate. It may be that the difference
is only a semantic one, since Billig and myself may have slightly
different aggression-perception thresholds. I feel, however, that
Landa's data suggest that orgies of aggression were characteristic
of the
fices,
Maya on
or in
certain occasions, as for
drunken brawls, and that
example
at public sacri-
this tends to corroborate
statement; but this formalized kind of aggression
may
my
not be what
Billig is referring to.
VALIDATION: LANDA'S DESCRIPTION OF POST-CONQUEST
MAYA
always easy to impeach the testimony of missionaries on

the grounds of cultural bias. My own experience with missionary
accounts from the Eastern Woodlands culture area in North America, however, has been that while caution is necessary, missionaries are often more impartial than political or military observers. I
am deliberately giving Landa the benefit of the doubt in the following abstract.
It is
Landa saw the Maya
who
as a superficially equable, polite people
delighted in presenting an agreeable and plastic social facade.
Oaths and imprecations were carefully avoided. He remarked,

however, the significant fact that when they were drunk which
was a frequent occurrence they were violently aggressive, and
that young warriors were notably arrogant.
Interpersonal relations were not characterized by great stability of affect. Relations between men and women were notably
unstable; sexual infidelity and divorce were common.
Cultural patterns indicated a preoccupation with oral and
phallic rather than anal rituals. Ceremonial cannibalism, for in-
Art and Aesthetics
24
was
in
Primitive Societies
and the sexual organs of victims were

killed. In one case, a woman's breasts
were mutilated. All ceremonies involved fasting and abstinence.
Preferred zones for self-mutilation were ears, tongue, and penis.
Illness, death, and misfortune were considered to be owing to
sin; and, therefore, confession was resorted to in crises as a
therapeutic measure. This suggests that guilt feelings were important determinants of behavior and implies the existence of sustance,
practiced;
mutilated before they were
perego comparable, in kind
if
not in content, to the conscience
stressed by psychoanalysts in our
own
society.
While Landa's data are extremely fragmentary, they suggest a

basically similar pattern to the ones we have already found: the
stress on the stereotyped social facade, the shallowness of emotional relationships to other people, the preoccupation with oral
and
Unexpected here is the importance of confesand the sense of guilt (if it was a sense of guilt and not
simply expediency which motivated confession).
phallic rituals.
sion
CONCLUSION
So far as
my
sketch of
Maya
characteristics
not wish to give the impression that
think
concerned, I do
have solved the
is
I
problem. These statements are not intended to instruct experts in

specialty. I am not competent to state
problems of present research, or to say
how reasonable or unreasonable is the personality picture that I
have drawn. The fact that Maya themselves were chosen for the
test case is a historical accident; and I want to be the first one to
observe that my knowledge of the Middle American field is ex-
the
Maya
area in their
own
their specific relevance to
tremely limited.
In regard to the second objective of this paper, the presentation
and validation of a method
of using art products as material
have sketched the history, raand specific methodology, that I used in making a "blind"
diagnosis of late Second Empire Maya personality. I then presented this diagnosis and compared it with evidence from contemporary Rorschach protocols and from post-Conquest observations by Bishop Landa. Although there were several discrepancies
for psychological generalization,

tionale,
25
(which might theoretically be expected, since the data came from

and communities), there was observed a fundamental agreement in outline (which could also be
theoretically expected, since group personality characteristics being based on intimate patterns of family life are highly resistant to
change). Owing to the variability of the techniques employed,
many statements could not be checked at all. Nevertheless, I feel
that the method does appear to be valid; and this implies that the
deductive criteria used in the art analysis have, in this case at
at least three separate periods
least, cross-cultural applicability.
Nevertheless, one case of this kind cannot prove a point. All

that can really be said
is
gated and refined further.
be useful,
ologists
it
method deserves to be investiupon future research, it does prove to
that the
If,
should be of considerable value in providing archae-
and historians with insights into personalities of long-
dead populations.
Appendix
The following
which
table lists the categories
used
to describe the art of the
codices; the interpretive categories suggested by several psychologists;
With a more refined system of analysis, the list could be

tended. Naturally, it is not intended to compose a "description" of Maya
the sources.
Furthermore,
in the ordinary sense.
column
is
merely a
list
it
will be noted
of isolated traits of character.
The organization
into a personality portrait
1.
Tendency
art
fit
of this
of the ele-
Source
Interpretive
Descriptive
ex-
that the interpretive
depends upon a feeling for the

ments in a general theory of personality dynamics.
list
and
to avoid
sharp corners and to
Introversive, creative, re-
Schmidl-Waehner,
strained, preoccupied
1946.
emphasize rounded
with
self.
corners.
2.
Lack of perspective.
(a) Little insight.
Machover, 1949.
(b) Little introspective
Klopfer and Kelley,
activity.
Tendency
human
to
enlarge
heads.
High value on
1946.
intellec-
tual achievement; egocentric.
Machover, 1949.
26
Art and Aesthetics
in
Primitive Societies
Descriptive
4.
Tendency
man arms
keep hu-
to
Source
Interpretive
Mild introversion.
Machover, 1949.
close to
body.
5.
Lack of background.
Little
need for relating
Machover, 1949.
self to objects
6.
Relative nudity of hu-
man figures
together
Egocentric but with good

social facade.
Machover, 1949.
Elkisch, 1945.
with extreme ornamentation.

7.
8.
Generally com-
Introversive, obsessive,
pressed design.
compulsive.
Ready use
Ability to enter into so-
Klopfer and Kelley,
cial contacts.
1949-
of color (at
least fifteen colors
throughout the spectrum are used

throughout the
codices).
9.
Tendency
to outline
form-elements care-
a ) Repression of ag-
(b) Anxiety over aggres-
fully in black.
Machover, 1949.
gression.
Naumburg,
1947-
sion problems (use

of black ) depres,
sion.
10.
11.
Avoidance of blending
Careful control of emo-
Alschuler and Hat-
colors.
tional responsiveness.
twick, 1943.
Avoidance of natural-
Forced, artificial soci-
Klopfer and Kelley,
ability;
tendency to
"explode" emotionally.
1946.
Elaborate social facade.
Machover, 1949.
Ambition, initiative,
good adjustment (often
found with children).
Schmidl-Waehner,
Long human hands,

feet, and noses.
Ambition; phallic ag-
Machover, 1949-
Avoidance of rigid
Some
geometrical design.
spontaneity.
istic
12.
use of colors.
Emphasis on ornate
headgear.
13. Filling
page
to
mar-
gins.
14.
15.
1946.
gressiveness.
elasticity
and
Elkisch, 1945-
27
Source
Interpretive
Descriptive
1 6.
Complexity of design.
Creative.
Elkisch, 1945.
17.
Frequency of black
Aggression and depression problems.
Naumburg,
Fear of environment.
Klopfer and Kelley,
human
18.
figures.
Profusion of tiny form
1946.
figures.
19.
1947.
Tendency
to give
man figures
hu-
Slight superego develop-
Machover, 1949-
ment.
short
necks and thick

waists.
20.
Tendency
human
ai."
to
present
heads, and
Evasive; shy of getting
Machover, 1949-
emotionally involved;
often torsos, in profile.
"spectator" view of life;

problem with mother.
Tendency to give female figures relatively
Feeling of being rejected
Machover, 1949-
by mother.
short arms.
22.
Tendency
to
portray
female breasts as excessively prominent
Tendency to regress
an oral-dependent
to
Machover, 1949.
attitude.
and pendulant.
23.
Rareness of
human
figures in free
move-
ment.
Lack of creative imagi-
Klopfer and Kelley,
nation (mature fan-
1946.
tasy);
immature
self-
control.
24.
Tendency toward
fre-
quent combinations
of red
and
black.
26.
Naumburg,
1947.
working through in
fantasy.
25. Preference for relatively small
Aggressive impulses
form-
Constriction, inhibition,
Schmidl-Waehner,
anxiety, maladjustment;
1946.
elements.
but professionally
competent.
Avoidance of sharp
Repression of aggres-
Bender, 1938.
Schmidl-Waehner,
points.
1946.
Lack of repression of
27. Free portrayal of
genital zones
and
of
"phallic symbols."
genital urges.
Machover, 1949.
Art and Aesthetics
28
in
Primitive Societies
Bibliography
Alschuler, R. H., and Hattwick, L. A. "Easel Painting as an Index of Personality in Preschool Children,"
Vol. 13 (i943), PP- 616-25.
Bell, John E. Projective Techniques:
American Journal
of Orthopsychiatry,
A Dynamic Approach
to the
Study of
New
York: Longmans, Green and Co., 1948. On pp. 350398 there is a general review and bibliography of the various methods
of projective analysis using drawings and paintings.
Bender, L. "A Visual Motor Gestalt Test and Its Clinical Use," Research
Personality.
Monographs, American Orthopsychiatric Associations, No. 3 (1938).

and Davidson, W. "Aspects of Personality and Culture
in a Guatemalan Community: Ethnological and Rorschach Approaches,"
Billig, O., Gillin, J.,
Journal of Personality, Vol. 16 (1947), pp. 153-87, 326-68.

Bowditch, C. P. The Numeration, Calendar Systems and Astronomical Knowledge of the Mayas. Cambridge, 1910. In appendices Bowditch reproduces
the known variants of the calendrical glyphs; comparing his reproductions, it is notable that he has somewhat regularized and geometrized
the
Maya
originals.
Codex Dresdensis. Die Maya-Handschrift der Koniglichen Bibliothek zu Dresden; herausgegeben von Prof. Dr. E. Forstemann. Leipzig, 1880.
The Dresden Codex ... By William Gates. Baltimore, 1932- Gates
geometrizes the original figures; hence for the observation of form,
.
Forstemann's edition is superior, being photographic. Gates, however,

claims nearly to have reproduced the original colors.
Codex Peresianus ("Perez"). Codex Perez ... By William Gates. Point
Loma, 1909. This edition consists of photographs of photographs of the
codex made in 1864; and also Gates's usual geometrized tracings which
are chiefly valuable for our purposes in that they claim nearly to reproduce the original colors.
Codex Tro-Cortesianus ("Madrid Codex"). The Madrid Maya Codex ... By
William Gates. Photographic edition. Publications of the Maya Society,
No. 21 (1933)Codice Maya denominado Cortesiano
.
By de
la
Rada y Delgado.
Madrid, 1892. Done in color.

Codice Troano. Madrid, 1930. Colored facsimile.
.
The People
of Alor. Minneapolis, 1944.
Drawings in a Projective Technique," PsychologiMonographs, Vol. 58, No. 1 (1945).

Klopfer, B., and Kelley, D. M. The Rorschach Technique. Yonkers: World
Book Co., 1942.
Machover, Karen. Personality Projection in the Drawing of the Human
Figure, Springfield: Charles C. Thomas, 1949. This book contains Dr.
Machover's only published description of her method. When I wrote the
Elkisch, Paula. "Children's

cal
29
I knew of her work through an illustrated lecture given

by her in Philadelphia on November 18, 1948.
Morley, Sylvanus G. The Ancient Maya. Stanford University, 1947.
Murphy, Gardner. Personality: A Biosocial Approach to Origins and Structure.
blind diagnosis,
New
York, 1947.
Naumberg, M. "Studies of the Tree' Art Expression of Behavior Problem

Children and Adolescents as Means of Diagnosis and Therapy," Nervous
and Mental Disease Monographs, No. 71 (1947).
Proskouriakoff, Tatiana.
An Album
of
Maya
Architecture. Washington, 1946.
Trude. "Interpretation of Spontaneous Drawings and

Paintings," Genetic Psychology Monographs, Vol. 33, No. 1 (1946),
Schmidl-Waehner,
PP. 3-72-
Aesthetics
DAVID
B.
in
"Primitive Societies"*
STOUT
This paper defines the basic problems confronting the student of primitive
art and lists the differences in point of view between anthropologists and
non-anthropologists.
also proposes the
It
possibility of certain
formal ele-
them arousing universal aesthetic responses.

Dr. Stout was a professor in the Department of Anthropology at the State
University of New York at Buffalo where he taught primitive art and primitive
religion, and specialized in the areas of Latin America and China. He wrote
the chapter on the Choco in the Handbook of South American Indians (1948)
and several publications on the Cuna, including San Bias Cuna Acculturation:
ments or combinations
An
of
Introduction (1947).
Two
aims of ethnology are to establish the range of variabilforms possessed by the societies of the world and to
discern the regularities of process and the universals, if any,
among these forms. For many aspects of culture these aims have
been realized, or at least the methodological procedures to be followed are becoming clear, e.g., social organization. We now possess a wealth of descriptive and analytical materials on many
hundreds of distinct cultural systems with which hypotheses concerning culture have been and are being tested. But in all this
there is very little that makes it possible for us to speak with any
of the
ity in cultural
degree of conclusiveness or sureness about aesthetic beliefs or
standards
statement,
among
I
the so-called primitive societies. In
use the word "aesthetics" in
its
making
this
dictionary sense of
referring to the branch of philosophy dealing with the beautiful,

chiefly with respect to theories of the essential character of the
beautiful and the tests by

*
Reprinted from
which the beautiful may be judged. In
Men and
Cultures, Selected Papers of the Fifth Inter-
national Congress of Anthropological and Ethnological Sciences, Philadelphia,

September 1-9, 1956, Philadelphia, i960, pp. 189-91.
Aesthetics
31
short,
in
"Primitive Societies"
though the ethnographic literature contains
graphic and plastic art forms from
many
much
about the
primitive societies,
it
on what ideas the members of these

societies hold concerning beauty or aesthetic worth or the criteria
by which they judge these forms. Perhaps my complaint, and the
main thesis of this paper, can be made more lucid with an
analogy: if we inquire into the ethnographic literature on some
such issue as disease and its treatment, we can find not only a
wealth of data on the cultural forms employed in various societies
but also a great deal of reliable information as to what the
yields little direct information
members
of these societies believe to be the nature of disease,
on this subject is, and on what premises

concerning it is based. The same literature, if approached with the issue of art and aesthetics in mind, yields much
technical detail about the art forms, usually well illustrated, considerable interpretation of the symbolic aspect, and penetrating
functional analysis of art and the artist in his or her society, but
almost nothing about the aesthetic beliefs which these artists had
in mind while they worked or which they used as a basis of
judgment of their fellows' work.
what
their philosophy
their logic
This lack
is all
the
more surprising
in view of the fact that
anthropologists have long been prominent in the writing of books
and
articles
Adam,
about the arts of primitive peoples
the names Boas,
Sayce, Herskovits, Linton, Kroeber, Weltfish, Bunzel, and a
come immediately
to mind, and Inverarity lists some

by anthropologists for the years 1952-54 alone in
his brief survey article "Anthrolopogy in Primitive Art" which
appeared last year. In all of this writing, anthropologists have long
host of others
sixty-odd
since
titles
made
it
clear that the
work
of the adult artist in a primitive
society is not to be equated with that of children in our
that
it is
not representative of an arrested state in
possibilities, but, rather, that the
society,
primitive
or
otherwise,
developments, each of which
is
human
own, or
aesthetic
graphic and plastic arts of each

are
the
result
of
independent
historically valid in its
own
right.
Meanwhile, aestheticians, philosophers, art historians, and dilettantes have continued to proffer interpretations of primitive art,
most of them inaccurate and some of them ridiculously ethnocentric: universal symbolism is assumed; primitive art is facilely
32
Art
and Aesthetics
in
Primitive Societies
equated with folk art of Euro- American societies; or it is regarded

as a deviant or incomplete expression of human capacities. And
such writings are reinforced with all the weight of prestigeful
names ranging from Plato to Suzanne Langer. In short, though
ethnologists have already accomplished much in the understanding of primitive art, they still have before them an important
problem concerning aesthetics in primitive societies as well as the
task of
making
their findings available
beyond the anthropological
fraternity.
The quality of this problem may be indicated in the following

manner: we can discern that artists employ four major methods to
produce emotion and evoke aesthetic responses
(i) employ symbols that have established emotional associations; (2) depict emo-
tion-arousing events, persons, or supernatural entities; (3) enlist

the spectator's vicarious participation in the artist's solution of his
problems of design and technical execution; (4) employ particular

combinations of line, mass, color, etc., that seem capable of arousing emotions in themselves. Usually, these procedures are employed in some combination. The first two require knowledge of
the beliefs, value system, etc., if a cross-cultural understanding of
graphic and plastic art forms is to be achieved. The third requires
knowledge of the technology and its limitations, characteristics of
the materials used, and the like, for the spectator to participate
vicariously. Anthropologists, as a matter of course, deal with the
with full and conscious awareness of the

and most of their writing about primitive
arts of primitive societies

first
three points above,
art is cast in those terms. Non-anthropologists dealing
with primi-
(and they are legion), however, approach and evaluate

primitive art with some measure of ignorance concerning the first
three procedures but instead judge and select examples of primiand make
tive art on the basis of the fourth
the formal aspect
their evaluations according to what emotions are aroused or communicated by line, mass, color, and so forth. (Parenthetically, I
am sure that anthropologists do this too, not only with art forms
from their own society, but also in selecting examples from others,
perhaps some primitive society with which they are doing field
work, and are also making a personal or museum collection.)
tive art
Eskimo dance mask from the Kuskokwim River, Alaska. Wood, paint, feathers,
and string. The black mask around the eyes has been said to represent a seal.
The feathers and other appendages convey symbolic ideas supplementing the
total expression of the spirit represented. Dance masks were used in religious
and secular festivals. The dance often was intended to honor the spirits of
game animals of primary importance in Eskimo economy, thereby insuring
an abundant supply of food. The Brooklyn Museum, New York.
Art and Aesthetics
34
That
this
in
Primitive Societies
should happen, that ethnologists sometimes and
others frequently treat primitive art mainly or entirely as pure
abstraction
and with regard only
to
its
organization of lines,
masses, color, or form, while ignorant of all or most of its symbolism and of the techniques involved, suggests strongly to me (as it
has to others) that there are indeed formal elements in the graphic
which in themselves are capable of arousing emoand evoking aesthetic responses. But about this matter we
know very little beyond the borders of our own society, and what
we know within Euro-American society is so ethnocentrically biased that it probably is not applicable elsewhere to any substantial
and
plastic arts
tions
degree.
If it is ever to be shown that particular formal elements or
combinations do indeed arouse emotions and aesthetic responses
by themselves, and that these are universal, it will only be done
through collecting the primitive artist's statements about his fellows' work, through understudying native craftsmen, and through
the pursuit of controlled, cross-cultural experiments where objects
from one society are presented to members of another for their
aesthetic judgments. The present ethnological literature contains a
bit of such information (writings by Bunzel, O'Neale, Himmelheber, or Fagg are an example), but we need far more. I chose to
bring this topic up at the Congress in the hope that this audience,
and the readers
of the Proceedings, will in their future field
work
give attention to the problem.
Bibliography
Bunzel, Ruth. The Pueblo Potter. New York, 1929.
Fagg, William B. "On the Nature of African Art," Memoirs and Proceedings,
Manchester Literary and Philosophical Society, 94 (1953), pp. 93-104.

Himmelheber, Hans. Negerkiinstler: Ethnographische Studien uber den
Schnitzkiinstler bei den Stdmmen der Atutu und Guru im innern der
Elfenbeinkiiste. Stuttgart, 1935-
Robert
Anthropology.
Inverarity,
"Anthropology in Primitive Art," Yearbook of

York: Wenner-Gren Foundation for Anthropological
Bruce.
New
Research (1955), PP- 375-89O'Neale, Lila M. "Yurok-Karok Basket Weavers," University of California
Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnology, 32,
(1932).
Anatomical Interpretations
in
African Masks*
PAUL
S.
WINGERT
This analysis of the masks

tribes
representing
shows the knowledge the
artist
human anatomy,
the environmental
natural elements.
The
with
setting,
the effect of
light,
and other
taken with the basic anatomy also indicate

form. Therefore, because of his understanding
liberties
human
a knowledge of actual
and interpretations of
human forms of several African

acquired from his observation of
life
forms, the tribal artist
was able
to
endow
the
mask
expressive power.
Dr. Paul S. Wingert is Professor Emeritus of the Department of Fine Arts
its
at Columbia University. He began his long association with

department, first as a student, later as Curator, becoming Professor in
1958. In 1946 the first of his many books on primitive art was published, An
Outline Guide to the Art of the South Pacific, followed by American Indian
Sculpture (1949), The Sculpture of Negro Africa (1950), Art of the South
Pacific Islands (1953), and Primitive Art (1962, 1965). Professor Wingert was
and Archaeology
this
involved as organizer or supervisor with a

hibits of primitive art,
Museum
of Art
in
number
of important pioneer ex-
including "Arts of the South Seas" at the
1946 and "African Negro Sculpture"
Young Memorial Museum
in
at
the
Modern
De
M. H.
1948.
Masks, wherever they are worn, have the dual purpose of concealing one identity and of revealing or symbolizing another. In
all cultures the majority of masks are worn over the face, thus
replacing the physical features of the wearer by the descriptive or
Reprinted from Man, Vol. 54, No. 100 (May, 1954), pp. 69-71. A porwas read as a paper at the annual meeting of the American Ethnological Society at Yale University, New Haven, Connecticut, in
*
tion of this article
April, 1954.
The source
for the factual material in this study
Text Book of Anatomy by
is
Cunningham's
Brash and E. B. Jamieson (7th ed.; Oxford

University Press, 1937)- The factual data were checked by A. Warren Jones,
M.D., to whom special thanks are due for his contribution.
J.
C.
36
Art and Aesthetics
in
Primitive Societies
symbolic forms of the being represented by the mask. It is important to recognize a felt and expressed relationship between the
actual physical features of the wearer and the carved ones of the
mask. The sculptured forms, for example, correspond with the hidden physical ones behind them, such as the apertures of the
eyes and mouth, and the projections of forehead, cheekbones,
nose, and jaw. In many primitive masks, particularly in those from
Africa, there is evident an important relationship between the
carved forms and the anatomical structure of the human head
from which they are derived. This relationship is often an interpretation closely associated with anatomical facts. It is therefore
worthwhile to examine African masks in order to determine to what
extent the sculptured forms are derived from reality.
This paper is concerned only with those African masks representing or expressing human forms; animal masks or those of
hybrid animal-human or of abstract forms are not considered.
Masks of human form, according to the elements stressed in their
rendering, fall largely within one of four basic groups: those
which emphasize ( i ) the structural facial divisions and facial
features; (2) the bony structure of the skull; (3) the planes
formed by the membrane of the skin and the separation of the
setting of facial features from or within those planes; and (4) the
fleshy forms and muscles over the bony structure. In every one of
these four groups elements of the other three groups appear to a
certain extent.
The marked emphasis
of structural facial divisions as well as
facial features is strikingly evident in

1).
The
eyes,
and often the
ears,
many
combine
African masks (Figure

to
form an upper
hori-
zontal division within the ovoid of the face, a division repeated
below by the
mouth. These two pronounced parallel

bound together by the vertical of the nose.
Reference to the actual structure of the skull, however, shows
three horizontal divisions ( 1 ) that of the eye orbit and the nasion
surmounted by the superciliary arches and the glabella; (2) the
important division formed by the zygomatic bones and arches; and
(3) the strong horizontal of the maxillae and mandible processes.
In some masks (Figure 2) not only are these three divisions
lips of the
horizontals are closely
clearly indicated, but other important vertical elements apparent
Gaboon. The University Museum, University of

2. Dan, Ivory Coast. Courtesy of The
Museum of Primitive Art, New York. {Lower left) Figure 3. Poro Secret Society,
Liberia. Dan Tribes. Yale University Art Gallery, Gift of Mr. and Mrs. James M.
Osborn for the Linton Collection of African Art. {Lower right) Figure 4. Ibibio,
{Upper
left)
Figure
1.
Fang
(?),
Pennsylvania. {Upper right) Figure
Nigeria. Courtesy of the Trustees of the British
Museum, London.
Art and Aesthetics
38
in
Primitive Societies
in the skull are also represented, as the frontal and nasal sutures,
and the nasal spine and mental protuberance.
In many instances aesthetic and expressive considerations led
to the carving of masks with a selective emphasis of certain facial
divisions, structure, and features (Figure 2), so as to render more
poignantly apparent the innate rhythmic relationships between
these elements. The curve of the upper outline of the head, for
example, may establish a motive repeated in varied and inverted
rhythmic renderings of structure and facial features. It should be
noted that the lack of absolute bilateral symmetry in the disposition and shape of these structures and features corresponds to a
like characteristic in nature.
The bony
many
structure of the skull
is
nonrealistic
manner which
of the mouth.
masks from
stressed in
areas in Africa. This representation
is
often combined in a
certain fleshy forms, particularly those
type of Poro secret society
mask from
Liberia well
exemplifies this conception (Figure 3). The deeply set eye orbits
are given triangular shape; the superciliary arch is depressed and
thrusts forward; while the zygomatic bone
is
presented as the apex
of a slightly spherical triangle with the base lying along the
The two nasal bones and the nasal suture

and the protruding ellipse of the mouth stresses the
dible.
man-
are suggested,
obicularis oris,
that ringlike muscle around the lips, rather than the lips themselves. It
may
sides
the face
of
be said that the surfaces of the large triangle at the

are an interpretation of the large masseter
muscles which reach from the zygomatic arch to the mandible and
secure the lower jaw to the skeleton of the head. These muscles
give the mouth its mobility in life forms. It should be observed at
this point that a distinctive anatomical trait of the Negro is that
the facial muscles tend to be more homogeneous than in those of
other peoples, that
group.
The
is
they function more nearly as a closely related
interpretation of muscles in this
example suggests that
trait.
There
is
in the Ibibio
mask shown
in Figure 4 a dramatization
and nasal
and the eye
of the frontal region, glabella, nasion, zygomatic arch,

spine. Together with the shaping of the maxillae
orbits, these structural
elements.
forms are expressed as rhythmic aesthetic
Figure
5.
Bapende, Kwilu, Congo Kinasha. Anonymous.
Many Bapende masks from
the western
Congo
also give a
strong statement of anatomical structure (Figure 5). But since the

lips are described around bared teeth, they can scarcely be considered
skeletalized
types these
masks
By comparison with other

more expressive of life forms, for,
the nose, eyelids, and lips, bony structure is
representations.
are, in fact,
with the exception of

stressed over fleshy forms. This
with a membrane of skin.
is,
moreover, presented as covered
Smooth, fluid surface planes are often used in West African

masks, particularly in those from Liberia and the Irovy Coast, to
describe the envelope of skin covering the fleshy parts and bony
structure (Figure 2). In this type of
mask
the skeletal parts are
suggested rather than emphatically stated beneath the surface
membranes. The refinement
of tight, polished surfaces provides to
a large extent the aesthetic appeal of these sculptures. But
it
is
usually possible to detect a solid anatomical basis for the forms.
African masks
facial features
may
be divided into two groups: in one the
are set within
and integrated with the surface
(Left)
Figure
6.
Baule, Ivory Coast. Buffalo
(Right) Figure 7. Bakete, Kasai,
Museum
of Natural History,
New
Museum
of Science, Buffalo.
Congo Kinasha. Courtesy
of the
American
York.
planes; in the other, they are separated
and project forward from
these planes. In examples of the latter group, such as the
from the Baoule
tribe of the Ivory
form a decorative
pat-
structure, only the frontal region, glabella,
and
features are often so highly stylized as to

tern.
Of the bone
mask
Coast (Figure 6), the facial
nasion, here stressed with scarification marks, are emphatically
The superciliary arch, the zygomatic bone, and the rami

mandible are evident but not strongly represented. Although
masks of this kind reveal a knowledge of anatomical structure, it is
subservient to the treatment of surface planes and details which
are rendered to achieve an elegant, decorative effect. In the interpretation of superior Baoule masks, such as this example, the
naturalistic asymmetrical alignment and description of structure
and features imparts a vital note to an aesthetic expression of
indicated.
of the
reality.
In other masks, such as the large polychromed Bakete example from the central Congo (Figure 7), there is a spectacular
rendering of anatomical parts, surfaces, and facial features. These
41
three aspects of the

freely interpreted.
in
African
human head
The
Masks
and
and the narrowly sepa-
are almost equally stressed
supraorbital margin
rated surmounting superciliary arch are carved as parallel shapes

which arch high into the frontal region. Between them the frontal
suture is represented as a ridge broken by the nasion and then
downward
The mouth
rendered
below
the eyes is concealed by panels of geometrically carved surface
designs. Great size and power is, however, suggested for the mandible. Among the most striking and remarkable features of this
continuing
as the nasal suture.
as a geometric protruding form,
type of
mask
are the
and the
is
skeletal structure
enormous projecting conical
eyes.
be considered as dramatized inversions of the eye

tomical description of the eye orbit states that
They may
orbit.
it "is
An
ana-
a cavity of a
shape not unlike a four-sided pyramid laid on one side

[with] the base of the pyramid [as] the opening on to the face,
and the boundaries of the base [as] the margins of the orbit"
(Cunningham, op. cit., p. 143). In this carving the base has been
retained but the shape is expressed as a cone instead of a pyramid
.
and
its
direction of thrust
is
reversed, that
matically outward and not inward.
It
is
is it is
projecting dra-
a particularly good ex-
ample of the aesthetic and expressive licences taken with

anatomical forms, which are nevertheless clearly related to those
of reality.
Numerous African masks emphasize the muscular and fleshy

forms that cover the bony structure. Examples from the Ogowe
River region of Gabun (Figure 8) show an almost naturalistic
modeling of surface planes. Although the skeletal parts are clearly
apparent, the soft tissue of flesh and muscle is represented as
covering them. The heavy-lidded, partly closed eyes are set within
an eye orbit surrounded by a depression which may be construed
as referring to the obicularis oculi, the ring of muscle around the
eye; while the constriction around the base of the protruding lips
represents the muscle ring around the mouth. The wide masseter
muscle is also expressed by the planes at the sides of the face. This
is a highly sensitive example of an aesthetic interpretation of
anatomical structure.
less sensitive
many masks from
and more dynamic rendering is apparent in

Cameroons (Figure 9). The rings of muscle
the
(Left)
Figure
8.
Ogowe
River,
(Right) Figure 9. Grasslands,
Gabon. Museum fur Volkerkunde, Basel.

Cameroon. Formerly Linden Museum, Stuttgart.
around the eyes and mouth are particularly evident, as are also the
bony arches above the eyes and the heavy forward-thrusting lower
jaw. Fat, puffy cheeks hide the structural character of the zygomatic bones and arches, although they mark their position, and the
nasal suture and nasal bones are revealed. In this mask the comparatively few forms singled out and emphasized for expressive
effect correspond closely to actual anatomical parts.
The knowledge of the expressive role performed by the muscles, particularly those of the
many masks.
eyes and the mouth,
is
In some, for example, the eye orifice
large that the eye muscles of the wearer of the
Some few
indicated in
is
carved so
mask
give their
masks
have the
muscles to function in a
similar way. In examples where the actual muscles of the wearer
do not contribute expressively to the sculptured forms, carved
muscles are often rendered to stress the desired expression.
It should also be observed that a mask was not seen or used as
a static form. The interpretation of many forms and the emphasis
given them was actuated by the realization of the mask as a highly
expression to the carving.
mouth opening cut away
types of
to allow the lip
also
43
in
African
Masks
dynamic form. The wearer not only provided the motive force
for
examples, the human eyes flashing through

the carved eye holes also gave the mask a warm vitality. Only a
close understanding of life forms and their underlying anatomical
character made it possible for the artist to interpret human forms
the mask, but, in
many
and features in such a revealing manner. That these African

masks are not accurate descriptions of life forms is readily seen.
They are, instead, interpretations dictated by the consequence of a
few very important factors.
Several special kinds of knowledge contributed to an interpretation of anatomical features. In every area the deeply rooted
determined the particular anatomical parts that were

The long and intensive apprenticeship of
most African sculptors indelibly imprinted on his conceptual
thinking as well as trained his motor responses in the rendering of
the traditional patterns required for various types of carved masks.
If he was a by-rote artist, that background was sufficient for him to
produce sculpture satisfactory in form and detail for all practical
requirements; aesthetically, masks carved by artists of this kind
are of only moderate interest. If, on the other hand, the sculptor
was an artist of discernment and sensitivity, he would enrich the
traditional pattern of a mask by an interpretation based on his
cumulative perceptive experiences; the aesthetically important African masks give clear evidence of the greater understanding of
this group of master artists.
The presence of cannibalism made the human skull in some
areas, if not a common, at least a not infrequent sight. It was also
known through its preservation in practices associated with ancestor beliefs; in certain regions ancestral skulls were periodically
cleaned and rubbed with red earth. Some familiarity with the
appearance of the skull was therefore part of the culture pattern in
art tradition
represented and stressed.
many parts
of
Negro
Africa.
Aside from these direct contacts, numerous other experiences
added considerably to a knowledge of anatomical structure. For

example, the brilliance of tropical sunlight and the flickering, unsteady light of night fires and torches playing over the facial features of persons in the routine of daily life often dramatically
emphasized bony structure, fleshy forms, and their interrelation-
Art and Aesthetics
44
in
Primitive Societies
an active member of his society, also observed

the mobile, vibrant human features during dances and upon ritual
occasions when they were under abnormal emotional stress. He
thus perceived through these experiences the bony structure of the
head and the way in which muscles and fleshy forms are used as
ships.
The
means
artist, as
of expression.
Both the direct and the observed knowledge of anatomy became fused in the sensitive sculptor's perceptive understanding of
head and facial forms. It is this knowledge upon which he draws
in the rendering of the traditional pattern of a mask, and it is this
knowledge that gives his interpretation anatomical and expressive
power. Although the degree of anatomical reference and the emphasis given to some forms over others differ greatly in the many
kinds of African masks representing or derived from human features, all African
masks
of this category
show some
interpretation
of anatomical knowledge.
animal and hybrid animal-human

forms in those of reality. But
aesthetic considerations in the rendering of his forms and in the
use of his knowledge of them were always a motivating force when
a sculptor of stature carved a mask. The consequences are among
It
is
evident,
masks show a
too,
that
like basis for their
the true masterpieces of primitive art.
ATrobriand Medusa?*
EDMUND R. LEACH
In
this
article,
which provoked an interesting controversy shortly
publication (see Man, 1958, Nos. 65, 90, 160, and 1959, Nos. 66
after
and
its
67),
Professor Leach states the belief that primitive designs are seldom abstract,
instead, unusually representational, since they have functional significance for the artist. His analysis of the Trobriand shield is presented as
evidence of this theory, which, he says, must remain circumstantial, since
these objects are no longer made. The aesthetic device of the "folding-up" of
the human figure and its psychological implications are other points raised.
Professor Edmund R. Leach is the Provost at King's College, Cambridge.
A social anthropologist, his major interests are local organization, time
reckoning, and symbol systems in the areas of Southeast Asia, Burma,
Ceylon, and Borneo. He is a frequent contributor on many topics to a variety
of journals. Among his recent and important publications are Political Systems of Highland Burma: A Study of Kachin Social Structure (1965);
Structure Study of Myth and Totemism (1967); Runaway World (1968); and
but,
Dialectic in Practical Religion (1968).
Objects of the type illustrated in Figure

ber of
museum
listed as
dance
are to be found in a
num-
ethnographical collections where they are variously

shields, shields,
and war
shields.
The type
is
ex-
clusively Trobriand. Published variations include: Finsch (1888),

I, p. 236; Edge Partington and
Heape (1890-98), Part I, Plate 345; Webster (1900), Figures 13,
17 (the latter also shown in Chauvet [1930], Plate LIII, Figure
191); British Museum Handbook (1910), p. 133; Linton and
Plate XII; Ratzel (1896-98), Vol.
Wingert (1946), p. 148.

Finsch (1888), p.
13,
elsewhere (1891),
he makes
p. 35,
describes the type as already rare;

it
clear that these shields were
Reprinted from Man, Vol. 54, No. 158 (July, 1954), pp. 103-05.
Art and Aesthetics
46
in
Primitive Societies
at least sometimes used for warlike purposes, as he mentions a

specimen in which were embedded a number of spear points.
Malinowski (1920) explains these circumstances:
Very seldom, and only in the case of very brave and

Thus during
the last serious war between Omarakana and Kabuaku, in
1899, on ly two or three men had their shields painted.
To have one's shield painted was a challenge, since it was a
great honor to split such a shield or to kill such a man. Therefore a painted shield attracted many more spears than a plain
one, and it was distinctly dangerous to use this form of bravado. One of such shields used in the above-mentioned war
showed as many as fifty-six spear marks. The warriors were
decorated with exactly the same feather headdress as is used
distinguished warriors, were the shields painted.
in dancing.
One very important factor of warfare [was]

war
magic. ... In each belligerent district there was a family of
experts in war magic, whose members handed down from
.
generation to generation the sacred formulae.
When
all
the
men were
assembled at the chiefs bidding in the main village

the magician coram publico chanted over the shields so as to
impart to them the power of warding off all spears.
.
Given
this social context
it
seems
design painted on the shields was
intrinsically probable that the

itself of
symbolic magical
sig-
and it becomes a legitimate question to inquire why the

design shown on Figure 1 should in fact be deemed by the Trobrianders to have these magical properties.
The design has on several occasions evoked comment, sometimes favorable and sometimes unfavorable, but, so far as I can
discover, it has always been taken for granted that the pattern as a
whole is an abstraction and nonrepresentational.
The following comments may be noted
nificance,
These rare Trobriand shields are remarkable for the
artistic
painting (red and black on a white ground) and for the altogether singular design. These shields perhaps represent the
most perfect works of painting made anywhere by Papuans. 1

l
Finsch (1888),
p. 13.
Figure
1.
Shield from the Trobriand Islands. University
& Ethnology, Cambridge.
Museum
of
Archeology
Art and Aesthetics
48
in
Primitive Societies
The shape of the Trobriand shield is very characteristic,

sometimes the surface is quite plain. When ornamented the
design is simply painted on the smooth and whitened surface
of the shield, with black and red pigments. 2
Haddon, in
type were
this
known
same
reference, states that shields of this
as vai ova, but this cannot
have been firsthand
information. Mr. H. A. Powell, an expert in the Kiriwinan lan-
guage, informs
me
that this expression has
He has never heard
cance.
it
no obvious
signifi-
used in any context in present-day
Kiriwina.
The
shields are ovoid in shape with
gitudinal curvature.
On
marked convex
lon-
the background of white a strictly
symmetrical design composed of curvilinear geometric eleis painted in red, black and yellow. This has the characteristic fineness of all Trobriand work, but although the
patterns show considerable variety within a basic design they
are generally highly formalized and ornate and lack the vital-
ments
ity
and verve of other objects from
this area. 3
In what follows two distinct hypotheses are advanced concerning the nature of this design, the second being dependent
upon the
validity of the first. The hypotheses are: (i) that the

seemingly abstract design on the shield is in fact a rationally
ordered representation of a winged anthropomorphic figure; (2)
that the figure represents a flying witch (Trobriand mulukuausi)
and that the reported mythology concerning these beings is consistent with the observable character of the shield design and also the
magical function of the design suggested in the above-quoted
report by Malinowski.
I will discuss these two hypotheses separately.
If we exclude the seemingly debased example of Edge Partington's Album all published illustrations of Trobriand vai ova
conform to the same general design, though details vary.

examples include the feature d in Figure 2, comprising
several parallel lines arranged symmetrically on each side of the
shields
Thus
all
Haddon (1894),
Linton and Wingert (1946), pp. 144
p. 240.
ff.
Figure
2.
An
interpretation of designs on the Trobriand Shield.
Art and Aesthetics
50
shield,
Primitive Societies
in
but the number of lines varies from two on each side to

all specimens include a motif a in Figure
four on each side. Again,

2,
but whereas in some examples this
others
it is
featureless.
is
a clearly denned face, in
shall proceed therefore to analyze Figure
were representative of all particular examples of vai ova

key to Figure 2, left, the various design features are
listed a k and interpreted as anatomical details, e.g., a = face,
b ears, breasts. At first sight some of these interpretations are
likely to strike the reader as surprising and arbitrary but the analysis will be found more convincing if reference is made to the more
obviously anthropomorphic figure shown in Figure 2, right. It will
then be seen that Figure 2, left, can be derived directly from Figure
2 as
if it
shields. In the
2, right, by, as it
were, "folding the paper." The indications are
explanatory, but perhaps
it
self-
should be added that the creature
is
supposed to have the wings and legs of a flying fox, a creature

resembling a bat.
Whether this interpretation will be found convincing or not
will presumably depend to some extent upon the individual temperament of the reader. It is not, I think, a matter capable of proof
one way or another. It may be noted, however, that the design in
its revised form (Figure 2, right) has a certain resemblance to
certain other Melanesian designs, for example: Trobriand clubs of
the type figured in Firth (1936), p. 96; British Museum Handbook
(1925); Plate VIc (facing p. 126); Chauvet (1930), Figure 192;
the
Solomon Islands shields shown
and
in Traditional Art of the British Colonies (1949), Plate

If this interpretation of the
may
in
Leenhardt (1947),
p. 44;
XX.
Trobriand design be accepted, we
proceed to inquire what the figure represents and why

My hypothesis
should be an appropriate decoration for a shield.
it
is
that the figure is a "flying witch" and that it is a shield decoration

because of the poisonous emanations that are believed to be
emitted by the vulva and anus of such witches. If this suggestion is
correct, the witch design on Trobriand shields had the same logic
behind it as the story that Perseus carried on his shield the petrifyingly beautiful head of the witch-dragon Medusa.
Our main source of information concerning Trobriand ideas
about flying witches (mulukuausi) is, as might be expected,
Malinowski. The principal references are Malinowski (1916), and
51
Trobriand Medusa?
Malinowski (1922), pp. 237 ff. In both cases he stresses that the
Trobriand belief closely resembles that reported by Seligman
(1910), Chapter XLVII, for Bartle Bay. As a result of his Mailu
researches Malinowski (1915), p. 648, was at first critical of
Seligman's analysis, but for the Trobriand data he seems to have
accepted the correctness of Seligman's views. Fortune,
who
re-
ported on very similar beliefs current in Dobu, also stresses the

close parallels between the Dobuan data observed by himself, the
Trobriand data reported by Malinowski and the Bartle Bay data
reported by Seligman (Fortune [1932], p. 297).
Malinowski's report (1922), p. 238, is as follows:
The orthodox belief is that a woman who is a yoyova can

send forth a double which is invisible at will, but may appear
in the form of a flying fox, or of a night bird or a firefly. There
is also a belief that the yoyova develops within her a something, shaped like an egg, or like a young unripe coconut. This
something is called as a matter of fact kapuwana, which is
the word for a small coconut. This idea remains in the native's mind in a vague, indefinite, undifferentiated form.
The kapuwana is anyhow believed to be something
which in the nightly flights leaves the body of the yoyova and
assumes the various forms in which the mulukuausi ap.
pears.
The
Dobuan
one sleeps touching the

body will pass over,
mount the leg, and lodge in the scrotum, hence elephantiasis. The
gigantic testicle emerges at night and is seen, a ball of fire, as the
witch flies in mid air"; ".
the kaiana fire of witchcraft issues
from the pubes of flying witches as they go through the night." 4
The corresponding Bartle Bay belief is in a witchcraft substance called labuni which the witches send forth at night 5
parallel
belief is that "if
legs of a witch a gigantic testicle within her
It
was
said that the labuni existed in
and was derived
from, an organ called ipona situated in the flank and

4
5
Fortune (1932), pp. 296-97.

Seligman (1910), p. 640.
literally
Art and Aesthetics
52
in
Primitive Societies
meaning egg or eggs. The labuni was said actually to leave the
body and afterward to reenter it per rectum. Although labuni
resemble shadows they wear a petticoat which is shorter than
that worn by the women in this part of the country.
The Trobrianders, like the Dobuans, believe that the flying

witches can be seen as fire flying through the night, but the precise
source of the fire is not specified and the clothing of the witch is
uncertain.
According to some versions, the mulukuausi, that is the

witch in her flying state, moves about naked, leaving her skirt
round the body which remains asleep in the hut. Other versions depict her as tying her skirt tightly round her when
flying and beating her buttocks with a magical pandanus
streamer. 6
If
we
accept the general hypothesis that our Figure 2 repre-
sents a Trobriand flying witch, and that, as a shield design, the

is intended as a source of dangerous emanation, it will be
seen that the design and the mythology fit very nicely. The exaggerated emphasis given to the anal and vaginal orifices becomes
pattern
meaningful, and also the
fiery
red color of the pubes, and the
clawlike character of the arms and legs.
The two curious
egglike
objects (Figure 27) are clearly the witchcraft testicles or "coco-
nuts" (kapuwana).
My
interpretation of the upper half of the design
much more
is
perhaps
doubtful, especially the curious design identification
between the "ears" and the "breasts" of the creature. It is, however,
logically correct that the ears should be strongly emphasized in any
representation of a mulukuausi. According to Malinowski (1922),
p.
241:
By
...
"a mulukuausi" can hear, as the

has died at such and such a place, or
that a canoe is in danger. Even a young apprentice yoyova
will have her sense of hearing so sharpened that she will tell
her mother "Mother, I hear, they cry."
a special sense
natives say, that a
man
Malinowski (1922), pp. 241
ff.
53
Trobriand Medusa?
CONCLUSION
The
interpretation which I have given to an apparently abTrobriand design, though highly hypothetical, seems to me
stract
to raise
number
of points of theoretical interest.
In contradistinction to writers such as Boas and Haddon,
hold that the designs of primitive peoples are seldom abstract in
any genuine sense. Designs, both as wholes and as parts, usually

have a definite functional significance for the artist who makes
them. Frequently of course the design element has moved very far
indeed from anything that might be described as photographic
realism, but nevertheless the "realistic" element remains. Primitive
designs are mostly representational. Given this hypothesis, it is a
reasonable proposition
to
attempt to interpret as functionally
2, which at first sight

seem to be total abstractions. In this case the evidence that can be
adduced is wholly circumstantial, since the objects are no longer
made and memory of them no longer survives in their place of
meaningful designs, such as that of Figure
however, investigation of "abstract" designs

contemporary functional significance might prove very
rewarding. This is certainly an aspect of material culture to which
social anthropologists might usefully pay greater attention.
The second point of interest is that, so far as I know, no one
has previously recognized the "folding-up" of the human figure (as
here postulated) as an aesthetic device. It is, however, only the
logical opposite of the extremely important aesthetic device of
"unfolding," which figures so prominently in the art of the American Northwest Coast (see Boas [1927], pp. 224 f.), and which has
had a powerful influence on many twentieth-century European
origin; in other cases,
for their
artists,
including Picasso.
The Trobriand technique

chological implications since
it
of "folding-up" has interesting psy-
permits a graphical representation
of the association of ideas. Thus, in this case, there
is
a graphical
= breasts; anus = navel; hands = feet; head =

= womb = a folded flower, etc. The whole seems to
association: ears
heart; vagina
provide a sort of Melanesian Rorschach test which, at the very

least,
should be of interest to Kleinian psychoanalysts interested in
the "introjection" of "good"

of the witch-mother's breast
and "bad" objects through the medium
Art and Aesthetics
54
in
Primitive Societies
Bibliography
Boas, F. Primitive Art. Oslo, 1927.
British
Museum. Handbook
to the
Ethnographical Collections (2nd ed.; Lon-
don, 1925).
Chauvet, S. Art de Nouvelle Guinee. Paris, 1930.
Finsch, O. Samoafahrten: Ethnologisches Atlas. Leipzig, 1888.
Ethnologische Erfahrungen und Belegstiicke aus der Sudsee, Part
.
supplement to Vol. VI of Annalen des K-K-Naturhistorischen Hofmuseums. Wien, 1891.

Firth, R. Art and Life in New Guinea. London, 1936.
Fortune, R. F. The Sorcerers of Dobu. London, 1932; New York, 1963.
Haddon, A. C. The Decorative Art of British New Guinea. Dublin, 1894.
Leenhardt, M. Arts de VOceanie. Paris, 1947.
Linton, R. and Wingert, P. S. Arts of the South Seas. New York, 1946.
Malinowski, B. The Natives of Mailu. Victoria, 1915.
"Baloma; the Spirits of the Dead in the Trobriand Islands," J. R.
Anthrop. Inst., Vol. XLVI (1916), pp. 353-430.
"War and Weapons Among the Trobriand Islanders," Man (1920),
2,
p. 5-
Argonauts of the Western Pacific. London, 1922; New York, 1963J. Edge and Heape, C. An Album of the Weapons, Tools, Ornaments, Articles of Dress, etc., of the Natives of the Pacific Islands.
.
Partington,
Privately Printed, 1890-98.
The History of Mankind. 3 vols. London, 1896-98.

Royal Anthropological Institute. Traditional Art of the British Colonies, catalogue of an exhibition. London, 1949.
Seligman, C. G. The Melanesians of British New Guinea. Cambridge, 1910.
Webster, W. D. Illustrated Catalogues of Ethnographical Specimens (Bicester), Vol. II, No. 20 (1900).
Ratzel, F.
The
Interpretation of
Pakot Visual Art*
HAROLD
K.
SCHNEIDER
Schneider believes that before attempting to interpret the art of a tribal

people it is necessary for one to understand their standards of beauty.
Pakot criteria of beauty include the concepts of embellishment, nonutility,
and uniqueness. Although these are similar to the aesthetic beliefs of WestDr.
ern societies, there are others that
differ.
Harold K. Schneider is Professor and Chairman of the Department of

Anthropology at Lawrence College. He is a social anthropologist primarily
interested in economic anthropology, culture change, art, and Africa. He is
coauthor of Economic Anthropology: A Reader in Theory and Analysis (1968).
An article related to the one below, "The Pakot of Keny: A Model of African
Indigenous Economy and Society," appeared in Comparative Studies in
Dr.
Sociology and History (October, 1964).
Anthropologists seem agreed that aesthetic sense
is
universal 1 but
most would probably agree that standards relating to what is

aesthetically pleasing vary from culture to culture. Nevertheless,
in practice scholars who discuss the art of nonliterate people do
sometimes seem to impute standards to them or, what amounts to
the same thing, try to deduce the standards of beauty of a people
by analysis of objects from their cultures. In both cases standards
of beauty learned in Western cultures are used as a basis for
judging what is or is not art in a nonliterate group. Almost all
discussions of the Magdalenian people make reference to the "art"
of these cave dwellers. 2 In effect this
is
the attribution of stan-
*Reprinted from Man, Vol. 56, No. 108 (August, 1956), pp. 103-06.
Franz Boas, Primitive Art (Dover Publications, 1955), p. 9.
2 See Leonhard Adam, Primitive Art (rev. ed.; London: Penguin Books,
1949), P- 2,5; or L. Beals and H. Hoijer, An Introduction to Anthropology
(New York: Macmillan, 1953), P- 539- These examples could, of course, be
multiplied greatly.
1
Art and Aesthetics
56
in
Primitive Societies
dards of beauty to Magdalenian people based upon the assumption

that their standards were the same as ours. In the study of prehistoric cultures such deductions are inevitable and in fact probably close to the truth, but
we can never know for
sure.
In the study of contemporary people such deductions are also
seemingly common. Since discussions of
art
seldom include any
but an implied note of the standards of beauty of the subjects,
it
seems possible that what constitutes the art of the people is derived at least in part by deduction.
The present paper is an addition to the limited number of
studies of concepts of beauty of nonliterate people.
to
show what Pakot 3 standards
are
and
It is
proposed
to define their visual art in
terms of them. It is further proposed to illustrate from this how

deduction of art may lead to erroneous conclusions if the standards of beauty of a people are not taken into account.
The Pakot
distinguish between
what is useful in subsistence

and what is an aesthetically
or the ordinary acts of getting a living
pleasing embellishment having no subsistence or utilitarian use
except as decoration. In this discussion the term utilitarian
may
be
most conveniently denned as anything which has no aesthetic

component. Thus the utilitarian object is one that has any function
in living other than an aesthetic function. This distinction became
apparent during a discussion of a carved wooden milk pot (aleput)
which has a projecting lip carved into the rim. Informants said
that the pot was karam, a word usually translated as "good," and
which may be used in a wide variety of situations. When asked to

explain further what was meant by "good," one informant said that
the pot was useful for holding milk and so was "good to have."
This informant further stated, however, that the
lip of the
jug was
pachigh, a word which had been previously translated by the

3
The term Pakot
is
the plural
form of which the singular
is
Pachon;
to
used in this paper. The Pakot,

more commonly known as Suk, inhabit, in the main, the West Suk District
of Kenya and belong to the pastoral Nilotic group of tribes of East Africa,
being most nearly related to the Nandi. The research upon which this paper
rests was carried out in the Ortum area of West Suk in 1951-52 under grants
avoid unnecessary confusion only the plural
from the United
States State
is
Department (Fulbright Act), the Social Science
Research Council and the Program of African Studies of Northwestern University.
The
57
Interpretation of Pakot Visual Art
and which, it was explained

and "unusual." Additional questioning elicited the information that the lip was a recent
invention by some unknown inventor, before whose time milk pots
had had no lips. The lip is in fact superfluous to the function of the
interpreter as "pretty" or "beautiful"
on
this occasion,
meant "pleasant
to look at"
when used to handle milk. No other Pakot containers, to my

knowledge, have a lip, which is why it is considered unusual. To
generalize, the thing which is pachigh, in this case, is something
pleasant to contemplate, strange or new, and an embellishment.
pot
The
pot
is
ian part
is
and the utilitarfrom the pretty.
clearly not considered wholly beautiful
plainly distinguished conceptually
Subsequent investigations showed
that,
with the qualifications
discussed further on, the following things were only karam,
i.e.,
had useful functions that were nonaesthetic clay cooking pots,

shoes made from old rubber tires or cow hide, spears, headrests
which are used as neck pillows to protect the mens' clay headdresses, calabash containers, cotton sheets and other clothing,
houses, water holes, and cattle (except for one type). That cattle
should be included in this list was surprising since they are the
most highly valued of all goods and the attitude of the Pakot
toward them might lead one to suppose that they would be con:
sidered beautiful.
The term pachigh (which
refers to a state of being, a condi-
can be applied
to two classes of objects which,

however, are not separated conceptually by Pakot. First are those
things which are considered beautiful but are not made by the
Pakot. These include the beauties of nature and objects of foreign
manufacture, and in both cases what is beautiful is a part of
something that is useful in some other way. For example, with one
exception all cattle are karam, their value lying in the fact that
they provide meat, milk, blood, and certain by-products and that
they are useful for obtaining other goods through trade and for
tion of a thing)
"buying" rights in other persons. The colors of the hides of these

cattle are pachigh. A woman is also "good," but she may have
aspects of beauty such as firm, round breasts, a light, chocolatecolored skin, and white, even teeth.
The
cani" cloth imported into the reserve
is
but
when
it
wears
off the cloth
glossy surface of "ameri-
similarly considered pretty,
becomes purely karam.
Art and Aesthetics
58
in
Primitive Societies
In regard to this last case, the
man-made
common
designation of art as
beauty, 4 the definition used here, in contrast to beauty
occurring in nature, would exclude the glossy cloth as Pakot art

since
may
it is
imported in that condition and not applied by Pakot. It

it is in the nature of a "natu-
be art to the manufacturer but

ral" occurrence to Pakot.
The second
class of beautiful objects are those
made
or ob-
tained by Pakot that are added to utilitarian objects by Pakot
themselves.
It
includes paint which
is
made and
applied to objects
by Pakot and also colored beads which are not made by Pakot but
which are added by them to utilitarian goods for decoration. A
special type of steer called a kamar, who is selected for certain
admirable qualities and whose horns are warped by his owner, is
considered to be wholly beautiful, unlike other cattle, and is kept
somewhat like a pet and as a symbol of prestige to his owner. He is
not put to subsistence use except under special circumstances and
so is thought of by Pakot as an embellishment. Other objects in
this class are cowrie shells, which are used to decorate various
objects, polished wood surfaces as on spears or headrests, and bits
of aluminum and iron or copper that are inlaid on the surface of
the headrest to provide decoration. A design incised on any surface
is also pachigh, as is a house if it is unusual in style or especially
carefully and regularly built. Finally, a basket may have a pattern
of weaving that is considered beautiful if it is unusual or if it
comes from another district where the pattern of weaving is different from that of the area to which
objects are always separable
it is
imported.
Some
of these
from the things they enhance
(e.g.,
cowrie shells) and some are in a sense inseparable after they are
added. But all are initially added to utilitarian things by Pakot and
are not inherent in them.
if
To
reiterate, these
pachigh things seldom
ever exist of and by themselves but are used to decorate some
utilitarian thing. This is not so clear in the case of the prize ox, but
he may be regarded as being "added" to his owner or as being an

embellishment on his owner's herd.
We may summarize Pakot visual art as consisting of objects
having purely aesthetic functions, including necklaces, headdresses and hairdress, pigments, polish or gloss, cowrie shells, bits
4
Boas, op.
cit., p.
12.
59
The
and aluminum, iron and copper bracelets, ostrich

feathers, the kamar steer, and unusual regularity and evenness in
of polished iron
patterns or designs.
Informants sometimes refer without qualification to such

man as "beautiful," but it is clear
that they mean only the aesthetic embellishments. The Pakot tend
to atomize the unit (or what might seem to be a unit to us) into its
component pretty and nonpretty parts. Thus the term pachigh
things as a fully decorated adult
applies to the aesthetic
components of a complex
like the fully
dressed adult man. In fact this atomization goes further, and the
may be broken down into its components. Thus a

man wears a headdress, necklaces, bracelets, etc. In
pachigh aspect
fully dressed
which are called

any single element may be called pachigha,
the final a in the morpheme being added as a modifier to show that
the thing referred to is but one element in what may be thought of
contrast to the collection of aesthetic elements
collectively pachigh,
as a complex.
Why
this
should be necessary
known whether an element
is
not understood.
may
be pachigha in
one context may be pachigh in another.
The Pakot concept of beauty is relative or a matter of degree.
Any beautiful object may be viewed as more or less aesthetically
pleasing than something else. Of three colored shirts covered with
designs which were shown to informants, the one with the brightest colors, the largest number of colors, and a wealth of surface
pattern was considered prettier than the others. Of all cattle those
colored pure black are prettier than the others. This is true only for
Neither
is it
the locality in
that
which the investigation took place where black
cattle
are relatively rare.
There is general agreement about the beauty of things in

broad categories like color. But while informants stated that all
colors or pigments are pretty, the colored hides of goats and sheep
are not considered to be pretty in any way. Their colors are thought
to be too drab and monotonous. Similarly, colored beads arranged
in a pattern are usually beautiful. But Pakot have preferences that
exclude some arrangements. Some colors are preferred, such as
may be
strung out in a solid line and be juxtaposed with any other solidcolored string and be pretty. When different-colored beads are
blue in the locality under consideration, but any color
60
Art and Aesthetics
in
Primitive Societies
strung on the same line an alternation of white and blue or of red

and white is acceptable while alternation of red and yellow, red
and blue, or yellow and white is not, apparently without regard to
It would seem that the latter groupings are unacceptable
because the contrast between colors is reduced and like the colors
of goats and sheep they become monotonous. White and yellow
provide little contrast but white and blue provide a large contrast.
Although there is general agreement on what is beautiful,
pattern.
there
are
areas
of
disagreement.
We
have already noted the
regional variations in opinions about the relative beauty of cattle
sometimes disagreement about whether a thing is

example is the case of a woman who felt
that there was nothing beautiful about cattle, but that a healthy,
green field of eleusine plants was beautiful. Most men would take
colors.
There
beautiful at
is
all.
A notable
just the opposite position. This difference of opinion apparently
derives
from the division of labor by
sex.
Women
usually have
little
control over cattle, resent the menial labor associated with
them
that they
must perform, and derive
little
prestige
from them,
while they can control the crops they produce and spend
their time in the fields. In short, the
much
men and women seem
of
to find
them most and to

But at least one man was
cultivator and who described a field of
eleusine plants as pretty because "the plants are even and regular
and green and when a man stands by the field he can look over all
of them." It was the panorama of all the plants which, unlike a
field of straggling sorghum, can be easily viewed as a whole that
appealed to him.
Allusion has been made a number of times to the beauty
inherent in unique or unusual objects such as strangely woven
baskets, unusually carefully built houses, or the lip on the milk
pot. One informant said that European possessions were the prettiest things he had ever seen because he had never seen anything
like them before. But not all things that are strange are necessarily
beautiful. We have already seen that some strange arrangements
of beads are not pretty. Some things which are unusual at first may
acquire some utilitarian use and become common, thus losing the
quality of pachigh. A concrete bridge built by Europeans in the
aspects of beauty in areas of
which they willingly give

found who was a devoted
life
that interest
attention.
61
The
reserve a
few years ago apparently was at

Now that the Pakot depend on
wholly pretty.
first
it
considered to be
to cross the river its
beauty has been reduced to certain embellishments such as the

"battlements" located along the sides.
New
which
things
are
startlingly
beautiful
are
called
wechigha, while those which are ugly and frightening are wechipachigha. It was difficult to find any example of the latter other
than the hypothetical case of a man walking down the road carrying his head under his arm, but there was emphatic agreement
that this was wechipachigha. Not all strange things are thought of
as either pretty or ugly. There is disagreement about innovations
and no generalization seems possible, except perhaps that when a
new item has obvious utilitarian use it is excluded from the area of
beauty.
Taken as a whole the Pakot attitude to new things is not so

Even among ourselves uniqueness is often a quality that
has aesthetic virtue, and like the Pakot we may consider some new
thing pretty, such as a late-model automobile, until it becomes
common and its other functions become dominant. The principal
difference between the Pakot and ourselves is that new things are
rarer among them. They idolize the status quo and do not encourstrange.
age change.
When
an innovation appears
it
may
be especially
striking.
paper we have spoken only of what I have

is a suggestion that the term pachigh may
such things as dances and songs but the evidence is
Throughout
this
called visual art. There
be applied to
too scanty to discuss.
To conclude, Pakot visual art, defined as man-made embellishments with aesthetic appeal, consists essentially of the decoration of objects with no aesthetic qualities. Objects of art are things
which are glossy or polished, have an unusual pattern or form
(including strange baskets and finely built houses as well as the
kamar steer), and colors. There are exceptions in that some
unusual forms are ugly according to Pakot interpretations and
drab colors are not pretty. Further, it seems to be generally true
that any form which is useful in getting a living or has some
nonaesthetic function
is
not beautiful.
of the Pakot concept of beauty
is
that
One
it is
essential characteristic
an embellishment on the
Art and Aesthetics
62
in
Primitive Societies
ordinary nonaesthetic things of life. These objects of art seldom

ever stand alone; they are applied to other objects as decoration.
We
have analyzed the Pakot concept of beauty and have
isolated their art according to
made
if
it,
using the definition of art as man-
remains to consider the possible errors introduced

by attempts to deduce aesthetic values in another culture. I myself
provide a useful case in point because before the Pakot ideas of
beauty were discovered I unwittingly indulged in such deduction.
To some extent the deductive approach was successful in that such
things as necklaces and bracelets were classified as art objects in
agreement with the Pakot. This was probably due to the fact that to
a certain extent Pakot and European standards of beauty coincide
or that some standards are universal. But a European has a tendency to generalize beauty to a whole object on which embellishment had been made, and thus to fail to recognize the fine distinction that Pakot make between an object and its embellishments.
Furthermore, some things which the Pakot consider aesthetically
pleasing embellishments were missed, while some were considered
beautiful which the Pakot would not. Deductively the lip of the
milk pot along with the pot was considered nonaesthetic. This
proved to be wrong, the lip being considered by the Pakot as a
pretty embellishment. On the other hand, the headrest was deductively classified as an object of art because, although it has
nonaesthetic functions, it is carried about by its owner like a
decorative cane and is polished and decorated. To the Pakot only
the gloss and incised or inlaid design are beautiful. A headrest
without these is not beautiful in any way.
This discussion would be incomplete if it were not said that
although it may be useful for purposes of ethnography to isolate
beauty.
It
according to a universal definition the particular area of life of the

Pakot that may be called "art," a classification of this kind is liable
to be very misleading if not qualified by Pakot concepts of beauty.
Pakot do not recognize anything called art as such. There is mere
pachigh and non-pachigh whether man-made or occurring in nature. Our attempts to separate the two for purposes of this paper
were highly artificial, in some cases dubious, and a violation of
Pakot conceptualization of the universe. In short, we might argue
that analysis of Pakot culture would proceed more adequately with
63
The
a category of "beautiful" or "aesthetic" things than with a category

of "art."
Our discussion suggests
that attempts to classify the art of a
nonliterate people deductively without determining at first their
concepts of beauty are bound to be only partly accurate.
On
the
such information can directly contribute to

art theory, as in this case to the old debate over whether the art of
nonliterate people is utilitarian or not. As we have seen, Pakot art
is never utilitarian if we define utilitarian as having any nonaesthetic function. Beautiful things have only the function of
pleasing the eye and only the function of enhancing nonaesthetic
positive side, securing
things.
Relationships Between Child Training
and the Pictorial Arts*

HERBERT BARRY, III
Dr. Barry
was one
of the first to attempt a scientific analysis of the relation-
ship between art style and socialization
and
in
The method
The findings of this
primitive societies.
results of his research are explicitly stated here.
research have stimulated further study and an extension of Dr. Barry's ideas
(see the articles by John
bins
in this
Dr. Herbert Barry,

in
L.
Fischer, Vytautas Kavolis,
and Michael C. Rob-
volume).
III,
is
Associate Professor of Cross-cultural Research
the Department of Anthropology at the University of Pittsburgh and Re-
search Associate Professor of Pharmacology
Pharmacy. He
is
an interest reflected
in
artist's
the University's School of
his writings, "Effects of Strength of Drive
and on Extinction," and "Drug

Stress Syndrome."
ing
An
in
currently concerned with the effect of drugs on behavior,
personality
is
Effect
on Learn-
on Animal Performance and the
commonly thought
to
be expressed in the
style of his art creations, so that individual differences in art style
are related to individual differences in personality. If this assumption is true,
it
should be possible to find a correlation between an

style. The index of the
appropriate index of personality and art
artist's personality may include events known to be influential,

such as the socialization practices he has undergone. A correlation
between socialization and art style, if obtained, may mean that the
socialization
and
art variables are related to the
same aspect
of the
artist's personality.
Reprinted from the Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology, Vol.

(May, 1957), pp. 380-83. This paper is a revised version of a thesis
presented to the Social Relations Department at Harvard College in partial
*
54, No. 3
The thesis
was written under the generous and helpful guidance of Dr. John W. M.
Whiting. The revisions were made with helpful suggestions from Dr. Irvin L.
fulfillment of the requirements for the B.A. degree with honors.
Child.
Relationships Between Child Training and the Pictorial Arts
65
This argument
may
be generalized from the single individual
modal individual in a small and relatively homogeneous society. The socialization practices and art styles as
aspects of culture are perpetuated beyond the individual's life span
by custom, but cultural custom like an individual's behavior develops and may be modified as an adjustment to the personality
characteristics of the individuals. The present study was carried out
to test for a correlation between severity of socialization and style
of art among a sample of nonliterate societies. The measures on
socialization have been presented by Whiting and Child (4), and
the present investigator independently obtained measures of art
to the typical or
style.
METHOD
Thirty nonliterate societies were selected from the
list
of
which Whiting and Child gave socialization data.

These thirty societies comprised all those from which the investigator was able to find at least ten works of graphic art, either
seventy-six on
exhibitions in
If
museums,
or as illustrations in ethnographic reports.
ten to twenty works of art were available for a culture they were
all rated; if more than twenty were available, representative ones

were picked at random. In all, 549 works of art were rated.
Each work of art was rated on eighteen criteria of art style,
using a seven-point scale. Since the score on most of the variables
was influenced by the material used, the art works of each culture
were compared with those of other cultures in the same material,
e.g., weaving, woodwork, wickerwork, and pottery. The culture was
designated as above or below the median in each variable, combining its score in the different materials but comparing its art in
each material only with the art of the other cultures in the same
material.
Whiting and Child described
five
universal systems of be-
havior: oral, anal, sexual, dependence, and aggression.

of socialization
faction
and
were distinguished for each system:
socialization anxiety.
The
Two
stages
initial satis-
resultant ten variables
had
each been rated on a 1-7 scale by three judges, and the three
ratings added together. This combined score for each of the ten
Soul-bearer's disk. Akrafokonmu. Africa, Ghana, Ashanti tribe. Gold, 4 5/16"

in
diameter. The Cleveland
J.
H.
Wade
variables
Museum
of Art,
Cleveland, Purchase from the
Fund.
was transformed into standard scores, using the sample

on which art scores were available. The five
of thirty cultures
scores of initial satisfaction were reversed in sign so that a high
score
would mean low
satisfaction.
The ten standard
scores were
then combined for an overall measure of severity of socialization,

with a high score signifying high severity.
RESULTS
Eleven
art variables
plexity of art style. 1
was defined
One
were considered
to
be measures of com-
of these variables, complexity of design,
upper extreme as a design with many unreform a complex organization of design; the lower
at the
peated figures
to
i Seven additional variables were

rated but are omitted here for the
following reasons: three concerned color and there were insufficient cases;
two were unreliably rated; two were rated with insufficient variation.
67
extreme of
was defined as a design with few figures or

form a simple organization of design. The
which were less directly defined in terms of
this variable
repetition of figures to
other ten variables,
complexity of art style, are listed in Table I.

To provide a combined measure of complexity of
art,
cultures
were scored as high in combined complexity if they were rated

above the median (in the direction of complexity) in six or more
of the eleven separate measures, low if they were above the
median in five or fewer of these measures. Table i (left-hand
column of figures) shows the tetrachoric correlation of each variable with this combined measure, using the table compiled by
Davidoff and Goheen (i). The statistical significance was computed by the Fisher-Yates exact test (2).
Table
Correlation of the Art Variables with
1.
Complexity of Style and Severity of Socialization

(All of the correlations are positive)
Art Variables
Complexity
Severity of
of Style
Socialization
(r tet ,
N = 30)
(r bis ,N
Complexity of design
Presence of enclosed figures
Presence of lines oblique to each other
Presence of sharp figures
Presence of curved lines
.98**
.71**
.91**
32
Representativeness of design
Presence of lines oblique

Crowdedness of space
Asymmetry of design
Presence of border
Shortness of lines
.67*
45
.67*
.12
to
edges
.91**
.81**
.18
.81**
.07
.67*
.56*
13
50
.26
3i
.20
3i
.11
2 8)
v <
"p<
-05.
.01.
The biserial correlation of each variable of art style with the

measure of severity of socialization is shown in the righthand column of Table 1. For each of the eleven art variables, the
overall
direction of high complexity
is
positively related to high severity of
Art and Aesthetics
68
socialization.
Two
in
Primitive Societies
of the art variables are significantly related to
the overall measure of socialization by
which
most
t test.
Complexity of design,
combined measure of complexity of art, is the art variable showing the highest correlation
with severity of socialization. The combined measure of complexity
is
closely related to the
of art has a biserial correlation of
measure of
severity of socialization (t
Table
2.
.47 with
2.06;
<
the overall
.05).
Correlation of the Art Variables with
Measures
of Severity of Socialization
and anxiety measures taken

from Whiting and Child (4))
(Satisfaction
Anxiety
Satisfaction
Behavior System
r bis
N
29
23
28
+ -35
+ .16
Sexual
-59**
- .32
- .05
Dependence
-.46
Aggression
- .04
27
30
+ .42
+ -33
Oral
Anal
<
The
r bli
.28
N
27
23
28
26
30
.01.
complexity of design with each of

the ten measures of socialization is shown in Table 2. In all ten
cases high severity of socialization is positively correlated with
high complexity of design, although the intercorrelations among
biserial correlation of
the five systems of behavior (reported by Whiting and Child) are
mostly slight.
Table 3 lists the thirty cultures in this sample, grouped into
those above and below the median on complexity of design. The
left-hand column of figures for both groups of cultures shows the
combined measure of severity of socialization. The right-hand
column indicates that complexity of design is correlated with the
occurrence of cultures for which some of the socialization ratings
were omitted because of insufficient information. Ratings were
omitted in none of the fifteen cultures above the median in com-
69
plexity
and
in seven of the fifteen culture
below the median. This
difference is significant by the Fisher-Yates Exact Test (p < .01).

Instances of severe socialization practices are generally more
dramatic and likely to be reported more fully. Therefore it is probable that omissions of ratings indicate an unreported low degree of
severity more often than an unreported high degree of severity.
There is evidence for this inference from the fact that the socialTable
3.
Complexity of Design and Severity of
Socialization
in
the
Complexity of Design Above Median

Socializ.
Not
severity
rated
Culture
Ashanti
Chiricahua
+
+
1. 01
Dahomean
+
+
.69
+
+
+
.35
+
+
+
+
Alorese
Western Apache
Kwakiutl
Samoans
Ainu
Maori
Marquesan
Arapesh
Yakut
Balinese
Trobrianders
Teton Dakota
Sample Cultures
Complexity of Design Below Median

Socializ.
Not
severity
rated
Culture
Hopi
+
+
.29
O
O
O
O
O
O
.26
Ifugao
45
.12
Andamanese
54
.12
Marshallese
.56
.09
.58
.06
O
O
Chenchu
Yagua
Comanche
Murngin
.77
.38
.OI
.21
.22
-47
O
O
O
Thonga
Navaho
37
Paiute
05
O
O
O
Masai
Papago
.28
34
.20
30
.62
94
1.05
Omaha
Zuni
Note: Cultures are divided into above and below the median for the art variable of
complexity of design. Each culture is listed with its average score on the combined
measure of severity of socialization, and the number of socialization variables (out of ten)
on which a rating was not made.
ization ratings
made with
the lower of two specified degrees of
confidence were generally below average in severity.
If
the major-
omissions indicate low severity of socialization, they give

further evidence of the positive relationship described above with
ity of
low complexity of
art design. Since the art materials
and
socializa-
Art and Aesthetics
70
in
Primitive Societies
were obtained from different sources,
tion information
it
is
un-
likely that the correlation indicates a direct causative relationship
between inadequate ethnographic information and

art works below the median in complexity of design.
availability of
DISCUSSION
The
correlation between severity of socialization
and com-
plexity of design in artworks indicates the presence of a connect-
ing link between these two variables, to which both are related.
Cultures with low and high severity of socialization are certain to

differ
from each other
their people, if
we
in the typical personality characteristics of
believe that socialization has an important
influence on personality and that our measures of socialization are

valid. Therefore, cultures
differ
from each other
tics of their people. It is

ity characteristics
with simple and complex art styles also
in the
same
typical personality characteris-
reasonable to believe that these personal-
influence the style of the artworks created by the
people. This belief provides a possible explanation for the correlations
between socialization and
The correlations of
overall measure of art
art variables.
the eleven variables of art style with the

style
suggest the presence of a general
factor of complexity or elaborateness in various specific measures
of style. This general factor
may
be a component of the distinction
between classicism and romanticism. In nonrepresentative designs, which characterize the majority of the artworks in this
sample, romanticism might be described in terms of complexity of
design and specific variables such as asymmetry, curved lines, and
crowded figures. Most of these eleven variables have been included
in a list of variables described by C. Sachs (3) as related to the
classic-romantic distinction.
The
oral
and dependence systems of behavior, shown in Table
2 to have the highest relationships to complexity of design in art,
are mainly concerned with adequacy of food, affection,

tion.
and protec-
In the majority of cultures with complex art styles, to draw an
implication from this finding, the typical individual learns

reliant behavior to a high degree
and
is
self-
punished or frustrated for
71
On the other hand, the systems of

behavior with lower relationships to art style (anal, sexual, and
overt expression of dependence.
aggression) are concerned with prohibition or restriction of pleasurable actions, and imply pressure toward obedient and compliant
behavior.
The
correlation of
complex
art style
with severe social-
ization thus apparently applies primarily to severe socialization
pressures toward independent behavior rather than toward obedi-
ent behavior.
The
correlations reported in this paper are subject to various
Such ambiguity can best be reduced by

determining with more certainty the meanings of the measures of
socialization and art style, as by finding the relationships of these
measures to independent measures of personality, aesthetic exalternative interpretations.
pression,
and other aspects
of cultural practices.
SUMMARY
Works of pictorial art of thirty nonliterate cultures were rated
on a number of variables of art style. Eleven of these art variables
were found
to
be related to each other on a dimension of complex-
The
art variables were correlated with a combined

measure of severity of socialization from ratings presented by
Whiting and Child (4). For each of the eleven art variables the
cultures above the median in complexity tended to be above
average in severity of socialization, for two of the art variables the
ity of style.
was statistically significant. The variable, complexity

which was more closely related than any other art
variable to the overall measure of complexity, showed a higher
correlation than any of the others with the measure of severity of
socialization. Cultures above the median in complexity of design
tended to be above average in each of the ten separate measures of
correlation
of design,
socialization severity.
possible interpretation of the results
characterization
ity of
is
is
that a personality
and complexand that the cultural custom

socialization and art style is an
related to severity of socialization
art style in the individual,
which perpetuates a pattern of

adjustment
to the personalities of the individuals in the culture.
72
Art and Aesthetics
in
Primitive Societies
Bibliography
Davidoff, M. D.
and Goheen, H. W. "A Table
for the
Rapid Determination of
the Tetrachoric Correlation Coefficient," Psychometrica (1953), pp. 18,

115-21.
Finney, D.
J.
"The Fisher-Yates Test of Significance in 2 X 2 Contingency
Tables," Biometrika (1948), pp. 35, 145-46.

Sachs, C. The Commonwealth of Art. New York:
Whiting,
J.
W. M. and
Child,
Haven: Yale University
I.
L.
W. W. Norton, 1946.
Child Training and Personality.
Press, 1953-
New
An
Art:
Introduction to
Qualitative Anthropology
GEORGE MILLS
Professor Mills defines the art process in the light of a number of aesthetic
He distinguishes quality of experience as the element basic to art.
theories.
He
between the cognitive mode of science and the qualitative

and concludes that an analysis of styles may lead to an underqualitative experience that "may shed light upon the interior
differentiates
mode
of art
standing of
articulation of cultures."
George Mills is Associate Professor of Anthropology at Lake Forest

He specializes in primitive art, value theory, and cultures of the
American Southwest. His particular interest is the relationships between
art, culture, and society. He has written Kachinas and Saints: A Contrast in
Style and Culture (1953), and Navaho Art and Culture (1959).
Dr.
College.
Two independent
development are converging in anthroThe first is concerned with the study of art. The limitations of our treatment of art can be shown by reference to four of
its aspects: technique and materials, social function, style, and its
nature as a medium of expression. Anthropologists have been interested in the following questions Is there an evolution of styles
from representative to geometric forms or vice versa (Stolpe,
Boas), what is the effect of technique upon style (Holmes), how
may regional styles be defined (Stolpe, Haddon, Wingert), how do
art objects function within the religious, social, and economic life
lines of
pology. 1
No.
Reprinted from The Journal of Aesthetics and Art Criticism, Vol. XVI,
(September, 1957), pp. 1-17.
1 1
am
grateful to Professor J. Glenn Gray for permission to take part in

on aesthetics and to Professor E. Darnell Rucker for the opporattend his course on the philosophy of science. I have drawn on
his course
tunity to
discussions that took place in both of these courses for ideas expressed in
this paper. I
wish
ing and criticizing
to
thank Professor Gray and Mr. Richard Grove for read-
my manuscript.
Art and Aesthetics
74
Primitive Societies
in
of a culture (any good ethnography),
what
is
the nature of the
processes by which arts are created (Teit, Bunzel), and
how
does
(Himmelheber)? Of the four aspects of art mentioned above, that which

has been consistently ignored is the most obvious art as a medium
the definition of the artistic role affect these processes
of expression.
we can
that
One
of the basic assumptions of social science
is
call them patwill from patterns of
abstract stable, central tendencies
terns, configurations, values, or
what you
behavior, regularities of personality, and language usages.
None
of
and enduring
shaped in part by the
these sources of data reflects only these central
tendencies; personality, for instance,
physical characteristics of the

the
way
None
of life studied.
these central tendencies
by comparing
all
human
is
beings
who
live
according to
of these sources of data fully reflects
which can be thoroughly understood only

Much attention, from this
sources of information.
point of view, has been given behavior, personality expressions,
and language, but

tists. It is
art
has been ignored
at
least
by social scien-
not surprising that the chapter in Anthropology Today
was written by an art historian and

most of the people whose work he discusses are also art
that deals with this problem

that
historians.
The second line of development has to do with the understanding of a way of life from within. It is recognized that by
arranging ethnological facts according to our own habits of
thought under such headings as religion, social organization,
economics, life cycle we make it difficult to determine how a
people articulate their own thoughts, feelings, and activities. This
realization has led to a new interest in largely affected states, such
Navahos, and the

"awayness" of the Balinese; to new methods, such as analysis of
personal histories, for examining the inner articulation of cultures;
and to new conceptual tools like value, value-orientation, and
symbolic act for considering the role of affects in behavior.
as the fears of the Eskimos, the anxieties of the
David McAllester's
Enemy Way Music
is
a recent exemplifica-
and anthropological interests, a

development which promises to broaden our insight into problems
of culture as well as improve our methods for dealing with these
tion of the convergence of aesthetic
Navaho mask
of Yebitsai.
Hide with a few painted black lines and ornamented
The mask was worn in the famous curing

Navaho known as the Night Chant. The name of this divinity,
Hastseyalti, means the Talking God, Talking Elder, or Chief of the Gods. He is
also known as Yebitsai, Maternal Grandfather of the Gods. He is the most
important character in the Night Chant, and he is the leader of the public
dance on the last night. White men commonly speak of this ceremony as the
Yebichai dance. He is the god of dawn and of the eastern sky. He is also a
god of animals and of the chase. His mask is white, with the symbol of a
cornstalk with two ears painted on it. At the back is a fanlike ornament of
eagle plumes. The Brooklyn Museum, New York.
with feathers, fur, and red hair.
ceremony
of the
76
Art and Aesthetics
in
Primitive Societies
problems. The purpose of this paper

art that will
make
this
important
is to
human
sketch some ideas about
undertaking more
intel-
ligible to the social scientist.
THE ARTISTIC PROCESS

It is
easy to oversimplify the
conclusions on a single
medium
artistic process.
We may
base
of expression or raid the arts for
those features which
fit our preconceptions and, by ignoring other

cogency to superficial conclusions. Freud's treatment of
Leonardo da Vinci is a classic example, as Abell has shown. Of all
the features of style and iconography that appear in Leonardo's
work, how few are recognized and used, and yet what large results
are achieved. The following diagram, intended to mark off the
major turning points in the artistic process, will be used as a basis
for discussing various concepts and matters of aesthetic fact.
facts, give
Summary
of the Artistic
Process
Sociocultural
Sociocultural
context of
the process
context of
State of
mind
Definition of
Experience
artist's role
of artist
Link
Public object
public object
Manipulation
of
medium
Presentation^ _
^Structure utility
suggestion J
Definition of
Experience of
Process of
appreciator's
appreciator
appreciation
role
Artistic roles.
In constituting part of the role structure of
society, the role of the artist is
no different from that of general,

artist must live up to
policeman, or teacher. Like the rest of us, the
The individual responsible for the making

Navaho culture has religious and medical funcfor the Navahos is intimately bound up with the
expectations or suffer.
of drypaintings in
tions because art
maintenance of health and cosmic organization. Memory for the
77
Art:
An
Introduction to Qualitative Anthropology
more important in this

than originality. American culture offers a variety of
roles for artistic skills. The responsibilities assumed by nonobjective painter, commercial artist, and architect are quite different.
In many cultures, the role of art lover lacks definition because
art is not viewed as a separate activity. This does not prevent
individuals from attending to and being moved by objects and
events in a way that we may call aesthetic. Our own society does
traditional, carefully specified designs is
Navaho
art
provide a fairly well-defined role for the connoisseur and collector,

as well as a special sanctuary, the
museum,
into
which they may
occasionally retreat with their refined tastes.
Experience of the
artist.
What
is
the relation of the quality of
the artist's experience to his final product? Does
it
preexist the
manipulation of the medium, or are the quality of the experience

and the style of the art so interwoven with the manipulation of the
medium as to emerge simultaneously from it? The experience of
the artist is the most covert and elusive phase of the entire process.
One cannot rely upon even the artist's description of his inner
states, for his understanding of these states is unwittingly influenced by the expectations that his role establishes. In a culture
demands originality, the artist will honestly overlook many

To use a sacramental analogy, the artist's state of
mind is the invisible grace of which the work of art is the visible
form. Nevertheless, by studying the artist's choice of medium, his
products, the definition of his role, and what he says about his
work by studying each of these in the light of all the others, we
that
borrowings.
shall learn a
good deal about the
Skill. Skillful
certain effects
is
the
most common
such a phrase as "the black

tool handling, bodily
of the
makeup
artist's
manipulation of a
inner workings.
medium
in order to achieve
criterion of art, implicit
arts." Skills of perception,
even in
memory,
movement, and organizational ability are part

on which the nature of his experience
of the artist
and of his work depends.

Materiality. One can discuss at length what a medium comprises. Materials? The use to which materials are put (oil paint
may be applied slickly or crustily)? The complex of images and
experiences that the artist selects for expression? One can even
argue whether or not the material embodiment is essential to the
78
Art and Aesthetics
existence of
in
Primitive Societies
As for the
art.
important; what
is
first
question,
not so important
all
three types of fact are
deciding where the
is
medium
ends and analysis of the object begins. As for the second question,
since the social scientist cannot deal with unexpressed intuitions,
we shall say that art does not exist until the artist has set his hand
to a medium and has produced a painting, musical score, dance
notation, or other public object. If
it is
true that the intuition of the
formed only through struggles with his medium, then the

process of having intuitions is inseparable from the process of
making them public.
The idea of embodying an intuition in a medium applies to
painting, sculpture, and architecture. In the dance, the artist's
body is his medium, and it would be more correct to say that he
artist is
manipulates this
medium
in such a
way
as to
make
his intuition
known. Music presents a different problem. The public object of

the musician is not always his own creation. He provides clues, in
the form of a score, to the nature of the public object, but the
completion of this object may depend upon the skill of a performer. Musical instruments have a similar effect; a composition
intended for the harpsichord
is
qualitatively different
when played
upon the piano.

These are important differences, for by overlooking them we
What mediums are included under the
rubric of art? The answer to this question must wait upon a more
precise answer to the question, What is art? We may be sure in
advance that we shall encounter fuzzy edges, and that some activities may or may not be considered art depending upon the
oversimplify our aesthetics.
expansiveness of one's sympathies. What are the limitations of

each medium? This problem cannot be solved until that Judgment
Day when the work of all artists in all mediums can be perused.
Before that time, however, we may be able to form opinions about
the expressive bias of each medium, and these opinions will help
us to understand the more elusive parts of the creative process, for
insofar as a choice exists, the selection of a
medium means
the
selection of opportunities to experience in a particular fashion.
The public
object.
The
insistence
upon materiality provides us
with a public object or event in which

all
possible observers
Thomas Munro
remain
(p.
all
relevant experiences of
potential.
354), distinguishes three aspects of the
79
Art:
An
public object: the presented, the suggested, and the structural.

first
includes
that
all
is
The
present to the sense of the individual:
shapes, colors, tones, textures, and the
like. Suggestion achieves

immediately sensuous through the presentation
of sensuous materials. Through its arrangement of shapes and
colors a two-dimensional painting may suggest a three-dimensional
object. Suggestion, according to Munro, takes several forms. It
may be mimetic, as in trompe Voeil painting; symbolic, as when a
effects that are not
cross brings to
mind
operate through
common and
when
the essentials of Christianity;
or
it
may
often unconscious associations, as
a zigzag line conveys a sense of motion.
The presented and suggested aspects of the public object are

structured or organized. One might define art as a portion of experience small enough to be organized as man would have his
whole experience organized. By reducing organization to such
principles as repetition, contrast, balance, etc., valuable analytic
though these
may
even to dichotomies like romantic

we misunderstand the chief point
about organization: that one element must be considered in relation to all of the others that make up the work. The effect may be
chaotic, as in the anti-art products of Dadaism, but it remains
deliberate chaos, which is a special type of chaos, meaningful only
in relation to the artistic cosmos that it denies. Structure is as
tools
and
be, or
classic types of structure,
and suggested aspects
significant expressively as the presented
of
the object.
Style.
It is
A style
is
a recurrent
way
of structuring
a regularity, an aesthetic pattern, that
is
and presenting.
abstracted from a
number of works of art. The number of works may range from

those executed by a single artist during a period of his life to styles
characteristic of whole nations or ages. Although styles differ
markedly and defining the nature of these differences is not

easy one fact is common to all styles they are not reproductions
or literal copies of nature.
Commonly
tween naturalistic and abstract

because
it
obscures the fact that
style implies selection of
their reordering in
new
a distinction
This
all art is
elements from
is
is
made
art.
be-
misleading. First,
abstract in the sense that
human
experience and
structures. "Naturalistic" simply
than "abstract"
omies leads you to label an
less abstract
art.
means
Second, the use of such dichot-
art as either abstract or naturalistic,
Art and Aesthetics
80
although
may
be naturalistic in some respects, but abstract in
when
a Spanish- American attaches a portrait-like head
it
others, as
body that
to a
Primitive Societies
in
stylizes the
human
physique, or a
Navaho sand-
painter places naturalistic animals beside the geometric representations of Holy People
from
As a result, the term

gaining currency. This
his mythology.
psychical distance, coined by Bullough,
is
concept indicates, not two or three possible relations between style
and
but an infinity of ways and degrees in which style

it is known in everyday life.
reality,
may
depart from reality as
Because it requires a medium, and because of its distance

from daily life, art has developmental tendencies that may trace,
as Kroeber has shown, a trajectory different from those of associated
cultural
patterns.
Little
known about
is
the
immanent
directioning of aesthetic patterns, but they are of obvious impor-
tance for the study of art-in-culture. If they exist, fluctuations of
may be determined by previous

contemporaneous cultural values.
style
Utility.
cultural
states of the art as well as
Just as the experience of the artist
demands through
is
by
related to socio-
the definition of role, so the public
demands through its utility. It is

keep in mind the distinction between the object's
utility and its function. Utility is a matter of entering into action,
function of entering into awareness. The design of a piece of
cloth has utility when the cloth is made into curtains, but it does
not function until we take time to comtemplate the curtain. Function is essential to art, utility not. In keeping with this thought,
devotees of the fine arts have insisted on cutting away the utilitarian aspect of art. However, from the fact that utility is not essential to art, it does not follow that lack of utility makes an object art.
In other quarters, the confusion of utility and function is so thoroughgoing that the elimination of utility seems to do away with all
of the uses of art which comes to be denned as an indulgence for
the idle. A further result is to lower the quality of the products of
object
is
related to sociocultural
important
to
utilitarian skill; a great mistake, for utilitarian objects, providing
numerous opportunities
for aesthetic contemplation, ought to be

fashioned with the greatest care. At the same time it is difficult to
appreciate arts that have

precisely those
ends.
we
utility, for
familiar and useful objects are
are least apt to see except as they serve practical
81
An
Art:
The
purist says that art
is
divorced from daily
life
while the
with the dogmatism of some theologians, that

divorce is a sin. It is possible that both purist and relationist are
reasonable and that the important question is not, "Which view
relationist
says,
gives us the essence of art?" but,
"How
are these two facts of art
related to one another?" Art is fraternal, yea-saying, delighted with
commonplace sensuous
resources, overjoyed to be the tool
worn
smooth by a man's hand, the clothing warmed by his body, the

cockleshell that bobs between him and the ocean floor. Art has
room for criminality and sin as well as cognition and sanctity. No
situation or subject matter is alien: religious dogma, ceremonial,
eating and sleeping, cities and hermits, saints and storms at sea.
Using without being used, it remains embracive but elusive. Our
conception of art must cover fishhooks and window shades as well
as nonobjective painting and fugues.
Appreciation. This concept
clear that those
do
so,
we
who
is
are not artists
receive impacts of color,
ceive relations
among
these,
it makes
from art; when we
sound, form, movement, per-
necessary because
may
profit
and entertain suggestions similar
to
those the artist experiences in the course of his work.
The President, while attending the theatre, is assassinated,

and the assassin jumps onto the stage and shouts, "Sic semper
tyrannis." If the play which the President was attending happened
to be a performance of Julius Caesar in modern dress, the reality
of the murder and the reality of the play would be confused, and
the audience would do nothing to pursue the criminal. This inhibition of practical action before the work of art, so different from the
response accorded similar events in daily
another aspect of psychical distance.
life, is
brought about by
Aesthetic experience. If this conclusion about appreciation be

true, the experience of the art lover is similar to that of the artist.
Is this experience so distinctive that it warrants the use of such
terms as aesthetic experience, aesthetic contemplation, and the
like?
Many have
distinguished aesthetic experience by saying that
whereas other experiences are instrumentally valuable. However, every choice we make is decided in
part by anticipating that the chosen course will be more interesting, more valuable for its own sake, than the rejected one. This is
not the only standard of choice, and often this one is overborne by
it
is
intrinsically valuable,
Art and Aesthetics
82
in
Primitive Societies
We come closer to an important feawhen we recall the distinction between

two kinds of knowing made in French, Spanish, and German:
knowing by acquaintance and knowing by understanding. Many
more urgent considerations.
ture of aesthetic experience
have studied the
skeptics
skepticism, but one

as that
life
moment
which came
to
of Christ without
understanding have not accomplished. Art

Saul: there is a voice, a presence, an impact.
aspect of the public object
ture
come
Joseph Conrad (pp. 707, 708),
when he
and the
senses,
must
like
says that
artistic
make
all
is
"art
is
My
am
itself in
trying to achieve
make you
does
appeals primarily to the
its
task which
struc-
not describing his methods
aim when expressing
the written word, to
and
first this
not read aloud. However,
appeal through the senses, if

to reach the secret spring of responsive emotions."
also
the vision of
recall that a basic
presentational. Suggestion
is
not seem to hold true of literature that

alone
is
We
us vividly, immediately, sensuously. At
to
altering their
knowledge by acquaintance, such

Saul, may do what years of knowledge by
of
hear, to
its
is,
written words
high desire
is
by the power of
make you
feel
it is,
all, to make you

and no more, and it is
everything. If I succeed, you shall find there, according to
your deserts, encouragement, consolation, fear, charm, all you
demand and, perhaps, also that glimpse of truth for which
you have forgotten to ask.
before
see.
That
The importance
of art's function
can be studied in terms of

Nav-
the trouble individuals will take to alter their surroundings.
aho blankets would be just as useful if they lacked the meticulous

outlining, found in some styles, which costs much time and labor.
The same
is
true of carved fish floats, painted pots, elaborate eat-
ing utensils, projectile points, masks, shields, and countless other

objects of daily use. We say that these objects have been embellished,
to them. When one considers

appears that what is added is as
have had decoration added
the cost of the decoration,
it
important as the original object, so that the separation of creation

and decoration is arbitrary. It would be more correct to say that a
function, which we do not wholly understand, has been added to
utility.
83
Art:
An
Universality. Art appears in all cultures that
we know
about.
conception that does not prove useful in dealing with arts from
cultures other than our own will not be adequate.
BASES FOR DEFINING ART

If
tic
we
take another look at the diagram,
we
find that the artis-
process has four major aspects: sociocultural context, state of
mind, public object, and the link between state of mind and object.
Each of these aspects of the process has become the center for
theories of art. Marxist views, as in the writing of Plekhanov, tend
to
make
art a passive reflection of conditions of production, thus
emphasizing the sociocultural context of creation. Croce's treatment of "intuition" lays stress upon the artist's state of mind, and
Dewey's use of "quality" embraces the state of mind of art lovers.
The public object becomes the center of iconological definitions of
art, as well as of theories of significant from insofar as these are
concerned with form. Insofar as they are concerned with significance, and most of them remain obscure about this, they seem to
point to the next aspect, the linkage between public object and,
state of mind. Here we have a variety of definitions: art as the
exercise of skills, expressive theories according to which states of
mind are given appropriate embodiment, including the psychoanalytic theory of art as a disguised expression of socially unacceptable impulses. Semiotic theories, like theories of significant
form, are undecided as to whether the locus of art is in the public
some state of mind with which the object corresponds.

There are also notions that distribute their definitional emphasis
among more than one aspect of the process. Talcott Parsons gives
equal attention to role, expression, symbol, and affect. Thomas
Munro, having given most thought to the problems of a combined
definition, offers a way of differentiating particular arts on the
basis of process, medium, and product.
If we agree that definitions vary with the purposes of the
object or in
definers we are not surprised to see so much contention over the

nature of art; what is surprising is that each scholar should treat
his own view of the essence of art as the last word that need be
said.
We
must keep
all
phases of the process in mind, but in order
Art and Aesthetics
84
in
Primitive Societies
we must
not to be embarrassed by our riches,

this process as the
primary differentia of
art
select
one phase of
and allow the other
phases to fall in place alongside it. Such a definition should enable

us to distinguish artistic activity from other activities, but it should
also help with the specifically anthropological problems mentioned
at the start of the paper: relating art to the rest of culture, and
making
methods and conclusions

and psychologists of art.
available the
aestheticians,
The idea
of art offered here
that aspect of the process
ploys
"qualities
is
not a
summed up
of experience"
as
new
of art historians,
one. Emphasizing
in "state of mind,"
its
genus.
it
em-
Recognizing that
nonaesthetic as well as aesthetic experiences have a qualitative
we
which distinguishes artistic

two sorts.
First, there are those qualities which occur in the course of, and
are controlled by, experiences forced upon us by nonaesthetic requirements. Man has to eat to live, so he works to acquire food. He
may hunt, gather, farm, or labor for wages, exchanging money for
food. Each of these economic activities is qualitatively different
from the others. Economic behavior falls within narrow limits set
by ability, situational requirements, and cultural patterns, so that
preferences based upon taste in qualities of experience have small
room in which to operate. Second, there are those experiences that
are controlled by qualitative considerations, and we here approximate aesthetic experience. The factor of qualitativeness refers to
the immediacy of art
its presence, impact, sensuousness. The
side,
qualities
are obliged to specify that
from
nonartistic. Qualitative experiences are of
factor of control further restricts the qualitative experiences that
are covered by the definition of

control
art.
These two factors
are not sufficient, for we can
all
we would hardly
tative experiences that
proceeding to refine this idea,
consider
definition offered here
meaning
is
art.
But before
must consider the view of John
Dewey, who also uses quality as the primary

experience, clarify the
quality and
think of controlled quali-
of qualitative,
criterion of artistic
and show why the
a useful one.
Dewey defines "an experience" as an interactive sequence between creature and environment that runs its course to fulfillment
and which is a whole, marked off from other experiences, because
it has a dominant quality. The roots of art are found in an experi-
85
Art:
An
ence which has aesthetic character even though it is not dominantly an aesthetic experience. But how can quality, which is a
passive concomitant of action in daily life, attain independent
status in the world of art? I say passive because, while for Dewey
quality gives unity to an experience by dyeing disparate materials
with its color, it does not give shape to an experience. This shape is
the result of interaction between creature and environment. The
length of the experience, the placing of its climax, the nature of its
which the
trajectory are determined by the ease or difficulty
ture encounters in attaining

is
its
crea-
end, and the quality of that action
a creaturely reflection of the shape of the experience. If these
are the roots of art,
it is
forth a flower. Dewey's
difficult to see
answer
is
how
that art
is
the roots can ever put
a prototype of success-
ful action. It can be a prototype because (i) artistic efforts are

worthwhile in themselves, as all action should be, and (2) the
artist, through his choice of techniques, controls the environment
of his action as well as its aim.
ing because, as
we have
The
first
argument
is
not convinc-
seen, art is not alone in being intrinsically
worthwhile. Other pursuits, including philosophy might be taken as

the prototype of successful action because
philosopher finds
fying.
it
we must assume the
qualitatively worthwhile
The second argument adds the
and
intrinsically satis-
virtue of controlling the
environment of action as well as its aim. But this is also true of the
mathematician who is able to raise a world upon the basis of
whatever axioms he chooses. Since mathematics may also have
cognitive uses which art appears to lack, it is not clear why art
should persist as the prototype of successful action. I believe art
has value, not merely as a protoype, but also as a type of successful action, and the problem, not solved by Dewey, is to find
wherein this value lies.
Quality is a good word in anyone's lexicon, but we cannot
allow eulogistic auras to substitute for clear meanings. Since any
art object may prompt long reveries having nothing to do with art,
we must
insist
on limiting ourselves
to qualitative
experiences that
are relevant to the public object. Presentation, suggestion,

structure
may
sensations
all
and
prompt qualitative experiences. Materials arouse
the paint
color red or blue, the
is
shiny or dull, the tone sharp or mellow, the
movement
fast or slow, the texture
rough or
Art and Aesthetics
86
in
Primitive Societies
smooth, the shape slim or dumpy. Structures have effects comparable to sensations:
Some
tight,
swirling,
of these structural associations
monumental,
may
or chaotic.
not be as constant
as,
say, the association of redness with that patch of material, but
where a structure-quality pattern is established, the suggestion

operates as immediately as does sensation. Structure and presentation conspire to suggest all sorts of things, so that we must add to
the qualitative experience of sensuous materials and structures the
qualities associated with suggested entities or events. This is
how
the mistaken conception of art as an imitation of reality arises. If

the depicted
mountain arouses the same
qualitative experience as
may be
one another; forms productive of the same quality
are experientially equal to one another. Since it is easier to believe
that art imitates nature than the reverse, the real mountain may be
seen as a whole, while the depicted mountain is excised from the
context of the painting and treated as if it were a lesser version of
a real mountain. The depicted mountain should be treated as the
prompter of a qualitative experience which, insofar as it is isolable, may be compared with the qualitative experience aroused by
real mountains but which, given the obvious intention of the artist,
a real mountain, then the real and depicted mountains
identified with
is
better related to the qualitative experience
prompted by the
materials and structure of the work. Out of this whole arises a
whole experience, and not until this act of aesthetic relating is

completed should the idea of real mountains enter our minds.
Considerations associated with utility of the object are also appropriate matters for suggestion.
radiates outward in
all
emotions, desires, and ideas, the

these as a train climbs
move
The
effect
of a
work
of art
directions; each suggestion arouses novel
its
mind moving
as rapidly over
horizontal ladder. In theory
we
could
Journey of the Magi to

the squaring of the circle. In doing so we would cross the boundary
of art. A single painting cannot bear the freight of all human
experience. This is why, to learn whether or not the promptings of
the
in
mind
unbroken career from
are relevant to the art,
Sassetta's
we must
constantly return to the
public object, to the primary, sensuous, structural vehicle, because

it is
there that the qualitative experience
the painting.
is
framed as
truly as is
87
An
Art:
Why
does this treatment of art as controlled qualitative expe-
rience serve us better than the notions of art as

or as significant
form?
First, to fix attention
skill,
as expression,
upon other points
of
reached leaves the

artistic process incomplete, inexplicable. Art involves skill, but
precisely why do we lavish skills upon these objects? If, in talking
about art as expression, we mean the expression of moods and
emotions encountered in experience, we have to ask, "Why trouble
to express these in art when they have been expressed in experience?" If art is formal and stylistic, a similar question arises,
"Why this particular style and not some other?" Since the answer
the process before the qaulitative culmination
to these questions lies in the
which
nature of the qualitative experiences

be the crux of
art controls, I take qualitative experience to
our study of the
artistic process.
Second, qualitative experience

tic
is
is
the point at
which the
artis-
process relates most profitably to nonaesthetic experiences of
interest to the social scientist.
human
why
experience;
because
we know
And we
shall never
Symbols are encountered throughout

good a place to start? Chiefly
isn't this as
little about the nature of artistic symbols.

understand such symbols until we know something of the experiences underlying them. If art is a sacrament, an
too
objectification
of qualitative
behavior, then
we may understand
states
that
are critical in
human
the significance of styles only
by studying qualities. Since I previously said that qualities can be

understood only by studying, among other things, styles, it now
appears that the argument has come full circle. No doubt the early
stages of art-in-culture research will require
sumptions for the control of

qualitative experience
and
this
style,
some arbitrary
The equality
circularity. 2
and therefore the
as-
of
circularity that
may be illustrated by a probwork. I had to find a way of relating

cultural values to facts of style. The psychology of art contains many assertions of the sort, "These constricted forms express these kinds of anxiety."
Such material promised the link I sought but had the drawback of being
based on research within our own culture. I made the arbitrary assumption
that these form-quality linkages are universal and proceeded to apply them
to the Navaho situation. The results, arbitrarily founded though they are,
offer new viewpoints on Navaho life and confirm the usefulness of further
2
lem
The
necessity for arbitrary assumptions
encountered in
art-in-culture studies.
my Navaho
88
Art and Aesthetics
in
Primitive Societies
obtains between them, is methodological, not vital. Art objects are

no more valuable in themselves than barometers; they are exceedingly delicate instruments for recording changes in the qualitative
atmosphere.
ART AND THE QUALITATIVE MODE

Experience
is
of statement.
largely controlled in
The formula
ways summed up by two types
for cognitive experience is: "it" (point-
ing to some entity in the world around us) "is" (or equals) "x"
(whatever, as a result of cognition, may be predicated of "it"). The

second type of statement gives us the results of a qualitative experience. Though it has the same form as the first (subject, verb,
and predicate)
it
expresses a totally different relation.
The
predi-
cate is not a qualification of subject but an object which, arousing,

attracting, or repelling the subject, is a kind of emotional agent
provocateur.
Cognitive statements purport to give information about the

world regardless of the individual's interest in or proximity to the
facts he describes. The observation, "Indians are dirty and lazy" is
of the same sort as "The pencil is six inches long." That the first
statement may disguise a personal view does not alter the fact that
it is phrased so as to offer unexceptionable information about all
Indians. Cognitive statements require a symbolic microcosm in
terms of which the macrocosm of entities and their relations may
be described and understood. The typical cognitive symbol must
point to an entity or relation as if it existed independently of the
world of discourse. So cognitive structures docilely assume the
shape of reality. Yet they are also capable of breaking away and,
being more manipulable than brute reality, of assuming independent and novel forms. Though you cannot add apples and oranges,
if you replace apples and oranges by numbers, you find that addition and other mathematical operations are feasible. The mind can
outrun even the world of numbers so that generalization to the
level of symbols like "n" becomes necessary. Heisenberg says that
atomic physics has gone beyond the possibilities of its mathematics. Similarly, it has been said that Einstein was able to think
without symbols, requiring them only to make his findings public.
89
An
Art:
We
are always looking for more complex and flexible symbol

systems with which to try out all of the transformations that the
mind
invents.
is extremely useful as compared with animal gropdog is bound to immediate sensing of a fresh spoor, and
this knowledge of the nose is small in amount and unreliable.
Unlike the dog, a man can report that there are deer or apple trees
behind that hill. This capacity for unsensed truths has made possible the development of culture and the importance of learning in
human societies. Symbolic systems also facilitate the discovery of
totally new relations before it is guessed that they may have significance outside the universe of discourse. Non-Euclidean geom-
Cognition
ings.
pure symbolic structures that seem to contradict all we

reality. Yet it was such a freewheeling system that
Einstein found necessary for propounding his discoveries about
etries are
know about
the physical world.
Symbolic manipulability
is
practical because
it
enables us
and reap the fruits of action

without incurring its dangers. Because symbol "i" is more hardheaded than I am, it takes more chances in its ideal world than I,
surrounded by the angular furniture of this world, can afford to.
Death and accident are locked out of the house of animal understanding, yet they enter man's awareness as easily as invited
guests. By pushing the limits of space and time infinitely beyond
the periphery of our senses, we recall that once we were not as we
are now and infer that soon we shall not be either as we are now or
as we were then. A strange cocktail party this, the self being locked
in a house with death and accident as well as joy. It is no wonder
that the host finds its difficult to commune with some of the guests
and feels trepidation and sorrow as well as delight in the house of
vicariously to live through situations
its
inheritance.
it has little to do
an autobiography, it transforms
Insofar as cognition deals with objectivities
with the
self.
Or,
if it
does, as in
is. We talk about

worth speculating
whether a mind that was freed of its passionate concomitants
would retain a sense of self in the face of its tendency to be
the self into an object as
much
there as a piano
the objectivity of a dispassionate mind,
diffused
among
the objects of
its
and
attention.
it is
The
scientist
makes a
Art and Aesthetics
90
in
Primitive Societies
career of disinterest and the saint a
emotions and the sense of
but for the rest of us the
life,
which nucleates them are standard
self
accessories.
In calling them accessories
mark
seem
that emotions are about nothing.
to
It is
echo Santay ana's
re-
we
are
truer to say that
here introduced to a qualitative counterpart of cognition that is

hardly exhausted by the usual terms emotion and feeling. We have
realm of "it is x" and are now in the realm of "I x it."
Comparison of these two statements makes clear the difference
between cognition and qualitative experience. Since the x'ing of
the second statement is attached to an ego, the world has drawn in
its boundaries again and only those entities and relations are
significant that are experienced immediately by the individual.
This, as we saw, is one of the outstanding characteristics of art
left the
that
may
therefore be considered a kind of qualitative experience.
How may
cognition and qualitative experience be related to

one another? Although generally both are distinguishably present
in the same experience, there may be experiences in which they
merge and lose their identities. Mystic experience is obviously
qualitative (the equanimity of the Buddhist, the Christian's peace
that passes understanding) but
it
also purports to be cognitive,
providing knowledge of transcendent reality.
manent
edge
is
If
the reality
as well as transcendent, this fusion of quality
is
im-
and knowl-
understandable.
When
cognition and qualitative experience agree upon an end
may
of action, both
be submerged in the resulting action.
friend swallows poison and

of these matters
we
If
decide, because of our knowledge
and our anxiety
at this turn of events, to
the corner for an antidote, while running
we
run
to
neither count over our
stock of assumptions, concepts, and facts, nor savor the anxiety

and sense of speed that constitute our qualitative state at the
moment.
It can be argued that qualitative experience is the matrix of
cognitive efforts. The foundations of science are aesthetic, and not
merely in the sense that observation is a necessary phase and that
hunches and feelings are often decisive in scientific choices. The
belief that the
world
the diversity of
its
is
organized, especially the atomic theory that
phenomena
is
reducible to a single substance,
is
91
Art:
an
An
article of faith;
one that has borne
fruit,
but an article of faith
nonetheless. Coordinating concepts like that of causation are useful inferences
from much human experience but
also belong with
matters of faith. The scientist lives by a calculus of probability,

that the world tomorrow will be sufficiently like what it is today for
him to complete his experiments. This faith in natural order, a
faith that precedes, parallels,
and rounds out the work of science,
is
of the qualitative sort, akin to the structuring of art, because
is
grounded in
little
more than the
it
feeling that the world has to be
like this.
It is often said that action is motivated by imbalance in the
organism or between the organism and its environment. Cognitively, this imbalance manifests itself in a sense of problem
aroused by the failure of a prediction, a conflict of principles, or
other contradiction in experience. This sense of contradiction
is
as
qualitative as the clash of colors in a painting or the clash of
hunger and anticipated satiety, so that what initiates the most

complex chains of thought is not an abstract interest in thought
but an immediate experience. The scientist indulges in these
chains of thought because they please him; once initiated qualitatively,
itself
thought
when
is
sustained qualitatively.
contradiction disappears and
The sequence completes

harmony rules the sur-
is this quality of harmony,

eminent as Darwin and Poincare have said the job of
rogate world of the mind. So compelling

that
men
as
the scientist
is
but to disprove
not to prove his theory (indeed proof

it
and pass on
is
impossible)
to a larger synthesis.
The two kinds of experience are also related to one another in

complex ways throughout human exchanges. Ideas may conform
with qualitative states, as when a boy accepts a conventional
teaching, say, that all Negroes are dirty and stupid, and reacts with
aversion to his Negro classmate. If a class project forces the boy to
cooperate with the Negro, he may find that this individual is not
dirty and stupid. In time, the disconformity between his qualitative
reaction to this Negro and his generalization about Negroes may
bring about alterations in his cognitive structure.
Qualitative experience is not epiphenomenal, a bright
streamer attached to the juggernaut of intellect. As there are times
when only intellect can cope with perplexities, so there are times
Art and Aesthetics
92
when
when
in
Primitive Societies
make
qualitative experiences
all
of the difference.
qualitative yang, cognition
there latent, perhaps, yet ready to
is
assert itself. Experience is like a river, one

tive,
Even
the intellectual yin grows thinnest beside the bulk of the
the other qualitative.
It is
bank
of
which
is
cogni-
as incorrect to speak of a cognitive
experience or a qualitative experience as it is to speak of a river

with one bank. We may speak, however, of experience in the
cognitive mode, as when a chess problem is being solved, or in the
qualitative mode, as when an epicure is enjoying his first taste of
mango.
mode range from customary
Experiences in the cognitive
may no longer be true, to

conventional structures like philosophy and science designed for
ideas, deposits of past discoveries that
the revision of conventional beliefs. Cognition

partly to improve
upon the
becomes specialized
practical results of thinking, partly to
advance the careers of those who find this occupation more dethan any other, and partly to satisfy the qualitative yearn-
lightful
ing to
know how
the universe
ence in the qualitative mode
is
ordered. If
may
it is
true that experi-
be as decisive as experience in
would be surprising if there were no qualitato those which science and philosophy
represent for cognition, no provision in the human scheme for
the cognitive mode,
tive
it
undertakings analogous
approaching the mode of qualitative experience in the fullness of

wonder. I believe that art is the activity we are looking for, an
activity that allows us to experiment with the qualitative mode of
experience as the traditions of science and philosophy allow us to
experiment with the mode of cognition.
The mode
from the demands of pracfrom which nothing escapes

scrutiny and criticism. Art shows similar "stages" which we shall
follow in the visual arts. There is, first, the qualitative aspect of
practical action. When the mother feeds the crying child, the child
is gratified not merely because its hunger is appeased but also
because the response of the mother assures him that he has welltical
of cognition frees itself
action to take
up a
position
wishers in his strange environment. We go further when we use

blankets, curtains, wallpaper, etc., designed and decorated for a
function beyond the utilitarian one. Such objects represent a
second stage, for they are concerned, not with qualities of action,
93
An
Art:
but with qualities in action. By means of the decorative arts we

make daily life an opportunity to experience qualities as we make
a garden an opportunity to see flowers.
life and
become an incident in art. This is
shown in landscape painting, most photography, portraiture, program music, certain kinds of poetry, drama, and the novel. If the
In the third stage, art ceases to be an incident of daily
the conditions of daily
life
second stage, that of the "decorative arts," constitutes a qualitative

alarm clock reminding us that it is never too late to attend to the
qualitative aspect of experience, the arts of the third stage consti-
an inquiry into the kind of experiences in the qualitative mode

which are possible under the conditions of daily life specified in
tute
itself. Art does not imitate reality; it uses portions of reality

demonstrate experience in the qualitative mode.
the art
to
This third stage
is
comparable
to
Euclidean geometry. The
common
experience found in such art have a pleasant

cogency as do the axioms of Euclid which long convinced everyone
items of
must be exactly like this. The fourth phase of art is nonThe artist makes no attempt to introduce conditions
from daily life. Elements of the work of art prompt experiences of
that space
Euclidean.
secondary qualities, those associated

with suggested situations and events, is minimized. This type of
art is represented by nonobjective painting, most architecture,
some kinds of poetry, and nonprogrammatic music.
qualities, but experience of
Can
the design of an alarm clock be as significant aesthet-
symphony? The question is false because the

designed as a separate experience whereas the alarm
clock is thought of as part of a larger whole, as one of a number of
well-designed house furnishings. But, you say, no single artist, no
ically as a quartet or
symphony
is
man
of talent, designs these larger wholes that contain clocks,

Hollywood beds, highboys, and now and then an epergne. This art
is in the hands of interior decorators and newlyweds who imagine
that they are guided by prevailing canons of taste. They are artists
in their fashion even though their raw materials are not raw, being
objects designed apart from one another as occasions for qualita-
The frequent casualness of these practical

modern with Victorian, is itself important.
Beethoven's Ninth is more rarified than interior decoration but it is
tive
experiences.
wholes, perhaps mixing
Art and Aesthetics
94
Primitive Societies
in
not with you day in and day out. Though we have affairs with
masterpieces and marriages with utilitarian objects, both relations,
being based on love, have lasting effects.
In some such
mode
qualitative
manner we may
follow the transition from the
of practical action to the role of the artist
who
experiments with the qualitative mode of experience freed from

utilitarian
demands. Qualitative experiences in
nipulable than the qualitative

risky.
Yet
modes
all:
that
art are
more maand less
of daily experience
an experiment with the raw
art,
the greatest danger of

qualitative
mode
we may
stuff of life,
promises
discover or create in art
of experience that daily life cannot admit, can-
may become fixed in our minds that

dream, at once the culmination of sanity and the beginning of
madness, of remaking life according to harmonies found only in
not tolerate, and that there
art.
What
Sapir (p. 347) said of religion applies also to artistic
experiences
There can be neither fear nor humiliation for deeply

have intuitively experienced both of
these emotions in advance of the declared hostility of an
overwhelming world, coldly indifferent to human desires.
religious natures, for they
The cognitive problem is to build a symbolic structure that

matches but is more manipulable than the objective world. The
problem of aesthetic structures is different. Qualitative experience
is
When
immediate.
bound up with
it
occurs in the flux of
practical objectives to be
successfulness of action.
qualitative
life it is
too intimately
more than a
Our understanding
clue to the
of experience in the
mode cannot advance if the experience remains diswe cannot adopt the procedure of cognition
solved in activity. Yet
and step back

qualitativeness
into a symbolic microcosm, for this filters out the
we wish
to
understand. Qualities must be
objective in the sense of being rescued
from the stream of
made
utilitar-
ian doings and undergoings, but not objective in the cognitive

sense. It is this kind of objectivity that art achieves, and it does so
not symbolically but conditionally. By controlling or creating the
conditions of experience, the artist examines the nature and intensity of the qualitative
mode
in
which he is primarily interested.

let me, by referring to the
Before defining art more closely,
95
Art:
An
"lower sense arts," bring out additional points. Are cooking and
sexuality arts? Cooking provides a recipe, as
much
a public object
which might be considered a recipe for music.

That a recipe may have many associations is seen in the link
between commensality and friendship or in the symbolism of the
Eucharist. Although the consumption of the blood and body of
Christ has important qualitative implications, it would seem a little
odd if one exclaimed over the savor of the Host and asked how it
was prepared. The qualities of cuisine are specific. One does not
seek to repeat the experience of eating apple pie in other forms of
as a piano score
activity, as the
This
is
Buddhist seeks serenity in
why during
the last
war
all
that overtakes him.
the patriotic posters
which
tried to
convince our boys that they were fighting for a fifth freedom, the
freedom to eat chocolate sundaes, seemed ridiculous. Such qualities are not sufficiently general to be significant except as they
become symbols of experiences, like coming home, which prompt

more powerful qualitative responses.
Since sexual indulgence
why
isn't
the master amorist
qualitative experience
an
is
clearly a qualitative experience,
who
artist?
arranges the conditions for this
No permanent
object
not even a
form of a Kama Sutra results, yet this is no different

from the dance. Lovemaking might be regarded as a kind of choreography, and one with philosophic implications, as in Tibetan
representations of copulation between a god and his consort.
Treatments of the Bridegroom theme also suggest that sexuality is
score, in the
the closest
common equivalent to the qualitative experiences of

What distinguishes the dance from lovemaking is that
the
mystic.
the
first is
performed publicly, the
latter not, so that shareability is
another essential aspect of art. An idea of an audience even if it

be an imaginary audience
capable of entering into the conditions
of the experience provided by the public object or event, and joining in this communal act of appreciation, is part of every definition
of the artist's role.
Art then
is
the creation, by manipulating a
medium,
of public
objects or events that serve as deliberately organized sets of conditions for experience in the qualitative
unable
mode. Since the artist is

from the presented and
to control the suggestions that arise
structural aspects of his work, as the user of concepts
is
able to
Art and Aesthetics
96
restrict the
meaning
in
Primitive Societies
of his terms,
and since the nature of these
suggestions varies with the experience and sensitivity of each

individual,
the
same
can never be sure that my qualitative experience is

which this object furnishes you or the man who
as that
made
it. At the same time, if the audience

ideal or not
is as
important to the artist as I believe it is, the artist does not leave the
effect of his work to chance. Insofar as he uses established formquality linkages (and this has nothing to do with the originality of
his work), the experience of his audience will be in harmony with
his own. We may even call art communication if we remember
that what is communicated is a range of qualities rather than a
quality. This is to be expected, for the discrimination of qualities
does not encourage the military discipline and precision one encounters in the kingdom of ideas. 3
We may now
moment
his art a soapbox or debating society, he adds cognitive
and expository
The
makes
return to the purist-relationist paradox.
the artist loses sight of qualitative experience and
tasks
polemic
an artist. This is possible because cognitive and qualitative are banks of one stream of experience; it is natural because art can make ideas as well as objects
the conditions of experience in the qualitative mode. True, works
of art from Dante to Dana have enunciated a message and have
helped to bring about social changes while losing none of their
integrity. The artist may intend or hope for such a result, because
to assume that artists are not moved by injustice and do not desire
to use their skills in remedying it is foolishness. But he succeeds by
remaining an artist, by treating the situation as a condition of the
qualitative effect he is creating. If this is what is meant by purism,
the purist argument is sound.
The purist does not say that art has no effect upon life. He
says merely that the artist cannot treat art, a matter of immediate
qualities, as a mediate venture. The relationist position is not ruled
out, it is just not clear how it can be true. Mathematics lies between referential symbolism and art. Like symbolism, it does not
3
to his job as
This matter of art and communication
especially as
it
relates to the influence arts
is
important and complex,

the boundaries
may have beyond
of the culture that produces them. Does the artist
audience of the scientist?
work
for the universal
97
An
Art:
rely
upon
qualities, but like nonobjective
art,
dispenses with
it
The mathematician works with pure

works with vivid structures, and the
references to the real world.

structures,
as
the
artist
physicist with referential structures. Physics looks for that mathe-
matical system which best

world.
fits
What would happen
if
the arrangement of the physical
a high school student, aping the
compared the structure of Hamlet's experience with his own? Either the two structures would match or they
would not. If they matched, the individual would accept the
physicist, consciously
aesthetic structure.
However, the fact of
matching means
their
that the art, as a tasteful elaboration of already familiar experi-
ence, would be supererogatory. If the two structures did not match,

it is
difficult to see
but reject
what could be done with the
relationism in the arts seems absurd, yet

attitude toward
"What does
what pigeonhole
into
it
underlies the popular
contemporary painting, an attitude
the recurring question,

is,
aesthetic structure
as irrelevant. This hypothetical, conscious approach to
it
of
my
summed up
in
the painting represent?" That
past experience does
it fit?
If
the
be too large for any of these pigeonholes, it

will be crammed in by means of joking descriptions like that attributed to Mark Twain
this is a picture of a cat having a fit in a
painting
is
found
to
plate of tomatoes.
Art is such that the relating of these two structures cannot be

undertaken deliberately, it just happens. The qualitative experience, which
is
art, slips into
seed. If the seed falls

distraction, the
the rich earth of personality like a
upon stony ground
sowing
or
is
eaten up by birds of
No
conscious effort but that of

giving oneself to the experience offered by the work can cause the
is fruitless.
seeds to break open, put out roots, and flower. Insistence

particular kind of relatedness
makes impossible
upon
the transforma-
tion of our nature that art brings about.
SUMMARY
Though many
cultures do not have a concept of art,
all
cultures produce art objects. Art, sometimes significant linguistically, is
cultures
always significant experientially. Because it occurs in all

we know anything about, it has its origins in profoundly
Art and Aesthetics
98
human
experience.
in
Primitive Societies
Our problem is to understand the nature of

mind three possibilities: that, without
experience, bearing in
rificing
its "purity," art may be related to other life procunderstanding of qualitative experience through analy-
any of
esses; that
sis
this
sac-
of at least the
more general
aesthetic patterns called styles
may
shed light upon the interior articulation of cultures; that

through this definition of art the methods and insights of art
history, aesthetics, and the psychology of art may prove useful to
the social sciences.
The more important phases of the artistic process were discussed and reasons given for selecting quality of experience as the
nucleus of our definition. Comparison with cognition brought out
the nature and importance of those experiences in the qualitative
mode with which art is concerned.
Bibliography
"Toward a Unified Field in Aesthetics," The Journal of Aesand Art Criticism, X, 3 (March, 1952), pp. 191-216.
Bullough, Edward. " 'Psychical Distance' as a Factor in Art and an Esthetic
Abell, Walter.
thetics
Principle," British Journal of Psychology,
(1913). Reprinted in
Modern Book of Esthetics; An Anthology, ed. Melvin Rader. New York:

Henry Holt and Co., 1952.
Conrad, Joseph. The Portable Conrad, ed. Morton Dauwen Zabel. New York:
The Viking Press, 1947.
Dewey, John. Art as Experience. New York: Minton, Balch and Co., 1934.
A Study in Psychosexuality. Trans.

York: Random House, 1947.
Kroeber, A. L. Configurations of Culture Growth. Berkeley: University of Cali-
Freud, Sigmund. Leonardo da Vinci:

A. A. Brill.
New
fornia Press, 1944.

McAllester, David P. Enemy
Way Music: A Study of Social and Esthetic

Values as Seen in Navaho Music. Cambridge, Mass.: Peabody Museum
of American Archaeology and Ethnology, 1954.
Mills, George. "Navaho Art and Culture: A Study of the Relations Among
Cultural Premises, Art Styles and Art Values." Ph.D. Thesis, Harvard
Univ., 1953.
Munro, Thomas. The Arts and Their
Interrelations.
New
York: The Liberal
Arts Press, 1949.

Sapir,
Edward. Selected Writings of Edward Sapir in Language, Culture,

Personality, ed. David G. Mandelbaum. Berkeley: University of Cali-
and
fornia Press, 1949.
Some
in
Methodological Considerations
the Study of
Australian Aboriginal Art*
RONALD
M.
BERNDT
Professor Berndt analyzes what can be learned about a society through a

its art. He discusses the various opposing and supporting theories
study of
of other scholars
who have concerned themselves
with the two aspects of
on the one hand the aesthetics of a design,

and on the other the communication of meaning through forms and symbols.
He illustrates his belief that art can provide a key to a society's value
orientations by his comparisons of the art and social organization of three
the problem as he defines
it:
Australian culture areas.

Dr. Ronald M. Berndt is Professor of Anthropology at the University of
Western Australia. Political structure and organization, social control, culture change, religion, and mythology are his major interests, and he specializes in the cultures of the Aborigines of Australia and New Guinea. The ideas
found in this article have been modified in his book Australian Aboriginal
Art (1964) and in First Australians (1964-68), of which he is the coauthor
with his wife Catherine. Ronald and Catherine Berndt are also the authors
of Sexual Behavior in West Arnhem Land (1951) and Aboriginal Man in
Australia (1965).
Social anthropologists only occasionally turn their attention to art,
and then usually with some uneasiness. There is the lurking suggestion that this interest, however indirect, might on the one hand
undermine their scientific approach, and on the other call forth
from their colleagues one of the current terms of disparagement:
ethnologist or ethnographer, with
museum
or "cultural" leanings.
realize of course that there are outstanding exceptions; 1 but
it still
Reprinted from Oceania, Vol. 29, No. 1 (September, 1958), pp. 26-43.
R. Firth (1951, Chapter V); E. Leach (1956, III). See also
M. Schapiro, in Kroeber ed. (1953, PP- 287-312).
In this paper I shall be speaking specifically of what is often called
visual or graphic and plastic art, leaving aside other categories, such as
*
E.g.,
poetry, literature,
heading.
and song, which are often included under the broader
Art and Aesthetics
100
seems necessary
in
Primitive Societies
emphasize that
to
art is a legitimate topic for
anthropological consideration, and one which has not had the

attention
it
deserves.
People in
many
nonliterate societies spend a great deal of
time and energy in the production of objects which may or may not
be designed with a "practical" purpose in mind, but which, while
not being objets d'art can be referred to as "artistic," in the sense
that an aesthetic element is involved. This is not necessarily because such objects are referred to by some term like "beautiful,"
but because they are culturally congenial, in accordance with the
local
canons of good
ing" relevant to the
taste. 2
They
members
strike a special
chord of "mean-
of the social unit concerned. In other
words, such productions have significance in social as well as in

cultural terms: whether highly conventionalized or naturalistic,
they are symbols that convey meaning. They
tell us something
about the kind of society and culture in which they are found, in
much
same way
the
as does, for instance, oral
and ceremony. This, however,

but also of values and of style.
ture, or ritual
of aesthetics,
Since this
is
is
and written
litera-
a question not only
not a study of the empirical context of Australian
many excellent works on this

paper deal with the subject of one people's
response to the art of another. The question whether the decorative
productions of societies other than our own constitute art in our
terms, and the problems of "art" in contrast to "craftsmanship," or
Aboriginal
art, I shall
Nor does
subject. 3
not discuss the
this
of art as essentially nonutilitarian, are therefore irrelevant here.
Among
the Australian Aborigines, as
literate or nonliterate, aesthetic
In
and inro are
common
teapot, the netsuke,
just as important aesthetically as the
Arnhem Land, North
pipe,
other peoples,
expression takes a great variety of
forms. In Japan, for instance, the

tsuba,
among
kakemomo.
Australia, the paddle, the dillybag, the
and the spearthrower
vie artistically with the
paintings, the totemic emblems,
and
so on.
There
is
bark and cave

a comparabil-
H. K. Schneider (1956, pp. 103-06).

P. Elkin (1954, pp. 222-43); A. P. Elkin, R. and C. Berndt
(1950); F. D. McCarthy (1948/56), (1957, PP- 3-22)- These works not only
indicate specific art regions, but give a general picture of the wide sweep of
Australian Aboriginal art and its intimate association with the life of the
2
See
e.g.,
3 E.g.,
A.
people. Further references are given in R. Berndt (1958b).
101
ity
in
Study of Australian Aboriginal Art
about them in that they represent media of aesthetic expression

we can call art. But in Aboriginal Australian languages
that
there are no separate words for "art" or, for that matter, for "art-
and no separate category of persons specializing in this

one sense it is quite misleading to speak of "art" in this
connection, since the very use of such a term connotes preconist,"
activity. In
ceived views, not least in the matter of evaluation. This
is
and is not
confined to the field of art. The point is that although most men in,
for example, an Aboriginal Australian society can paint, carve,
incise, and so on, there are usually some who are regarded as being
problem which enters into
translation,
all
as such,
having prescriptive rights through age,

one aspect of it, that is,
to paint rather than carve, to make ceremonial objects rather than
everyday utensils, to paint or incise one design or pattern, or even
one subject or range of subjects in preference to others. Two points
should be noted: in the first place, because "art" is not categorized
as such and artists do not constitute a specific occupational "class,"
art is subsumed under other activities that can be identified in our
terms as religion, economics, magic, sex, and so on, and can be
understood only in relation to one or more of these. In the second
place, art can be understood in terms of its social implications, i.e.,
in terms of persons, "artists," sharing this particular role, while
their other roles diverge, they occupy other statuses within their
society. The social aspects of art have been adequately indicated
from this point of view by, for instance, Firth 4 and Leach. 5 In
better than others, or as
status, or ritual prestige to practice "art" or
other words, artistic activity
and gives meaning
is
to the social
a cultural ingredient which colors
dimension, and in this respect
it is
not unlike other cultural features.
However,
^
do not wish
pursue
to
R. Firth (1951, e.g., pp. 172-73).
this point,
He speaks
but to discuss the
173) of "the essentially

an entire absence
subsidiary: emphasis, he says, is on
(p.
social character" of nonliterate art, in that there is almost
of landscape,
and where
this is
used
persons. In Aboriginal Australia,
man
in nature;
man
in relation to
it is
suggest, the social environment
man, and
also
man
is
that of
in relation to his natu-
environment and to all the species within it; when man depicts the world
about him, through a culturally defined medium, both these aspects are given
a more or less equal weighting.
5 E. Leach, e.g. (1956, p. 22), considers it in terms of statuses in hierarchically ordered nonliterate societies.
ral
Art and Aesthetics
102
in
Primitive Societies
problem of what a people's

culture, not only
what
art
can
tell
us about their society and
says about their social interaction and
it
organization. There are two issues of
which one hears a great deal

and nonliter-
in relation to the artistic productions of both literate
On
ate peoples.
on the other
the one
hand
there are references to "creative" art,
spontaneous expression, with the assumption that people draw, paint, or carve "for pleasure." The term
"creative" implies a certain ingenuity, a "newness" in expression
that involves turning aside in some degree from orthodox or stereotyped paths, a departure from, if not a reaction against, traditionalism. In Aboriginal artistic expression the artist is always
to art as a
confined to a set of rules (irrespective of limitations as regards
techniques and material) that are traditionally denned in terms of

both design and subject matter. This does not necessarily imply
fixity, since variation within a certain range is usually taken for
granted, even though it may not be explicitly encouraged. There is
always the "stamp" of one artist as against another: no two artists
treat the
same subject
or otherwise,
same way; differences, subtle

always observable. Nevertheless, indi-
in exactly the
are nearly
vidual expressiveness in a "creative" sense
and can
something
is restricted,
flourish only to a limited degree. This in itself tells us
about that particular situation, as contrasted with others.

us
tells
is
relevant not only to the individual artist but to
of the social unit or units to
which he belongs. 6 In
finding the "meaning" of a given item of art

identifying
its
art,
as
am
reflects its social
structure, in the
way sentences
"genius,"
Language,
its "spirit"
like
art,
it is
limited by and to
and cultural context. In
its
very
are formed, in the choice of words
in their positioning, the parallel
striking.
this sense, then,
not just a matter of
using the term, cannot exist with-
out communication, and like language too,
and
it
subject matter.
Like language,
some extent
is
What
members
may
between language and
art is
be held to embody
is so in Aboriginal Australia,
a people's
or "ethos." This
The personal element in art, so obtrusive in our own society, is played

to a minimum in an Aboriginal Australian society, even in the representation of a private dream or incident (see R. Berndt, 1951, PP- 71-84;
Elkin, Berndt and Berndt, 1950, Plates 10 A and n A) the social aspect is
6
down
paramount. But see C. H. Berndt (1958) in reference

ern Highlands ) ceremonial emblems.
'
to
New
Guinea (East-
103
in
Study
of Australian Aboriginal Art
whether we are concerned with relatively naturalistic or with

highly conventionalized art. The conveying of symbolic meanings through this medium, as through language, represents a way
of communicating; it is semantically significant. But the way in
which it is phrased, the way in which these symbolic meanings are
conveyed, brings in a further dimension to which I shall return
presently.
Mountford (1956,
Arnhem Landers
tion,
however,
suggests that
no
is
paint
p.
is
6) holds that one of the reasons that

for the sheer pleasure of
not as clear-cut as
it is
this.
On
The
it. 7
the one hand,
posi-
if this
a spontaneous, or primarily personal affair, with
social pressures involved, then
it
is
hardly applicable to the
Australian Aboriginal. In the traditional context, that
is,
apart
from such relatively recent developments as the "Hermannsburg

School," he operates within the confines of established conventions, using media agreed upon and recognizable by other members of his community. I am using "recognizable" in a broad
sense, in reference to designs that may or may not at once convey
such meaning. On the other hand, if the suggestion is that he
obtains "pleasure" in carrying out a particular piece of work to the
satisfaction of himself and/ or others, so that it conforms to local
taste and is acceptable, then possibly this feeling is common
enough. The key word is "acceptable," implying as it does the
relevance of at least one person other than the artist, and also
some standard or criterion against which it may be measured. In
other words,
it
points to the social context.
All Australian Aboriginal art

specifically designed to
purpose or
effect.
is,
basically, utilitarian.
It
is
have some use, or some direct or indirect
This does not necessarily affect
its
aesthetic
may give both artist and others. In

Aboriginal Australia, and Arnhem Land is no exception, the range
of items, as mentioned above, through which artistic effort may be
quality or the "pleasure"
it
manifested
is fairly wide; for example, there are bark paintings

and emblems used in a religious context; sacred designs painted
on flat-bladed spears, so that game killed by means of them is tabu
to all but those who own the designs; and figures painted on sheets
7
e.g.,
on
This
is
the view of art as "play," insofar as
it
is
self-justifying.
R. Redfield, in H. L. Shapiro (1956, p. 366). However,
p. 377.
cf.
his
See
remarks
Art and Aesthetics
104
Primitive Societies
in
on cave walls for various magical purposes, or as a
of bark or
"statement" verifying a particular story.
Much
with everyday
mundane
activities,
community having
like, has a
concerned primarily
is
hunting and food-collecting, camp
life,
sexual activity, et cetera, which have no
situations,
myth and
direct connection with
at its
ritual.
But any one Aboriginal
disposal this relatively wide range of
can be said
topics for visual representation,

its
and such
of Aboriginal painting, carving,
mythological significance, although some
to
use as a vehicle for
expression a more or less specific "style," 8 which, except in
subject matter, does not
range.
Aboriginal
context,
show
essential differences within that
shall return presently to this point also.
is
whether in a
art,
religious, magical, or secular
frequently representational, but
much
too, particularly
in the religious category, could be called abstract, 9 or highly con-
ventionalized. Abstract, in the sense in
means removal from
here,
perspective,
however
this
which the word
may
used
be conceived in a particular tradi-
conventionalized design which
tion, to a stylized or
is
the representational or naturalistic
may
involve
symbolism. 10 Of course, the purely representational may be symbolic, but the "abstract" is a further generalization. This is particularly the case with the clan and linguistic group designs, and the
sacred emblems of Northeastern Arnhem Land; or with the bark
paintings relating to sorcery from Western
As Firth (1951,
8
art:
p.
A. P. Elkin (i954> P-
McCarthy (1957,
nal art
Arnhem Land
(vide
and Berndt, 1950, Plates 15 and 16).
Elkin, Berndt
e.g.,
177) has pointed out, not

243) infers
this
when he
all art
of nonlit-
speaks of "schools" of
pp. 16-17) also discusses briefly various Aborigi-
styles.
Leach (1956, pp. 32-33) makes the point that the art of nonliterate
people "is definitely representational rather than abstract. It is intended to
." Also see Leach
be understood
(1954, p. 105). This is not the case in
e.g., Arnhem Land, where both representational and "abstract" are intended
to be understood and are indeed understood. There is no reason that one
should be more difficult to comprehend than the other when both concern
local "style"; both are part of the traditional pattern, even though the one
corresponds much more closely than the other to its counterparts in the
"real" world. See also, e.g., M. Herskovits (1948, p. 382).
9
10 Firth
tion
(1951,
p.
175) has written that "art necessarily implies selec-
and abstraction from
of a subject."
reality":
and these
refer to "the social proportions
105
erate peoples
there
is
much
is
in
symbolic, and this

is
true too for
Arnhem Land:
and much
that can be viewed as simply descriptive,
that is simply design or motif without any direct or admitted

meaning. But throughout Arnhem Land there is much too, especially in a religious or magical context, that is symbolic; and it is
this symbolism expressed through art that has social implications
for, as stated earlier, all art is a way of communicating between
members of a particular community. The meaning of most representational and some abstract art may be understood at different
levels by the members of that community, depending on whether
or not additional explanations concerning content are necessary. A
painting may be understood immediately in terms of its subject
matter; for instance,
human
beings, animals, trees, or "abstract"
symbols for clouds, rain, camps, and so on may be immediately

identified; but it will possibly be necessary to explain the context
or situation in which these representations and symbols appear in
combination; in other words, the story or stories relating to them.
On the other hand, this latter element may be revealed only to a
select
company:
to
members
of a linguistic unit, for instance,
not to "outsiders." Or particular designs
may
be shown only to
and
men
and not to women, or only to men of certain categories; or the

symbolic meanings of various designs may be revealed, or change
man's progression through agegrading rituals, or with his ritual and ceremonial position in adult
life. Not only the designs themselves, but also the symbolic interpretations, may vary. Moreover, sex differentiation, social and
their context, in accordance with a
and prestige are involved here. Thus art-as-communius something about social positioning. In any
the kind I am discussing, there must be some element
ritual status,
cation can
tell
artwork of
of shared recognition in the symbolism, even if that recognition
varies according to social categories of persons. For this there must
be acknowledgment that certain designs or patterns, or figures
(representational or "abstract") are distinguishable in terms of
meaning, and
other words it
hinges to some extent on aesthetic judgment. In

dependent on form and style.
In some circles it has been suggested that nonliterate peoples
are especially adept at handling and understanding symbolic statements through art, ritual, or speech, and that this marks them off
from the literate world as people who think "mythically" and
this
is
Art and Aesthetics
106
Primitive Societies
in
"poetically." 11 This is in itself
an example perhaps of "poetic," but

Our own language and
certainly of imprecise or inexact thinking.
our art contain an abundance of symbolic allusions, which

of our traditional heritage as Western Europeans,
and
is
this is
part
much
the same in Arnhem Land or elsewhere. Some people have more,

some less, and the development of scientific precision or growing
emphasis on technology does not necessarily diminish it; nor is

this a question merely of nonliterate as contrasted with literate.
Representational or "abstract" art designed to convey meaning
either to an entire community, or to certain categories of persons
within it, can be understood only by those belonging to that
society, and sharing its particular tradition. To be able to interpret
the design and its symbolic significance there must be shared
recognition, otherwise such designs and symbols become meaningless, or may be accorded quite different meanings. There is a
further parallel here with language: We can hear the sounds, but
unless we know the language we cannot hope to understand those
sounds, to derive meaning from them. Likewise we cannot infer
the meaning of any one design, particularly of a stylized kind,
simply by observing or analyzing a specific situation or actionsequence in the society that has produced that design, anymore
than we can understand the language used by members of one
society
by observing the art productions of that society. The

to elicit the meaning of a Trobriand
method used by Leach (1954)

Island shield design, 12
11
by
E.
one which draws only in part on the
is
A recent example of this view, in the anthropological field, is afforded

Leach (1956, pp. 29-30): "The illiteracy (by which he presumably
means nonliteracy ), of primitive (sic) peoples is also significant in another

way. Whereas we are trained to think scientifically, many primitive peoples
are trained to think poetically. Because we are literate, we tend to credit
words with exact meanings dictionary meanings. Our whole education is
But in
designed to make language a precise scientific instrument
primitive society the reverse
may
be the case
."
This oversimplification
could be attacked on many counts, and certainly represents an ideal or

normative statement rather than a statement of "actuality." Literacy as such
does not infer preciseness of meaning.
12 It seems to me that this is what Leach has done in imputing a specific
meaning to a stylized design on a Trobriand shield (i954, PP- 103-05)- See
R. Berndt (1958a).
107
in
The procedure, for instance, would be quite

using descriptive material from Western Arnhem
Land culture, we were to explore the meaning of the bark painting
relevant material.
unrewarding
if,
Berndt and Berndt (1950, p. 77, Plate 15);

it as anthropomorphic, little else could
legitimately be said about it. In such an interpretation much
depends, as it did in the case of the Trobriand shield, on the
illustrated in Elkin,
apart from identifying
functional significance of the object on which the painting or
design appears
it is
this that provides the "key," so to speak. Since
the procedure here
is
arbitrary,
and since there are too many
"uncontrolled" factors, this cannot be regarded as a legitimate
method
of Social Anthropology.
to discard
We
it,
provided
we
Even
recognize
it
so there
for
what
is
no reason
entirely
it is.
are at this juncture faced with a twofold problem.
one hand there
is
On
the
the question of aesthetic appreciation; on the
form and nature of the design, which may or

first case, some system
of standards or values must be operating, against which "good"
and "bad," satisfying or dissatisfying, can be measured. 13 In other
words there must be social relevance, or recognition.
In the second case, the question hinges on "style" (e.g.,
Leach, 1956, pp. 36, 37; Herskovits, 1948, pp. 398-413): the style
or form itself may, for instance, be regarded as expressive of
ethical ideals. Thus the protuberant "phallic" nose of the Sepik
area (New Guinea) may be regarded as a tangible manifestation
of a dominant aesthetic value: that long-nosed persons are physically attractive, and that this particular trait is linked with a
number of other desirable characteristics; the style of the mask,
ancestral figure, or prepared head expresses or symbolizes that
value. 14 Or, in the case of Pahari or Northern Indian art, with its
vogue for pictures relating to the great Hindu epics, particularly
the Gita Govinda of Jayadeva and the general literature of love:
other, there are the
may
not be taken to be meaningful. In the
Archer (1952, p. 5) suggests, in rather broad terms, that this "can

only be explained in terms of Rajput society, its repressed wishes,
13
See C. Kluckhohn in Parsons and Shils eds. (1952, pp. 388 et
seq., 394,
411).
14 G.
20).
Bateson (1936, pp. 163-64). But see also D. Fraser (1955, pp. 17-
Art and Aesthetics
108
its
is
emotional needs,
its
in
Primitive Societies
poetic values,
its
dominant
attitudes;
and
it
hardly surprising that the paintings which reflected these pre-
occupations should develop a distinctive
(1956,
e.g., p.
and
relationship of art
and cultural
style."
A Coomaraswamy
Mdrg, 1957) gives an example of the

of the Gupta period to certain aspects of social
34;
also
although his discussion relates primarily to
life,
content.
Schapiro (1953, p. 287), is "a system of forms with a

and a meaningful expression through which the personality
of the artist and the broad outlook of a group are visible. It is also a
vehicle of expression within the group, communicating and fixing
Style, to
quality
certain
values
through
forms." In Baroque
art,
the
emotional
"a taste for
suggestiveness
movement determines
loosening of boundaries, the instability of masses.
."
of
the
(1953,
p.
37) touches on this point in drawing attention to the flamboyant totem pole art of British Columbia, the
elaboration of Maori spiral and circular ornamentation, and the
artistic taste of mid-nineteenth-century England, and states that
such resemblances are not altogether accidental, that they are
expressive or reflective of common moral values, since each society
was "characterized by notions of a class hierarchy coupled with
292). Leach (1956,
p.
much social competition." 15

On this point there is
pologists. At
(195 1,
a difference of opinion
one extreme there
e.g., p.
89),
who
is
among
anthro-
the position adopted by Nadel
holds that art style
is
an "autonomous"
cultural activity or "dimension of action" which, unlike the "con15 Levine (1957, PP- 949-63) gives promise of adopting this line of
approach (see especially pp. 949, 954), stating as his thesis that if there is
an association between art style and culture (society), and this can be
demonstrated in relation to Aboriginal Australia (on the basis of Arnhem
Land material), in other words, if Aboriginal art style "says something"
about Aboriginal society and culture, then what does the style of prehistoric
art tell us about the culture and society that produced it. Of course here
there is the "Trobriand Medusa" dilemma (Leach, 1954; R. Berndt, 1958a),
that Levine does not consider; further, the rest of his paper commits the
meaning of preon the basis of what we know about contemporary Australian

Aboriginal culture and art.
A much more cautious attempt is made by A. F. C. Wallace (n.d., pp.
3-22), in an article that examines certain points of style, using them as
anthropological fallacy of interpreting the significance or
historic art
projective data that
may
provide clues to
Maya
personality.

109
in
tents or operational aspect" of art, bears
even
social or
to other cultural features.
no relation whatever
The "only
kind
.
to
of
nexus" which can be established here, he says, is "of purely

admit even the possibility of
a relationship, and his very choice in this connection of the
dogmatic word "autonomous," contrast with his enthusiasm for
tracking down linkages of a no more obvious kind in regard to
intrinsic nature." His unwillingness to
phenomena
other social and cultural
meaning"
(Cf. his "thread of
324-25). However, his view rests on a

narrow interpretation of the problem, since in separating this
"autonomous" zone "from the two-dimensional entity which is culture and society," his "unambiguous" criterion is the "essential
fact
that they do not require specific group relationships for
their realization" (ibid., pp. 89-90). This appears to be quite
different from the approach suggested by Levi-Strauss (1953, p.
62 ) who envisages a "grammar of style" that "must be understood
by itself," but in which "correspondence can be found
between the systematized forms
abstracted on the different
levels." The solution as he sees it lies in developing "mathematical
methods" to provide more efficient explanatory models; structural
linguistics, he says, has already made some progress along these
lines. Nevertheless Nadel touches on the same issue when, in
speaking 16 of "logical consistency in behavior," he says that even
in respect of "formal traits" there may be "some organizing principle underlying the modes of expressing diverse contents."
Outside the general range of anthropology there has been
some concern with this problem; 17 but within it the main interest
has been shown by "cultural," as contrasted with "social," anthrodiscussion
ibid., e.g., pp.
pologists. 18 Their exploring of possible relationships here does not

F. Nadel (1951, P- 260); but cf. his cursory reference (pp. 260"instances of a purely formal consistency, as when
the same
style pervades the whole field of art."
16 S.
61)
to
17 I
mary
do not want
to
go into details and references here: for a short sum-
of certain aspects of
it,
see
M.
C. Albrecht
(1954, pp. 425-36;
e.g.,
pp. 426, 427-28, 430-31, 435)18
See
e.g.,
E.
Carpenter (1955, e.g., pp. 140-45); C. Kluckhohn and

e.g., p. 226); D. Fraser (1955, pp. 17-20).
D. Leighton (1946/48,
Some of Fraser's remarks might also have been designed to provoke the
response of "subjective" or "highly emotional," and to confirm the suspicions
of social anthropologists who distrust this type of study. E.g., in referring
110
Art
and Aesthetics
in
Primitive Societies
necessarily stem from any preoccupation with functionalism in the
Malinowski sense, but
it
does indicate their reluctance to accept as
"given," not questioned, the
some
"autonomy" of any aspect of
of their efforts are open to criticism, this does not
the question itself
phenomena
social
is
not worth pursuing. After
all,
culture. If
mean
that
the study of
too, especially in its earlier efforts, is
not beyond
reproach: methodology and techniques in this sphere have been

rather slow in developing.
The
impressionistic state of the field at
if acknowledgment of
improve it.
This is not a problem that can be solved by the simple method
of asking people questions about it, since it lies outside the range of
ordinary "homemade models," or constructs. It is one for a social,
present, then,
is
a matter for concern only
this does not lead to consistent attempts to
or cultural, scientist, well acquainted with the data, interested in
searching for the kind of relationship which

explicitly articulated or conceptualized,
and
of
is
not as a rule
which the people
themselves in any given society may not be at all aware. The

problem becomes more complicated in societies such as our own,
with so many crosscurrents and mixtures of styles in various
but for preliminary consideration at least, as in other
spheres of inquiry, an area like Aboriginal Australia may present a
fields;
rather less confusing picture.
whether naturalistic or stylized, is always an abstraction

from the empirical situation it is a statement about
something, expressed in a specific way, and the ways of saying it
vary as do languages and other aspects of culture generally. But
within a particular society, although variation takes place through
Art,
from
to
the
reality
Mundugumor head
illustrated in Plate B(c),
he says:
".
one
is
not surprised that cannibalism, extensive headhunting and an atmosphere
behind
this cruel face." See also Fraser's com(Bisman) art, as compared with that of the
Lorentz river area, in his review of van Renselaar's volume (1957, p. 143).
I am not referring to such approaches as the Goodenough "draw-a-man
test," or the Machover figure test, since these rest primarily on content rather
than on style (e.g., on an evaluation of what is or is not included in drawings of the human figure, against an arbitrarily denned normative standard).
Nor am I taking into account, in this discussion, the fact that the boundaries
of "a society" and "a culture" rarely coincide: for my purpose here, I am
concerned primarily with the social dimension, and secondarily with the
of intratribal hostility
ments on the
lie
style of coastal
cultural content.
111
in
time as well as through the growth of "schools," an art style
may
provide us, in abstract, with a "key" to the value orientation. 19
It is
linked with the concept of "ethos," expressive of the outlook of the

society for
which the
style is valid. 20 It is too early to
how rewarding such an approach might
know
just
be, since relatively little
consideration has been given to this topic by social and cultural
and the method of investigation needs careful

to represent more than just guesswork. Nevertheless, there is enough material to hand to suggest that the
relations between aesthetic expression (or style) on the one hand
and social phenomena and belief systems (or values) on the other
are certainly worthy of study. 21
In Mountford's volume (1956), as in Elkin, Berndt and
Berndt (1950), the art of two adjacent regions is contrasted:
Western Arnhem Land (centered on Oenpelli), and Northeastern
Arnhem Land (centered on Yirrkalla). The areas are close enough
to have been subject to cross-fertilization over the years. 22
anthropologists;
working
out, if
it is
sense denned by Kluckhohn (1952, p. 411).

brusque dismissal (1957, P- 233) of this whole question,
with the claim that "in the formulation of problems it has nothing in common with the study of society," evidently stems from her reluctance to admit
the relevance of "culture" in social anthropology. Note, by the way, her
19 I.e., in the
20 L. Mair's
reference to the study of society as "essentially that of socially regulated
(my italics).
Two psychological studies of aesthetic
western Arnhem Land Aborigines have made
interpersonal relationships"
21
appreciation
among
South-
appearance in recent
years: W. A. McElroy (1952, pp. 81-94), (1957, pp. 269-72). These are,
however, not relevant to the present study since they add nothing to the
basic problems I am exploring. The first comes to the conclusion that "good
taste" (or aesthetic appreciation) is almost entirely determined by the cultural conditioning of perception; this has long been recognized by both
anthropologists and art historians. The second paper concerns the question
of "compulsive" orderliness (the practice of covering areas with round or
oval dots, which is a feature of some Western Arnhem Land art). McElroy
points out that this cannot be correlated with "anxiety connected with
excreta," and that compulsive orderliness in behavior is here found without
psychoanalytic complexes of the anal type.
22 In any such contrast, a matter of crucial importance is what happens
where the two regions adjoin. In other words, can we distinguish the differences in question within the border area, or is there a blur or merging?
The "intermediate" zone in this case can be taken as the area stretching
south from Cape Stewart, part of it occupied traditionally by the Barara or
Burara, with whom no systematic work has been done. What information
their
112
Art and Aesthetics
in
Primitive Societies
If we consider the bark painting, we can say the techniques

and mediums in the "east" and "west" do not differ radically; or,
with a few exceptions, does the type of subject matter. Yet in the
matter of style the contrast is on the whole quite noticeable. 23
Reference may be made, in the case of Western Arnhem Land, to
Mountford (1956), for example Plates 51, 54, 56, 61, 69, 71, 72,
76, 79, or Elkin, Berndt and Berndt (1950), Plates 2, 15, 16, 17;
and for Northeastern Arnhem Land, Mountford, Plates 89, 93, 98,
99, 100, 107, 116, 117, 119, or Elkin, Berndt and Berndt, Plates
10 A, 10 B, 11 A, 11 B, 12 A, 12 B, 14. 24
we have seems
to
suggest that, culturally at least,
it
is
composite: people
from the west include the Barara within their social perspective, as having
the same general social orientation, while those from the east include them
in theirs. Further, there is no adequate series of bark paintings available
from the Cape Stewart area. South, toward the upper reaches of the Goyder
River, with the Rembrana (Rainbarrja) on the west and the "Malarg" people
on the east, quite typical Western Arnhem Land bark painting has been
by Wilkins (1928, facing p. 156). In that area there is not suffian intermediate zone. Immediately west of
Cape Stewart lies the Liverpool region, and as far as we can tell from material
available this is of "real" Western Arnhem Land type (see R. and C. Berndt,
1951). Immediately to the southeast of Cape Stewart lies Milingimbi Mission
Station which, although predominantly part of the eastern bloc, has been
visited consistently by the Barara (Burara) (apparently since 1926-29,
Warner, 1937). It is possible that Western Arnhem Land influence here has
illustrated
cient information to indicate
resulted in
some modification
of "typical" Eastern
Arnhem Land
art style.
Although here again no full series of bark paintings is available, the examples I have seen suggest a rapprochement between the two relatively
distinct styles. On the other hand, Warner's field work was carried out
primarily at Milingimbi, and his data provide a basic "pattern" for what
has been broadly identified as Eastern Arnhem Land. The same tendency
toward rapprochement or synthesis is currently in evidence at Elcho Island,
which has had considerable influence from Milingimbi. The bark paintings
that I collected there early this year (1958), apart from a general deterioration of traditional art (paralleling the growth of an "adjustment" movement
in that island), show less preoccupation with detail, which is still (early in
1958) much in evidence at Yirrkalla.
23 A. P. Elkin (1954, pp. 234-36) speaks of contrasting design between
Western and Eastern Arnhem Land.
24 R. and C. Berndt (1957) contrast Northeastern with Western Arnhem
Land art. Photographs are available of the seventy paintings shown in the
exhibition and price will be supplied by the University of Western Australia
upon
application.
113
The Western Arnhem Land

to
in
artist ordinarily
He
cover the complete surface with design.
makes no attempt
prefers open spaces,
unhampered by superfluous
he selects fewer features for illus-
so that his subjects stand out boldly

detail; and, generally speaking,
tration
on any one bark than does his counterpart in the east. He

main figure or figures rather than on their
concentrates on the
setting.
When
there
is
detail
it is
subordinated to the main design,
which receives careful treatment, usually against a plain redochred background. The subject matter includes human beings
and animals in action; in fact, the device of leaving the maximum
of space, so that the eye focuses readily on individual figures, gives
an impression of suddenly arrested motion. This tendency has
possibly led to an emphasis on relatively naturalistic figures, with
a
minimum
of stylization. This
true,
is
too,
for the
anthropo-
morphic sorcery paintings, and for the so-called X-ray designs

indicating the internal organs of
human
woman, and
beings, animals, fish, the
There is a preference
and "roundness" (including the use of dots), rather
than for angles and straight lines.
In the case of Northeastern Arnhem Land, the artist usually
fetus within a pregnant
so on.
for curves
attempts
to
cover almost the complete surface of his sheet of baric
with design, leaving

in
many
cases he
little
is
or
no open space.
say "almost," because
apparently not satisfied with the boundaries
provided by the length and width of the bark. Instead he tends to
shape his design within a self-imposed framework, often roughly

square or rectangular, just as he does in body paintings, e.g., on
chest or abdomen, where no such clearly defined "natural" limits
are present.
The Western Arnhem Lander, on the other hand, does
not ordinarily "frame" his design in this way, leaving the outer
edges unrestricted except as regards the limits of bark
itself.
In the
Northeast, the central designs receive careful attention, and there

is
considerable detail; but there
is
not as a rule the delicacy of
and the background of

most figures is filled with cross-hatching or crisscrossing of lines.
Even if this is not done, as much as possible is crammed into this
treatment that
is
so apparent in the West,
background, even
25 Cf. R.
to
the extent of design repetition. 25 Aesthet-
Bunzel, in F. Boas (ed.
1938,
e.g.,
pp. 560-61
).
Bark painting
details
in
of a
Barramundi
fish
painted
in
white with outline and other
pale red, ochre, and black on the natural brown surface of the bark.
X-ray style showing inner organs. Northwest

Brooklyn Museum, New York.
Arnhem Land,
Australia.
The
blank spaces on such a drawing seem to be unpleasing to

and observer; but the material used to fill them is never
meaningless. There is little in the way of movement or action in
design. There is a tendency, much more noticeable than in the
West, to repeat both central and subordinate figures, as well as
minor motifs, giving the effect of a pattern, as in, for example,
ically,
artist
European-type
textile design.
Where such
out from their background, this
separating them spatially from
is
figures or motifs stand
achieved not as a rule by
it but by the use of contrasting

them, whereas in the West both devices are
employed. Further, there is a "playing down" of naturalism, with a
corresponding concentration on stylization, and symbolism expressed in varying degrees of complexity to suit a society that is
hierarchically graded in respect of religious knowledge. Specialization in design is much more noticeable in this part of Arnhem
Land, where the various clans and linguistic units have their own
particular designs; but although these may be fairly easily distinguished from one another in respect of minor differences, they are
all relatively uniform in style.
colors to outline or
fill
115
I
I
have not indicated
all
in
the features of each style; but
if
said earlier is valid, these contrasting styles should bear
relation to the social
what
some
and cultural situation in the two regions. I

one or two points which seem to be
shall mention, tentatively,
relevant here.
The main
differences between the two regions in the matter of

alignments can be briefly summarized as follows. 26 In the
West the language unit, conforming to what is conventionally
called a "tribe," is not exogamous. Within and beyond it, reference
social
to patrilineal affiliations is
rumu,
confined to the
namanamaidj or (j)iguThe named
traditionally associated with specific localities.
matrilineal moieties, subdivided into

matrilineal
descent,
named
phraties 27 also with
have incorporated a subsection system of
relatively recent introduction. In the East, within the
framework of
two named patrilineal moieties the largest social unit is the mala,
or clan, associated with several mada, linguistic or dialect units,
each of which in turn comprises several linked patri-lines; all these
are exogamous. As in the West, the subsection system is an additional feature. 28 All this, far more so than in the West, presents a
crisscrossing of affiliations not unlike the cross-hatching so common as background in the bark designs. Apart from the major
moiety division, one could almost see this as an arrangement of
small overlapping compartments: structural interconnections between mala and mada take the form of a number of conventional
combinations, some of them depending for instance on ideal marriage types, which however take into account also marriage "rules"
26 Of necessity I must speak very generally. As far as the barks are
concerned, those collected by Mountford (1956) and discussed in his volume
are not allocated to specific "tribes," or, except in a few cases, are those for
Northeastern Arnhem Land allocated to specific clans and linguistic units.
All bark paintings collected
by Berndt are accompanied by the name of the

(Western Arnhem Land) or clan and linguistic unit
(Northeastern Arnhem Land) affiliations. In this particular paper, however,
when I speak of Western Arnhem Land I am thinking primarily of the
Gunwirjgu who represent the major part of the population in and around
artist
and
his tribal
Oenpelli.
27 See A. P. Elkin, R. and C. Berndt (1951, pp. 253-301); R. and C.
Berndt (1951 )
28 W. L. Warner (1937, e.g., pp. 15-51); R. Berndt (1955,
PP- 84-106),
(1957, PP- 346-51).
Art and Aesthetics
116
in
Primitive Societies
based on kin and, now, subsection affiliations. Also, because of

mala affiliations, the land associated with any given
mada may not be "all of a piece," but may be intersected by territory belonging to other units.
The preponderance of detail in the East, the avoidance of
open spaces within the limits of a drawing, are paralleled by the
numerous totemic associations of clans and linguistic units, with
"inside" (esoteric) and "outside" (exoteric) terms for objects,
beings, or concepts: not just one or two, but several, each with
associated symbolic meanings, used in different contexts, with
relevant "singing" words as well. There is a liking for reiteration
and symbolic reference, one within another, like a Chinese nest of
boxes, the full impact of which is not attained in a general translation. 29 The great substantiating myths with associated ritual are
shared sectionally among the clans and linguistic units, each
concerned with its own detail, but often duplicating that belonging
to others; on the one hand sure of its separateness and identity as
contrasted with all others, but on the other acknowledging the
ideal of the interdependence of all such units during the big ceremonies. In this region a man's progression through life from before
differing
birth until after death, until part of his spirit enters the appropri-
Land
and even after that, is, or was until just

denned "stages" of religious significance. On the one hand, status and prestige hinged on these, as
ate
recently,
of the Dead,
marked by
fairly well
representing layers of revelation in the accumulation of sacred

knowledge; and on the other on strength gained through successful
competition in trade, accentuated by alien contact, and on a reputation as a fighting man. Superficially, these two ways of attaining
power and social recognition appear incompatible and indeed conflicting; but a closer glance reveals that going through these stages
and acquiring the knowledge associated with them, apart from the
obligatory initial rituals, involved an outlay of goods and gifts. It
was not possible to progress socially and religiously without paying
fairly heavily for
it.
The Western Arnhem Landers have a great variety of totemically-based emblems, but the ritual and ceremonial contexts in
which they appear are not as numerous, and do not show the same
29
332).
See R. Berndt (1948, pp. 16-50), (1952); C. Berndt (1950, pp. 286-
117
detail
and
reiteration as those
we
in
find further east. It
seems
likely,
moreover, that this wider range has become available only through
the intermingling of tribal remnants, probably as a result of alien
impact. 30
In Western Arnhem Land life is not, or rather was not, arranged in a series of ritual stages from birth to death and after,
except for obligatory initiation. Religion is not the permeating
force it so obviously is in the Northeast; it is still extremely important, but here the distinction between "sacred" and "nonsacred" for
general purposes is more clearly drawn, whereas on the eastern
when
side
it
can be made
at all
it is
decidedly blurred. Status and
connected with religious aspects, depend

primarily on "secular" considerations: on sexual prowess, on one's
potentiality as a fighter, and on wealth. 31 Fighting in the West,
apart from merely interpersonal affairs, was relatively direct, often
prestige, although closely
Gunwirjgu of Western Arnhem

have been relatively plain: a good example of this would be
the ubar drum or gong (see R. and C. Berndt, 1951)- However, the maraiin
rituals have associated with them a much larger series of sacred objects than
those found in Eastern Arnhem Land: and many of them have intricate
patterning which at times exceeds that found elsewhere in Arnhem Land.
(See for example B. Spencer, 1914, Plates facing pp. 218, 220, 222, 224;
contrast with those in Warner, 1937, Plate III B). And although the maraiin
cult possibly had its origin in Eastern Arnhem Land, it has apparently been
well established among the Gunwirjgu and other Western units for some
30 The
Land seem
traditional ritual objects of the
to
considerable time, at least since Spencer's survey of 191 2.
But
to
focus attention on art style only as manifested through bark
painting
is
to
more
difficult
oversimplify the problem of comparison.
when one
It
becomes much
begins to take into account varying art styles in
one "society," as in the case of the maraiin objects of Western Arnhem Land,
and their relative complexity of design and treatment. Although this is another issue which cannot be explored here, we might see on one hand, in
the cultural dimension, increasing ceremonial complexity through the westward drift of the Gunwirjgu and Liverpool River people to the Oenpelli
region; and on the other hand, in the social dimension, the acceptance of
the Eastern Arnhem Land patrilineal moiety divisions, retaining their
original names, for ritual and ceremonial purposes. The spread of the subsection system into both regions, with the use of closely similar terms,
represents a further aspect which they now hold in common. (See Elkin,
Berndt and Berndt, 1951, pp. 260-64).
31 That is, speaking generally. The Gunwirjgu is not such a "straightforward," secularized, and materialistic person, but it is the "impression"
conveyed, the construct, which
am now
considering.
118
Art and Aesthetics
in
Primitive Societies
unsupported by religious sanction and ceremony. In the East it

was linked with mythology, and to a certain extent ritualized,
especially in relation to the settling of disputes. 32
Although in the West there are "sacred" and "secular" renderis not the cumulative sequence, with
varying symbolic references, of the eastern area. Neither do we find
there the elaborate structure of the eastern poetic song versions,
arranged in cycles, and containing, in addition to many "singing"
ings of certain words, there
words, a fair amount of ordinary conversational material to be

seen perhaps as a filling in of the background, a building up of
small details, against which the main symbolic allusions are set.
Instead we find the succinct, more or less "typical," Aboriginal
songs: plenty of repetition, but concepts sparsely enunciated in the
shape of "key" words. The "gossip" songs are an exception; they

are frankly expressive, straight to the point, though not lacking in
innuendo. 33 They have, however, a counterpart in a series of "con-
temporary" songs on the eastern

within the last fifteen years or
Then
there
side,
which have been composed
so.
the matter of language. 34
is
In the East the
various dialects, differing from one another mainly in regard to
vocabulary, are easily learnt up to a certain point; beyond
cause so
much
is left to
edge of context
it,
be-
the understanding of the listener, a knowl-
is essential.
Verbs, or action words, for instance,
no noun classes; and although

communication seems to proceed fairly well between people who
share the same conversational "background," of which speech is
only one form of expression, yet where more than observable or
are virtually uninflected; there are
concrete material
strangers.
On
is
it
offers
certain
difficulties
to
the western side, to take Gunwirjgu as an example,
noun
there are four
classes;
ordinary verb stems,
number
number
concerned
it is
and by
affixing various particles to
usually possible to indicate not only the
or person of the originator of a certain action, but also the

or person of those affected by that action, or the thing so
32 See, e.g., L.
and
Warner (1937,
Berndt
pp. 155-90).
1951, pp. 211-40).

34 Compare the two papers: C. H. and R. M. Berndt (1951, PP- 24-52)
and C. Berndt (1952, pp. 216-39; 275-89).
33 R.
C.
119
affected. 35 Certainly in the
in
West, once one has learnt the "rules,"
translation offers fewer pitfalls, or fewer alternative possibilities,
than in the East. Although here too there
a certain
is
amount
of
"talking around the point," this seems designed to achieve greater
precision or at least to avoid misinterpretation.
It is
much
easier to
be vague, to avoid specificity, in the East than in the West. Gunwirjgu, too, like certain other western languages, has a special
vocabulary for use between a man and his actual or classificatory

mother-in-law, enabling them to communicate directly without
intermediaries.
similar situation appears in respect of kinship
terminology. In both East and
West there
is
the ordinary series of
kinship terms, of address and reference. But over and above these,
in the West, is another, though not entirely distinct, set of reference terms, known as gundebi, which depend on the relationship
between the person spoken to and the person spoken about. This
is an attempt to avert misunderstanding, to specify exactly
without leaving too much to the imagination.
again
In broad terms, as compared with the East, there
is
more
obvious directness in the West, a dislike for detail except where
it
has direct relevance, as for instance in the treatment of the central

figure of a design or in an X-ray drawing. The effort at clarity in
approach, the greater preciseness in language, the lack of elaborate
symbolism and so on, suggest naturalism in art style, action in
representation, and a straightforward approach to the subject,
unhampered by a crowded setting in which it might be in danger
of losing to
There
some extent
is
tural context
its
individual identity.
"fit" between the social and culeach of these cases; but it is obvious that
a certain degree of
and
much more needs
style in
to
be said, including consideration of the criteria
involved in evaluation.
To take one last example: from the Aranda of Central AusThe sacred flat stone tjururja with incised design is possibly
tralia.
best
known, and has
over
much
its
of the desert
counterpart in wood, of varying lengths,
and semidesert inland of the continent.
35 There are also more expressions of doubt in the West, such as words
which could be translated as "perhaps" or "maybe": and this might be
associated with the pervasive Rainbow Snake mythology, with its recurrent
theme of death.
Art and Aesthetics
120
in
Primitive Societies
Designs vary considerably even within the Aranda constellation

but predominating are "concentric circles and portions
thereof, such as the U-within-U figure, sets of parallel, straight,
curved, and spiral lines, often encircling and twining in and about
other elements, lines of drippings, rows and panels of dots, and
tracks of birds and animals." 36 And much the same motifs are
duplicated or extended on their sacred ground paintings, 37 their
itself,
emblems and
so on. In other words, the elementary designs are at
glance simple: deceptively
first
they are symbolic repre-
so, since
sentations having indirect reference to a relatively complex ide-
ology and belief system that gives
little
so characteristic of the art style. 38
pecially in contrast to
indication of the simplicity
The
Arnhem Land.
which may
that the range of designs,
style itself is simple, es-
Yet
it
has been remarked
be assembled with so few
elements, and to which different meanings are attached,
remarkable. 39
We
convey meaning
is
is
quite
say that such designs are symbolic, and hence
to the
community within which
valid; but this is not entirely so, since
important as far as meaning
is
it is
that symbolism
the context that
is
concerned. They are, rather "con-
crete" non-naturalistic expressions of a set of relatively abstract

ideas.
parallel
may
be drawn between this particular style and
I shall mention only a few

and these are not entirely absent from most Australian
Aboriginal societies and cultures. 40 Here we have a traditionally
seminomadic people, interested primarily, prior to European con-
Central Australian society and culture.
features,
McCarthy (1948, pp. 30-31, fig. 16).

H. Strehlow (1947, Plate 4); McCarthy (1948,
not distinguishing here between the various Aranda groups. )
38 T. G. H. Strehlow (1947).
36 See e.g., F. D.
37 T. G.
39 F. D.
McCarthy
40 E.g.,
although
all
fig.
20). (I
am
1948, p. 31 ).
Australian Aborigines are seminomadic, those in
the so-called desert areas are
much more
mobile; and this
is
particularly so
contrasted with those in Western and Northeastern Arnhem Land;

further, because their natural environment is so much harsher than that
when
of the northern coast,
much
less rich in
food supply, they are more depend-
ent on the fluctuation of the seasons. Their relationship to the environment

is linked with a philosophy of totemism that is rather different from that
existing in
Arnhem Land.
See T. G. H. Strehlow (i947> 1956).
121
in
and orienting
tact, in the necessities of life,
its
existence around
those needs; possessed of few material goods, and desiring only
minimum
bare
the
movement and
since
too
many would
impair freedom of
the daily task of food-collecting; living close to
nature, not only feeling a strong bond with the land and
within
all
but having a philosophy, a totemic view, which classified man

along with other natural species, not as superior but on equal
it,
terms, whereas on the
Arnhem Land
beings are predominantly in

were, and with
all
coast the major mythological
human
form. Conservative as they
queries categorically answered, the "typical"
Aboriginal conception of time that saw the past and future as part
was even more noticeable
of the present
here.
simplicity, a certain frankness in outlook,
They showed a
comparable
to
their
tjurwja designs, but, like these, perhaps deceptively simple and

naive. There
is
no need
One need
to labor this point.
recall only the
succession of age-grading rituals and those of revelatory intent, the
ceremonial
sacred and nonsacred mythology and song, and so
life,
on, 41 certainly
much
less rich
Arnhem Land,
than in
for instance,
but nonetheless in striking contrast to the paucity of material objects
and
We
restricted or limited techniques.
that their art style,
composed as
circles, semicircles, spirals,
could say, perhaps,
of simple combinations of
it is
concentric circles, and lines, expresses
the relative homogeneity of their society, the compactness of

the intimacy of relationship
structure,
among
the essential conservatism and traditionalism
those within
its
it,
was a dominating
feature in "desert" social living. But these remarks, like the designs
I
am
speaking
here that
we
of,
do in
reality give a "false" impression.
get a glimpse of only the social patterning,
the vividness of
its
cultural content:
it
is
mean
and not of
"false" only in this re-
an abstraction 42 in indigenous terms,

and the empirical dimension.
spect. Essentially art style is
with a linkage between
What
it
have said for the Central Australian Aranda society is

true too over most of Northwestern South Australia, across the
Great Victoria Desert in Western Australia and over the greater
part of the central-western sector of that State. Minor variation in
I
41 See, for instance, B.
low (1952-54).
42 M. R. Cohen and
E.
Spencer and
Nagel (1949,
F.
p.
J.
Gillen (1938), T. G. H. Streh-
371 et seq.).
Art and Aesthetics
122
art style does occur
in
Primitive Societies
throughout that region, but these are relatively
insignificant until one reaches the northern
end of the Canning
Stock Route (in the vicinity of Balgo Hills, Billaluna, and Sturt
Creek). Here, although the basic Central Australian designs are
much more
and semiangular geometric
present and in fact dominant, meandering motifs are

noticeable, with a range of angular
designs. 43 Actually, this design-complex covers a relatively wide

area, once associated with a large
organizations
social
and
number
cultures,
of tribes with differing
although linked with basic
When we
speak of this particular art style, then, numersoon as we try to link it with one particular
society, culture, or "world view." Even concentrating on the Balgo
Hills area, among people most of whom have come into this Mission from the Canning "desert" as well as from around Lakes
Hazlett, White, and Mackay, the correlation is not clear-cut. What
I have said for the Central Australian people is also relevant here.
But there are some obvious differences, mainly due to their contact
with the northern peoples located in the Southern Kimberleys and
in the pastoral station country of the Northern Territory. Linking
the basic designs of spirals and concentric circles are the meanderthemes.
ous
difficulties arise as
ing lines and/ or linked meandering geometric patterns, signifying

the wanderings of ancestral beings, the tracks of snakes, or masses
of clouds,
relatively
and so on. All this is simply illustrative material for a

narrow range of mythology and ritual activity. Although
number of highlights in this mythology, the greater part

concerned with the wanderings of beings across the country
from one water to another, with much the same actions repeated
over and again. And insofar as the environment outside the Mission and pastoral stations is concerned, a striking parallel could be
drawn between the events mirrored in the mythology, excluding
the magical elements, and the actual everyday life of the people:
an extreme dependence on the natural resources of the country,
with enforced mobility, associated with an "inwardness" in their
way of looking at the world, and a lack of concern for issues that
there are a
is
are not directly related to the quest for
minimum
physical satisfac-
conservatism bred of necessity, much more rigid than that

of eastern Arnhem Land, has direct implications in respect of their
tion.
43
See F. D. McCarthy (1948, pp. 45-48;
figs.
31, 33, 37, 39) for illustra-
tions of this style; also H. Petri (1954, PP- 92, 93, 122).
123
and cultural adjustment
social
internal change can have
change can
new
little
in
to changing ways. In other words,

encouragement, and enforced alien
result only in increasing disorganization. Receptivity to
is difficult, while emphasis on

paramount. We could term this culture "repetitive," where focus is on maintaining what is in terms of what has
been. Much of what I have said here is relevant to other "desert"
societies and cultures, but here the manifestation is more apparent. True, much of what I have said too has been impressionistic,
but this is only because space does not permit me to substantiate
this thesis with empirical material, for example, songs, linguistic
material, and so on. The designs, which take the form mostly of
incising on sacred boards of various kinds, express or directly
symbolize this relationship; and their repetitive nature, the complexity of meandering lines and figures themselves, mark the
productions quite distinctively in terms of style.
Art style offers one sort of key to the broad patterning of
social relations and its cultural content. I am not suggesting that
ideas under such a system
traditionalism
is
we could expect to find a one-to-one correlation. The extent to

which we can identify this rests, partially at least, as it must do, on
the empirical content. And it seems to me that only when we know
that content are we able to infer the abstraction we term style. In
one respect, we could view art style as a kind of "shorthand"
summary of the particular society and culture in which is flourishes.
My
references to
compressed as they
tive.
They
difficult to
Arnhem Land and
are,
to
the "desert" area,
must appear impressionistic and
represent, admittedly, ad hoc interpretations;
read what
we know
it
subjecis
not
in one sphere into the manifesta-
we find in another, and to conclude that "these must be the

same thing, merely expressed in different ways." The crucial test
comes in considering "different" styles that appear to have the
"same" social and cultural setting, or vice versa, and in taking into
tions
account the necessity for prediction. Because of the dangers inherent in this sort of problem, with the tendency to "jump"
enthusiastically
from data
to interpretation, there is a
tendency
to
form from content, as

Nadel did, and categorically stating the one to be completely
"autonomous" and independent of the other. This separation is an
neglect
it,
even
to the extent of separating
Art and Aesthetics
124
in
Primitive Societies
"Meaning" depends, surely, on "style plus content":

meaningless to speak of one without the other: the
way in which a statement is presented is, when it comes to questions of "meaning," an essential part of what that statement "says."
The problem of "style" in relation to its social and cultural
context is not one to be tackled at the beginning of a field
survey. Ideally, insofar as possible answers, as distinct from questions, are concerned, it demands the maximum of knowledge
about a given empirical situation, and about the ways in which the
problem has been approached by other workers in other situations.
I suggest that we have enough material now on a few areas of
Aboriginal Australia to provide a basis for a study of this kind, and
I put forward this paper in the hope of stimulating more systearbitrary one.
or, rather,
it is
matic attention
to
it.
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The Aesthetics
ROY SIEBER
Recognizing the aesthetic power of African

admiration alone can
understood
in
its
lead
to
cultural context.
with the value system of
its
art,
Professor Sieber notes that
misinterpretation.
It
is
society. Skill
traditional
in
African
in
technique
art
can only be
nature and integrated

is
the African's major
criterion for evaluating art.
Roy Sieber is a professor in the Fine Arts Department of Indiana

where he teaches courses on the arts of Africa, Oceania, and PreColumbian America. He has often served as a consultant on exhibitions of
Dr.
University,
African art and
is
a Trustee of the
Museum
of African Art in
Washington,
He has written "African Art" (African Studies Bulletin, May, 1962),

"Masks as Agents of Social Control" in The Many Faces of Primitive Art
D.C.
(1968), "The Insignia of the Igala Chief of Eteh, Eastern Nigeria" {Man, 1965),
and Sculpture of Northern Nigeria (1962).
The
acknowledgment of the aesthetic power of a work of

can still move us when it is presented totally out of
context in the highly artificial atmosphere of a museum. Yet art is
greatest
art is that
it
a cultural manifestation finally to be understood (as distinguished
from "appreciated") only in the light of its cultural origins. The

work of art is both the point of departure and the point of return,
but the search for understanding must encompass the various
levels at which it functions and utilize the several methods by
which it may be analyzed.
Admiration in isolation easily leads to misunderstanding, and
African art, its functions only vaguely apprehended, has fallen
prey to the taste of the twentieth century. While noting the vitality
and strength of purpose that pervade it, its admirers misread con*
Reprinted from Seven Metals of Africa by Froelich Rainey (PhilaMuseum, University of Pennsylvania, 1959).
delphia: University
I
Art and Aesthetics
128
in
Primitive Societies
servatism for spontaneity and
has become a
commitment
to style for
freedom.
It
and expressionism, and the object

and patination. Such adulation springs
foil for rebellion
of a cult of age, purity,
from a Western aesthetic rooted in a romantic love
for exotic
precocity, and, perhaps inevitably, has developed into fashionable
cliche taste. Evidence of this lies in the remarkable
number
of
"masterpieces" that are at best second-rate examples, the overevaluation of late, especially nineteenth-century, Benin bronzes,
and the infatuation with certain types endlessly rereproduced in

in short, the easy admiration wherein every
adze-cut becomes the stroke of genius.
catalogues and books

It is
not
my
of each age to
tory of taste
is
intention to dismiss connoisseurship or the right
its
ethnocentric aesthetic, but to note that the his-
a story of constantly shifting attitudes
cumulative, and which

the
moment
which are not

beyond
are neither inevitable nor infallible
they are in favor.
Against the vagaries of fashionable taste is ranged a growing

corpus of factual data and interpretation: anthropological studies
of inestimable value as a record of the cultural functions of the
arts; stylistic, archaeological,
and
historical studies as well as the
attempts to probe the aesthetic of the African. Such

will serve not only understanding and interpretation but will
less frequent
establish a base line for the study of African arts in transition.
In the attempt to understand the aesthetic of African art one

point cannot be overstated. Unlike recent art in the Western world,
traditional African art is
neither castigates nor
an act of cultural integration. The
condemns the normative values
artist
of his cul-
nor does he reject through inversion that culture's concept of

image of reality.
Like most art in the history of the world, African art is deeply
involved in the sensible and spiritual goals of human beings. Instancing and symbolizing security, it lies at the center of a hard
core of beliefs. To the African who holds those beliefs there is no
need for analysis and dissection of art. He need not toil to underture,
the
stand
it,
discuss the motivation of the artist, probe the aesthetic
determine the social utility of the product. It is

art, almost without exception, reinforces the
positive aspect of his world view, participates actively in the fulattitude, or seek to
taken for granted that
The top
of a staff
Dahomey
in
from the Fon of
the form of a wide-eyed
bird with tremulous wings. Cut
assembled from
this is a beautiful
tribal
and
thin brass plates,
specimen
of
work. Courtesy of The
Museum
of Primitive Art,
New
York.
however these may be denned. (It should be

noted that his needs are usually couched in intensely practical
terms: wealth, prestige, health, children, wives, crops, and perhaps, a glimpse into the future.)
With reference to the art of a given cultural framework,
normally the tribe, these goals are known, understood, assumed,
shared. They underlie and inform the conscious aesthetic of the
African with a richness and complexity that belies the apparent
simplicity of his words.
An Igala tribesman, after careful scrutiny of a mask, offered
fillment of his needs,
{Left) A handsome and highly stylized wooden dance mask from the Dogon
decorated with hammered-down metal plates and brass-headed nails. Courtesy
of The Museum of Primitive Art, New York. {Right) Wooden dance mask from
the Marka, a sub-tribe of the Bambara in the French Sudan. Decorated with
thin tin and brass plates affixed to the mask with iron nails. The Olsen
Foundation, New Haven.
his critique in
indicated
it
two words: one identified the mask type, the other
was
well done.
However
curt, the observation
was
based on familiarity with a preexistent style, knowledge of a predetermined function and critical awareness of comparative excellence. His statement indicated only the degree to which the work
fulfilled certain prerequisites. It did not spell out his expectations,
nor did it indicate the weight of authority that lay behind them. It
is not surprising then that a voiced aesthetic can consist of an
identification of the object,
which implies
and an evaluation of the
of the artist.
skill
its
functional aptness,
The Aesthetics
131
from the one unshared aspect of art, the act of

creation, and thus sets the artist apart from his fellow beings.
Because it is a variable and eludes the expectancy pattern of style
and function, it permits critical evaluation.
As a basis for critical evaluation it becomes a dominant aspect of the African's voiced aesthetic. As it sets the artist apart, it
Skill springs
is
the basis of the concept of specialism. Indeed,
social
reward accorded the
artist is
based on
much
of the
his specialist role, for
awe of the artist's ability. I once

questioned a member of the compound of a brasscaster about the
latter's technique. Although he had lived for years alongside the
caster and watched him at work countless times, he indicated with
a gesture of astonishment and resignation that it was all far too
the
layman stands
in respectful
understand unless one were a brasscaster. He stood in

awe, not of an expressive soul, but of a specialist's knowledge-
complex
to
ability.
However, it must be noted that the artist is not the only

and similar prestige is awarded to all specialists. So
much so that in groups which no longer support an active art the
prestige of the artist seems now accorded the clerk, the carpenter,
and the bicycle repairman.
Thus traced, the aesthetic of the African both explicitly and
specialist,
implicitly substantiates the concept of traditional African art as a

positive, integrated cultural manifestation.
Work, Leisure, and Creativity*
MARGARET MEAD
In
this article the idea of creativity in leisure as
ness of work
opposed
to the repetitive-
questioned and illuminated by examining the integration of

art into Balinese life, the compulsive attitudes toward work of the Manus,
and other examples. The idea of newness in many levels and variations
is
seems to be related to creativity in a number of societies. When everyone

becomes a painter this newness is lost. Reproduction also destroys freshness. A series of proposals is made recommending courses of action which
would permit wide participation in meaningful creativity in our own society.
Dr. Margaret Mead is now Professor of Anthropology and Chairman of
the Social Science Division of the Liberal Arts College at Fordham University, after serving for many years as Curator of Ethnology at the American
Museum of Natural History. Culture and personality, applied anthropology,

education, mental health, psychosomatics, sex, national character, and the
her major subjects of interest. Among her many honors and
awards she has received the National Achievement Award for Women, the
Geographers Medal, and the Viking Medal for General Anthropology. She has
written extensively and the best known of her many publications are Male and
Female (1949); Growing Up in New Guinea (1930, 1962); Coming of Age in
Samoa (1928, 1961, 1968). Her essay, "The Bark Paintings of the Mountain
Arapesh of New Guinea" in Technique and Personality (1963), is of particular
family are
interest to students of primitive art.
One
which the word creativity is invoked is

"What are people going to do with their
leisure? Can we make them more creative?" I should like first to
question the usefulness of the simple dichotomy of work and leisure, with work being those things that man has to do to earn his
daily bread, and leisure everything he does with the time that is
left over. For if we follow this way of looking at life, peculiar to our
in
of the contexts within
answer
to the questions
Reprinted from Daedalus (Winter, i960), pp. 13-23.
133
own narrow
ties as
tradition,
we
are then faced with placing such activi-
the worship of the gods, or the performance of a tragedy, in
either one category or the other.
vocabulary. For the Balinese
Some
life
peoples have solved this by
consists of
work
for
which a
harsh short word is used when it is done by low-caste people in

everyday life, and an elegant word when the activity is performed
by high-caste people or for the gods. The word for feast then becomes a noun from this verb which describes activity by or for
those to whom one looks up. An echo of this kind of classification
can be found in the English word amateur, with its implication
that activities which can be performed freely by those whose
livelihood comes from some other source, are lowered and tainted
if done for gain.
So, we may start with the freedom to pray or carve, act or
paint or sing, and end with its degradation or, as the Balinese do,
emphasize not whether an activity is for pay or not, but rather who
engages in it and under what circumstances. Appropriately enough
there are no amateurs in Bali; there are young girls who do not
dance very well, but those who dance badly are as seriously committed to the requirements of style as those who dance well; they
are simply less gifted, less practiced, or less well taught. When a
temple club or a raja pays for the dancing of those who dance
well
while the dancing of the less gifted is simply a part of
temple ritual the payment goes not to the individual but to the
group, for new musical instruments, or new costumes. The club
group with a good set of dancers practices harder, gets better
teachers, is in demand for more performances, and always runs
the danger of suffering from popularity which will make the dancers, so continuously in demand, become conceited, stop practicing,
and sink back again into anonymity. Teachers must be paid, club
members who give many days to traveling performances will
receive expenses, performances will be offered to the gods in the
temple to which they belong. But the expert individual members do
not draw their livelihood from these activities.

in
many
places, always with precision
down
The
lines are
drawn
to the last little
bronze
penny.
People labor, as they must, for their livelihood, for special
purposes beyond a livelihood, in response to the demands of the
Flute figure from Mundugumor,

Yuat River area, New Guinea. The
of Primitive Art,
New
York.
Museum
135
community
as
corporation and as temple
and
as
members
of
to the arts or sometimes as individuals, grown so

dancing teacher, a musician, a carver of masks, will
be frequently called away from his rice fields. But the system
provides for just such freedom of movement. There are riceharvesting clubs that may be called in to help with the harvest;
there are rice-harvesting clubs that one may join if one is short of
cash; exemption from work for the village or the temple may
always be bought for a small "fine"; when a hundred men have
been called together to chop up one pig, ten will not be missed, and
the fines they pay will be useful. Sometimes when a man has a
special skill, like the ability to scrape the great bronze gongs to
tune them, the village may exempt him from ordinary work on the
roads, and citizens of a high caste may be asked only to perform
activities which are skilled, or be permitted to make contributions
groups devoted
skilled that a
in kind.
Visitors to Bali, anxious to explain the interpenetration of art
have ventured many explanations, only to find that one

simple contrast between Bali and the West is not enough, and
leads instead to spurious statements about the evils of the modern
and
life,
world, with our slavery to clocks.
For on another South Sea island, Manus,
found in 1928^
people without clocks, without a calendar, with only the simple
rhythm
of a three-day
the reef,
who
market and the monthly rush of the
fish over
nevertheless drove themselves from one unrecog-
nized and unremarked year to the next, seeing feasts as harder
work than days which had no feasting. To them the white man's
periodicity of hours to start work and hours to stop came as a
blessed relief and the Christian Sabbath as a day of undreamed-of
rest. They spoke with enthusiasm of the bells that punctuated the
hard labor on European-owned plantations "When the bell sounds
at noon you can stop, and you don't have to work again until the
:
bell
sounds
to return to
The Manus
snows
work."
environment, where no seasonal

but the version they have constructed of man's place in
both puritanical and driven
and strangely like our own.
live in a tropical
fall,
nature
is
In almost comic caricature, the

artistic
Manus bought and sold the

made nothing
productions of neighboring tribes, but they
Art and Aesthetics
136
in
Primitive Societies
Where in Bali a prince may be the best actor

them all, and his wife excel in weaving, in
Manus the richest and the poorest members of this near egalitarian
society might buy and sell, but did not practice the arts for
beautiful themselves.
or finest carver of
themselves.
Each well-described culture provides evidence of the many

in which activity can be categorized: as virtuous work and
sinful play, as dull work when done alone and happy gaiety when
the same activity (fishing or hunting or housebuilding) is done in
a group, as work when for oneself, and delight when for the gods,
or as, at most, pleasant and self-propelled when done for oneself
ways
when done at the behest of the state. There are as many

kinds of classification as there have been civilizations, each having
but horrid
significance for the place of the arts in the life of any particular
its
human
group.
Any attempt
to order
must always be
moment, by the categories
these classifications
limited also by the perspective of the
within which one must address oneself to the relevant audience.
One
his
is a sense of freedom: what one does of

must be separated from anything done under
significant variable
own
free will
coercion, by the need to eat, or survive, or by the will of others. So

hunting for food would be work, and hunting for the joy of the
hunt would be leisure. Planting a garden for food would be work,
but done for the pleasure of boasting about the size of one's cab-
bages,
it
becomes
The attempt
leisure activity.
terms of their intrinsic

by those who, in search of a world
to classify activities in
"creativity," so often resorted to
more hospitable to the arts, castigate the lack of creativity in

modern work, brings us out little better. If we take the set of
criteria so often used, work to be creative must make something
new and something made must not be made too often, or the words
"repetitious" and "uncreative" will be introduced. Cooking the daily
midday meal is repetitious, but preparing special foods for a feast
is
creative. This distinction is pleasantly blurred in the
the rich gourmet; the food that
becomes daily food
is
feast food for the
for him. His cook then
house of
common man
becomes a chef and an
137
artist.
The distance from cottage
to castle
has turned labor into an
art.
Still
the idea of something
throughout
all
made new, and
the confusing dichotomies
Among
doorway may be a
civilizations.
one people the

craft,
rarely,
and continua
of
recurs
many
decoration of every
slight
widely practiced,
possibly lucrative,
be only one man

bark panel with his
version of the house decorations of his neighbors. He is not a
craftsman; he practices no art grown simple and habitual by long
usage; he is instead an artist, occasionally and painfully producing
something new new to him, and new to his fellow tribesmen who
cluster around him. Or it is possible to introduce the same slight
sense of distance and newness by a device such as that used by the
Mundugumor of New Guinea, who had decreed that only a male
child born with the umbilical cord around his neck might be an
artist. As the tribe was small, and there was no provision that each
male child so born be trained as an artist, in the end there would
be only one or two men in a generation with the cultural right to
paint a design on bark, which might have been a common craft,
practiced often and unrewarded, among a neighboring tribe.
slightly honored.
But in the next
who has
and the
the skill
tribe there
may
will to paint a single
The gardener in England lives upon newness and difference.

One flower or a border blooms earlier or later, and another is not
there at all. The light catches on a new clump of larkspur, and the
garden is new made. And in New Guinea the dusty old woven
basketry masks are hauled out of the attic of the men's house, and
made new again with fresh feathers and bright flowers arranged in
new combinations, with small, graceful, painted birds made of a
corklike wood and poised lightly on swaying reed stems. Even
among the puritanical Manus, where feast clothes were mourning
clothes, all validated
made from
by hard earned money, and ornaments were
was a sense of
they were worn. Skins usually dull from
the hair and bones of the dead, there
freshness in the air
when
work and only dutiful ablutions shone a
little to
match
the
woven
armlets that held pieces of the rib bones of the dead.

I
should like
to
propose that
we
look at this element of fresh-

Art and Aesthetics
138
in
Primitive Societies
ness, of newness, of strangeness, as a thread along
the
activities
patron and
common
the
of
consciously creative
artist,
which
the
to place
conscious
and the common man

he has no specified part in creation or
critic of the creative artist,
in the sense that
criticism. If
we make one
criterion for defining the artist (as dis-
from the craftsman and the trained but routine performer of

dance, drama, or music) the impulse to make something new, or to
do something in a new way a kind of divine discontent with all
that has gone before, however good
then we can find such artists
tinct
at every level of
great simplicity.
some
societies,
"every
man
is
human
when performing
acts of
The conclusion has sometimes been drawn that in

for example the Bush Negroes of Dutch Guiana,
an
artist,"
Where any
musician."
culture, even
or,
man
as in Bali, that "every
has reached the state in which
art
is
it
a
is
some category of human beings (if all

young men carve if they are to be
eligible for marriage, or all men play some instrument in a temple
or village orchestra) then the making of offerings, the carving of
wooden wands, or the playing of musical instruments ceases to be
a field for the artist in the simple way it was before. Those who
deserve the name of artist will move on to the invention of new
required behavior for
women must make
offerings, all
new
designs or
musician
make
old ones) or the development of

whole orchestra (in which each
a faithful practitioner but not a composer) to play the
offerings (while their sisters
is
new ways
for a
old pieces.
The
difference in quality between the single bark painting
made by an
artist in a tribe in which no one else paints on bark,

painted with tenseness and desperate eagerness, and the beauti-
fully executed traditional design of the
men
craftsmanship of
in the next tribe, will not give us the clue as to
which
many
tribe
depends on craftsmen and which on the occasional artist to

produce a painting on bark. If we have only one of each, the
chastening hand of tradition may well resemble the individually
disciplined vision of the single artist; the traditional will often
appear
to
our eye
vidual vision, as
to
we
which each
fresh
as
more
of
an
indi-
man who made it. We have here two

one that of the difference between the painter who
us and freshness to the

situations,
is
are unable to distinguish between freshness to
139
makes something new and the painter who executes

faithful skill, the other that of the spectator
set of paintings to
guide him, cannot
tell
the old with
who, without a large
the single object
made
with great creative energy from the repetition of some object in a
grown beautiful by the contribution
style
many
critics.
We
can add a
outcome of a single artist's

something new and fresh, it
happens to the object.
the
of
many
painters and
Granted that an object has been

or a group of artists' desire to make
will then matter enormously what
third.
may be quickly destroyed, having been a stage set for a

production
single
of a play, or a design for a triumphal or cenIt
tenary ceremony to be held only once. In this case, part of the

freshness will
come from
everyone's knowledge of the brief
life
that the arch of flowers, the floats of paper, the giants of confectionery, the
cunningly contrived stage
sets, are to
have.
Tomorrow
or the next day, all this will be dismantled, faded, or even eaten
who are there that day will ever see it; it will linger
on only in the delighted memories of those who made it to
underlie later new creations or new applications by those who saw
and enjoyed it once before.
Or it may be set permanently in a special place, behind a high
altar, in a palace hall, in a public building, or in one of the many
rooms of a private house of the very rich. Here the sense of freshness of the masterpiece is maintained by the difference between
those who live near it and those who have seen it only once at
some great ceremony or when they journeyed from a great distance on a pilgrimage, for a coronation, or to see a capital city, or
to attend the university graduation of a son. For most people, such
a painting or statue will be seen only once or twice in a lifetime;
those who live close to it
the rich private owner, those who attend
Mass each Sunday beneath the startlingly lovely altar piece, those
who work in the old Guild Hall with its murals live and feed on
the freshness that is contributed by the new visitors. The rich man
takes his guests through the gallery, the resident takes a visitor to
the picture gallery, or to see the village church where the vicar
recounts for the thousandth time the story of an especially beautiful window. So for those who live close to a masterpiece there may
be either a protective caution which blocks off a too continuous
up. Only those
140
Art and Aesthetics
dwelling on
its
in
Primitive Societies
those
who
see
it
its newness to
on the delight of
beauty or the reinforcement of
others, so that they live a happily parasitical life
for the first time.
For several decades at the end of the last century and the
beginning of this, we added a new and temporary dimension of
freshness, that of partial and bad reproduction, by photography.
This replaced the earlier ambiguities of copies, which ranged all
the way from the same picture painted by the same great master,
in which all that was different was the church in which it hung or
the name of the patron who ordered it, to the humble little lady
traveler who painted all day in the Louvre to capture one painting,
in part, and take it home as partly her own, now, for her brush had
worked
at
it.
The black-and-white reproductions
of the late nine-
teenth century played a similar role; here the traveler sought to
capture and keep for himself and those who had stayed behind a
reminder of original freshness and delight. The reproduction was
often no more than a hook on which to hang exclamations and
judgments exchanged between men who had seen Athens and
those who had not; but on the walls of those who had never been
there it became a kind of promissory note of the future "Someday,
when I am grown, I will see the Colosseum, climb the hill to the
Parthenon, really see the Night Watch, learn how Raphael
painted." These early reproductions were not good enough to detract from the memory of the original or the promise that it might
one day be seen. Faulty and incomplete and unpretentious, except
when used only to prove one had traveled or had taste, they were
pleasant to have on the walls, and could well compete for delight
with the kind of "original" one could afford in most cases the
holiday effort of a relative who was a poor amateur painter.
The relationship of the arts to leisure in American nineteenth:
century society was therefore quite simple; those who had leisure
traveled to the places where art was to be found, those who had
money sometimes bought it and brought it back, and they, or some

of those who visited the museums to which it eventually found its
way, learned to enjoy it. Those who had not traveled, and probably
would not travel, were taken to museums as children, or shown
slides, and were exposed to very tentative promissory notes in the
form of black-and-white reproductions on the walls of schools.
141
Coming from homes

effort to
in
which there was no temporary
artistic
be constructed and destroyed, and no craftsmanship out
of which necessary skill could be distilled, the relationship between the common man and the visual arts was almost completely
destroyed. Children might be taken in groups to the Altman collection in the Metropolitan Museum, and of these some would see
other work by the same painters some day, others would treat this
as an experience without any meaning for themselves, and once in
a while some child might make the extraordinary leap of believing
that he or she might someday paint. To paint meant, very simply,
to go away from everyone to some faraway place where paintings
were made, where there were people who painted. Out of generations of this well-documented nostalgia of the man who would
paint, in a civilization that made nothing of the visual arts, or
failed, as England did, to recognize that gardening, which trained
the eye to loveliness and the mind to criticism of form and color,
was an art, have come the extremes of the present day, accentuated by our contemporary processes of exact reproduction both of
lovely craftsmanship and of the isolated vision of the artist in
many other lands and periods.
For almost overnight (for Americans) it has become possible
to acquire reproductions, not only of the pottery and fabrics of
other peoples, in which the cunning of the machine can repeat
over and over what the hand once had to learn, but also of individual works, which once drew their beauty from their singleness.
Van Gogh's Sunflowers blaze on a thousand walls, day after day,
collecting not even a faint film of dust beneath their protective
glass. From the spectator of such reproductions nothing is required. He neither fetches the paint nor carries the stones nor
holds the scaffold on which the painter stands. He need make no
pilgrimage, even on the subway, to see a painting. Nor is it any
longer a matter of individual choice of the too brilliant reproduction which one purchases for one's own wall and becomes
strangely tired of and yet lets it hang. For there are all the other
walls, in the dentist's office and in the homes of all one's friends,
and the bank poster on the bus. What was once sought diligently
and seen seldom is now staled by continuous unsought experience.
It is said that the public has never been so "interested in art."

Art and Aesthetics
142
in
Primitive Societies
This
is only too true, and yet is this interest, expressed in the

reproduction of objects never meant for reproduction and totally
unrelated to their owners, a way of closing the gap between artist
and the common man, or of widening it? The most

our campuses where "modern art" is produced by the
yard would suggest that the gap is really widening while it might
seem superficially to be closing.
Is it possible that what has gone wrong is just here, in the
and
critic
casual
visit to
control of freshness?
is
It
people, as children, as
undoubtedly a good thing that
young
adults,
and
many
as elderly people with
new
leisure, should be given a chance to "create," to stand before

an easel and wrestle with an attempt to make the world anew. But
what is happening today is that in these thousands of studio situations the painter does no such wrestling; it is not individual vision
but the ability to replicate a strange commodity individuality
which is being practiced. Like the Christmas cards of the intelligentsia, each painting must be different
a photograph of our
dog instead of your dog, our children instead of your children. A
slight difference, within an agreed-upon range, has been substituted for newness.
Second, the very quantity defeats us. If thousands of people
are to produce in a form once sufficiently rare so that some churchwalls remained bare for lack of a painter and only the state rooms
of the palace had murals, the sense of coming glut oppresses our
spirits as we listen to the enthusiasm with which still another
friend takes up painting or sculpture. There is no place to put the
million individual works of those who are trying to participate in
an activity where once only the rarely gifted worked.
When every man practices an art, it becomes a craft, and for
crafts there is a place, either in space or in time: in space, a bed
for the embroidered bedspread, coffee to be drunk from the painted
cups, and soup to be sipped from the hammered spoons; in time, a
delight to match the temporary structure of snow or flowers, the
delicately executed Christmas card that is cheap enough to throw
away at Twelfth Night. In such exercises, the common man, who
may
of course be a physicist or the governor of a state in his
may
own
experience for an hour or a day an

appropriate nuance of the creativity of the artist, making some-
professional personality,

143
new at
thing
the
undemanding use,
moment
of
making
either
for later
quiet,
or for quick destruction.
But because of the plethora of reproduction, the distinction

between the rare vision which must remain rare to someone
and delight in producing form and color has been obscured.
It is revealing to look at the present recourse of those whose
delight contains an extra component of the esoteric. On their walls
are large black-and-white reproductions of blown-up cameos, once
so small it took a microscope to appreciate them, or telephoto
photographs of some detail high up on an Indian temple wall,
unseen since some loving hand carved it ten centuries ago. De-
prived of the individual experience of seeing a great painting for
no one, even the

With the marvels of
modern photography the photographer perched at some unlikely
angle where no man ever stood before to catch the sunlight on the
the
first
time, they will at least see something that
man who made
it,
ever
saw
in this
way
before.
Parthenon
the spectator participant
tries to reestablish the fresh-
ness of the experience, in ways even stranger than those once used
by the kind of miser prince

curtain for his
But
people
this
own
kept a masterpiece behind a
mere temporary expedient,
is
who come
who
eyes alone.
for the
hundred
to the cocktail party to appreciate the freshness
and scale may all go

home, buy a copy of the same miracle, and put it on their walls.
Is not perhaps a different answer to be found than this abuse
of freshness which is seen on every side? Is not part of the solution
to be found in shifting the freshness from the singleness of the
work of art, now effectively nullified by cheap and perfect repro-
of this photographic abolition of distance
duction, to the considered choice of the spectator? For those
wish
to
use part of their leisure, part of the time
freed from
making
a living, to
become
when
who
they are
actively a part of the world
of the visual arts, there should be a far wider temporary field
walls to be painted
anew every week,
stage sets for every occasion
as the Balinese work for days on beautiful panels of contrasting

when the cut leaves fade to the
matter then if one mural is very like
another, as it does when the attempt is made to wring individuality
out of an obedient reproduction of some recognized style. There
greens which will lose the design
same
dullness.
It
will not
Art and Aesthetics
144
in
Primitive Societies
one mural on the wall at a time, and its freshness will

be adequate for a week, to carry it along, or add pleasure to its
will be only
destruction so that
acclaim
it
can be replaced. The Balinese, who give
to the occasionally
preciation in hands
and
feet that
often gaily, "from delight,"
meant
their
highly gifted, carry their critical ap-
do not attempt the impossible but
make
beautiful things that are not
to last.
But we
will need a second development to complement this:

whose creativity is great enough to justify his giving
his whole lifetime to it must come to include, in the vision of what
he does, the process of reproduction. As poets write to be printed,
so painters must come out of the manuscript stage and paint for
reproduction. A painting meant for reproduction is no more de-
the painter
meaned by reproduction
that
is
poem by
reprinting. But a
poem
written only to be read by the author, designed for the single
uniqueness of such perfectly realized cadence, is too precious for

other lips. Poets long ago, when writing was invented, were
humble enough to surrender their lovely lines to the stumbling
reproductions of others, whose lips
moved
slowly and ineptly, as
images other than the poet meant crawled or danced through their
minds. Perhaps, indeed, poets were more willing to do this than we
know, after centuries in which a minstrel had to repeat the same
poem over and over before a different set of carousing, feasting
lords. But when the poets bowed to print, their poems were quietly
put away in books. Now with a recording, we can listen when we
wish to a poem read beautifully, sometimes even by the poet who
wrote it. But who could bear to encounter perhaps twice a day the
"Ode to a Nightingale," or one of Eliot's Quartets, sounding uninvited from some corner of a room, however faithfully the reader
attempted to render the lines? Any lover of poetry would rebel at
once against such unsought experience, and yet we acquiesce in
putting vivid reproductions on our walls for the helpless visitor or
captive child to stare into meaninglessness, perhaps forever.
There
is
Americans have never

which others see when they
windows or walk down a street. We have so
a related responsibility that
taken, responsibility for the landscape
look out of their
145
own
hand of
what extent our house or
garden has become the "view" of others in this crowded world. We
none of us take joint responsibility for the city streets, the combination of water tanks and occasional pleasant pinnacles which
we call a skyline, on which our children's eyes must be fed, and so
we learn to turn a blind eye to ugliness. Our unplanned towns and
sedulously sought each his
man,
that
we have
view, swept clear of the
failed to recognize to
sprawling developments, our unwillingness to adapt a
new
build-
ing to the line of the buildings already there, have bred a people
who
expect beauty to be a piece of private property for which they
take no responsibility.
These are possible steps which those who give direction to the
century might well take: stress the value of participant production of ephemeral things, a mural for a night, an
individual greeting card that will go quickly to an honorable grave,
a sketch on the edge of a letter to a distant friend; emphasize the
importance of painting for reproduction, rather than making exact
reproductions in which the single masterpiece is still intended;
protect the single masterpiece from the vulgarization of unintended, unresponsive contemplation by keeping reproductions in
books that can be opened at will, or for occasional enjoyment in a
temporary frame; and develop a structured responsibility for our
towns and cities, in which we build the shared man-made landscape in which eyes become accustomed to beauty, rather than
last half of this
immune
to intrusive ugliness.

the Art Styles of
in
Primitive Cultures*
HERSCHEL
Pleasure
in
CHIPP
B.
form and the need to symbolize religious meaning are two imin the production of art objects and significant influences
portant motivations
The art of the Maori and the Plains Indians

essay with relation to (1) craftsmanship and aesthetic
appreciation, and (2) mythology and ritual. Dr. Chipp thus clearly reveals the
usefulness of the analytical method and its value as a way of seeing the
interaction between style, symbol, and the creative process.
Dr. Herschel B. Chipp is a professor in the Department of Art at the
in
the development of art styles.
are
compared
in
this
University of California, Berkeley. His field of research
painting and sculpture.
He has
written
many
contributed articles to most of the major art journals.
Theories of Modern Art:
I.
A Source Book by
THEORIES AND METHODS
IN
is
twentieth-century
exhibition catalogues
Artists
and
He
is
and has
the editor of
Critics (1969).
THE STUDY OF PRIMITIVE ART
Studies of the art of primitive peoples during the past three or
four decades have clearly demonstrated that
its motivating forces

do not flow solely from the religious meaning of the objects, but
that pleasure in their formal qualities, whether in making or contemplating them, is an important factor in the production of art.
This is an important element even in determining the characteris-
tics of
the tribal style.
More than half a century ago von den Steinen criticized

students for what he called their excessive zeal in overinterpreting
the symbolism of primitive art, and in his work he stressed the role
of aesthetic pleasure in primitive cultures. 1
Many
other writers
Reprinted from The Journal of Aesthetics and Art Criticism, Vol. XIX,
No. 2 (Winter, i960), pp. 150-66.
1 Karl
von den Steinen, Unter den Naturvolkern zentral Braziliens
(Berlin, 1894), PP- 243-94; cited by Robert J. Goldwater, Primitivism in
Modern Painting (New York, 1938), pp. 21-22.
*
147
followed. Luquet
went so far
in
the Art Styles of Primitive Cultures
as to claim that the idea of artistic
representation antedated even the appearance of magic and that,
animal painting, magical efficacy was simply applied

that already existed. 2 Lowie cites American
Indian examples in which the forms of the religious art had
actually exerted a reverse influence and substantially altered religious concepts. He was convinced that the aesthetic impulse was
"one of the irreducible components of the human mind, as a potent
agency from the very beginnings of human existence." 3 Even
those, such as Semper, who postulated the development of art from
in paleolithic
to
an
art tradition
the practical techniques
of
making useful
objects implied
the
presence of an aesthetic sense as the transforming agent, although

they could not bring themselves to consider the primitive works as
art. 4
Of
all
the several important studies concerned with aesthetic
qualities, Boas' Primitive Art
some
sort of
method useful
(1927) comes closest
to
providing
to the ethnologist or theoretician of art.
Boas applied his own diffusionist theory
to a
study of the distribu-
and the meanings attributed to them. But

work has been in the comparison of the art motifs
tion of both style motifs
valuable as this
of different tribes,
its
treatment of the art objects themselves
limited by the very factor that
makes
is
the statistical study so
the attempt at complete objectivity. Boas accordingly
valuable:
main determinants
of style in such technical factors as

motor habits of the tribe or the techniques of handling the
materials. 5 These limitations confine his analysis of an art style to
sees the
the
2 G.
H. Luquet, L'art et la religion des
hommes
fossiles
(Paris, 1926),
pp. 126-27.
Robert H. Lowie, Primitive Religion (New York, 1924), p. 260.

Gottfried Semper, Der Stil in den technischen und tektonischen Kiinsten oder Prahtische Aesthetik (Munich, 1861-1863), I, p. 5, cited by Gold3
4
water, op.
cit., p.
16.
Franz Boas, Primitive Art (Oslo, 1927), p. 17 ff. and p. 144 ff. An important study which had preceded Boas' work, Paul Guillaume and Thomas
Munro, Primitive Negro Sculpture (New York, 1926), was based upon the
aesthetics of abstract art and the method of formal analysis developed in the
early 1920's at the Barnes Foundation. The authors' method is concerned
with a visual analysis of the formal characteristics of the sculpture to the
exclusion of the meaning of the objects or facts about them. Although the
effects of religious concepts upon the art that embodies them are not con5
Art and Aesthetics
148
in
Primitive Societies
elementary decorative motifs and to general formal characteristics.

Although the application of this method yields some valuable
matter-of-fact descriptions of the essential features of an art object,
it
tends to set up as criteria such nonartistic ideals as perfec-
form or virtuosity in technique. Thus, although the object

be well described and analyzed, the relation of its formal
tion of
may
ignored; and hence a

term is not possible.
Studies in the meaning or the symbolism of primitive art,
unlike primitive music, are extremely rare, mainly because of the
almost complete lack of a clear relationship between the form and
the meaning. Further, the traditional method of investigation, by
personal interview with members of the tribe, deals with concharacteristics to the culture as a
whole
is
definition of style in the deeper sense of the
scious, rationalized interpretations that are subject to
unpredictable distortions. Boas says that meaning
is
numerous
usually "read
though the elements of the motif may bear little

no relation to the meaning. Different tribes may attribute quite
different meanings to the same motif, and meanings for the same
motif vary widely even among members of the same tribe. On the
into" a motif, even
or
other hand, important concepts that are shared by
may be
represented by as
many
many
tribes
different motifs. 6
Although some studies on meaning in primitive art have been

recently by psychologists as well as anthropologists, most of
the standard works that deal at all with the problem simply identify and classify the particular meanings attributed to particular
motifs. 7 In studying the distribution of motifs and their interpreta-
made
sidered, this
book was the
first
systematic study of the inherent qualities of
new phase in the study of primitive

began to be considered as a major art.
A valuable and generally reliable classification of African tribal styles
was made by Carl Kjersmeier, Centres de style de la sculpture negre africaine,
4 vols. (Copenhagen and Paris, 1 935-1 938), although the question of artistic
the objects themselves.
art,
when
quality
is
It
thus marked a
it
often ignored in favor of consistency in the application of the
method. Frans Olbrechts developed a sound comparative method of stylistic

analysis according to specific anatomical features similar to the Morellian
method of art history in Kunst van Vroeg en van Verre (Bruges, 1929), and
Plastiek van Kongo (Antwerp, 1946), and, although limited largely to the art
of the Belgian Congo, his methods are widely used by Belgian students.
6
Boas, op.
See for example,
cit.,
pp. 123, 128.

J.
C.
Ewers, Plains Indian Painting (Calif.: Stanford
University, 1939), pp. 63-65. Several books considering religious
and
psy-
149
in
tions, Boas went only so far as to say that individual

show only general tendencies in their interpretations
tribes
may
of certain
motifs. 8
Fagg attributes the scarcity of comprehensive studies on

meaning to the absence of adequate works on primitive philosophy
and metaphysical beliefs. 9 However, the very nature of primitive
beliefs, dependent as they are upon indefinable spiritual forces to
give meaning to the phenomenal world, seems to preclude the possibility of a systematic equation of images and meanings such as
has accomplished with civilized traditions. 10
pleasure in form, and
will be considered here
the need to symbolize religious meaning
in
as important motivations
the production of art objects. They are
also significant influences in the formation of tribal styles. Lowie
has demonstrated that it is as possible for art forms to have a
art historical research
Both of these factors discussed above
chological aspects of primitive society as factors in the art appeared in the
Germany. They were by Herbert Kiihn, Eckart von Sydow, and Ernst
These authors recognized the importance of the aesthetic aspects of
primitive art, but were mainly concerned with seeking a primitive "world
view," where general ideas about economic, religious, and psychological motivations were loosely associated with the art.
In recent years psychologically trained anthropologists have revealed
new and deeper levels of meaning in primitive beliefs, especially George
Devereaux, Reality and Dream (New York, 1951), but studies of a similar
thoroughness have not been applied to the art. William Fagg has sought in
several essays to define scientific methods of procedure in correlating cultural
features with the art, and to describe common formal features: The Webster
Plass Collection of African Art (London, 1953); "The Study of African Art,"
Allen Memorial Art Museum Bulletin (Oberlin, Ohio [Winter 1955-1956]).
i92o's in
Vatter.
A method more
recognizant of artistic quality but less certain of ethnois: Margaret Trowell, Classical African Sculpture (Lon-
graphic backgrounds
don, 1954). She defines two general attitudes of African art, "spirit regarding" and "man regarding," and describes certain stylistic features accom-
panying each. From the point of view of theories and methods the study of
the art of primitive cultures other than African has advanced but little, but
the several books of Paul S. Wingert have utilized sound art historical methods of stylistic analysis in dealing with South Pacific and American Indian,
as well as African art.
8
Boas, op.
cit., p.
Fagg, op.
cit.,
10
The
105.
pp. 54-55concept of "vital force"
activity for the African
is advanced as the motivation for all life

Bantu peoples by P. Placide Tempels, La philosophie
Bantoue (Elizabethville, Belgian Congo, 1945),
p.
27
ff.
Art and Aesthetics
150
retroactive influence
as
it is
in
Primitive Societies
upon the
religious concepts that they
for the original religious
of art. 11 Hence,
it
meaning
embody
to condition the
can be postulated that most primitive
images
art styles
have been formed in response to both these motivations, although

combined in widely varying proportions. By relating the art to the
tribal concepts of craftsmanship and aesthetic appreciation of
formal characteristics on the one hand, and to mythology and
ritual on the other, it may be possible to reveal deeper levels of
both of these as they appear in the art. 12 As examples of the
predominance of each of these motivations we shall consider two
cultures about which we have considerable ethnological information: the Maori of New Zealand and the Plains Indians of North
America.
THE MAORI OF NEW ZEALAND

The Maori artist was a component part of the economic and
social structure of the tribe, according to Firth, a worker for the
II,
community
same sense as the fisherman, housebuilder, warThe Maori had many work songs, usually sung by
the women, which eulogized the various occupations and their
value to the tribe. In these songs the work of the sculptor, tattooer,
or stoneworker assumed an important place along with practical
and ritual activities. In the organization of the tribe, work was the
focus of most of the social and even religious activities. Work
rior,
in the
or priest. 13
projects that concerned the entire village were participated in by

most of the population. When the season for bird snaring or
fishing approached, a community house was consecrated as a
11
Lowie,
loc. cit.
am
deeply indebted in the theoretical aspects of this subject to discussions with Professor Meyer Schapiro, and especially to a study of his basic
12 I
essay on art historical research in primitive art:
Today,
ed. Sol
Tax (Chicago, 1953).
am
"Style" in Anthropology
also indebted to Professor
Wingert of Columbia University, and Professors Richard
F.
Paul
S.
Salisbury and
Jacques Schnier of the University of California, Berkeley, for stimulating

conversations on the subject of meaning in primitive
13
The economic background
Firth, Primitive
Economics of the
in this paper
New
is
art.
based upon
Raymond W.
Zealand Maori (New York,
192.9;.
151
in
at which all the men assembled to prepare the nets

The building and launching of a war canoe involved
population, from the lowest slave or captive who might
working place,
or the snares.
most of the
be ritualistically sacrificed beneath the vessel in order to consecrate
who
it,
to the various classes of
workmen, and
to the chief
himself
an old
Maori proverb, "When commoner and chief work together, the task
is
sanctified the launching by his presence. According to
done." 14
When a chief decided to undertake the building of a new

house or canoe and had provided himself with enough food for the
the master
feasts and gifts for the skilled workmen, the tohunga
craftsman who was both supervisor and priest was charged with
the direction of the actual work. First of all, the tapu had to be
lifted ritually from the forest so that a particular tree might be
all
felled and permission requested from the deity of the forest
according to prescribed ritual. 15 The tapus were strict conservation measures that also regulated such activities as the season
when
bird snaring or fishing
was
allowed. Firth points out the
coincidence of the lifting of these tapus, which to the Maori are
when it is most economical

engage in these activities, when the birds are full grown or after
the fish have spawned. 16 Concomitantly, the mating and nesting
season was protected by tapus so powerful that, even if inadvertently broken, might cause the entire village to become contaminated. The most severe measures were taken against the violator or
supposed violator of the tapu; not only the village but the forest
purely magical, with the actual seasons
to
itself
had
to
be purified ritualistically.
omens conupon the mind of the workmen the necessity

It was a bad omen if a tree fell in a direction
In addition to the elaborate system of tapus,
tinuously impressed
for accurate work. 17
different
from that intended,
or
if
when
it
fell
the trunk did not
14 Ibid., p. 192.
15 Ibid., p. 236; R. C. Barstow, "The Maori Canoe," Transactions and
Proceedings of the New Zealand Institute, Vol. XI (1878), pp. 71-76.
16 Ibid., pp. 258-59.
17 A detailed account of omens is in Elsdon Best, "Omens and Supersti-
tious Beliefs of the
New
Zealand Maori," Journal of the Polynesian Society,
Vol. VII (1898), pp. 119-36, 233-43.
Art and Aesthetics
152
come
in
Primitive Societies
from the stump. Both these occurrences were
free
inter-
workmen as supernatural signs of ill fortune, and

magical means had to be sought to counteract the evil spell. To the
preted by the
civilized Western mind, and perhaps to the tohunga also, these

minor mishaps indicate merely poor workmanship, and suggest
that the solution lies in greater care and skill by the workmen.
However, the primitive mind, generally considered as lacking the
scientific attitude linking a real effect
with a real cause, attributes

The logic is the same, as
the real effect to an imaginary cause.
Boas, Lowie, and other students in the 1920's insisted, but the
primitive lacks only the detached observation of nature that permits an empirical appraisal of causes. 18 Further, the subconscious
or the
dream world
as real or
is
more
real to the primitive than the
conscious or waking one, and the ancestors and spirits that inhabit
the other world are believed to control happenings in the physical
meant that the workmen had incurred

They must then resort to magic ritual to
one. Therefore an accident
the wrath of a deity.
attempt
was
to
regain the good will of the offended
closely
bound up with the
spirit.
This ritual
craft of woodcutting, since the
was passed on by a master to his apprentices in the workshop and was considered identical with accurate workmanship
and the application of approved methods of procedure. The
solution to difficulties precipitated by poor workmanship lay in the
tapus of the craft itself; namely, that good workmanship precluded
the possibility of the occurrence of bad omens.
Maori sculptors would not have understood Michelangelo's
belief that the subjects of sculpture are mental images that are
only imprisoned in the material; the Maori considered the material
itself as the prime element. The chips hewn away from a log
represented both the skill of the carver and the living substance of
the tree, and were of equal value with the object itself. For that
reason the sculptor could not clear away chips that had fallen to
the ground, nor could he even blow or brush them away from his
work, but should allow them to fall freely where they would. 19
Such an attitude toward the material and the technique of carving
wood, even if the reasons were magical, produced a stringent
ritual
18
Lowie, op.
cit., p.
138
!9 Best, op. cit., p. 130.
ff.
153
discipline
among
the workers
in
and elevated the technical process
to
a sanctified position.
The carver's tools participated in this ritualistic attitude toward work, being described by Linton as "animate, intelligent beings and conscious collaborators in the act of creation." 20 They
acquired great prestige for fine work in the same way as did the
carver himself, and some tribes evolved lengthy genealogies for
their favorite tools. This practice was most common in those areas
of Polynesia where genealogy was most important to the nobility
and the chiefs; indeed, the veneration of fine tools occupied an
analogous place in the material culture. Linton describes how the
Marquesan carvers often chanted to their tools the line of descent
of the distinguished tool ancestors that had produced excellent
work.
is no distinction between "practical"
minds there is only good or bad work, and a
In Maori thinking there
and
"fine" art. In their
common
bird perch
may
bear carved designs that are as fine as
those on the posts of the ceremonial house. However, the Maori did
appreciate the aesthetic difference between a simple utilitarian
form and a highly elaborated
ritual object, these being varying
grades of complexity in the same technical tradition. This tech-
nique was well

participated to
known
to the people as a
some extent
in
wood
whole, since every
carving.
The
public, then,
man
was
highly enlightened, fully appreciating the craftsman's artistry and
applauding his frequent displays of virtuosity. Linton tells of

watching carvers observing another man's work, and how they unconsciously moved their arms as they were seized with an empathic
response to it and reenacted the execution of the carving. 21
Only the most accomplished carvers were permitted to render
the final adzing of the surface of an important work. Best describes
the great variety of patterns produced by different strokes of the
adze, each with its own characteristic name associated with such
natural textures as waves, foliage, or basketry. 22 When a canoe
20
1941),
21
Ralph Linton, "Primitive Art," Kenyon Review,

Op.
cit., p.
22 Best,
1925).
Vol.
Ill
(Winter,
P- 38.
42.
The Maori Canoe, Dominion Museum
Bulletin, VII (Wellington,
Art and Aesthetics
154
in
Primitive Societies
was completed,
the master carver tossed in a pebble, symbolically

representing the knowledge that had gone into the work.
In addition to the technical tapus that ensured the maintenance of high quality in the work, other tapus enforced the consecration of workers to the task. At the outset of a new community
project, all unnecessary work was suspended and the attention of
the people directed toward the new task. A communal house was
made tapu to all activities except the immediate work. Such mana-
women or cooked food were especially

tapu to the work house. Frequently the men were forbidden contact with women or even to reside in their homes while the work
destroying influences as
was in progress. Best says that a weaver of ceremonial cloaks had

to work only in daylight, for darkness could steal away his knowledge. Only the thread might be prepared after sunset; the fabric
had to be covered and put away after work had ceased. No

cooked food might be brought into the presence of the weavers,
and smoking was strictly tapu unless the loom was first dismantled
itself
and covered. 23 Thus the work itself became the sole object of their
vital energy, and sometimes was even considered their progeny.
The tapus, taught as an integral part of the craft training in
the school for apprentices, were powerful magical forces, and
hence operated as traditionalizing agents that tended to perpetuate
existing art motifs. Here is an analogy to the powerful influence of
the sacred School of Learning on tribal lore and ritual. Best says
that the purpose of the school was to conserve traditional knowledge and transmit it in an absolutely unchanged form. Any deviation, even unintentional, from traditional teachings was a serious
breach of the tapu, for it endangered the very source of the
spiritual power of the tribe. According to an old legend a sage
swore to his pupils: "Should any person condemn or deny the
knowledge I have passed on to you, then may the sun wither him,
may
the
moon
consign him to the
this occurrence, the school, the students,

strictly controlled
darkness." 24
pit of
and
all
To prevent
the exercises were
by rigid tapus. The student's powers of
mem-
orization were developed to the highest possible degree, so that
knowledge might be accurately conserved. Similarly, the sculptors

23 Best,
24 Best,
," op. cit., p. 129.

"Omens and Superstitious Beliefs
The Maori School of Learning, Dominion Museum Monograph,
Vol. VI (Wellington, 1923), p. 23.
155
in
complex carving designs so clearly that they could

execute them without even the necessity of making a preliminary
sketch on the block. Observers report that sculptors sometimes felt
the need to go into isolation to contemplate a design before carving
visualized the
it.
25
was a part of the work organization but on a higher level quite clearly denned from those of lesser
skills. This distinction had certain prerogatives. The carver of the
highly ornamented prow and stern pieces of the war canoe was not
required to work on the site where the canoe was being hollowed.
He was therefore freed from the general tapus that imposed a rigid
discipline upon the other workers. The work of the master carver
generally required a longer time than that of the canoe itself, and
therefore could be developed at a pace determined by him. In some
ways the master carver and the tohunga had as much prestige as
The highly
skilled specialist
names were often perpetuated in legendary

Even though the individual nature of
the master carver's work permitted him the freedom from the rigid
tapus of the house where the project was being carried on, he was
the chief, for their
accounts of great
artists. 26
no sense released from the heavy responsibility of his position.

skill and his greater knowledge
of the tapus of his craft reinforced each other to set up a standard
in
Indeed, both his superior technical
of excellence higher than that of the ordinary carver.
understand
difficult to
why most
origin of carving say that
The high valuation
it
It
not
is
of the legendary accounts of the
was invented by
the gods. 27
attributed to craftsmanship by the work-
men is readily apparent in their sculptures, the most important of

which were the monumental architectural carvings covering the
25
W.
J.
Phillipps,
ington, 1941), P-
Maori Carving, Dominion
Museum Monograph
(Well-
5-
26 According to a firsthand observer the tohunga often had more power

than the chief because of his control over the instruction of apprentices:
Lt. Col. Gudgeon, "The Tohunga Maori," Journal of the Polynesian Society,
Vol.
XVI (1907),
294; W. J.
cit., p.
Areas of
New
pp. 63-91. See also Firth Primitive Economics

Phillipps, Carved Maori Houses of Western and
Zealand, Dominion
Museum Monograph,
Vol.
op.
Northern
IX (Wellington,
1955).
27
One
myths
tells of the gods disputing on the purely technical

do with the dust and chips of wood. Firth, "The Maori
Carver," Journal of the Polynesian Society, XXXIV (1925), p. 284.
question of
of the
what
to
(Left) Figure 1. Lime spatula with handle

carved with stylized human figures and
spiral
designs.
Massim
region,
New
Guinea. The University Museum,

University of Pennsylvania. (Above)
Figure 2. Paddle with stylized forms
based on the human figure. Marquesas

Islands. From K. von den Steinen, Die
Marquesaner und ihre Kunst, III (1928).
157
in
community houses, and the elaborate prow and

war canoes. Almost every weapon, utensil, or
other useful object was decorated with the traditional designs. The
surfaces of the
stern pieces of the
result of the
uniformly careful attention given
to all these articles
was a homogeneous style characterized by great precision and

richness of detail. The technical virtuosity of the carver was
demonstrated by the ease with which the typical spirals and organic curvilinear forms were cut in the pine planks, even to the
point of multiple perforations of the block of wood, and by the
density of the
subsidiary patterns usually covering the
entire
surface in a fantastic elaboration of the basic motifs.
This high quality and degree of elaboration are unique even
among Polynesian
styles,
which are
typically precise in
workman-
ship and which employ small geometric motifs repeated exactly in

overall patterns.
The exuberant
curvilinearity of Maori motifs, as
contrasted with the static rectangularity of those of Polynesia,
is
generally explained as reminiscent of the Indian or Southeast
Asian ancestors of the Polynesians. The curves are believed to

have been preserved among the Maori by reason of their extremely
isolated location. Skinner cites numerous examples of similar
curvilinear elements in Melanesia, especially from the eastern
Massim area of New Guinea (Figure i) along the presumed routes
of the eastward migrations from Asia. 28
In Polynesia the art style most related to Maori carving is that
of the Marquesas Islands, which is also closely related culturally.
Although basically rectilinear in composition, the Marquesan reveals a taste for curved elements as seen in typically rounded
contours. The major motifs, as with the Maori, are based upon
stylizations of the human figure and various fragments derived
from it (Figure 2). The Marquesan style may therefore be considered an intermediary stage between the severely rectilinear
motifs of Polynesia and the involved curves of the Maori.
A second formal characteristic of Maori art allied to careful
workmanship is the close structural relationship between the

sculptures and the objects or forms on which they are carved. The
28
ture
H. D. Skinner, "The Origin and Relationships of Maori Material CulArt," Journal of the Polynesian Society, Vol. XXXIII
and Decorative
(1924), pp. 229-43.
(Left)
Figure
a house built
Ancestor figure from
3.
in
1842.
New
Zealand,
Museum, Wellington.
(Below) Figure 4. Canoe prow. New
Zealand, Maori. Otaga Museum,
Maori. Dominion
Dunedin. (Top
lintel
right)
Figure
5.
Door
representing an ancestor figure
with two flanking mythological beings.
New Zealand, Maori. Courtesy of the

Trustees of the British Museum,
London. (Center right) Figure 6. Knife
with traditional carving designs.
New
Zealand, Maori. Courtesy of the
Trustees of the British Museum,

London. (Far right) Figure 7. Portrait
image of Rahuruhi Rukupo from a
house built in 1842. New Zealand,
Maori. Courtesy of the Trustees of
the British Museum, London.
ancestor figure carved from a plank (Figure 3) is part of the

aesthetic structure of the interior of the house, although the plank
only attached to the actual supporting post. The canoe prow

carving (Figure 4) conforms to the lines of the vessel, and the
mythological figure on the front assumes a three-dimensional form
is
from that of the house carvings. When the human

one part of a composition, as in a typical doorway
lintel from a ceremonial house (Figure 5), it may be almost completely merged into an involved interlace of organic forms that are
quite different
figure is only
apparently derived from a stylization of the parts of a typical

figure.
How
obliterate
the pervasiveness of the powerful carving style can

even the distinction between a human figure and a
decorative pattern
may
be seen in a knife (Figure 6), in which the
Art and Aesthetics
160
in
Primitive Societies
forms only vaguely suggest eye, body, or limb. The sequence of

stages between a representational ancestor figure and a decorative
pattern has stimulated some scholars to envisage an evolutionary
development where the decorative forms grew out of the human
figure, and where the original human form persists alongside those
that developed from it. 29 This change cannot be explained simply
by the limitations imposed by the shapes of the objects upon which
the carving exists or by the usage to which an implement is put,
since all stages of the sequence often exist in a single carving. The
lintel is a form that is not rigidly limited by the necessities of the
architectural design, and yet it includes almost the full range of
styles. Since it fulfills mainly a decorative and not a structural
function, the contour does not conform to the general rectangularity of
other architectural forms, but rather submits to a centrifugal
projection of the curvilinear character of the interlaced organic
forms that make up the composition.
To study the motifs further it is necessary to consider the

meaning of the various figures. A portrait of a chief, Rahuruhi
Rukupo (Figure 7), is a part of a community house. A chief is
generally portrayed with the face in a fairly realistic style,
though conforming
al-
than individual facial features. The other, nondistinctive parts of the body are, however,
treated in the traditional stylized manner with the surface covered
with spiral motifs. The ancestor figure from the same house
(Figure 3) is an image of a being of the spirit world, and hence is
to typical rather
composed of the traditional stylized head and appropriate figure

forms and is covered with designs of a high degree of stylization. A
manaia, a mythological creature variously associated with animal,
Archey has assembled considerable evidence that both the
and the spiral form have evolved from the
typical human figure. But since no chronology of Maori art forms exist, it
cannot be proven that the evolutionary process proceeded in this direction
and not in the reverse. "Evolution of Certain Maori Carving Patterns," Journal
of the Polynesian Society, Vol. XLII (1933), PP- 171-90; and Vol. XLV
(1936), pp. 49-62. Chief opponent of this theory is W. Page Rowe, who points
out that, with neither a chronology nor an explanation of a motivation for
this change, the sequence might as well have been in any other order than
that arranged by Archey. "The Origin of the Spiral in Maori Art," Journal of
the Polynesian Society, Vol. LXVII (1938), pp. I29~3329 Gilbert
fantastic creature, the mania,
161
fish,
and bird
deities, is often
in
portrayed in heraldic positions flank-
ing an ancestor figure (Figure 5). With the exception of the chief
none of these figures is specifically identified by name or associated with specific powers. Neither do they include iconographical
features that would connect
them with
specific figures in the tribal
hierarchy of mythological deities. Apparently they do not represent the magical powers of the gods at
all,
but rather only the gen-
hence they are not idols but architectual

decorations for the ceremonial house and witnesses to the ritual
eral class of ancestors;
life
of the village that takes place there.
The avenues by which the meaning of a figure is conveyed

seem to depend largely upon the formal characteristics of the
carving in other words, upon those stylistic features determined
by the sculptural tradition rather than upon iconographical elements. These stylistic features determined by tradition are: (1)
the position of the carving in the community house, with the chief
after whom the house is named portrayed on the central supports,
and the ancestors arranged along the interior walls; (2) the position of figures in the composition, as in the lintel, in which the
ancestor figure is in a central position flanked by the manaia; and
(3) style, in which the chief is represented with a realistic face,
the ancestor by a traditional figure highly stylized in form and
decoration, and the mythological manaia by a being of fantastic
form but also composed of the traditional stylized motifs.
Both Boas and Lowie have produced considerable evidence
that the most sacred concepts in primitive religion are often not
represented in the art at
all; or, if
they are, they are concealed by
geometric designs that bear only a symbolic relation to the meanings.
Boas even suggests that "the very sacredness of the idea
represented might induce the artist to obscure his

tionally,
in order to keep
meaning
inten-
the significance of the design from
profane eyes." 30 According to Best, the Superior Religion of the
Maori
is
trayed,
through
addressed to an unnameable being
and he
states that the
common
who
is
never por-
most powerful magic often operates
untreated objects such as stones or "sacred
30 Boas, "The Decorative Art of the North American Indians," Popular

Science Monthly (October, 1903), p. 485.

Art and Aesthetics
162
in
Primitive Societies
bundles" composed of any ordinary material. 31
He
goes on to
community house as representative of

ancestor and nature deities belonging to the lower
which is available to the people as a whole. Hence
describe the carvings in the

the pantheon of
level of religion,
we may assume
that these figures by their presence in the community house perform a secular function for the people as much
as a specifically religious one. Thus they need not be directly associated with individual gods. Because their status is largely social
a matter of prestige
the degree to which they are given aesthetic
elaboration becomes of primary concern. This may explain why
useful objects as well as ritual ones are elaborated far beyond the
necessities of their function, and it may partly explain why a daz-
zling display of the carver's virtuosity
which the identity of the figures
is
may
result in carvings in
submerged beneath the
tional motifs of the powerful sculptural style. Finally,
remembered
though
its
that
magic
operation
is
is
not at
all
it
tradi-
should be
absent from Maori
art,
al-
largely limited to enforcing the canons of
fine craftsmanship.
THE PLAINS INDIANS OF NORTH AMERICA

The only images that could be painted on the tepees of the
Sioux tribes of the American Plains are those that had appeared in
the dreams of the owner. 32 The only dreams that were considered
significant were those that fell into the pattern of the tribal culture; other dreams of a personal meaning were disregarded. Thus
III.
dream but actually

myths already a part of the
the ideas did not necessarily originate in the
took their form from the body of the

religion,
even though they
dream
quest. 33
may have been
Lincoln
calls
intentionally induced by
such dreams "culture-pattern"
The Maori School of Learning, Dominion Museum Monograph,

VI (Wellington, 1923). Evidence for the presence of a sacred meaning in
conventionalized geometric designs is provided by Ettie Rout, Maori Symbolism (New York, 1926), who recorded the interpretations of an old Maori
believed to be a reliable informant. He described mostly sex symbols which
he stated were to be concealed within the design (p. 199 ff.).
32 J. O. Dorsey. A Study of Siouan Cults, Bureau of American Ethnology,
Vol. XI (1894), pp. 394-409, cited in Lowie, op. cit., p. 262.
33 J. S. Lincoln, The Dream in Primitive Cultures (London, 1935), p 326.
31 Best,
Vol.
Figure
8.
Tepee painted
with a
water monster and symbolic

designs. Blackfoot Indians,
American
Plains.
From a
drawing in C. Wissler,
Ceremonial Bundles of the
Blackfoot Indians (1911).
dreams, such as a meeting with an animal or a spirit that may

become the totem of the dreamer. 84 After the dream had been
interpreted by the shaman
thus ensuring its conformity to the
could be painted on the tepee. The water

monster and the several symbolic designs on a Blackfoot tepee are
culture pattern
it
such an origin (Figure 8). Because of the importance given to

dreamer as an intermediary, the designs that originated in the
dreams of important men may have thereby acquired an added
prestige and could then enter directly into the body of accepted
of
the
tribal hierarchic
symbols.
has been often demonstrated that among primitive men the

threshold between the dream world and the real world is slight or
even nonexistent. Lincoln's studies indicate that the dream is often
considered even more real than actuality, since the dream world is
the abode of the ancestor and other spirits that control events in
It
the real world. 35 Since
main avenues
dreams and mystical experiences are the
of contact with the spirits,
34 Lincoln, op. cit., passim.

35 Lincoln, op. cit., pp.
99-100.
it is
natural that these
Art and Aesthetics
164
in
Primitive Societies
should have been the immediate sources of much of mythology

and art. Many images in Northwest Coast art Kwakiutl masks for
example like the myths, represent mystical encounters between
supernatural beings that are part human and part animal. The
Tsimshian explain the origin of the bear totem by a legend told as
though it were an actual event, although it is fully understood that
it occurred in a dream or a vision by a clan ancestor. 36 According
to the legend, a man met a bear and was taken to the animal's
house, where he was instructed in the animal's hunting secrets.
The lack of a distinction in the primitive mind between men and
animals is indicated by the fact that the association had caused the
man to be transformed into a bear that could reassume human form
only by the action of a shaman. 37 The bear frequently appeared in
visions of the man to offer supernatural guidance in his most
important activities, such as the hunt and warfare. Eventually, in
order that the clan retain the animal's favor, the chief ordered
representations of the bear painted on the house fronts,
the blankets,
and carved on
woven
in
ritual objects. This particular bear,
species, became the totem of the clan and

same veneration, by means of magic rituals in
and ultimately the bear
was accorded
the
the winter ceremonials, as that given to other benevolent spirits.
The first ritual painting of the bear was a sacred image, and became the accepted model for succeeding representations. A scene
representing a similar mythological episode involving the thunder-
and lightning-snake is seen in Figure 9.

Magic to the primitive mind is often said to be a connecting
link between observed events in the actual world and their believed
causes in the spirit world. Boas has clearly stated a belief shared
bird, killer whale, wolf,
36 Lincoln, op.
cit., p.
57.
The fact that supernatural or human-animal beings appear to the

primitive mind as entirely real creatures faithful to traditional ideas, and not
as fantastic ones, is demonstrated in L. Levy-Bruhl, Trans., The Soul of the
37
Primitive (London, 1928), p. 53 ff.

Numerous examples of human-animal beings
may
be found in other
primitive cultures; the Northwest Coast animal double masks,
human
which when
perhaps the closest analogy. Even

in paleolithic cave painting figures such as the "Sorcerer" in the cavern of
Trois Freres manifest both human and animal characteristics, and are interpreted as supernatural beings partaking of both animal and human char-
opened revealed a
acteristics.
face within
is
165
in
by most ethnologists, that the mental processes of linking an

imaginary cause to a real effect is the same as linking an empirically proved one to it. In that respect the primitive mind is in no
way inferior to the civilized mind. But this invocation of the
imagination in the search through the spirit world for the directing
forces of the actual world is of significance for the images that appear in primitive art. The Northwest Coast house painting (Figure
9) and Crow shield design (Figure 10) objectify a mystical contact
with the spirit world that endows the images with magical power
was believed
more than from the actual
rawhide covering. Therefore, art assumed an importance analogous to that of the myths and legends, since it had a similar origin
and since it fulfilled similar ritual and spiritual functions.
in themselves.
to
The
protection afforded by the shield
be derived from the painting
itself
Since the importance of Plains Indian painting resided pri-
means by which the

images were realized were often of the simplest order. Craftsmanship was necessary only to the point where it produced forms that
adequately suggested or symbolized the all-important meaning. Art
was therefore strictly limited in the degree to which forms were
marily in a sacred meaning, the technical
given aesthetic elaboration, and
was often confined
to the simplest
arrangement of geometric lines and circles. Boas, with his concern

for technical and formal aspects of art, suggests that a work of art
is achieved only when it is technically perfect or shows a striving
after a formal pattern. Although Indian designs are charged with
meaning, it would be quite wrong to imply that they are devoid of
artistic quality. Nevertheless the motifs are of an elementary
order: lines, circles, and geometric figures, which may be either
stylizations of natural forms such as men, animals, or mountains,
or purely geometric shapes without reference to actual things. The
Blackfoot water monster, with horizontal bands bearing regular
decorative patterns at top and bottom, symbolized a complex and
profound mystical experience (Figure 8). Each of the motifs and
each of the colors could be "read" by the owner of the tepee who
thus reconstructed the episode. Even greater magical power was
attributed to the Crow buffalo hide shield in which a bear was represented warding off a hail of bullets just as the shield was expected to do in a combat (Figure 10). This particular type of image
was also customarily derived from a mystical experience. As an
(Above) Figure
wood
of
9.
House
painting on
mythological animals:
Killer Whale
Snake (left), and
Nootka Indians,
Thunderbird (above),
(below), Lightning
Wolf
(right).
Vancouver
Island, British
Courtesy of the American

Natural History,
New
Columbia.
Museum
of
York. (Left)
Figure 10. Buffalo-hide shield painted

with a bear warding off bullets.
Indians,
American
Natural History
Plains.
Crow
Chicago
Museum, Chicago.
167
in
magic of the image,

was attached to the face of the shield.
Boas concludes from his studies of the art of the Plains
Indians that there is no fixed relationship between the formal
characteristics of the motifs and the meanings given to them. 38
An identical form among several tribes or even among individuals
of the same tribe may be given quite different interpretations, and
enhancement
of the potency of the protective
a sacred bundle
a general concept that is universally recognized may be attributed

by different tribes or persons to quite different forms. Meaning in
this art, therefore, is cast in terms of an individual as well as a
tribal experience; hence both the interpretations and the style vary
widely. However, since the interpretation of the dream by the
shaman was made in terms of the body of traditional tribal concepts, the meaning would naturally fall within the range of accepted ideas. Similarly, the image painted by a dreamer would be
constructed of forms already within his visual experience.
The Northwest Coast Indians of British Columbia also derived
many of their art forms and myths from dreams and other
visionary experiences. But because of their more settled life and
richer material culture than those of the Plains Indians, the Northwest Coast tribes developed a much more elaborate art that provided an enormously rich ornamentation for both ritual and useful
objects. The immediate agency most stimulating to the production
of art was the obsessive desire on the part of the men for social
prestige. The possession of art objects elaborating totemic animals
of the family or clan was the most impressive means of attaining
prestige; hence arose a powerfully competitive patronage demanding works of art. Boas suggests that this external factor may even
be as important as the aesthetic impulse: "Who can tell whether
the association between social standing and the use of certain
animal forms that is the totemic aspect of social life has given
the prime impetus to the art development or whether the art
impetus has developed and enriched totemic life?" 89 It is true that
the meaning embodied in the art was religious, but the powerful
desire to give it a highly elaborated and even dramatic form was
the result of an aesthetic impulse that was fortified by the enor-
38 Boas, Primitive Art, p. 128,

39 Ibid., pp.
280-81.
and passim.
Art and Aesthetics
168
in
Primitive Societies
mous personal prestige inherent in works of art; hence the dramatic character of dance masks and the great size of totem poles
and house paintings. Although all these were given a high degree
of elaboration far beyond the necessity to represent the symbolic
animals concerned, the original meaning was seldom obscured.

Northwest Coast art, therefore, although richly endowed with
precise and elaborate detail like the Maori, maintained, like the
Plains Indian art, the original symbolic
meaning
that
was
the
reason for the existence of the image.
IV.
FORMAL AND SYMBOLIC FACTORS

The complex Maori work organizations
controlled both tech-
and iconographical factors in their art, providing a drastic

limitation upon the field within which the artist's own personal
inventiveness had to be confined. Although dreams and visionary
experiences were an important part of the contact with the spirit
world, they were not considered to have any special bearing upon
the art images. The personages portrayed by the Maori sculptor
were secularizations of the general idea of the ancestor, and therefore were not specifically associated with an individual being and
were not believed to be imbued with a high degree of magical
power. Magic was a force in Maori sculpture mainly in the authority given to the precepts of good workmanship by means of the
system of tapus and omens. By his understanding of these precepts, the sculptor attuned himself to the flow of spiritual power to
the tribe. Hence the commission of a technical error
a mistake by
a priest in reciting a ritual or by a sculptor in observing traditional
procedures of work might interrupt or destroy the customary
channels of communication with the spirit world, and might be
nical
atoned for with penalties as severe as death. 40 Precautions against

a catastrophe of this sort were provided for in the rigid training of
the apprentices simultaneously in the technique of their craft and
in the tapus that gave it magical support. The incorporation of the
carver into the discipline of the tribal work organizations bound
40 S.
of the
Percy Smith, "The Tohunga Maori," Transactions and Proceedings

Zealand Institute, Vol. XXXII (1899), p. 262.
New
169
him even more
firmly to the
in
community
ideals of technical ex-
cellence.
The individual
culture-pattern
dreams or visionary experi-
ences of the Plains Indians were the primary sources of images in

their art. Since these
ence,
images depended upon an individual experi-
new ones might suddenly appear among
those already sanc-
Lacking the elaborate stylistic conventions and the magical

support to the canons of good craftsmanship of the Maori, the style
and the quality of the Plains Indians' paintings fluctuated according to the proficiency of the artist. And since art was a symbol for
the spiritual power of the deities, it did not receive special elaboration or conform precisely to stylistic conventions. Whatever the
form, it was related to tribal religious concepts by reason of the
origin of the image within the context of the culture-pattern
dream, and as the dream experience was interpreted by a shaman.
However, art was also intimately associated with the spiritual life
of the individual, since it came into being as a result of a personal
encounter with a supernatural spirit. This latter aspect, together
with the overwhelming importance of symbolic meaning to the art,
allowed a complex body of interpretations to be applied even to
tified.
simple motifs.
These two motivations are taken here as separate avenues of

approach to the study of primitive art. While they cannot be considered opposites in the sense of Wolffhn's polarities of formal
characteristics, they include the significant aspects of both major
elements; the aesthetic qualities of the art objects, and the associated
ties
meanings attached
to
them.
of the objects cannot ignore Boas'
upon form
study of the aesthetic quali-
method
of dealing with the
and methods of working, or his

descriptive account of decorative motifs. These still provide a
influence
of materials
valuable discipline in treating the elementary aspects of the art

styles.
But they only begin
to
explain the more significant aspects
that have to do with a definition of the art style in relation to the

culture. Finally,
one must undertake a visual
stylistic analysis of
the objects in terms of art-historical method.
Meanings may be studied by reference to existing accounts of

mythology, and the actual ritual in which the art
object is a part. When these can be related to the art object, the
tribal religion,

170
Art and Aesthetics
student
may
in
Primitive Societies
then attempt
to
determine the level of meaning; the
secularization of the subject or the degree of magical

lieved
to
power
be-
be actually present in the object. Following Lowie's
theory, one
may
then inquire into possible influences in either
direction between the religion
and the
art.
Thus, by studying primitive art in terms of these two proposed motivations insofar as ethnological material is available
the student may begin tentatively to define stylistic features that
not only characterize the objects themselves but also refer to their
cultural origins.
Art Styles as
Cultural Cognitive
JOHN
L.
Maps*
FISCHER
The relationship
documented here
in a
discusses the
association of art styles with three aspects of social relations: the development of social hierarchy, the relative prestige of the sexes, and the form of
marriage. He concludes from the evidence that social conditions are determinants of art styles and that if further research is pursued along these lines
would offer great promise not only for ethnological research but as an
it
of art style to social organization
paper derived from
additional
means
Barry's
earlier
research.
Dr.
is
Fischer
for reconstructing the lives of extinct
peoples now known
only through the archaeological analysis of their material culture.

Dr. John L. Fischer is Professor and Chairman of the Department of
Tulane University. His interests are social and expressive

change, and mythology, and he
has done research in the Pacific Islands and Japan. He has written "The
Sociopsychological Analysis of Folktales" (Current Anthropology, 1963), and
is the coauthor of The Eastern Carolines (1957, 1966), and of New Englanders
Anthropology
at
culture, psychological anthropology, linguistic
of
Orchard Town, U.S.A. (1966).
Students of the history of the visual arts have long postulated
connections between art forms and sociocultural conditions. Such

a connection
*
is
often obvious in respect to overt content:
Reprinted from American Anthropologist, Vol. 63, No.
e.g.,
the
(February,
1961), pp. 79-93- The author wishes to thank the following persons for
reading a draft of this article and offering helpful suggestions and criticisms:
III, Irvin L. Child, Clyde Kluckhohn, George P. Murdock,
David Riesman, and John Whiting. This article is a revision of a paper
presented at the annual meetings of the American Anthropological Association in Mexico City, December, 1959. The author also wishes to thank a
Herbert Barry,
number
of people
who made
verbal
comments
at that time,
some
of
which
he hopes he has heeded, even while lacking adequate notes to give them
credit. Barry deserves special thanks for making his findings available to the
author.
Art and Aesthetics
172
in
Primitive Societies
religious art of the Middle Ages.
But connections between social
conditions and general features of style have also been postulated
romanticism versus classicism, for instance, have been explained

as related to the position of the individual in society and to the
rapidity of social change. While these explanations of style are
often convincing and appear profound, from an anthropolgical
point of view they suffer from being limited, for the most part, to
artistic data from various branches of European civilization, or in
some cases certain other extremely complex societies such as the
Oriental civilizations.
sample of primitive,
The study of art in

homogeneous
a widely distributed
relatively
societies
would seem
evidence for testing theories of the relationship of

art style to social conditions. This paper is intended as a modest
to offer valuable
contribution in this direction,
making use
of objective statistical
tests. 1
Two sets of variables are used in the tests reported below. The
judgments on the art styles were made by the psychologist, Herbert
Barry, III, and formed the basis originally of his undergraduate
honors thesis at Harvard carried out under the direction of John
Whiting. Barry later published some of his findings in a paper on
"Relationships Between Child Training and the Pictorial Arts"
( I 957)- Judgments on the social variables are from Murdock's
article, "World Ethnographic Sample" (1957). Since both sets of
judgments were made independently without, moreover, any intent to test the specific hypotheses to be discussed below, it can be
fairly stated that the positive results are not to be explained by bias
of the judges in favor of the hypotheses.
The sample
of primitive societies used below
the overlap of Barry's and Murdock's sample.

size of
Murdock's sample
all
is
determined by
Thanks
to the large
except one of Barry's societies are also
represented in Murdock. Barry's sample

sufficient art data from
sample of Whiting and Child (1953). It
societies with
itself consists
is
somewhat biased
graphically in favor of well-covered parts of the world
America and the
Pacific, but I personally
of those
the larger cross-cultural

geo-
North
doubt that this seriously
For useful discussion of the methodological problems involved in inMurdock (1949), Whiting and Child (1953), and
Whiting (1954). For further information or statistical methods used, see
1
vestigation of this type, see

Siegel (1956).
173
Maps
many
of the art
variables both extremes of values can be found in the
same con-
affects the validity of the conclusions, since for
tinental area.
testing,
total of
twenty-nine societies are available for
although for stratification Murdock makes no rating for the
Thonga for lack of specific data.

The general theoretical position behind
this
paper
is
that in
expressive aspects of culture, such as visual and other arts, a very
important determinant of the art form is social fantasy, that is, the
artist's fantasies about social situations that will give him security
or pleasure. I assume that, regardless of the overt content of visual
art, whether a landscape, a natural object, or merely a geometrical
pattern, there
is
always or nearly always
at the
same time the
expression of some fantasied social situation that will bear a

definite relation to the real
and
artist
man
and desired
social situations of the
his society. Incidentally, while this point of
view that
seem
especially
projects his society into his visual art will not
revolutionary to
many
anthropologists or to psychoanalysts,
it
is
by no means universally accepted among art critics,

who often emphasize historical relationships, the stimulus of
forms in the natural environment, or the limitations of the mate-
one that
is
worked with. I would not discount these other influences enbut would point out that almost any society has a variety of
materials to exploit, and cultural and natural forms to serve as
models. It may be more important to ask not "What is in the
environment" but "Why do these people notice items A and B and
ignore items C and D in their environment?"; to ask not "What
materials do they have to work with in their environments?" but
"Why have they chosen to work with wood and ignore clay, even
rial
tirely
though both are available?"

In a sense, the hypotheses tested below may be said to deal
with latent content of art as opposed to the overt ("representational") content.
do not assume that the
artists
themselves are
necessarily or usually fully aware of the significance of their art as
representative of fantasied social situations. There

trary,
reason
to believe that this
awareness
is
is,
on the con-
usually repressed.
On
some sort of fairly regular connection between

feature and some social situation can be shown, this
the other hand,
if
some artistic
would constitute plausible evidence for a repressed significance to
a work of art which the artist might deny if questioned directly,
Art and Aesthetics
174
in
Primitive Societies
although one would assume that further and better confirmation of

meaning could be obtained by psychiatric interviews,
the repressed
life histories,
projective tests, etc.,
from individual
artists
and
their
public.
A word
about the assumed relation of the
artist to his society
some sense
keenly aware of the social structure and modal personality of his
culture, although of course he cannot necessarily or usually put his
is
in order here.
It
is
assumed
that the artist is in
awareness into social science jargon or even commonsense words.

not assumed that the artist's personality is a simple duplicate
modal personality for the group; in fact in many societies artists
appear to have rather unusual personalities. However, I do assume
It is
of
that
all
sane persons inevitably participate to a considerable extent
modal personality
and that the successful

modal personality of his public in his particular art medium. Perhaps under
special circumstances he would also have the ability to express his
private personality too, but in most societies there are fairly strict
social and traditional controls on art production; personal isolation
of the artist and encouragement of individual expressiveness to the
degree typical of modern Western society are not found to my
knowledge in any of the societies in Barry's sample.
I assume that the latent social meaning of visual art refers
in the
artist
of the group,
has a greater than average
ability to express the
primarily to people, especially to characteristic physical configura-
and
and motor patterns. Conceivbe also involved to some

extent, although because of the variety of artifacts and possessions
in most cultures it would probably be hard to pick out general
Gestalten from material objects that could influence art styles.
Two examples will be given of the ways social conditions may
be reflected in art. The first and statistically more striking involves
the reflection of the development of social hierarchy. We may
postulate two ideal types of societies with respect to the developtions
to characteristic gestures
ably socially important objects
ment
may
of social hierarchy. 2 In the authoritarian type, social hier-
These ideal types are set up for the purpose of simplifying the exposiand derivation of hypotheses. There is no intent of course to claim that
any real human society can be categorized as purely hierarchical or egali2
tion
tarian.
On
the contrary, all real societies fall at various intermediate points
175
archy
is
Maps
positively valued. Society is seen as differentiated into
who will serve ego and whom in

and others higher than ego, whom
ego must serve but who also in return will help and protect ego and
glorify him by their association with him. These groups of higher
and lower people, of course, are further differentiated internally
along the same lines: there are those in both the lower and the
higher group with whom ego has direct and regular contact; there
are others too low or too high with whom contact is most often
through intermediaries. The comfortable, secure situation in such
a society is one where the relative rank of each individual is known
and is distinct from the rank of each other individual.
The opposite ideal type of society is the egalitarian society. In
groups of people lower than ego,
turn ego
must protect and
this type of society,
help,
hierarchy as a principle of organization
is
While differences of prestige between individuals inevitably exist, it is bad taste to call attention to them. Work involving
two or more people is organized as cooperation between equal
partners rather than as service upward or help downward. A
"bossy" individual is seen as a threat to security rather than as a
strong and wise leader.
If we assume that pictorial elements in design are, on one
psychological level, abstract, mainly unconscious representations
of persons in the society, we may deduce a number of hypothetical
polar contrasts in art style. These are listed below, briefly discussed, and the results of statistical tests of them given in Table i
rejected.
i )
Design repetitive of a number of rather simple elements
should characterize the egalitarian societies; design integrating a
number
of unlike elements should be characteristic of the hier-
archical societies.
along a continuum between the two poles. On an impressionistic basis I

would guess that if there is any tendency of societies to cluster it is near the
center of the continuum
a balance between the two structural principles
rather than near either or both extremes. Even in this central group, however, any two societies can be compared as to their relative nearness to the
two poles, and their art styles can then be investigated to see whether they
differ in the predicted direction. The statistical summaries given herein do
this on a group basis.
Pottery water jar with painted decoration of snails and cloud design in black
and red on white slip. Zuni Indians. The Brooklyn Museum, New York.
2) Design with a large amount of empty or irrelevant space

should characterize the egalitarian societies; design with little
irrelevant
(empty) space should characterize the hierarchical
so-
cieties.
3) Symmetrical design (a special case of repetition) should

characterize the egalitarian societies; asymmetrical design should
characterize the hierarchical societies.
4) Figures without enclosures should characterize the
egali-
tarian societies; enclosed figures should characterize the hierarchical societies.
177
Maps
The reasoning behind the first hypothesis, an association between visual repetition and egalitarian societies, is perhaps obvious. Security in egalitarian societies depends on the number of
equal comrades ego possesses. By multiplying design elements one
symbolically multiplies comrades. That the repeated design elements themselves will tend to be simple rather than complex also
follows from the basic assumption that design elements are symbolic of
members
of the society, since,
easier to maximize
complex elements, and
first, it is
repetition with simple elements than with
second, with the need to de-emphasize actual interpersonal differ-
ences in the society, typical persons would be conceived of as

simple, with emphasis on their relatively few near-
relatively
uniform features, and
will be
symbolized in art accordingly. 3 Con-
versely, in the hierarchical society, security
ships with people in a
number
depends on relation-
of differentiated positions in a
hierarchy. In art these can be symbolized by a design integrating a
more complex the

members of the society,
variety of distinct elements. Moreover, the
ele-
ments
the
in the
design representing
greater the possible differences between elements of the design,
and the
therefore, the symbolic emphasis on personal

Note that even if one does not accept the human
symbolism of the design elements but regards them instead as
symbolic of valued objects or artifacts the argument leads to the
same results in the egalitarian society group harmony is promoted
by an abundant supply of the same property for everyone plenty
of the same shelters, clothes, etc.; in the hierarchical society group
harmony is promoted by every member keeping his place and
having his own distinctive paraphernalia.
The second hypothesis, the association of empty space with
greater,
differentiation.
Although of course important individual personality variation due to

and life history is to be found in all societies, this simplistic conception of people postulated here, I believe, has a
definite effect in actually reducing personality variation among members
of egalitarian societies. Therefore, even though simplicity in art design is far
from a complete representation of the personality of its producers and consumers. I believe that the relationship between simplicity of art design on the
one hand and personality and social structure on the other should be, as the
3
differences in inherited constitution
data cited suggest, positive (the more A, the more B), not negative or antithetical (the more A, the less B).
Art and Aesthetics
178
egalitarian societies,
in
Primitive Societies
assumes that
for
members
other people are either comrades or nothing at
comrades one
tries
to
of such societies
they are not
all. If
avoid contact with them. This implies a
shrinking away from members of other groups, from foreigners.

There are several reasons that one would be led to postulate that
egalitarian societies tend to be more fearful of strangers. For one
thing, such societies are necessarily small, and hence it is more
likely that external aggression can totally disrupt them. Also, small
societies are on the whole economically independent with respect
to subsistence and therefore have less positive attraction to foreigners to counteract their fear.
From
a sociopsychological view-
point, in small, close-knit, cooperative societies with intense face-
to-face contact with a limited
number of people, one would expect

amount of in-group aggression
the generation of a considerable
which could not be
directly expressed, and would in consequence

be projected (in the technical psychoanalytic sense) onto foreigners and supernaturals
anyone outside the in-group with
resultant fear of the supposedly hostile out-group.

tion for security
is
then one in which one's
The
own group
ideal situa-
is
numerous
but well isolated from other groups. This isolation presumably can
be symbolized by an empty space around the design. 4 In the hierarchical societies, on the other hand, security
is
produced by
incorporating strangers into the hierarchy, through dominance or
submission as the relative power indicates. Isolation of one's group

implies that there may be other groups whose relative position is
unclear. In fantasy the hierarchical society seeks to encompass the
universe. 5
One might be tempted
argue that enclosed figures should charactermeans of symbolizing the isolation

desired and often achieved relatively well. However, one must consider that
the isolation desired by these people is isolation of the whole in-group, while
within the in-group close contact is desired with other individuals. At most
this might lead one to hypothesize a tendency to frame the entire design in
an enclosure but not to enclose separate figures within the design, I believe.
For reasons too lengthy to discuss here I am doubtful about hypothesizing
even the framing tendency.
4
to
ize the art of egalitarian societies as a
Clyde Kluckhohn has pointed out that empty space

some Japanese pictorial art and asked how this
at least
is
characteristic of
may
be reconciled
179
Maps
an association of symmetry with egalifirst, symmetry

being a special case of repetition. However, since symmetry tends
to put a limit on the number of repetitions, one might expect that
the association would not be as strong. Note also that bilateral
symmetry can be said to involve an "original" image and a mirror
image that is the opposite or negative of the first. This could suggest an egalitarian society perhaps but with an emphasis on competition between ostensible equals, i.e., some interest in establish-
The
third hypothesis,
tarian societies,
is
posited on grounds similar to the
ing a hierarchy, but without success in stabilizing
The fourth hypothesis,

hierarchical
society,
it.
and
assumes that in the hierarchical society
association of enclosed figures
boundaries between individuals of different ranks are important.
Higher are protected from lower and vice versa by figurative

boundaries of etiquette and prescriptions of time, place, and nature of association, and also often by physical obstacles such as
walls and fences, doors, moats, etc.
with the interpretation given here. One question which arises is whether
Japanese art is really characterized by empty space in terms of Barry's scale.
As it happens, Barry did include Japan in his initial ratings but later dropped
it because he felt that the country was too diverse and there was no guarantee,
that the artworks rated were characteristic of the particular segments of the
society from which the Whiting and Child socialization data came. Barry put
Japan on the "crowded" side of the dichotomy, about intermediate between
median and extreme. This suggests that while Japanese graphic art has
much empty space by Western standards, it is still relatively crowded compared to the art of many primitive societies.
Another problem which arises is that Barry's sample was limited almost
and middle-level societies. The only literate society included was Bali (also, incidentally, on the crowded side of the dichotomy).
Perhaps in stable, large-scale, literate societies relationship to a social hierarchy is taken for granted more than middle-level hierarchical societies. If
so, the artist might safely engage in compensatory fantasies of temporary
withdrawal from the hierarchy, the withdrawal being represented artistically
by the empty space. But one would not expect this withdrawal to be extreme.
The withdrawal of the simple primitive from foreigners should be more
drastic psychologically than the withdrawal of man in civilized society from
his obligations and restrictions. If this reasoning is correct the emptiest art
should be found in simple societies, the most crowded art in middle-level
societies, and somewhat emptier art again in complex, stable societies.
entirely to simple
180
Art and Aesthetics
Table
1.
in
Primitive Societies
Relation of Social Stratification (Murdock, Col. 14)

to Variables of Art Style (Barry)
STRATIFICATION OF PEERS
Art Style
Simple design
Complex design
Low(A,0) High (W,

13
6
C,
H)
p
is less
than .005
(Note: Since there are in fact more societies with low stratification
than high in the sample, one would expect more with simple art styles. If
one increases the number of societies with simple styles by moving the point
of dichotomy up the scale of complexity, the distribution is as follows.)
Low
Simple design
Complex design
High
16
Low
Space empty
Space crowded
High
12
Low
Design symmetrical
Design asymmetrical
Enclosed figures
No enclosed figures
p then becomes .000045
is less
than .05
is less
than .05
is less
than .05
High
12
Low
High
7
12
7
2
Fisher-Yates test used for probabilities.
As
is
shown
in Table
1, all
four of these hypotheses are sup-
ported at statistically significant levels, especially the
first. 6
6 If one tests a large enough number of hypotheses it is to be expected by

chance alone that one will receive confirmation of some of them at "signifi-
cant" statistical levels. Statements of probability levels of confirmation of

hypotheses are therefore questionable unless accompanied by a statement as
number of tests from which the reported significant tests were

For this paper the total number of hypotheses from which the six
tests reported in Tables 1 and 2 were selected was twenty. None of the other
fourteen hypotheses was supported or contradicted at a statistically significant level.
to
the total
selected.
181
Maps
second variable of social structure of considerable psychoimportance is the relative prestige or security of the sexes.
As a measure of this, types of residence as categorized by Murdock
may be used. These may be dichotomized into those which favor
male solidarity in residence strongly and those which do not. The
former are patrilocal and avunculocal, while the latter are all
others occurring in our sample (Murdock, Column 8:P, A vs. V, Z,
N, B, X, M). The hypotheses below assume that individuals of both
sexes find it advantageous to live with their own blood relatives if
possible. Even where, as is usually true, the younger relatives must
serve and obey the older, the younger have their own old age to
look forward to, when they will be honored and cared for. In general, the spouse living with blood relatives has an advantage over
the in-marrying spouse in obtaining support from other members
of the household or family, so the side of the family chosen by
married couples to reside with would seem to be a sensitive index
of the relative security of the sexes. This choice is also a measure
of the prestige of the sexes, insofar as one measure of prestige is
deference to the wishes of the person with higher prestige by persons of lower prestige. There are often sound economic reasons, of
logical
course, that influence residence choice, as well as other rational
and
even where these exist I believe

an interpersonal prestige significance of
the decision. From this reasoning two
irrational considerations, but
that there will also be
considerable weight to
hypotheses were made, as follows

1 ) Straight lines, representing the male form, as opposed to
curved, should be associated with societies which strongly favor
male
solidarity in residence.
2) Complex, nonrepetitive design, representing a hierarchical society, should be associated with societies which strongly
favor male solidarity in residence.
Reasoning behind the first hypothesis was that if the society

gave high prestige to males and favored close association of males,
a fantasy suggesting numerous males should produce security.
The reasoning behind the second hypothesis involved an asmale dominated and hierarchical societies. In
man and the primates generally, dominance hierarchies are most
sociation between
Art and Aesthetics
182
developed
among
in
Primitive Societies
males. Also,
it
seems more
likely that the
man-
wife relationship will be regarded as hierarchical in societies with
male
solidarity in residence.
The data on complexity
of design
cited above already suggest that hierarchical societies are asso-
ciated with
complex design.
Testing of these two hypotheses yielded the results shown in

Table 2.
As will be seen, the first hypothesis is strikingly disconnrmed

and the opposite association supported. The second hypothesis is
confirmed at a more modest statistical level.
Table
2.
Relation of Marital Residence (Murdock, Col. 8)

MALE SOLIDARITY
IN RESIDENCE
Low
Art Style
(M, X, B, N, Z, U)
High (A, P)
Straight lines
14
6
Low
High
13
Curved lines
Simple
Complex
is less
than .005
is less
than .05
Fisher-Yates test used for probabilities.
An ex post facto explanation of the association between

curved lines and male solidarity in residence is slightly more
complicated but, I believe, more plausible. We may assume that
when an adult individual is psychologically secure he will be exand look for pleasure by seeking out members of the
man will be creating women and vice
versa. When, on the other hand, one sex is relatively insecure
psychologically, members will be introverted and more concerned
in fantasy with improving their own body image and seeking successful models of their own sex to imitate. Thus, to take polar
extremes, in societies favoring male solidarity (and sociopsychotroverted
opposite sex. In fantasy a
logical security) the
men
are looking for
women
as love objects
183
Maps
and the women are looking for women as models for self -improvement, while in the societies favoring female solidarity in residence
both sexes are looking for men. In visual art, I assume, this concern
manifests itself as a relatively greater concern with curved and
straight lines respectively.
The reader may have noted that I have grouped with matrilocal residence here some forms of residence, such as bilocal
and uxoripatrilocal, which are logically intermediate between matrilocal and patrilocal residence. In the initial test I regarded these
as intermediate but
on examination found that they grouped with

and amended the hy-
matrilocal rather than patrilocal residence,

pothesis to
its
present form.
believe that this finding suggests that
the presence or absence of peer support
adult
men
than for adult women.
position with her

as
husband as
would be the case
If
may be more important for

the woman is in an equal
far as support of adult relatives goes,
in bilocal residence, for instance, she is
still
in a favorable position in the family because of the support of the
would seem, the wife tends to have the

children more strongly on her side, the Oedipus situation being
generally more severe for males, because of the strength of early
ties to the mother of children of either sex.
On reading an earlier draft of this paper, Irvin Child, Professor of Psychology at Yale, has called my attention to two psychological reports bearing on sex difference in preference for shapes.
children. In the family,
One
it
of these (McElroy, 1954) reports a study of Scottish school

it was found that significantly more boys than
children in which
girls
preferred designs with rounded shape and
more
girls pre-
ferred designs with straight, angular shapes; also that the differ-
ence between the sexes in preference became significantly more

after puberty. The other report (Franck, 1946) dealt only
with college girls but included a questionnaire designed to get at
marked
attitudes toward sex roles as well as asking for preference of
paired similar pictures differing only in respect to abstract sex
symbols in the design. In this the investigator found that those

girls who were more accepting of their own sex role significantly
preferred more of the "male" pictures. The findings of both of
these studies would fit in with the point of view reached above that
184
Art and Aesthetics
in
Primitive Societies
sexual instincts affect preference for visual forms differently for

the two sexes, but that these preferences can be reduced or even
perhaps reversed by socially induced sexual conflict.

As an extension and further test of the above theory it later
occurred to me to investigate the relationship between form of
marriage (monogamy, polygamy, etc.) and art style. One might
assume that in societies where one man may marry two or more
women the heterosexual drive of the men is more freely expressed
and the men more secure than in those where a man may marry
only one woman at a time; 7 that therefore there would be more
curved designs in polygynous societies and more straight-line designs in monogamous societies; likewise in the polygynous societies there should be more complex design as a consequence of
male hierarchical dominance. Both of these hypotheses are in fact
supported by the Barry and Murdock ratings at a statistically
significant level, as shown in Table 3.
There is, however, one important qualification. This is that
societies with sororal polgyny are distinct from other polygynous
societies. In their preference for curvature of line sororal polygynous societies are roughly intermediate between the extremes,
and they go with monogamous societies rather than other polygynous societies as far as simplicity of design is concerned. Sororal
polygyny is different from ordinary polygyny in that the wives tend
to form a united front against the husband in case of conflict. The
husband cannot so easily play one off against the other, and is not
in such a secure position as other polygynous husbands. Sororal
polygyny can be regarded as a compromise between the man's desire for heterosexual relationships and the woman's desire for
congenial comrades and co-workers of her own generation. The
intermediate position of societies with sororal polygyny in respect
to
curvature of line therefore seems reasonable.
However, evidently sororal polygyny can work well only in

7 There are grounds for questioning this assumption also. Some might
argue that polygyny is comparable to what the psychoanalysts have described
as Don Juanism; that it is a sort of overcompensation for feelings of sexual
inadequacy. This is a complex question, but I would simply suggest here in
reply that there may be a considerable difference between a Don Juan who
conquers many women only to spurn them and a polygynous husband who
has lasting responsible ties with two or three wives.
185
Maps
relatively simple egalitarian societies, with at
the
main
most age-grading as
legitimate manifestation of the hierarchical principle. In
hierarchical societies competition between siblings tends to be too
severe to permit sororal polygyny to function:
new
a wife would get
sister, an old
from childhood. This, I believe, is why the societies with
sororal polygyny nearly all have relatively simple art styles, as do
along better with an entirely
rival
than with her
rival
the
monogamous ones
Table
3.
in this sample.
Relation of
Form
of Marriage (Murdock, Col. 9)
FORMS OF MARRIAGE
Art Style
Simple design
Nonsororal
polygyny (GNL)
Sororal polygyny
7
4
Straight lines
Curved
5
6
lines
ST )
Monogamy (M)
IO
Complex
Polyandry
Using the extremes and omitting the middle column p is less than .01 for both
hypotheses using the Fisher-Yates test.
(Note: The hypothetical effect of polyandry is subject to alternate interpretations, but
this is of little practical importance here, since there is only one society in the sample, the
Marquesas.)
Incidentally, it is not necessary to assume that most men in a

polygynous society have more than one wife in order to affect the
sociopsychological security of the sex roles. As long as it is understood by a married couple that the husband may legitimately take a
second wife, or probably even a mistress, if his first wife is not
agreeable enough, this gives even the men in monogamous marriages a considerable psychological advantage. Relatively speaking,
in a society in which polygyny is common, a second wife is usually
available sooner or later to a man who wants one badly enough,
regardless of the lack of a demographic surplus of women. This is
so because there is usually a marked difference in marriage age
between the sexes, women marrying earlier. In a manner of speaking, young men pay by prolonged bachelorhood for the polygyny
186
Art and Aesthetics
of middle-aged
in
Primitive Societies
men. The characteristic age difference between
spouses where polygyny
is
common
gives the
man
another psycho-
logical advantage.
Moreover, in the relatively complex societies that have nonis generally produced for the upper
class and must be adapted to their taste. If upper-class people have
polygyny while lower do not, it will probably be the upper-class
polygynous art that gets collected for museums and reported in
sororal polygyny the best art
ethnographies on the whole. In such societies one would expect

distinct class differences in art consistent with the findings about
cross-cultural differences described here. Fieldwork directed at this
question in a series of appropriate societies would provide a useful

further test of these hypotheses.
My
colleague,
Henry Orenstein, has noted
that
it
would be
desirable to have information on the sex of the artists in testing

cross-cultural hypotheses about sex
symbolism in
art. I
can only
agree that this would be highly desirable, but plead that the ratings
were not available in advance. In addition to the considerable work

if I made them now myself I should be in danger of
involved,
biasing ratings in favor of the hypotheses or overcorrecting for

impartiality.
show
should, however, expect systematic differences to
and straight lines by the sexes in most

might report a casual observation that at a
recent exhibit of contemporary American artists at the Newcomb
College Art Department (Tulane University) I found myself able
to predict fairly well from a distance without reading the labels
whether the artist was male or female by noting the relative
predominance of curved or straight lines. The men seemed to have
more straight lines and the women more curved. One might conclude from this that both sexes in modern American society are
insecure in their sex roles. One could also guess that the form of
in the use of curved
cultures. Incidentally,
marital residence favored solidarity of relatives for neither sex, as

is
of course the case.
The question arises as to the relationship between Barry's

published findings on art style (1957) and the findings reported
here. As his title implies, his original study was concerned with
predicting aspects of art style from socialization data. Barry concluded that, in his sample of societies, complexity of art style was
187
Maps
positively related to general severity of socialization as rated by
Whiting and Child (1953), and notes that
this
measure of severity
on the child
of socialization applies especially to severe pressure
toward independence rather than toward obedience.

This is consonant with the interpretation offered here of the
relationship between art complexity and social stratification. In the
cooperative, egalitarian society there is a fear of the independent,
person as well as of the "bossy" person. Strength and
who must be
regarded as powerless alone, for if someone felt competent working by himself he might not cooperate with others when needed.
self-reliant
success are achieved by unity of approximate equals,
Moreover, since directions for work are given on the whole as

subtle suggestions rather than as firm commands, a strong trait of
obedience and responsiveness to the wishes of others is highly
valued and useful. In the hierarchical societies on the other hand,
at least those in which there is substantial practical opportunity to
improve one's place in life, obedience and responsiveness to others

do not have to be so strongly ingrained, since there are public and
explicit means which can ensure compliance. Commands can be
stated clearly, with their punishments and rewards. The proper
working of the hierarchical society depends on the presence of
interested and efficient people in a variety of different independent
statuses. This means that each person must be trained to be selfreliant within his own special sphere of competence, and widespread personal ambition is useful in ensuring that the key positions are filled with competent people.
It is interesting to note that Barry conceived of a sort of
relationship between social complexity and complexity of art, on
the grounds that technical artistic development might accompany
general sociocultural development. To test this he examined the
relationship of his art complexity ratings to thirty variables of
Murdock's "World Ethnographic Sample," at the time in a preliminary unpublished draft. Barry observed that the relationships
of art complexity to social stratification and also to nonsororal
polygyny (as well as to two other variables, discussed below)
appeared to be significant at the five percent level. He did not,
however, pursue the significance of these relationships, I gather,
because the results on many of the variables were poor and be-
Art and Aesthetics
188
in
Primitive Societies
cause statistically more satisfying results were obtained by choosing socialization severity in advance as an independent variable.
One of the statistically significant results he obtained by this

wholesale testing, an association of complex art with root rather
than grain crops, seems on the face of it implausible to me and I
assume it is a sampling accident. The other result, an association
complex art with sedentary rather than nomadic residence, fits
in with the social stratification hypothesis in an obvious way.
Barry may have also felt that if socioeconomic variables were
of
relevant to art style, they exercised their effect through their in-
fluence on child training and personality, not directly.
He and
his
colleagues have since pursued the question of the relationship of

child training to subsistence
Child,
economy with notable success (Barry,
and Bacon, 1959).
The general point of view of

work from which this is
in Barry's
art styles exemplified here,
and
derived, gives high emphasis to
social conditions of various sorts as determinants of artistic fan-
tasy or creativity.
As such
it is
in opposition to those views of art
that see the development of art style as primarily a matter of
technical evolution, or of historical diffusion, or of the influence of

the physical environment as
style is
model or source of materials.
determined primarily by current social factors
this
If art
does not
invalidate the study of relatively trivial technical details as evi-
dence for historical connection between cultures, and I would not

deny the great usefulness of such evidence for some purposes. It
does, however, cast strong suspicion on the use of general features
of art style to establish historical connections, or on the use of
known historical connections alone to explain the similarities of
art styles of two distinct cultures. Practically all cultures are evidently exposed to a variety of art styles among their neighbors, and
also possess within their own tradition a variety of models that
could be developed in various directions. If a neighboring art style
at a certain period of history proves congenial no doubt the society
will adopt it by importation and imitation, but we must still explain why culture A rather than culture B provides the model, and
why the diffusion of style did not proceed in the reverse direction.
It is
here,
tive order of
suggest, that similarity of social conditions,
development of these, plays a major
role.
and
rela-

189
Maps
These findings suggest that we may regard a work of art as a

map of the society in which the artist and his public
live. 8 To be sure, unlike a geographic map, a wide, though not
unlimited, variety of concrete works of art may represent the same
social structure. Also, even in a fairly abstract sense, the works of
art are not always isomorphic with aspects of social structure. One
would not conclude, for instance, that a preoccupation with
rounded female forms indicated a numerical preponderance of
women in the society; one would simply conclude that the social
structure encouraged the artist's interest in women. We might then
speak of a work of art as a selective cognitive map of the society
sort of
with predictable distortions.
The question may be
raised whether the artist should not be
said to be depicting a wish rather than social reality.
would
concede that the wish-fulfillment aspect of art is in some sense

primary, but would at the same time urge that wish-fulfillment and
reality are closely related, even in fantasy. For art to be effective as
wish-fulfillment it must attain a certain degree of plausibility by at
least making a rather close compromise with reality. If the artist in
a simple egalitarian society finds pleasure in repeating the
simple design over and over again,
same
because he can in reality

find whatever security and pleasure he knows in a repetitive, undifferentiated social structure. If the artist in a polygynous society
becomes preoccupied with curved female forms it may be because
he knows he has in the long run a good chance of obtaining secu8 I
it is
do not intend to claim that the social factors identified here as relevant
considered in art design are the sole relevant factors. Art
to various factors
a complex enough phenomenon so that I would not expect to be able to

comprehend thoroughly and explain even a fairly limited aspect of it within
the scope of a study of this size. The evidence cited suggests, however, that
is
have a plausible explanation for a good part of the variance for specific
Of course, as in all statistical studies of phenomena with
complex causes, decisions as to the validity of a hypothesis are unaffected
by limited numbers of contradictory cases, and such cases can be expected
to occur unless the factor one is studying is unusually strong. Also, it is
generally true that a statistical relationship can be interpreted as evidence
for more than one set of theoretical explanations, although by no means for
just any set. If the reader can propose another set of assumptions which is
congruent with the findings reported, further investigation will be required to
determine which set is the more powerful.
I
factors studied.
Art and Aesthetics
190
rity
in
Primitive Societies
and pleasure from relationships with women. Of course, the
questions of relating to peers in an egalitarian society and obtain-
women
in a polygynous society are also frequent sources of

Problems as well as sources of pleasure are involved,
but there are also culturally prescribed solutions which, if not
ing
frustration.
seen as the best possible.

For an anthropologist, one of the most exciting possibilities
that the study of art styles and social conditions opens up is the
application to extinct cultures known only through archaeology. If
we can learn enough of the panhuman implications of art styles
infallible, are usually
for social structure
and the resulting psychological processes, we
should eventually be able to add a major

reconstruction of the life of extinct peoples
new dimension to our

known only from their
material remains.
Appendix. Barry Ratings of Pictorial Art Variables
Used
Note: For a description of the
in
This Paper
manner
in
which the ratings were made
see Barry (1957)- In the following lists the order of the societies corresponds
rank with respect to the art variables, the most extreme being at
and end of the lists. The ratings deal only with graphic art,
not with three-dimensional sculpture. For ratings on the social structure
variables consult Murdock (1957). The Kwakiutl, while rated by Barry and
listed below, are not included by Murdock and not used in the statistical
to their
the beginning
tests above.
No Enclosed
Lines
Figures
Straight
Simple
Empty
Andamans
W. Apache
Chenchu
Yakut
Teton
Andamans
Navaho
Chenchu
Ashanti
Masai
Chiricahua
Omaha
Chencku
Ashanti
Teton
Yagua
Comanche
Ainu
Yagua
Paiute
Omaha
Paiute
Zuni
Thonga
Yagua
Papago
Ainu
Comanche
Murngin
Paiute
Thonga
Navaho
Murngin
Paiute
Navaho
Zuni
Hopi
Navaho
Comanche
Thonga
Marshalls
Thonga
Yakut
Symmetrical
Hopi
Ifugao
191
Maps
Chenchu
Thonga
Hopi
Maori
Masai
Marshalls
Paiute
Omaha
Papago
Ifugao
Yagua
Chenchu
Andamans
Samoa
Ainu
W. Apache
Navaho
Kwakiutl
Teton
Papago
Samoa
Alor
Chiricahua
Dahomey
Maori
Trobriands
Ainu
Marquesas
W. Apache
Ashanti
Teton
Arapesh
Andamans
Marquesas
Marshalls
Masai
Ashanti
Murngin
Papago
Ainu
Comanche
Ifugao
Murngin
Maori
Arapesh
Kwakiutl
W. Apache
Marquesas
Chiricahua
Ifugao
Dahomey
Papago
Yakut
Kwakiutl
Chiricahua
Teton
Hopi
Marshalls
Arapesh
Omaha
Masai
Zuni
Ifugao
Marshalls
Hopi
Zuni
Comanche
Murngin
Andamans
Omaha
Maori
Zuni
Trobriands
Kwakiutl
Yagua
Alor
Alor
Alor
Samoa
Trobriands
Ashanti
Arapesh
Dahomey
Samoa
W. Apache
Trobriands
Masai
Bali
Arapesh
Kwakiutl
Bali
Maori
Bali
Yakut
Yakut
Marquesas
Bali
Marquesas
Complex
Crowded
Alor
Asymmetrical
(l
1 1
Bali
KJ cl
Chiricahua
Trobriands
Enclosed
Lines
Figures
Curved
Bibliography
Barry, Herbert,
III.
"Relationships Between Child Training and the Pictorial
Abnormal and Social Psychology, 54 (1957), pp. 380-83.

and Bacon, M. K. "Relation of Child Training Subsistence
Economy," American Anthropologist, 61 (1959), pp. 51-63.
Franck, Kate. "Preferences for Sex Symbols and Their Personality Correlates,"
Genetic Psychology Monographs, 33 (1946), pp. 73-123.
McElroy, W. A. "A Sex Difference in Preferences for Shapes," British Journal
Arts," Journal of
,
Child,
I.
L.,
of Psychology, 45 (1954), PP- 209-16.
Art and Aesthetics
192
in
Primitive Societies
Murdock, G. P. Social Structure. New York: Macmillan, 1949.

"World Ethnographic Sample," American Anthropologist, 59 (1957),
.
pp. 664-87.
Siegel, Sidney.
Nonparametic Statistics for the Behavioral Sciences. New

York: McGraw-Hill, 1956.
Whiting, J. W. M. "The Cross-Cultural Method," Handbook of Social Psychology, ed. G. Lindzey. Cambridge, Mass.: Addison-Wesley, 1954.
and Child, I. L. Child Training and Personality. New Haven: Yale
,
University Press, 1953.
and Mythology: A General Theory*

GEORGE DEVEREUX
Art
is stylized communication. As it communicates, art conforms in content

and form to the conventions and rules of its society. At the same time, it
meets a social need, for it permits the expression of the forbidden in acceptable ways. Both the nature of its content and the pattern of its style reflect
basic culture attitudes. The psychoanalytical study of art can therefore be
Art
an extremely effective way to study man in society.

Dr. George Devereux is Professor of Research in Ethnopsychiatry,
Temple University School of Medicine. He has worked with the Hopi and
Mohave Indians, the Karuama and Roro of Papua, and the Sedang-Moi of
Indochina. His fields of interest are culture and personality, psychoanalytic
anthropology, and the mental disorders of primitives. He has written Therapeutic Education (1956), Mohave Ethnopsychiatry and Suicide (1961), and
From Anxiety
to
Method: Reality and Dream Psychotherapy of a Plains Indian
(1951, 1969).
The study
of the relevance of art for the investigation of problems
and personality is severely handicapped by the inadequacy of basic studies which seek to clarify
of culture
The nature of art,

The sociocultural function of art,
3 ) The psychological function of art.
The entire field is so poorly understood
1 )
that Freud himself

"threw in the towel" in a study devoted to Leonardo da Vinci, and
declared that the explanation of the nature of genius is, for the
time being, beyond the powers of psychoanalysis (Freud, 1910,
1930). With a few exceptions, the relevant studies on art compare
* Reprinted from Studying Personality Cross-Culturally, ed. Bert Kaplan
(Evanston, Illinois: Row Peterson, 1961), pp. 361-403. This article con-
stitutes the
second (1959) Geza Roheim Memorial Award Lecture.
194
Art
and Aesthetics
Primitive Societies
in
unfavorably with the conceptual tautness and methodological rigorousness of psychoanalytic and/ or culture and personality investigations of science, such as Sachs's
(1942) essay on the delay of

and psychological studies of the most essential of all arts
music are, on the
whole, more disappointing and also much less numerous than are
the
machine
age. Last but not least, both cultural
similar studies devoted to the other arts.
ART VERSUS EXPRESSIVE BEHAVIOR

The first distinction to be made
pertains to the difference between
in clarifying the nature of art
and expressive behavior,

If mere "expressiveness"
and/ or "projecting" were the criteria whereby one determines
whether a given product is art or something else, then the bellowing of an agitated catatonic
the almost uninhibited expression of
a hypothalamic storm
would be the most genuine of all arts.
Conversely, were style and other conventions the true criteria of
art, then classroom exercises in strict counterpoint would repreincluding quasi-artistic projective
sent the
summit
art
tests.
of artistic behavior.
DEFINITION OF ART
Ideally, the
dynamic
criterion of art is the straining of
pure
and the
inpure
roundless
and
less
cidental evolving of new rules that permit the
about manifestation of more and more affect and also of hitherto
artistically unusable affect segments within an expanded, but inthe
ternally even more coherent, discipline. The discipline itself
determines
rules of the game
is the means whereby society
affect against
(culturally structured) discipline,
whether a given expressive act represents art or something else,

and also whether the product in question is good, mediocre, or bad
art.
is
The relevance
of the
first
of these functions of the "discipline"
and primitive arts have

art, though artistic obthat type have existed long before they were recognized as
best highlighted by the fact that folk
only recently been recognized as genuine

jects of
art.
The
arbitrariness of the rules
whereby an item
is
adjudged
to
front piece of a chief's headdress, probably Tsimshian. A bear, a fish,

and possibly a tufted-ear owl are portrayed. Carved and painted wood inlaid
with abalone shell. 7 3/8" high. Carvings on headdress plaques are
considered by some to represent the crests of clans, by others to illustrate
tribal myths. Courtesy of The Museum of Primitive Art, New York.
The

Art and Aesthetics
196
be good art
was
is
Primitive Societies
revealed by the fact that Beethoven's Violin Concerto
derisively
"improperly"
in
called
the
a "concerto for tympani" because
most
instrument heard is the tympani.

Hanslick ironically called Liszt's First Piano Concerto a "Triangle
Concerto," because Liszt conspicuously used that instrument as
part of the percussion section. Even the kind and the amount of
affect
demanded
first
solo
or allowable
is
culturally regulated.
An
early
Beethoven's Violin Concerto "vulgar." The intellectually brilliant and musically impeccable "romantic" music criticism
critic called
of
Schumann and
of Berlioz used, side by side with purely musical
considerations, also the quality and intensity of affect as a yard-
musical excellence. Today's music criticism is as conscious

Schumann's was, but appraises affect negatively. It
considers an emotional deep freeze
and a "well aerated" score
the acme of excellence, and demands a spuriously baroque music
for spuriously baroque organization men. This, by the way, may
explain why those who also seek affect in music sometimes take
refuge in the hypothalamic orgies of modern jazz, so as to sate the
affect hunger left unstilled by listening to tinny filaments of sound
emitted by poorly balanced chamber orchestras.
It is implicit in the preceding considerations that art is basically a medium of communication, and conforms to certain rules
which represent the grammar and syntax of a kind of metalanguage. This finding raises further questions as to the legitimacy of
treating "Draw a Man" or "TAT" tests as art forms. It is my view
that, insofar as such tests represent art, they are communications
directed at an audience of one
the tester. Moreover, the testee's
communication is couched in a "language" whose grammar and
vocabulary the tester must decipher, the way Champollion deciphered the Rosetta stone. Indeed, in test productions a kind of
Alice in Wonderland system holds sway: Things mean only what
the test subject unconsciously intends them to mean. This point is
important enough to warrant a brief discussion of "tests and
stick of
of affect as
art."
A number
of tests exist in
which the subject
create "art" or else to respond to "art"; the
first
is
called
upon
to
type being repre-
sented by Draw-a-Man and related tests, the second by the TAT

and perhaps also by the Rorschach tests. It is my thesis that these
197
Art
tests
and Mythology: A General Theory
do not really meet the basic criteria that differentiate art from
'
other activities.
1 ) The subject's behavior is primarily expressive rather than

an act of communication. Insofar as he communicates at all, he
has an audience of one: the tester. Moreover, the validity qua
test
of
the subject's productions decreases as his orientation to
the tester increases
and as
his productions
become communication
rather than expression.
the production
2) In optimum cases in the testing sense
pure expressive behavior, which is then transformed by the
tester into a communication
or, more specifically, into information. The tester is, thus, not functioning like a person addressed in
normal communication. In the case of the latter, the communicator makes an effort to couch his communication in terms understandable to his interlocutor. He uses a language known to the
latter, an audible intensity of voice production, etc. What "noise"
there is, is largely filtered out and is meant to be filtered out.
Moreover, both the speaker and the listener usually agree on what
is information and what is noise. The opposite is true in testing:
is
to the subject, is information, which he communicates, may

be largely "noise" to the tester, and what may seem "noise" to the
What,
testee
may
"grammar"
represent information for the tester. Moreover, the
communication which is
must be reconstructed by the tester himself.
It is not a "given," except empirically, in the sense in which certain
Rorschach responses have been empirically found to "mean" the
of that portion of the testee's
of interest to the tester
presence of a certain
trait.
none of the considerations discussed in this section are applicable to genuine art, whose language is, by definition,
conventional. Whether this convention demands that the human
figure remain more or less undistorted, or that it be distorted
according to certain rules; whether it demands
as early nonunison music theory did nothing but parallel fifths, or whether it
Practically
taboos parallel fifths

that there
is
all
this is irrelevant.
What
is
relevant,
is
a kind of convention, and that this convention must
be viewed in a historical perspective, as an elaboration

reaction against, the rules of an earlier period.
parallel fifths outlaws the basic rules of
an
earlier
of, or as
The taboo on
practice and at
Art and Aesthetics
198
least
some
in
Primitive Societies
modern "neoclassical" music

down (Barzun, 1950).
of the objectives of
are
those of the romantics turned upside
The
culturally standardized "discipline" of art
is
therefore of
prime concern to the student of culture and personality. The rules

of artistic communication, of which this discipline is made up,
must be understood as cultural conventions. The anthropologist
must study the grammar, the syntax, and even the chosen vocabulary of art. He must trace changes in the ratio between consonances and dissonances, between "noble" and "four-letter" words,
etc. Moreover, he must realize that the intrusion of four-letter
words into the artist's vocabulary did not expand the verbal palette
of literature. The genuine expressive gain represented by these
crude terms was balanced by an impoverishment of the palette in
such words as "noble," "elevated," "sublime," and the like, dear to
romantics. The student of culture may neither approve nor lament
this change. Rather must he stress that the evolution of every style
represents a patterned enrichment in one direction and impoverishment in another direction, both as regards the building blocks at
the artist's disposal, and the range of affects deemed artistically
acceptable by society. This impoverishment, balanced by enrichment, is never random and is as Kroeber (1957) apparently did
not fully realize
the very essence of style. Indeed, "let us have a
roll in the hay" and "we shall walk hand in hand under the starry
sky"
mean
the
same thing
behavioristically
then, even emotionally, alas.

is
tic
simply
this:
Which
What concerns
and,
now and
the student of culture
of these two utterances
is
accepted as
artis-
(and authentic) by a given
society, at a given point in history?
we must
realize that, insofar as a style rep-
At
this
juncture
resents
both
as style
is
tion.
In
an enrichment and an impoverishment, insofar
a method of selection,
relatively
it
unsophisticated
inevitably implies a distorart,
the
distortion
affects
primarily the substantive content of the statement or utterance:

the sculptor
may
may
shorten the legs of the
populate his
human
human
figure; the novelist
scene with ideally pure
women and
double-dyed villains; the composer of a canon may discard an

inspired passage which comes to his mind, because it would disrupt the orderly development of a strict canon; the writer of a
sonnet
may remold an image
in order to submit to the
rhyme
Art and Mythology:
199
pattern and
may
exceed fourteen
(medium)
A General Theory
short circuit his chain of thought in order not to

lines. In
some cases the
artist's
physical material
imposes distortions upon the utterance: the fragility of marble and its inability to stand much stress calls for a far
more compact structure than does bronze. Hence, in some marble
statuary certain elements are included solely in order to support
like the
the weight of a jutting body or limb. A truly great artist
itself
sculptor of Laocoon
makes
these structural additions
dispensable and integral parts of his utterance, so that
be "communication" rather than "noise."

to ignore the
The
seem
it is
in-
felt to
lesser artist asks us
presence of an inexplicable truncated pillar under the
belly of a rearing horse.
In a Beethoven piano sonata the high treble imitation of a

motif,
first
played at a middle level,
is
changed because, in Beethoup as it does
ven's time, the piano keyboard did not extend as far

at present.
Hence,
way Beethoven
written
many modern
pianists play that passage not the
but the way he would have

had he had a modern, extended keyboard piano at his
In some instances certain earlier material or performer
actually wrote
it,
it,
disposal.
limitations of the artistic utterance are consciously exploited by the
modern artist to produce striking effects. The Hungarian peasant

singer, whose untrained voice has a smaller range than has that of
a concert singer and who, moreover, does not know enough about
music
to transpose a song so that its range will not exceed the

range of his voice, sometimes replaces a step of a second downward, which is too low for him, with a leap of a seventh upward.
This "clumsiness" of peasant singers was transmuted into an artistic device by Bartok. Examples of such octave displacements in
Bartok's violin sonatas are given by Stevens (1953), who cogently
remarks: "This device is not resorted to indiscriminately; in the
First Sonata it gives the distinctive shape to the waltz-like second
member of the principal thematic complex, and is thereafter used,
with very few exceptions, only for reference to that member." An
image inspired by the rhyme pattern is a comparable phenomenon,
revealing the creative side of technique.
In oversophisticated art the
medium
itself is
subjected to dis-
Such manipulations range from maximal but spurious

nondistortion, as in trompe Voeil paintings, to Liszt's passion for
tortion.

Art and Aesthetics
200
in
Primitive Societies
experimenting with out-of-time pianos, 1 to Joyce's schizophrenoid

experiments with language and to those of some modern poets
with punctuation. The latter maneuver reaches a pathetic climax
of absurdity in a semipornographic French novel, in
sexual act between a

a whole page
woman and an
is
"described"
which a
for nearly
exclusively by means of punctuation marks,
what as follows :".!..!!...?
We
ape
some-
!!??!, etc."
shall return later
on
to the
problem of balance between
substantive utterance and style-and-technique. For the

suffices to stress that the artist himself is as keenly
moment
it
aware of the
social-cultural rules governing artistic distortion as the writer of
and pastiches
and sometimes experiences the
boundaries set by society as confining. It is said that the leading
Victorian purveyor of ethereal guff, Lord Tennyson, wrote obscene
poetry for private consumption. To the indignation of his contemporaries, Heine often concluded a lofty poem on a jarring note
parodies
of derision
conspicuously in the exquisite poem
"Jesus walks on
the waters." Prokofieff "steps on the throat" of his
own
melodies,
which usually start in a lyrical vein and end in a sneer. Beethoven

composed an impressively and unmistakably Beethovenesque
and also musically inferior rondo "in anger over a mislaid
penny." An aging or ailing artist, whose best work had a distinctively personal style, often ends up by simply imitating himself,
long after he has run out of inner tensions leading to authentic
utterances. Thus did the dying Chopin "chopinize" in some parts of
his very last works.
Needless to say, the culturally prescribed distortion (style)

and problems of the artist's milieu.
Given the unquestionable technical expertness of the African
glaringly reflects the tensions
sculptor, his distortion of the
human
cal inability to represent reality
figure
is
not due to a techni-
in the sense in which pre-Renais-
sance painters distorted space because of their ignorance of the

laws of perspective. The African, Melanesian, Maori, Marquesan,
Kwakiutl, Aztec, Maya, or Inca artist distorted his figures intentionally and in accordance with cultural rules governing artistic
utterances. Moreover, as regards certain African, Melanesian, and
1
In this respect as in many others Liszt was a precursor of the most

of our times, such as Cage's pieces for "prepared" pianos.
modern music
Art and Mythology:
201
A General Theory
medieval gargoyle carving
human body reflected
in
artists,
their
its artistic
nightmare vision of the
distortion
is
closely related
what I, for one, view as their nightmare vision of the universe

and of life. This process is, of course, paralleled also on the individual level. There is reason to believe that the painter Bosch was
at that time no longer culturally
psychotic, which explains his
demanded gargoyle like distortions of the human body. The case
of Toulouse-Lautrec is even more instructive. Dysplastic as a result
perhaps
of having been thrown by a horse, Toulouse-Lautrec
through the mechanism known as "identification with the enemy"
(Anna Freud, 1946) sneeringly distorted the human body, but
created almost ideally perfect horses. This convergence between
culturally required and individually determined distortions raises,
of course, the question to what extent the gargoyle carver obeyed a
cultural mandate and to what extent he expressed in his carving of
to
nightmare vision of human flesh.

Perhaps the most practical way of solving the problem is to say
distorted bodies also his private
and the idiosyncratic converge, in soacademic art the cultural holds the center of the stage, while
in freak art
comparable to a frankfurter drowned in oceans of
mustard the idiosyncratic overshadows all over considerations.
Closely related to the problem of whether or not a certain
distortion is artistic, is the problem of its conventional "plausibility"
a matter already touched upon elsewhere (Devereux, 1948).
It should be stressed from the start that the plausibility of a work
of art is distinct from the plausibility of reality. 2 The Greeks found
centaurs quite plausible in mythology; one suspects, however, that,
had they met one in their backyard, they would have found the
centaur as implausible as did the physiologist Du Bois-Reymond,
who protested against mammals with three pairs of limbs. For the
medieval Catholic the existence of angels was a dogma but he
would have been as startled by the appearance of his guardian
angel as was Maurice d'Esparvieu in Anatole France's La revolte
des anges and he would have found the angel as implausible as La
Barre (1954) does on anatomical grounds. The discrepancy bethat in great art the cultural
called
The
fact that this view
of the repudiability of art
Merse.
is
directly related to the subsequent discussion
was pointed out
to
me
by Miss Elizabeth de Szinyei
202
Art and Aesthetics
tween
artistic
and
Quixote. In brief,
in
Primitive Societies
real life plausibility
when
is
the key
writing poetry, the poet
theme of Don
may
experience as
plausible a Beloved with stars for eyes, bunches of grapes for hair,
and coral
pearls for teeth,
Parker,
from
"men seldom crave
for lips
kisses
but,
to
paraphrase Dorothy
from pearl-toothed Misses,"
or
ladies with abrasive lips of real coral.
One major
obstacle to cross-cultural aesthetic experiences
is
precisely the difference between the artistic plausibility concept of
The
Hang
the artist's culture and that of the art consumer's culture.
profusion of
Tuah
fits
amok
scenes in the Malay prose epic Hikayat
the Malay's concept of artistic plausibility, but not that of
Mohave
Indians. Only in a society acutely conwould the theme of the cannibal baby
strike a responsive chord. Even the choice of a "proper" theme is
related to matters of plausibility. Using Roheim's (1941) insightful distinction, we may say that some societies prefer narratives
about fathers (myth) at one time, but may come to prefer, later
on, stories about sons (folk tales); the Odyssey appears to have
had a now lost sequel, in the form of a Telemacheia.
In brief, art is a stylized (distorted) communication, recognizable as art by artist and connoisseur alike. 3 In fact, it is recognizable as such by everyone except U.S. customs and postal
authorities and by the Watch and Ward Society. Indeed, in one of
the defensive essays which protectively surround his sickening
novel, Lolita, Nabokov rightly stresses that true pornography must
be inartistic if it is to achieve its aim. In brief, an invitation to
make love can be crude insolence or lofty art, depending on
whether or not its wording fits the rules of the game. That which
is, or was, a scandalous dissonance on the downbeat, is viewed as
subtle and correct art when it occurs on the upbeat
due exception
being made for dissonances on the downbeat in syncopation, and
Bostonians, or of
scious of sibling rivalry
in related devices. Moreover, these exceptions are highly signifi-
cant for an understanding of one's adherence to formal rules as a
means
of ahbiing the content of one's utterance: Theories of art

always hobble behind practice, painfully thinking up new and
below.
The
specific nature of this
communication
will be discussed further

Art and Mythology:
203
A General Theory
devious ways of justifying unusual, but effective and meaningful,
modes
of
communication
witness
some
truly singular theoretical
"explanations" of revolutionary musical practices.
One
is
forcibly
reminded here of the perhaps apocryphal story that the French

Academy hastened to give its seal of approval to the Empress
Josephine's solecism, who once said Vharricot instead of le harricot.
It is
clear, then, that style
plays the role of an
alibi.
the hallmark of
The
bribes the superego just as
humor
bribes
it
in wit (Freud, 1905).
However, society lays down definite rules as

ceived as artistic, exactly as
considered funny.
It
it
artistic quality
aesthetical value of the experience
lays
down
to
what may be perwhat may be

tolerability of an
rules for
also appraises the social
utterance in terms of the intensity of the artistic-aesthetic quality

of the product
exactly
as a
modern lady may say
that she
is
naughty story if it is really funny. Crosscultural differences in ways of alibiing improper utterances by
means of art or humor explain why one sometimes fails to see that
an alien artistic product is art, or that a foreign joke is funny. In
fact, as regards the cross-cultural understanding of humor, we are
no better off today than we were some thirty-five years ago, when
Kroeber (1925) first pointed out this gap in our information.
willing to listen to a
SOCIETY'S STAKE
IN
ART
Every society even the acultural small town of the Middle

West is concerned with art, be it but negatively, as was Plato,
who proposed to banish poets from his Republic. The plain fact is
that art
like the grocery store
exists because it meets a social
need not gratified by other cultural activities. The safety valve
function of art was perceived most clearly perhaps by Cardinal
Mazarin who, on hearing that songs were sung against an unpopular new tax, said in his inimitable Franco-Italian jargon: Us
cantent, Us pagaront ("they sing [and therefore] they will pay").
This epigram both minimizes the effectiveness of art as a means of
social action and maximizes its effectiveness as a harmless safety
valve. It also dispels some of our illusions about governmental
respect for a free press (or art), because,
where the press
is
truly
Art and Aesthetics
204
Primitive Societies
in
it is always quickly made unfree. The American press

and the American artist are free only because they have either
muzzled themselves or else have nothing upsetting to say.
influential,
In addition to viewing art as a harmless safety valve, society
and the
artist alike
consider the artistic utterance as unrepudiable
A Sedang-Moi girl
who, together with others, took advantage of my daily walks, to
gather forest produce under the protection of my gun, once improvised a little song to tell me that they were tired and wished to go
home. Asked why she did not tell me this in ordinary language, she
replied that to do so would have been rude. Apparently, by expressing her wish in the form of a song, she left me free to decide
whether to hear it only as a bit of vocal music, or to take cogin regard to form, but repudiable as to content.
nizance also of its conceptual content. A talented young friend of

mine uncertain as to how his communication would be received
were
made
it
in prose
first
declared his love to the
girl
of his
choice in a rather good poem, whose content he could always
repudiate by saying:
"It is just
poem;
it is
not a declaration of
extreme of repudiability, a neurotic young boy

only "Donald Duck language" (squawk speech), until
love." At the other
spoke
granted permission to voice his hatreds (to squawk) in plain language whereupon he became quite fluently abusive in perfectly
normal English. In his case there was a naked communication of

affect which was, however, not clothed in ordinary speech capable
of conveying the conceptual equivalent of his
anger (curses)
(Devereux, 1956a).
In brief, art can function as a social safety valve precisely
because, like wit,
it is
compromise and
is,
moreover, repudiable
and content. It permits the artist to say and the

consumer to hear (or to see) the forbidden, provided only that:
1 ) The utterance is formulated in a manner which a given
as to intent
society chooses to call "art,"
2) The actual content of the utterance

subordinate to its form, and
3)
The utterance
is
understood
to
is officially
defined as
be repudiable.
"Let us roll in the hay" differs from:
"Oh come with me and
my love"
only in that the second of these statements, by submitting to the conventions of Victorian art, provides itself with a
be
social alibi.
The utterance
is
thereby turned from an idiosyncratic
Art and Mythology:
205
into a conventional,
General Theory
from a nonrepudiable into a repudiable, from
a straightforward into an ambiguous, from a private into a public,
and from a personal into an impersonal statement. 4

This statement can be further clarified by contrasting private
acts with ritual ones. The announcement: "Miss Jones and I plan
to sleep together" is scandalous because it is an improperly publicized private utterance. The announcement: "I take thee to be my
wedded wife," followed by "and the twain shall become one flesh,"
is sacred, because it is ritualized (= stylized), and de-individualized. The term "de-individualized" is of prime importance in this
context. Miss Jones, invited to participate in a "roll in the hay,"
perceives the pointedly personal nature of the invitation, as does
By contrast, "Oh come with me and be my love" has

and validity any and every girl may respond to it
with affect ... as millions of girls have responded to "I take thee
to be my lawful, wedded wife," which has echoed down the corridors of history as an impersonal, collective, ritual utterance. The
everyone
else.
a broader scope
point
seek to
make
that practically all rites are conventional-
is
ized acts of sacrilege. This
is
that the only real (ritualized)
who
being
marital
cousins
should
cohabitation
strikingly
demonstrated by the fact

is that of persons
Mohave wedding
not marry at
unequivocally
all,
since their extra-
defined
as incestuous
(Devereux, i960). These data suggest that art is socially explosive
because it presumes to deal privately with matters so sacred ( = dangerous) that they are usually handled only by the group as a
is
whole, ritually or legally. This, in turn, explains
on socializing and on regulating

Comstock Act, etc.).
Art is even closely related
polite
ways
she
tive legs of the
of art
may
works
is
is
Wake would
prescribes
but she did utter the term
determined by the doubt as

is its
explain
offensive content or
why
to
its
whether
its
acceptable
the substantive content of tech-
The melodies
and impoverished and the plot of
often so timorous and insipid:
of Stravinsky are often appallingly static
Finnegan's
it
provides ways for ex-
concealed the improperly sugges-
little skirts
and/or objective
nically revolutionary
it
The Victorian lady would never have
piano under
form. This, by the way,
society insists
to etiquette, in that
may even have
The ambiguousness
center of gravity
why
(Index librorum prohibitorum,
for saying impolite things;
pressing the inexpressible.

said "legs"
art
disgrace Elynor Glyn.
Art and Aesthetics
206
in
Primitive Societies
"limbs" (=legs) quite "brazenly."

tainly taboo for her
but the
The word
"trousers"
was
cer-
acceptable term "inexpressibles" did
means for expressing the inexpressible.

means whereby art comes into being is, thus,
grammar and rhetoric of circumlocutions and
provide her with a proper

Style
as
the
best seen as a
never more so than in the crudest "earthy" works, in which an

innocent "spade" is circuitously referred to as a "bloody shovel."
ART AND TABOOS

Having demonstrated that art provides a safety valve for the
expression of that which is tabooed, we must next seek to define
the tabooed subjects that find expression in art. These subjects
belong to three main layers
1) The generally human taboos: Incest, in-group murder,
etc.
2) The culture specific taboos: Sex in puritanical society,

Mohave society, cowardice in Plains Indian so-
avariciousness in
ciety, etc.
3) The idiosyncratically (neurotically) tabooed: Repressed

wishes, etc. It is hardly necessary to add that the nature of
idiosyncratically tabooed wishes depends to
also
upon
an appreciable extent
the dictates of the individual's cultural milieu (Devereux,
1956b).
Each and every one of these taboos must, to a certain extent,

expression in a work of art. Where the idiosyncratically
tabooed factor is minimal, the work of art lacks flavor and indi-
find
viduality. 5
Where
the culturally tabooed substance
wine has no "body."
is
minimal, the
it is not
metacultural but simply rootless. By observing no particular code
5 It is
ing
It
is
timeless but also lifeless;
conceivable that difficulties in attributing an early Italian paint-
to artist A,
the
may
anonymous
craft art
may be
who had
minimal
emerge from
of the medieval Church craftsman. However, it
rather than to artist B,
subjective involvement of these artists,
partly due to the
just
begun
to
our lack of subjective empathy with the individwhich "all Chinamen look alike to us." This, in turn, suggests that the study of depth
psychology is an indispensable part of the art historian's equipment (Kris,
also be
due in part
to
uality of the artists of that remote period, in the sense in
1952), as
is
the study of culture
and personality.
207
Art
of plausibility,
it
has no plausibility
at
all.
Where
the universally
human
tabooed material is infinitesimal, the work of art

"arty-crafty." It is wine without alcoholic content.
In brief, one unmistakable hallmark of
whose
validity
barriers
all
is
great art
simply
of
art
and appeal transcend time, space, and cultural
is that,
in real masterpieces, these three sets of tabooed
materials are perfectly expressed, by
means
of a
complex and
balanced interlocking of all three of these elements. Such art has

transcultural and diachronic validity. It appeals powerfully to
Philadelphian,
Roman,
Parisian, Chinese,
and Hottentot
alike
though without doubt Aeschylus meant something else to the

ancient Athenian than to the modern New Yorker, and what it did
mean to the Athenian is probably lost without retrieve. Thus, the
Sedang Moi, who love music, rapidly came to prefer Mozart's C
major "Dissonant" Quartet (K. 465) to 1933 jazz songs, even
though they were at first fascinated by the human voice emerging
from a talking machine, simply because Mozart was more "basic"
and more universally human than were the 1933 equivalents of
"Purple People Eater."
There are, of course, appreciable barriers to cross-cultural

communication, comparable to the barriers that prevent
even a highly acculturated honorary Mohave like myself from
understanding just what is so funny about the Mohave way of
artistic
am going to wash the hips

The sense of alienness in the face of the artistic
other people, and even of a past period, can have four
referring to a visit to one's in-laws as "I

of
my
relatives."
products of
major sources
1 ) The alienness of the latent subject matter, which is determined by the consumer's nonrepression of that which the artist's
culture (or neurosis) does repress. Thus, the sexually uninhibited
Mohave found the plots of Tristan and of Romeo and Juliet

and even disgusting. They simply could not see why
there was so much fuss about these lovers being united, in or out of
ridiculous
wedlock. In other cases the sense of alienness
is
due
to the ex-
cessive specificity of the artist's private taboo system. This extreme

specificity also explains
why
the utterances of neurotic
are so perishable, are so easily "dated,"
appeal.
and have
minor poets
an
so limited
208
Art and Aesthetics
in
Primitive Societies
2) The alienness of plausibility conventions (see above).

3) The alienness of artistic conventions. In such cases the
nonresponsiveness of the consumer betokens extreme cultural
Thus, according to Rhodokanakes (1948), when Rabindranath Tagore visited Athens, he gave the Parthenon a passing
glance and then ignored it, apparently because the artistic convention incarnated in that temple was not perceived by him as "artistic," perhaps because Indian art is florid rather than lean, and
multiplies detail instead of emphasizing structure. 6 In exactly the
same sense, the Western visitor seldom senses the "exquisite
courtesy" of the act of greeting a friend in parts of West Africa by
spitting into his hand, nor is he properly moved when a Bantu
rigidity.
affectionately calls
him "my
ox."
4) As we saw, techniques are conventionalized means for

producing items susceptible of being recognized as art by society
and by culture. An adequate technique permits one to express that
which one would have
to repress, if
lence. In this sense, then, technique
one lacked technical excel-
(=
artistry) is legal tender
on the personal level, and for bribing the

guardians of society's morals, on the cultural level. However, since
this "legal tender" varies from society to society, the occidental
for bribing the superego,
mind
usually refuses to be bribed with Indian artistic rupees,
some Hindu religious sculptures only as obscene repreunredeemed by any trace of artistic quality, in
the occidental sense of that term. Hence Westerners react only to
the tabooed utterance itself. 7 The same happens also when the
perceives
sentations of coitus,
6 Of course, had Tagore visited Athens in classical times, when the

Parthenon was not yet a skeleton of lean beauty, but was painted and loaded
down with ornaments as gaudy as those of an Italian village church, he
might have responded differently. It is well to recall that the lean beauty
of classical Greek art, as we see it today, required the cooperation of time,
which peeled off the paint, and the aesthetic dedication of pillaging Roman
legionaries,
who
mercifully stole
the chryselephantine
gingerbread.
What
Greek statues really looked like in the heydays of Greece, is shown by a marble miniature reproduction of a statue of Athena; the headgear worn by this
surviving miniature beggars description and outdoes in garishness anything
that ever adorned even Carmen Miranda's locks.
7 In the same sense, a person is said to have a peculiar sense of humor,
not appreciated by others, if his "private currency" for bribing his superego
with "wit" is not accepted as "wit" by the superego of his listener. In such
cases, his
check "bounces."
209
Art and Mythology:
A General Theory
conservative consumer of art
whose new
technique
artistic
is
is
faced with a hypermodern work,

not accepted by his superego as a
bribe offered in legal tender. This explains the anger
and disgust
wherewith modern works are usually rejected by the
artist's
con-
temporaries.
Dynamically speaking, the anthropologist studying art functions as a genuine student of culture and personality when he
investigates
1)
The types
of tabooed materials that society views as the
"proper" subject matter of art

e.g.,
why
the
Mohave have
and thereby comes to understand,

practically
much and much
we, alas, have too
no love poetry, while

bad poetry of that
too
sort.
2) The rules of the game for expressing tabooed impulses

which enable one to be crude and yet be rated as a
the subterfuges
poet.
3) The technical
order to
skills
needed for complying with the rules
game The amount of musical training one needs in

allow oneself to become publicly flatulent by writing a
of the artistic
passage of brass instruments, and espeof plastic skill needed to enable one to
erect a symbolic phallus in public and to persuade the people to
brilliantly scored staccato

cially the tuba.
The amount
it an obelisk, or to paint a nude and have her accepted as

Golden Aphrodite and not as a barroom nude.
4) Changes in the content of the ethnic unconscious
(Devereux, 1956b) and in the rules for turning the forbidden into
call
art.
This
manner
of investigating art
is
clearly cultural in scope
and yet provides massive information about the psychological

climate of the culture: about its nuclear areas of conflict and
typical defenses.
THE UGLY
Mathematicians, since the time of Abel (Bell, 1937), are
familiar with the technique of "inverting the problem" that is
refractory to ordinary approaches:
point of departure that
It
consists in taking as one's
which one actually seeks
working back from that point
to
to
the premises.
prove and then
comparable
Art and Aesthetics
210
in
Primitive Societies
approach can be effectively used also in scrutinizing the problem

of beauty in terms of ugliness.
It is
generally felt that artistic technique transmutes truth
into beauty, or adds the quality of beauty to that
which has the
quality of felt (inner) or objective (outer) truth. Unfortunately,
no one appears
the
to
ask
why
truth should have to be beautified, or
The only reasonable answer
gilded.
lily
to this question is that
only painful or upsetting truth needs to be "varnished." This
means
that the beauty of an utterance
is,
in itself,
prima facie
evidence of the upsetting quality of the substance of that utterance.

An illuminating sidelight is shed on this problem by Freud's
hypothesis that man's original olfactory interest in the genitalia
was gradually replaced by a repression of this interest in its original form and the displacement of that interest (in terms of
beauty) to the rest of the body. Freud saw this repression and
displacement as a consequence of man's assumption of an erect
I feel that the erect posture could not have come
into being without a previous repression of the humanoid's compelposture. However,
ling olfactory interest in the genitalia.
Be that as
it
may, Maslow
(1939, 1940), in demonstrating that the capacity to perceive the

genitalia as beautiful is highly correlated with sexual dominance,
indirectly highlighted also the fact that
most people cannot
per-
ceive the genitalia as beautiful.
The problem
of ugliness in art
An
item professing to be
in two highly distinct senses
tance.
The substance
1 )
art,
is therefore of prime imporcan be apprehended as "ugly"
of the utterance itself
may
be too
little
disguised for the taste of the times, as in the so-called ashcan
school of painting, and the

public
like.
In such instances, even though the
makes a predominantly
ethical or "moral" judgment, the
product
itself is rejected as art.
given work
is
what meager scraps of

be "ugly"
Thus, the courts often rule that a

its scandalous nakedness with
too obscene to cover
not
artistry
it
does contain. The work
is
said to
art.
2) The means whereby the artist seeks to smuggle his utterance past the inner and also past the social censor, the manner
in which he is "art-ing," may be at variance with social and
superego standards, which test the artist's "artistic" alibi as care-
Art and Mythology:
211
A General Theory
At work with a deviant alibi is said to

bad art, even where the substantive utterance itself
is insipid enough, as it is in many of Stravinsky's later works.
These two meanings of the term "ugly" radically differ from
each other and pointedly highlight the focus of the entire problem
of beauty in art. On the whole, a work is accepted as (primarily)
fully as that of the criminal.
be "ugly," to
artistic if it satisfies the

1 )
The
artist first
ing his audience; this
following criteria:
experiences a
mood
is
mood capable
of contaminat-
the conscious repercussion of
an
unconscious wish or impulse also present in others and must be

accompanied by unconscious fantasies (visual, auditory, etc.)
which, while at variance with those of his audience ("originality"),
are susceptible of being retranslated by the audience into private
images and moods referable to the same specific wish (communi-
He
cability).
allows these images or fantasies to erupt into his
conscious (Kris, 1952) and then reorganizes them by means of a

technique of art acceptable to the superego as a bribe, tendered in
legal currency.
is
such that
intensity;
it
is
still
able to
otherwise stated,
it
and now "artistic" utterance

communicate a mood in all its
Moreover, the final
still
"contaminates" the audience
mood. Hence, figuratively speaking, the poet

must not strive to be a logician; he must seek to give the impression that he is a musician. He achieves this goal by using seemingly conceptual communication as a means for achieving genuine
with the
artist's initial
affective contamination.
2) The consumer is able to empathize with the artist's mood;

unconscious wishes and impulses resemble those of the artist.
Moreover, he is able to bribe his own superego with the artistic
currency placed at his disposal by the artist himself, and yet is able
his
formal conceptual communication (imagery, or

"wisdom") of the work into its unconscious referents: A mood and
the unconscious wish or impulse underlying that mood. This is
genuine "brainwashing," of the Spence, Klein, and Smith (1959)
to retranslate the
type.
The
artist's creative process unfolds in the following characsequence: Conscious mood, reflecting the mobilization of
an unconscious wish, and also of unconscious fantasies pertaining
teristic
to that
wish. Eruption of the unconscious fantasies into the con-
Art and Aesthetics
212
scious in the
in
Primitive Societies
form of imagery, melody,
"ideas,"
and
so forth (Kris,
1952). Reworking of this intruding material by means of an

artistic technique, which the artist's superego is willing to accept
as a bribe, but
which not only does not destroy the material's
mood in the audience, but even

by making it ego syntonic, and does not distort or
"purify" the imagery to the point where it can no longer be retranslated by the audience into the basic wish to which it pertains.
Kubie's (1958) researches suggest that this blending of unconscious substance with conscious technique takes place in the
capacity to induce a comparable
heightens
it
preconscious.
extremely important to realize

as Kris (1952) pointed
the wishes in question are always pregenital and never
genital ones. Now, it is a basic characteristic of pregenital wishes
It is
out
that
that they involve only a
minimum
of object libido,
seldom have truly interpersonal dimensions.

essence of
artistic creativity that
basically autistic wishes in such a
directed
and endowed with the
it
if
any, and
appears to be the
manages to sublimate these
manner
It
that they
become
object
object-libidinal qualities of genital
my
mind, the very essence of

with the more
and more often voiced view (Menninger, 1942, etc.) that only
pregenital impulses are capable of being sublimated, while genitality is not, since it is, in itself, a completely mature and reality
adequate psychological position. 8
Returning to the problem of the art "consumer," his task
wishes. This process represents, to
sublimation. Novel as this view
is, it
fully dovetails
consists in
1 ) Learning to bribe his superego with the artistic currency
placed at his disposal (music and art appreciation courses); and
2) Referring back the artist's "distortion" of the underlying

unconscious wish to a similar wish in his (the consumer's) unconscious. In a way, the consumer must learn to wn-distort the artist's
distortion of that wish; his astigmatism must, so to speak, compensate for that of the artist. Needless to say, no consumer's
8
affect,
In terms of this scheme, cheaply sentimental "art" (?) peddles mere

detached from any kind of basic utterance, which is totally lacking
The genuine utterance

and derivative pseudo-utterance.
in such works.
is
destroyed and replaced by a phony
213
Art and Mythology:
A General Theory
personal astigmatism exactly compensates for that of the "distort-
which explains why an artistic item means different

and also why it means different
the same consumer at different times, even though he
ing" artist,
things to different consumers
things to
perceives the artist's distortion as aesthetically satisfying at

times. This, as
see
it, is
the psychoanalytic
meaning
all
of Copland's
(!939) cogent remark, that a great work of art is inexhaustible,

and means something different every time one hears it. We may
well add that this inexhaustibility also implies that, in great art,
the underlying wish is a very basic and intense one.
A concrete example may help us to pin down this idea more
definitely. It is well known that the genuine "statue" of a Greek
deity was not the artistic marble displayed in the public portion of
the temple; it was the crude and inartistic hewn log, kept in a
sacred and reserved precinct. We might almost say that, in classical Greece, the aesthetic statue
secret log statue,
and comparable
was
to
a public statement about a
an allusion
to esoteric matters
poem. In the public statue beauty replaced sacredness as

alibi and connotation. This, in turn, implies that there can be no
bona fide art that is not separated from esoteric utterances; from
religion and from profanity alike. It was nonidolatry that permitted
occidental church statuary to achieve the status of art; where there
in a lay
is
idolatry, the evolution of religious statuary into art inevitably
marks the decline of religion and

gious relevance and content.
also the loss of the statue's reli-
SIGNALING METHODS
It is seldom recognized that the artist habitually uses certain
formal devices for signaling that his product is "art," which carries
the "imprimatur" of the superego. A very simple example of this is
the traditional
England, "Cric
way
of beginning a tale: "Once
crac" in Haiti, and the
start like a jazz tune.
upon
lyrical description of a landscape. In other instances,

brilliantly
foreshortened figures, in five-part fugues,
virtuosity is
alas,
very
used as a signal that "This
common
a time" in
A symphony
does not
pornographic novel does not open with the
like.
is art; I
device of signaling that "This
am
is
such as in
etc.,
technical
art-ing."
An,
serious art," is
Art and Aesthetics
214
simply
to
in
Primitive Societies
be dull, just as the device of countless footnotes and

"This
references and an even greater dullness often seek to signal
Such signaling devices are often used even where

the actual content is quite trivial and are resorted to
interestingly
enough also in many so-called revolutionary works. As regards
the latter, a moment of thought will show that so-called musique
concrete is, in many ways, an urbanized bastard descendant of the
bird call passages in Beethoven's Pastoral Symphony and of many
lesser works of a similarly imitative nature. In fact, even a certain
type of ugliness
of content or of execution
can be used at
is
scholarship."
various points in the history of culture as a token of "artistry."
good example of this are contrapuntal monstrosities for twentywhich are not only
four voices
or so the composer tells us
devoid of beauty, but cannot even be perceived by the ear (as
distinct from the eye) as having even half a dozen voices, let alone
incomprehensibly claims such works as its
twenty-four. Yet art
own, but barely grants second-class citizenship to certain genuinely remarkable jazz compositions, because the latter distort the
basic (erotic-aggressive) utterance either inadequately, or else by
technically and stylistically unconventional means, which are inacceptable to the "square" superego as a "bribe."
THE MEDIUM
Art is communication that works directly through the medium
of the senses. However, it is noteworthy that, even though fine
cooking and perfumery are sometimes referred to as "arts," in
essence all real art involves only sound and sight, or is like the
dance in some manner subordinated to, or correlated with, sound
or sight. Poetry speaks to us through images and through "music";
dance always associates itself with music and makes it appeal to
the eye, being a plastic art in motion.
It is
become a medium
(phylogenetically and ontogenetically)
of the senses can
my
thesis that a sphere
for art only if
so
it
is
not
archaic and organis-
mally so "basic" as to obstruct the path of sublimation. This

why pure bodily sensations be they kinesthetic, coenes-
explains
thetic, or tactile
are not
media
as well as the olfactory and gustatory sensations,

suitable for the sublimated expression
and com-
215
Art
munication of basic impulses. Moreover,
all
of these sense spheres
Of the remaining two senses,
are mobilized
hearing and seeing, hearing can also be stimulated already in
utero, but is both phylogenetically and ontogenetic ally less archaic
than are all other senses, sight always excepted. Apparently hear-
already in
ing
is
activated just late
utero.
enough and
is
just distinct
enough from
the most archaic and basic senses to permit a degree of sublima-
By
tion.
more archaic sense organs
contrast, the sensations of the
are so intense that they are best coped with by repression, rather
than by sublimation. At the same time, hearing is close enough to

archaic intrauterine experiences to possess an affect mobilizing
power which exceeds that of the only other sublimable sensesphere. This may explain why no art has had to impose upon itself
a technical straight jacket comparable in intensity, complexity,
and plain obsessive irrationality to that of music. 9 Sight, being
is, of all senses, the one most closely
(Devereux, 1949). It is therefore less
hallucinatorily evocative than is hearing. This explains, in turn,
why the rules of painting are less rigid than those of counterpoint.
This is a good time for a minor aside, to justify my having
called music the art par excellence, apart from the fact that
hearing is already stimulated in utero. In no other art is creativeness hedged about by so many "rules" bordering on obsessive ritual
and having no aesthetic validity whatsoever. There is hardly a
student of counterpoint who did not hear his teacher say "Beautiful
musical but against the rules." In no other art do truly great
mobilized only after birth

related to reality testing
creative artists, as distinct
from hacks, write technical exercises
for the executant (Liszt's Etudes), or displays of purely contra-
puntal virtuosity (Bach's Kunst der Fuge), or ukases sanctioning

the use of a particular tool (Bach's Well-Tempered Clavichord)
and manage
to
persuade the multitude
to accept
it
as "art."
hold
music rituals (theory) the elaborateness of the conditions under which a musical utterance is accepted
as art
is prima facie evidence that music utters most directly the
that the obsessiveness of
9 The fantastic rigors of early

mnemonic function reflect attempts
and
autistic potentialities of language.
linguistic-poetic straight jacket
may apart from their

curb the magico-evocative, irrational,
poetical rules
to
The
may have
from this
from the increasing use of
liberation of the poet
resulted
language for the communication of rational information.
Art and Aesthetics
216
in
Primitive Societies
most basic of forbidden impulses. Hence, in no other art is the

between utterance and means of utterance so constantly in
conflict
the fore of artistic preoccupations.
THE CONTRACT BETWEEN ARTIST AND CONSUMER

Turning from the psychological problem of art in culture to
the relationship between producer and consumer, several basic
points
must be discussed.
We
can best distinguish between
artist
and consumer by
recognizing the existence of a binding contract between the two.
Both parties agree that the
artist shall
be permitted to
make an
objectionable public confession, provided that his confession has a

built-in
escape clause, 10 implying the repudiability of the basic
utterance. Only
consumer
and
if
there
is
such a
built-in repudiability,
the executant artist as well
accept
can the
the creative
artist's utterance and make it, in a way, his own, without guilt over
being an accessory to a crime. The situation is strictly comparable
to the "conspiracy" between "virtue" and "vice," which permits the
sale of certain
pharmaceutical items with the "understanding" that
they are sold, purchased, and used "for the prevention of disease
only."
is
An
extraordinary example of such a "built-in escape clause"
the intentionally vague mystico-religious
(=
erotic) correspon-
dence between Julian Sorel and the Marechale de Fervacques, in

Stendhal's book, The Red and the Black. In some instances the
consumer can even turn the tables on the artist and exploit to the
utmost the "escape clause" provided by the artist himself: The
previously mentioned young poet, who declared his love in fine
verses, was shocked when, on pressing for tangible tokens of his
Beloved's affection, the latter
way
may
a cynical scalp hunter replied

with wide-eyed "innocence": "But I thought these were simply
lyrical poems!" In other instances repudiability is achieved by
hiring poets to write letters and poems to one's Beloved, as did the
aging Henri IV of France, when, while courting his niece-bymarriage, the Princesse de Conde, he asked his court poet to throw
the mantle of romance over his senile infatuation. Still another
of exploiting repudiability
10
Compare
consist in
the Oriental preamble: "Majesty,
may
humming
I
love lyrics
speak and live?"
Art and Mythology:
217
into the ear of one's
A General Theory
dancing partner. This technique of approach
leaves the partner free to accept the

as a purely "artistic" activity,
point of equal importance
rial into
humming
of the "official text"
and not as a proposal.

is
the intrusion of artistic mate-
which has been noted by Freud (1913)
the unconscious,
and, later on, by Lorand (1935, 1937), both of whom studied the
appearance of fairy tale material in dreams. Fairy tales do, of
express
course,
tabooed impulses, identical with those of the

real problem is, however, that this material
dreamer himself. The
appears in dream in a borrowed (culturalized) guise and not in a

purely subjective wording.
day residues
artistic
of
hold that the appearance in dream of

something read the night
fairy tales, of
I but my culture
has such wishes" 11 is combined
with "Well, I may have such wishes, but they are at least culturesyntonic and artistic" (Devereux, 1956b, 1957). It is, thus, a
particularly ego-syntonic type of dream work to use prestylized,
and artistically culturized material in dream, as a means for the
construction of the manifest dream content. As stated elsewhere
(Devereux, 1956b), from the consumer's point of view, folklore,
before
a kind of intrapsychic alibiing. "Not
is
(as represented by
its
artists)
art, and the like provide "cold storage" for those of the noncreative
man's impulses that he cannot quite handle by means of subjective
defenses. Whenever he responds to this material, and even incorporates it into his dreams, the consumer achieves two ends:
1 ) He can pretend that the impulse itself is a borrowed, ego-
alien one, in the very precise sense in

tionistic
which a
bureaucrat will "sincerely" say:
sadistically obstruc-
"I'd like to
help you, but
paragraph 2, forbids me to do so," and

2 ) He can "borrow" the impulse complete with the sanctioned
(artistic) defenses against (or compromises with) it that society
Article 27,
itself
officially
recognizes as adequate, presentable, and house-
the maneuver of a half-breed Indian

(Devereux, 1956b), who managed to voice his private oedipal
hatred of his father quite openly, by couching it in terms which
were "respectable" in at least parts of American culture: "A lousy
broken.
11
The
public's
piece.
This
parallels
titillating
need
spuriousness of this pretense
to "hiss the villian,"
though the actor
is
is
revealed by the naive

clearly only a
mouth-
Art and Aesthetics
218
in
Primitive Societies
Indian (= father) has no business to cohabit with a pure white

woman (= mother)."
The
thrill of
consumer
the
to
eroticism,
when entranced by
statue,
first
be vicarious.
is
When
imagined
vicarious, or,
listening to a
more
is
my
not
is
alibi:
"In the
doing, but that of Baudelaire or Rodin,
and, in the second place, mine

experience." This alibi
of intense
the sensuous loveliness of a Rodin
he can forever bribe his superego with the
place, this
precisely, is
poem
is
an
artistic,
and not a lecherous,
akin to that of the sex-obsessed
members
of anti-obscenity societies, except that the second part of their alibi

is:
"This
is
the condemnation of lechery
and not
its
enjoyment."
THE GREATNESS OF ART

The last problem to be discussed is the one which psychoanalysis has not yet solved and which caused Freud to declare that
genius is not explicable. I believe that Freud threw in the towel
prematurely, since
cultural
it
is self
and an intrapsychic
of a musical person
who
evident that there

distinction
is,
indeed, both a
between the experiences
listens to Berlioz'
Romeo and
Juliet love
scene and those of a member of an Orwellian "Junior Anti-Sex

League." This difference is not only explicable, specifiable, and
meaningful, but
The
is
also pertinent to the understanding of genius.
basic issue
is
the crucial distinction between the artist's
perception of his utterance as subject matter and of his utterance

as "artistic." We already saw that even his "improper" subject
matter is closely related to his culture, in that culture determines
what, beside universally taboo items, is to be repressed. It would be
hard to imagine a contemporary U.S. poet achieving fame by
singing the praises of property, though near-artistic defenses of
property were common enough when the rising middle classes
struggled to displace the feudal lords as the prime economic force
of society. Horatio Alger is today a topic of art only for literary
Piltdown Men as phony as the "original" one. The great artist
achieves a complex and organic blending among the three layers of
the universally human repressed impulses, the
his subject matter
culturally
(and historically) repressed ones, and the privately
(idiosyncratic ally,
neurotically)
repressed
ones.
This
blending
Art and Mythology:
219
may
A General Theory
be massive and monolithic as in Aeschylus, or
it
ably preconscious (Kubie, 1958)
may
be
there must be and flaws in this
presum-
subtly contrapuntal as in Shakespeare. But a blending
blend are flaws in the latent subject matter.
The
artist's
perception of the rules of this
game and
his alibi
maneuvers, which turn his "obscenity," "rebellion," or "blasphemy"

into art, are also significant. In the case of
some
artists,
there
is
so
wholesale an acceptance of the rules that their manipulation
becomes an end
Both genius and cobbler can take this

Fugue and Kaikhosru Sorabji's even
more recondite contrapuntal obsessions. There can also be a
wholesale rejection of one type of rule, and its replacement with
another set of equally binding rules. Schoenberg got rid of one set
of rules, only to invent a perhaps even more obsessive set of
in itself.
road, witness Bach's Art of the
rituals, the twelve-tone
very
much
like
the
system. Innovators of technique alone are
famous
"rebel without
a cause"
(Lindner,
works not by means of a logicointernal continuity, as did Shakespeare or Berlioz, but by
1944), in that they unify their

affective
external technical devices.
Hence, apart from the problem of having to interlock three

tabooed wishes, the artist must also possess supreme skill
in "skating on thin ice." Indeed, the better the skater, the thinner
can be the ice (of rules of art) on which he can skate. In other
words, the better an artist masters his craft, the nearer he is able
to come to expressing, without loss of affect, the tabooed. Moreover, by covering it with the thinnest
and most exquisitely
wrought veneer of artistic convention, which suffices to make his
utterance both culture- and ego-syntonic, he often actually
heightens the intensity of its experienced affect. But veneer there
must be, differentiating the love scene in Berlioz' Romeo and Juliet
from a rutting bull elephant's "musht" endocrine actuated
sets of
trumpeting.
The
artist
is,
thus, constantly confronted with the choice
between
1)
Skating on ice so thin that
it
will
forbidden utterance to erupt from behind the

tic")
break and cause the

stylistic alibi;
and
2) Freezing his real utterance over with a crust of ("artisice so thick as to cause the elemental utterance, and the
Art and Aesthetics
220
affect pertaining to
in
to
it,
Primitive Societies
be lost
thereby turning the boiling
lake into a refrigerated indoor rink, where figure skating
making on
the ice
becomes the real goal.
pattern
Here, too, there are major cultural and historical differences

to
be noted. There
"romantic"
art,
is,
at
one end, the volcanic eruptiveness of
and, at the other end, the icy technical virtuosity of
"neoclassical" watchmakers. Personally,

of great art the lake
is
feel that in the greatest
truly boiling, but erupts in a beautifully
patterned column,
or, if the lake is frozen over with technique, the

paper thin, of exquisite purity and incised with magnificent
figure-skating patterns. Whether the experience of beauty is the
product of a controlled eruption of a boiling lake foaming up like
the waterspouts of Versailles, or of a creative control: of the incising of patterns on paper thin ice, the basic artistic experience is
the same. There is a sense of the imminent closeness of danger,
ice is
the feeling that at any
moment
the controls
may
lapse and the love
song turn into a rutting bull elephant's elemental and quite unartistic
proboscidian fanfare. In this frame of reference, the ex-
perience of beauty
is
tual danger controlled
a product of the sense of
down
(1942) wisely said, the problem of beauty

than to understand it.
Two major
imminent instincAs Hanns Sachs
to the finest hairline.

is to
endure
it,
rather
aspects of art are relevant in this context
and cohesive. This, of course, is a

and empirical statement and not an explicatory one.
Nonetheless, it must be borne in mind that
1 ) Art is a sublimation and not an ordinary defense. As such,
it has three major characteristics: a) It is, unlike other defenses,
strengthened and not weakened by psychoanalysis (Jokl, 1950).
b) It liberates energies and is not, like the defenses, parasitical on
them, c) It is primarily in the service of the ego and not of the
I.
Art
is
socially creative
descriptive
instincts (as in lechery or blind hate) or of the superego (as in a
self-appointed guardianship of public virtue).
2) The impulses and wishes perpetuated by art are the same

as those that actuate the normal, the neurotic, the compulsive
rebel,
and the inhibited Puritan. However, these impulses are
neither distorted, not negated, nor are they permitted to erupt in

the
form of a
brute, almost subcortical discharge.
They
are disci-
Art and Mythology:
221
A General Theory
plined without being negated.
They
are not dissipated, but are
discharged in such a manner that there occurs a kind of "feedback" that automatically increases: a) The ability to mobilize and
to discharge affect; and b) The technical proficiency of achieving
a disciplined discharge.
These
latter
two findings
are, in general, characteristic of all
sublimations, as listed above, and especially
fit
criterion ib. More-
the technique of the discharge implies creative outgoing
over,
communication, receptivity, and object relations three processes

which presuppose, and are uniquely characteristic of, maturity.
Great art is always art directed at an audience; though, in the case
of great innovators, it is often directed at an as yet nonexistent
audience. The socially evolved and provided technique is recognized as of external origin,
and
is
assigned a place in the preconscious
internalized adequately, but without
is
its
ever becoming a
panicky compulsion. The new techniques one originates are, moreover, intended to have transpersonal validity. 12
This observation explains also the constant evolution of art
and, moreover, does so in terms which presuppose the
already discussed, that
all
great art
is
inexhaustible.
thesis
one of the
It is
be it a Mozart quartet which

happen to hear today for the fiftieth time, or a Bartok quartet
whose beauty is, because of its novelty, only partly accessible to
me on first listening to it that it gives one simultaneously an
uncanny sense of deja entendu or deja vu and a complete and
basic characteristics of all great art
I
startling sense of
something utterly new.
It is
increasingly recog-
all major
themes are eternal. This is but another way of saying that the
number of wishes important and intense enough to require or
deserve artistic "distortion" is limited. Each such wish is a perpetual challenge, which each period meets to its own partial
satisfaction, and yet in a manner that leaves the problem unsolved
for all future generations. Each new twist of plot or melody, each
new artistic manipulation, each restatement of the human figure,
represents, on the one hand, a new attempt to solve an ageless
nized in psychologically sophisticated critical circles that
12
Although
do not happen
to like
evolve his technique in a teachable form,

it.
All this does presuppose object libido.
Schoenberg, I recognize that he did

and with the intention of teaching
Art and Aesthetics
222
in
Primitive Societies
problem and a partial repudiation of previous solutions. At the

time, a new attempt at turning a tabooed wish into art is also
a protest against the kind of boredom that past and hackneyed
solutions induce in us. A further major cause of artistic revolutions
is the fact that, due to culture-historic ally determined changes in
the composition of the unconscious and of the conscious of successive historical periods (Devereux, 1956b), past solutions no
same
new artists and

and therefore fail to provide an adequate defense
against, or compromise with, the unconscious wish. Once the
problem is formulated in this manner, it does not matter in the
least whether the eighteenth-century solution of such emotional
longer
fit
the present psychic constellation of the
their audiences
because of its coldly hedonistic senwhether the Victorian solution strikes us as inadequate
because of the amount of repression it demands from us. All that
matters is that the single true cause of changes in art is the eternal
nature of the eternally ungratified and therefore eternally challengconflicts repelled Victorians
suality, or
ing wishes underlying

II.
Art
it.
demands an
integration of the personality. In the best
on the one hand, a complete interlocking of the

three forms of humanly, culturally, and subjectively tabooed impulses, and on the other hand, a meshing of these "topics" with egosyntonic and highly organized means of expression (ritual or style
of art), without loss of affect, the whole being directed at an
audience, which implies object libido. In this sense, then, art is the
perfect medium for the most highly individualized contribution
man can make to culture, and the cultural element the factor
that proclaims a given product as "art"
is: Style, which presupposes technique. In fact, in one sense at least, style is behaviorally
cases there
is,
the pattern of techniques.
Technique may, thus, be thought of as that which differentifrom dynamic art. Its
real function is revealed by a remark I sometimes make to adolescent analysands wantonly rebelling against not overly obnoxious
ates a brute, elemental but static utterance
social rules
"Your bones admittedly limit the flexibility of the arm. They

way, like constricting rules. But if your arm had no bones
whatsoever, you could not use it at all."
are, in a
223
Art
CONCLUSIONS
In terms of communication theory, art
is
a message in which
the basic information is overlaid by a special kind of (pseudo)
which is actually a kind of metalanguage, conveying

supplementary information ("beauty") and which, like a contrapuntal voice, comments and highlights the cantus firmus of the
"noise,"
basic utterance.
In terms of psychoanalytic theory, art
and broadens the psychic scope of the

disposal the
immense resources
manages
mate
by placing
love
deepens
by placing
at their
of the ego.
In terms of the theory of culture, art
healthy society
like
instincts,
is
the
means whereby
put to a constructive use man's seemingly least socializable impulses, and even to augment their ultiintensity,
to
at their disposal the vast resources of
thereby making them both expressible
culture,
and
culturally
productive.
It
is
therefore probable that, in the long run, the psycho-
analytically oriented
culture
become one of the most
and personality study
effective
means
of
for the study of
art
will
man
in
society.
Bibliography
Barzun, Jacques. Berlioz and the Romantic Century. 2 vols. Boston: AtlanticLittle,
Brown, 1950.
of Mathematics.
New
Men
York: Simon and Schuster, 1937.

For in Music. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1939.
Devereux, George. "Mohave Coyote Tales," Journal of American Folklore, 61
Bell, E. T.
Copland, Aaron.
What
to Listen
(1948), pp. 233-55.

.
"A Note on Nyctophobia and Peripheral
Menninger
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Vision,"
Bulletin of
the
Clinic, 13 (1949), PP- 85-93.
Therapeutic Education.
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York: Harper, 1956a.
"Normal and Abnormal," In Anthropological Society of Washington

(ed. ), Some Uses of Anthropology, Theoretical and Applied. Washington,
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"Mohave Ethnopsychiatry and Suicide," Bureau of American Ethnology Bulletin. No. 175 (i960).
D.C.
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Freud, Anna. The Ego and the Mechanisms of Defense.

national Universities Press, 1946.
New
York: Inter-
Freud, Sigmund. "Wit and Its Relation to the Unconscious," The Basic
Writings of Sigmund Freud. New York: Modern Library, 1938.
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"The Occurrence in Dreams of Material from Fairy Tales." Collected
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Kris,
(1950), pp. 207-19.

Ernst. Psychoanalytic Explorations of Art.
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York:
International
Universities Press, 1952.
Kroeber, A. L. "Introduction." In Parsons, E.
C, American Indian
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York: Viking, 1925.
and
Civilization. Ithaca, N.Y. Cornell University Press, 1957.

Neurotic Distortion of the Creative Process. Lawrence, Kan.
University of Kansas Press, 1958.
La Barre, Weston. The Human Animal. Chicago: University of Chicago Press,
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Style
Kubie, L.
S.
1954-
Lindner, R. M. Rebel Without a Cause. New York: Grune and Stratton, 1944.
Lorand Sandor. "Fairly Tales and Neurosis," Psychoanalytic Quarterly, 4
(1935), PP. 234-43.

"Fairy Tales, Lilliputian Dreams and Neurosis," American Journal of
.
Orthopsychiatry, 7 (1937), pp. 456-64.

Maslow, A. H. "Dominance Feeling, Personality
and Social Behavior in
Women," Journal of Social Psychology, 10 (1939), pp. 3-39.

"A Test for Dominance Feeling ( Self -Esteem ) in Women," Journal
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of Social Psychology, 12 (1940), pp. 255-70.

Menninger, K. A. and J. L. Love Against Hate.
New
York: Harcourt, Brace,
1942.
Rhodokanakes, K. P. (also Rhodochanachi, C. P.). Athens and the Greek

Miracle. London: Routledge, Kegan Paul, 1948.
Roheim, Geza. "Myth and Folk-Tale," American Imago, 2 (1941), pp. 26679-
Sachs, Hanns.
Spence, D.
The Creative Unconscious. Cambridge, Mass: Sci-Art, 1942.

G. S., and Smith, G. J. W. "Subliminal Effect of Verbal
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(1959).
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and Music
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New
York:
Oxford
The Science of the Concrete*

CLAUDE LEVI-STRAUSS
isolates and defines aspects of primitive thought

and makes distinctions between magic and science. He sees art as halfway
between scientific and mythical, or magical, thought. One of its essential
characteristics is miniaturization or simplification by reduction in scale or
properties. The creative process consists of the transformation by the
artist of an event into a structure. A more complete explanation shows that
the event or object represented is but one part of a contingent that affects
the outcome of the work of art. Occasion, execution and materials, and use
are the elements that are integrated into the structure, or work of art, or
model, materials, and user. All forms of art allow all three aspects but in
varying proportions. Primitive art corresponds most closeiy with the second
and third, professional or academic art with the first.
Claude Levi-Strauss is Professor of Social Anthropology and of Comparative Religions of Nonliterate People at the College de France, and is
Director of the Laboratory of Social Anthropology of the College de France
and I'Ecole Pratique. His fields of research are kinship, religion, mythology,
art, and social organization, and he has specialized in the peoples of North
and South America. He is possibly the anthropologist exerting the greatest
influence on the field today primarily through his brilliant publications,
Anthropologie Structurale (1968), La Pensee Sauvage (1962), Structures
Elementaires de la Parente (1967), Totemism (1963), and Tristes Tropiques:
An Anthropological Study of Primitive Societies in Brazil (1964).
Professor Levi-Strauss
Classifying, as opposed to not classifying, has a value of its

own, whatever form the classification may take. As a recent
.
theorist of
taxonomy writes
Scientists do tolerate uncertainty and frustration, because they must. The one thing that they do not and must not
* Excerpted from the chapter "The Science of the Concrete" in The
Savage Mind by Claude Levi-Strauss (Chicago, 1966).
Art and Aesthetics
226
in
tolerate is disorder.
Primitive Societies
The whole aim
of theoretical science
is to
carry to the highest possible and conscious degree the perceptual reduction of chaos that
probability) unconscious a
specific instances
it
began in so lowly and (in
way with
the origin of
life.
all
In
can well be questioned whether the order
is an objective characteristic of the phenomena or

an artifact constructed by the scientist. That question
comes up time after time in animal taxonomy.
Nevertheless, the most basic postulate of science is that nature
itself is orderly. ... All theoretical science is ordering and
so achieved
is
if,
systematics
is
synonymous with
The thought we
This
is
equated with ordering, then systematics
all
founded on
thinker
makes
demand
for order.
it is
to all thought that we

forms of thought which seem very strange
native
this
through the properties

can most easily begin to understand
thought but
common
is
theoretical science (Simpson, p. 5).
call primitive is
equally true of
to us.
the penetrating
sacred things must have their place" (Fletcher
comment
2, p.
34).
that "All
It
could
even be said that being in their place is what makes them sacred
for if they were taken out of their place, even in thought, the entire
order of the universe would be destroyed. Sacred objects therefore
contribute to the maintenance of order in the universe by occupying the places allocated to them. Examined superficially and from
the outside, the refinements of ritual can appear pointless. They
are explicable by a concern for what one might call "microadjustment" the concern to assign every single creature, object, or
feature to a place within a class. The ceremony of the Hako among
the Pawnee is particularly illuminating in this respect, although
it has been so well analyzed. The invocation that

accompanies the crossing of a stream of water is divided into
several parts, which correspond, respectively, to the moment when
only because
the travelers put their feet in water, the
them, and the

feet.
moment when
moment when
they
move
the water completely covers their
wind separates the moment when only

"Now, we are ready to move
(idem., pp. 77-78). As the information explains:
The invocation
to the
the wet parts of the body feel cool:
forward in safety"
"We must
address with song every object
we
meet, because Tira'wa
The Science
227
Concrete
of the
(the supreme spirit)
in all things, everything
is
can give us help.
we come
to as
we
(idem, pp. 73, 81 ).

This preoccupation with exhaustive observation and the sys-
travel
."
tematic cataloguing of relations and connections can sometimes

lead to scientifically valid results.
The Blackfoot Indians
for in-
stance were able to prognosticate the approach of spring by the

state of
development of the fetus of bison which they took from the
uterus of females killed in hunting. These successes cannot of
course be isolated from the numerous other associations of the
same kind
that science
condemns
as illusory.
It
may however
the case that magical thought, that "gigantic variation
be
on the theme
Hubert and Mauss called it (2, p.

much by any ignorance or contempt of determinism but by a more imperious and
uncompromising demand for it which can at the most be regarded
as unreasonable and precipitate from the scientific point of view*
of the principle of Causality" as
61), can be distinguished from science not so
As a natural philosophy it (witchcraft) reveals a theory

is due to witchcraft cooperating with
natural forces. If a buffalo gores a man, or the supports of a
granary are undermined by termites so that it falls on his
head, or he is infected with cerebrospinal meningitis, Azande
say that the buffalo, the granary, and the disease, are causes
which combine with witchcraft to kill a man. Witchcraft does
not create the buffalo and the granary and the disease for these
of causation. Misfortune
exist in their
own
right, but
it is
responsible for the particular
which they are brought into lethal relations with a

particular man. The granary would have fallen in any case,
but since there was witchcraft present it fell at the particular
moment when a certain man was resting beneath it. Of these
causes the only one which permits intervention is witchcraft,
for witchcraft emanates from a person. The buffalo and the
granary do not allow of intervention and are, therefore, whilst
situation in
recognized as causes, not considered the socially relevant

ones (Evans-Pritchard 1, pp. 418-19).
way, the first difference between magic and science is

magic postulates a complete and all-embracing determinism. Science, on the other hand, is based on a distinction
Seen in
this
therefore that
228
Art and Aesthetics
in
Primitive Societies
between levels: only some of these admit forms of determinism;

on others the same forms of determinism are held not to apply.
One can go further and think of the rigorous precision of magical
thought and ritual practices as an expression of the unconscious
apprehension of the truth of determinism, the mode in which
scientific
phenomena
exist.
In this view, the operations of deter-
and made use of in an all-embracing fashion

before being known and properly applied, and magical rites and
beliefs appear as so many expressions of an act of faith in a
minism
are divined
science yet to be born.
The nature
of these anticipations
times succeed. Moreover they
may
is
such that they
may
some-
anticipate not only science itself
but even methods or results that scientific procedure does not

incorporate until an advanced stage of
its
development. For
it
seems to be the case that man began by applying himself to the

most difficult task, that of systematizing what is immediately presented to the senses, on which science for a long time turned its
back and which it is only beginning to bring back into its purview.
In the history of scientific thought this "anticipation-effect," has,
As Simpson (pp. 84-85) has

example drawn from nineteenth-century
incidentally, occurred repeatedly.
shown with
the help of an
it is due to the fact that, since scientific explanation is

always the discovery of an "arrangement," any attempt of this
type, even one inspired by nonscientific principles, can hit on true
arrangements. This is even to be foreseen if one grants that the
number of structures is by definition finite: the "structuring" has
an intrinsic effectiveness of its own whatever the principles and
biology,
methods that suggested
it.
Modern chemistry reduces the
variety of tastes
and smells
to
different combinations of five elements: carbon, hydrogen, oxygen,
sulphur, and nitrogen. By means of tables of the presence and

absence of the elements and estimates of proportions and minimum amounts necessary for them to be perceptible, it succeeds in
accounting for differences and resemblances that were previously
excluded from its field on account of their "secondary" character.
These connections and distinctions are however no surprise to our
aesthetic sense. On the contrary they increase its scope and understanding by supplying a basis for the associations it already
229
The Science
of the
Concrete
and at the same time one is better able to understand why

and in what conditions it should have been possible to discover
such associations solely by the systematic use of intuitive methods.
Thus to a logic of sensations tobacco smoke might be the intersection of two groups, one also containing broiled meat and brown
crusts of bread (which are like it in being composed of nitrogen)
and the other one to which cheese, beer, and honey belong on
account of the presence of diacetyl. Wild cherries, cinnamon,
vanilla, and sherry are grouped together by the intellect as well as
divined;
the senses, because they
all
contain aldehyde, while the closely
and bananas are to be

grounds alone we
might group onions, garlic, cabbage, turnips, radishes, and mustard together even though botany separates liliaceae and crucifers.
In confirmation of the evidence of the senses, chemistry shows
that these different families are united on another plane: they
contain sulphur. A primitive philosopher or a poet could have
effected these regroupings on the basis of considerations foreign to
chemistry or any other form of science. Ethnographic literature
reveals many of equal empirical and aesthetic value. And this is
not just the result of some associative madness destined sometimes to succeed simply by the law of chance. Simpson advances
this interpretation in the passage quoted above; but he displays
more insight when he shows that the demand for organization is a
need common to art and science and that in consequence "taxonomy, which is ordering par excellence, has eminent aesthetic
value" (loc. ext., p. 4). Given this, it seems less surprising that the
aesthetic sense can by itself open the way to taxonomy and even
anticipate some of its results.
related smells of winter green, lavender,
explained by the presence of ester.
On
intuitive
am not however commending a return to the popular belief

(although it has some validity in its own narrow context) accord-
ing to which magic
is
a timid
deprives oneself of
all
means
and stuttering form of
science.
One
of understanding magical thought
if
reduce it to a moment or stage in technical and scientific evolution. Like a shadow moving ahead of its owner it is in a
sense complete in itself, and as finished and coherent in its
one
tries to
immateriality as the substantial being that
it
precedes. Magical
230
Art and Aesthetics
thought
is
in
Primitive Societies
not to be regarded as a beginning, a rudiment, a sketch,
a part of a whole that has not yet materialized.

articulated system,
and
It
forms a well-
in this respect independent of that other
is
system which constitutes science, except for the purely formal

analogy that brings them together and makes the former a sort of
metaphorical expression of the latter. It is therefore better, instead
of contrasting magic and science, to compare them as two parallel
modes of acquiring knowledge. Their theoretical and practical
results differ in value, for
it is
true that science
is
more successful
than magic from this point of view, although magic foreshadows

science in that it is sometimes also successful. Both science and
magic however require the same sort of mental operations and
they differ not so much in kind as in the different types of
phenomena
to which they are applied.

These relations are a consequence of the objective conditions
in which magic and scientific knowledge appeared. The history of
the latter is short enough for us to know a good deal about it. But
the fact that modern science dates back only a few centuries raises
a problem which ethnologists have not sufficiently pondered. The
Neolithic Paradox would be a suitable name for it.
It was in neolithic times that man's mastery of the great arts
of civilization
of pottery, weaving, agriculture, and the domestication of animals
became firmly established. No one today would
any longer think of attributing these enormous advances to the
fortuitous accumulation of a series of chance discoveries or believe
them to have been revealed by the passive perception of certain
natural phenomena. 1
Each of these techniques assumes centuries of active and
methodical observation, of bold hypotheses tested by means of
endlessly repeated experiments. A biologist remarks on the rapidity
with which plants from the New World have been acclimatized in
the Philippines and adopted and named by the natives. In many
1 An attempt has been made to discover what would happen if copper

had accidentally found its way into a furnace: complex and varied experiments have shown that nothing happens at all. The simplest method of
obtaining metallic copper which could be discovered consisted in subjecting
finely ground malachite to intense heat in a pottery dish crowned with an
ore
inverted clay pot. This, the sole result, restricts the play of chance to the
confines of the kiln of
some
potter specializing in glazed
ware (Coghlan).
The Science
231
cases they
of the
seem even
Concrete
to
have rediscovered
their medicinal uses,
uses identical with those traditional in Mexico. Fox's interpretation

is
this
plants with bitter leaves or stems are commonly

used in the Philippines for stomach disorders. If an introduced plant is found to have this characteristic, it will be
quickly utilized. The fact that many Philippine groups, such
as the Pinatubo Negritos, constantly experiment with plants
hastens the process of the recognition of the potential usefulness, as defined by the culture, of the introduced flora (R. B.
Fox, pp. 212-13).
.
To transform a weed into a cultivated plant, a wild beast into a

domestic animal, to produce, in either of these, nutritious or
technologically useful properties which were originally completely
absent or could only be guessed
which
at;
to
make
stout, watertight
and unstable, liable to pulverize

or crack (which, however, is possible only if from a large number
of organic and inorganic materials, the one most suitable for
refining it is selected, and also the appropriate fuel, the temperature and duration of firing, and the effective degree of oxidation);
to work out techniques, often long and complex, that permit cultivation without soil or alternatively without water; to change toxic
pottery out of clay
is
friable
roots or seeds into foodstuffs or again to use their poison for
there is no doubt that all these achievements required a genuinely scientific attitude, sustained and
watchful interest, and a desire for knowledge for its own sake. For
only a small proportion of observations and experiments (which
must be assumed to have been primarily inspired by a desire for
knowledge) could have yielded practical and immediately useful
results. There is no need to dwell on the working of bronze and
iron and of precious metals or even the simple working of copper
ore by hammering that preceded metallurgy by several thousand
years, and even at that stage they all demand a very high level of
hunting, war, or ritual
technical proficiency.
Neolithic, or early historical, man was therefore the heir of a
long scientific tradition. However, had he, as well as all his predecessors, been inspired by exactly the same spirit as that of our own
Art and Aesthetics
232
in
Primitive Societies
would be impossible to understand how he could have

and how several thousand years of stagnation have
intervened between the neolithic revolution and modern science
like a level plain between ascents. There is only one solution to the
paradox, namely, that there are two distinct modes of scientific
thought. These are certainly not a function of different stages of
development of the human mind but rather of two strategic levels
at which nature is accessible to scientific inquiry: one roughly
ada r d to that of perception and the imagination: the other at a
remove from it. It is as if the necessary connections, which are the
object of all science, neolithic or modern, could be arrived at by
two different routes, one very close to, and the other more remote
time,
come
it
to a halt
from, sensible intuition.
Any
classification is superior to chaos
and even a
classifica-
toward rational
into relatively heavy
tion at the level of sensible properties is a step
ordering.
and
It is
legitimate, in classifying fruits
relatively light, to begin
by separating the apples from the
pears even though shape, color, and taste are unconnected with
weight and volume. This
because the larger apples are easier to

if the apples are not still mixed with
fruit of different features. This example already shows that classification has its advantages even at the level of aesthetic perdistinguish
is
from the smaller
ception.
For the rest, and in spite of the fact there is no necessary

connection between sensible qualities and properties, there is very
often at least an empirical connection between them, and the
may be rewarding from the theoretiand practical point of view for a very long time even if it has
no foundation in reason. Not all poisonous juices are burning or
bitter nor is everything that is burning and bitter poisonous.
Nevertheless, nature is so constituted that it is more advantageous
if thought and action proceed as though this aesthetically satisfying equivalence also corresponded to objective reality. It seems
probable, for reasons which are not relevant here, that species
possessing some remarkable characteristics, say, of shape, color, or
smell give the observer what might be called a "right pending
generalization of this relation
cal
disproof" to postulate that these visible characteristics are the sign

of equally singular, but concealed, properties.
To
treat the relation
The Science
233
of the
between the two as
Concrete
itself sensible
(regarding a seed in the form of
a tooth as a safeguard against snake bites, yellow juices as a cure

etc.) is of more value provisionally than
any connection. For even a heterogeneous and
arbitrary classification preserves the richness and diversity of the
collection of facts it makes. The decision that everything must be
troubles,
for bilious
indifference
to
taken account of facilitates the creation of a
"memory bank."
moreover a fact that particular results, to the achievement of which methods of this kind were able to lead, were essential to enable man to assail nature from a different angle. Myths
and rites are far from being, as has often been held, the product of
man's "myth-making faculty," 2 turning its back on reality. Their
It is
principal value is indeed to preserve until the present time the

remains of methods of observation and reflection that were (and
no doubt still are) precisely adapted to discoveries of a certain
type: those which nature authorized from the starting point of a
speculative organization and exploitation of the sensible world in
sensible terms. This science of the concrete was necessarily restricted by its essence to results other than those destined to be
achieved by the exact natural sciences but it was no less scientific
and its results no less genuine. They were secured ten thousand
years earlier and still remain at the basis of our own civilization.
There
still
exists
among
ourselves an activity which on the
technical plane gives us quite a good understanding of

science
we
what
prefer to call "prior" rather than "primitive," could have
been on the plane of speculation. This

"bricolage" in French. In
its
is
what
is
commonly
called
old sense the verb "bricoler" applied to
ball games and billiards, to hunting, shooting, and riding. It was,

however, always used with reference to some extraneous movement: a ball rebounding, a dog straying, or a horse swerving from
an obstacle. And in our own time the

someone who works with his hands and uses
devious means compared to those of a craftsman. 3 The character-
its
direct course to avoid
"bricoleur" is
still
The phrase is from Bergson, "fonction fabulatrice" (Trans, note).

The "bricoleur" has no precise equivalent in English. He is a man who
undertakes odd jobs and is a jack-of -all-trades or a kind o* professional do-ityourself man, but, as the text makes clear, he is of a different standing from,
2
3
for instance, the English
"odd-jobman" or handyman (Trans, note).

Art and Aesthetics
234
istic
in
Primitive Societies
feature of mythical thought
means
is
that
it
expresses
itself
by
of a heterogeneous repertoire which, even if extensive, is
nevertheless limited.
It
has
to
ever the task in hand, because
Mythical thought
use this repertoire, however, whatit
has nothing else at
its disposal.
therefore a kind of intellectual "bricolage"
is
which explains the relation that can be perceived between the

two.
Like "bricolage" on the technical plane, mythical reflection
can reach
unforeseen results on the intellectual plane.

drawn to the mythopoetical
nature of "bricolage" on the plane of so-called raw or naive art, in
brilliant
Conversely, attention has often been
architectural follies like the villa of Cheval the
postman or the
stage sets of Georges Melies, or, again, in the case immortalized by
Dickens in Great Expectations but no doubt originally inspired by

Wemmick's suburban "castle" with its miniature drawbridge, its cannon firing at nine o'clock, its bed of salad
and cucumbers, thanks to which its occupants could withstand a
siege if necessary
observation, of Mr.
The analogy
worth pursuing since it helps us to see the real

relations between the two types of scientific knowledge we have
distinguished. The "bricoleur" is adept at performing a large
number of diverse tasks; but, unlike the engineer, he does not
subordinate each of them to the availability of raw materials and
tools conceived and procured for the purpose of the project. His
universe of instruments is closed and the rules of his game are
always to make do with "whatever is at hand," that is to say with a
set of tools and materials that is always finite and is also heterogeneous because what it contains bears no relation to the current
project, or indeed to any particular project, but is the contingent
result of all the occasions there have been to renew or enrich the
stock or to maintain it with the remains of previous constructions
or destructions. The set of the "bricoleur's" means cannot therefore
be denned in terms of a project (which would presuppose besides,
is
that, as in the case of the engineer, there were, at least in theory,
as
many
and materials or "instrumental sets," as there

It is to be denned only by its
putting this another way and in the language of
sets of tools
are different kinds of projects).

potential use or,
the "bricoleur" himself, because the elements
are
collected
or
235
The Science
of the
Concrete
may always come in handy."

Such elements are specialized up to a point, sufficiently for the
"bricoleur" not to need the equipment and knowledge of all trades
and professions, but not enough for each of them to have only one
definite and determinate use. They each represent a set of actual
and possible relations; they are "operators" but they can be used
for any operations of the same type.
The elements of mythical thought similarly lie halfway between percepts and concepts. It would be impossible to separate
percepts from the concrete situations in which they appeared,
while recourse to concepts would require that thought could, at
retained on the principle that "they
(to use Husserl's expression)
least provisionally, put its projects

"in brackets."
concepts,
Now,
namely
an intermediary between images and

For signs can always be denned in the way
there
signs.
is
introduced by Saussure in the case of the particular category of

linguistic signs, that
is,
the signifying
and
and concepts. In
and concepts play the part of
as a link between images
the union thus brought about, images
signified respectively.
Signs resemble images in being concrete entities but they
resemble concepts in their powers of reference. Neither concepts

nor signs relate exclusively to themselves; either may be substituted for something else. Concepts, however, have an unlimited
capacity in this respect, while signs have not.

"bricoleur" helps
to
The example
Consider him at work and excited by his project. His

step is retrospective.
made up
of tools
of the
bring out the differences and similarities.
He has
to
and materials,
contains and, finally and above
first
practical
turn back to an already existent set

to consider or reconsider
what
it
engage in a sort of dialogue

with it and, before choosing between them, to index the possible
answers that the whole set can offer to his problem. He interrogates all the heterogeneous objects of which his treasury 4 is composed to discover what each of them could "signify" and so
contribute to the definition of a set which has yet to materialize but
which will ultimately differ from the instrumental set only in the
internal disposition of its parts. A particular cube of oak could be a
wedge to make up for the inadequate length of a plank of pine or it
could be a pedestal which would allow the grain and polish of the
all,
to
4 Cf.
"Treasury of ideas" as Hubert and Mauss so aptly describe magic.
236
old
Art and Aesthetics
wood
to
show
to
in
Primitive Societies
advantage. In one case
it
will serve as exten-
But the possibilities always remain

limited by the particular history of each piece and by those of its
features which are already determined by the use for which it was
originally intended or the modifications it has undergone for other
purposes. The elements that the "bricoleur" collects and uses are
"preconstrained" like the constitutive units of myth, the possible
combinations of which are restricted by the fact that they are
drawn from the language where they already possess a sense
which sets a limit on their freedom of maneuver (Levi-Strauss, 5,
p. 35). And the decision as to what to put in each place also
depends on the possibility of putting a different element there
instead, so that each choice which is made will involve a complete
reorganization of the structure, which will never be the same as
one vaguely imagined nor as some other which might have been
sion, in the other as material.
preferred to
it.
The engineer no doubt
also cross-examines his resources.
existence of an "interlocutor"
The
is in his case due to the fact that his

means, power, and knowledge are never unlimited and that in this
negative form he meets resistance with which he has to come to
terms. It might be said that the engineer questions the universe,
while the "bricoleur" addresses himself to a collection of oddments
left over from human endeavors, that is, only a subset of the
culture. Again, Information Theory shows that it is possible, and
often useful, to reduce the physicists' approaches to a sort of
dialogue with nature. This would make the distinction we are
trying to draw less clearcut. There remains however a difference
even if one takes into account the fact that the scientist never
carries on a dialogue with nature pure and simple but rather with a
particular relationship between nature and culture definable in
terms of his particular period and civilization and the material
means at his disposal. He is no more able than the "bricoleur" to do
whatever he wishes when he is presented with a given task. He too
has to begin by making a catalogue of a previously determined set
consisting of theoretical and practical knowledge, of technical
means, which restrict the possible solutions.
The difference is therefore less absolute than it might appear.
It remains a real one, however, in that the engineer is always
The Science
237
trying to
make
of the
his
Concrete
way
imposed by a particular
out of and go beyond the constraints

state of civilization while the "bricoleur"
by inclination or necessity always remains within them. This is

another way of saying that the engineer works by means of
concepts and the "bricoleur" by means of signs. The sets that each
from the poles on the axis of

One way indeed in which
signs can be opposed to concepts is that whereas concepts aim to
be wholly transparent with respect to reality, signs allow and even
require the interposing and incorporation of a certain amount of
employs are
at different distances
opposition between nature and culture.
human
culture into reality.
Signs,
in
Peirce's
vigorous phrase
"address somebody."
Both the scientist and "bricoleur" might therefore be said
to
be constantly on the lookout for "messages." Those which the

"bricoleur" collects are, however, ones that
been transmitted in advance
like
have
to
some extent
which
the commercial codes
summaries of the past experience of the trade and so allow any

situation to be met economically, provided that it belongs to
the same class as some earlier one. The scientist, on the other
hand, whether he is an engineer or a physicist, is always on the
lookout for that other message which might be wrested from an
interlocutor in spite of his reticence in pronouncing on questions
whose answers have not been rehearsed. Concepts thus appear like
operators opening up the set being worked with and signification
like the operator of its reorganization, which neither extends nor
renews it and limits itself to obtaining the group of its transare
new
formations.
to
Images cannot be ideas but they can play the part of signs or,
be more precise, coexist with ideas in signs and, if ideas are not
can keep their future place open for them and
contours apparent negatively. Images are fixed, linked in
yet present, they
make
its
a single way to the mental act that accompanies them. Signs, and
images which have acquired significance, may still lack comprehension; unlike concepts, they do not yet possess simultaneous and
theoretically unlimited relations with other entities of the same
kind. They are however already permutahle, that is, capable of
standing in successive relations with other entities
although with
only a limited number and, as we have seen, only on the condition
238
Art and Aesthetics
in
Primitive Societies
that they always form a system in which an alteration that affects

one element automatically affects all the others. On this plane logicians' "extension" and "intension" are not two distinct and complementary aspects but one and the same thing. One understands then
how mythical thought can be capable of generalizing and so be
scientific, even though it is still entangled in imagery. It too works
by analogies and comparisons even though its creations, like those
of the "bricoleur," always really consist of a new arrangement of
elements, the nature of which is unaffected by whether they figure
in the instrumental set or in the final arrangement (these being
the same, apart from the internal disposition of their parts): "it
would seem that mythological worlds have been built up, only to be
shattered again, and that new worlds were built from the fragments" (Boas, i, p. 18). Penetrating as this comment is, it nevertheless fails to take into
account that in the continual reconstruction
from the same materials, it is always earlier ends that are called
upon to play the part of means: the signified changes into the
signifying and vice versa.
This formula, which could serve as a definition of "bricolage,"
explains how an implicit inventory or conception of the total
means available must be made in the case of mythical thought
also, so that a result can be denned which will always be a compromise between the structure of the instrumental set and that of the
project. Once it materializes the project will therefore inevitably be
at a remove from the initial aim (which was moreover a mere
sketch), a phenomenon that the surrealists have felicitously called
"objective hazard." Further, the "bricoleur" also, and indeed principally, derives his poetry from the fact that he does not confine
himself to accomplishment and execution: he "speaks" not only
with things, as we have already seen, but also through the medium
of things, giving an account of his personality and life by the
choices he makes between the limited possibilities. The "bricoleur"
may not ever complete his purpose but he always puts something
of himself into
it.
Mythical thought appears to be an intellectual form of "bricolage" in this sense also. Science as a whole is based on the
distinction between the contingent and the necessary, this being
also what distinguishes event and structure. The qualities it
The Science
239
claimed at
its
of the
Concrete
outset as peculiarly scientific were precisely those
which formed no part of

and, as
it
living experience
were, unrelated to events. This
notion of primary qualities.
Now,
is
and remained outside

the significance of the
the characteristic feature of
mythical thought, as of "bricolage" on the practical plane, is that it

builds up structured sets, not directly with other structured sets 5
but by using the remains and debris of events: in French "des
bribes et des morceaux," or odds
and ends in English,
fossilized
evidence of the history of an individual or a society. The relation
between the diachronic and the synchronic
is
therefore in a sense
reversed. Mythical thought, that "bricoleur," builds
by
fitting together events, or rather the
up
structures
remains of events, 6 while
coming into being,

form of events, thanks to the
structures which it is constantly elaborating and which are its
hypotheses and theories. But it is important not to make the mistake of thinking that these are two stages or phases in the evolution of knowledge. Both approaches are equally valid. Physics and
chemistry are already striving to become qualitative again, that is,
to account also for secondary qualities which when they have been
explained will in their turn become means of explanation. And
biology may perhaps be marking time waiting for this before it can
science, "in operation" simply by virtue of
creates
its
means and
results in the
Mythical thought for
its part is imprisoned in the

never tires of ordering and reordering in its search to find them a meaning. But it also acts as a
liberator by its protest against the idea that anything can be
meaningless with which science at first resigned itself to a com-
itself
explain
life.
events and experiences which
it
promise.
The problem
of art has been touched on several times in the
foregoing discussion, and
is worth showing briefly how, from

halfway between scientific knowledge
and mythical or magical thought. It is common knowledge that the
it
this point of view, art lies
5 Mythical thought builds structured sets by means of a structured set,

namely, language. But it is not at the structural level that it makes use of it:
it
builds ideological castles out of the debris of
what was once
a social dis-
course.
6
"Bricolage" also works with "secondary" qualities,
i.e.,
"second hand."
240
Art and Aesthetics
in
Primitive Societies
artist is both something of a scientist and of a "bricoleur." By his

craftsmanship he constructs a material object that is also an object
of knowledge. We have already distinguished the scientist and the
"bricoleur" by the inverse functions that they assign to events and
structures as ends and means, the scientist creating events
(changing the world) by means of structures and the "bricoleur"
creating structures by means of events. This is imprecise in this
crude form but our analysis makes it possible for us to refine it. Let
us now look at this portrait of a woman by Clouet and consider the
reason for the very profound aesthetic emotion that is, apparently
inexplicably, aroused by the highly realistic, thread by thread,
reproduction of a lace collar (Figure i ).
The choice of this example is not accidental. Clouet is known

have liked to paint at less than life-size. His paintings are therefore, like Japanese gardens, miniature vehicles and ships in
bottles, what in the "bricoleur's" language are called "small-scale
models" or "miniatures." Now, the question arises whether the
small-scale model or miniature, which is also the "masterpiece" of
the journeyman, may not in fact be the universal type of the work
of art. All miniatures seem to have intrinsic aesthetic quality
and
from what should they draw this constant virtue if not from the
dimensions themselves?
and conversely the vast majority of
works of art are small-scale. It might be thought that this characteristic is principally a matter of economy in materials and means,
and one might appeal in support of this theory to works that are
incontestably artistic but also on a grand scale. We have to be clear
about definitions. The paintings of the Sistine Chapel are a smallscale model in spite of their imposing dimensions, since the theme
that they depict is the End of Time. The same is true of the cosmic
symbolism of religious monuments. Further, we may ask whether
the aesthetic effect, say, of an equestrian statue which is larger
than life derives from its enlargement of a man to the size of a
rock or whether it is not rather due to the fact that it restores what
is at first from a distance seen as a rock to the proportions of a
man. Finally even "natural size" implies a reduction of scale since
graphic or plastic transposition always involves giving up certain
dimensions of the object: volume in painting, color, smell, tactile
impressions in sculpture, and the temporal dimension in both
to
The Science
241
cases since the whole
moment in
What
number of
Concrete
of the
work represented
is
apprehended
at
a single
time.
the virtue of reduction either of scale or in the
is
properties?
It
to result from a sort of reversal in

To understand a real object in its
work from its parts. The resistance it
seems
the process of understanding.

totality
we always
tend to
overcome by dividing it. Reduction in scale reverses

this situation. Being smaller, the object as a whole seems less
formidable. By being quantitatively diminished, it seems to us
offers
us
is
qualitatively simplified.
More
exactly, this quantitative transposi-
our power over a homologue of the

thing, and by means of it the latter can be grasped, assessed, and
apprehended at a glance. A child's doll is no longer an enemy, a
rival, or even an interlocutor. In it and through it a person is made
tion extends
and
diversifies
into a subject. In the case of miniatures, in contrast
happens when we
what
to
understand an object or living creature of

real dimensions, knowledge of the whole precedes knowledge of
the parts. And even if this is an illusion, the point of the procedure
try to
create or sustain the illusion, which gratifies the intelligence

and gives rise to a sense of pleasure which can already be called
aesthetic on these grounds alone.
I have so far only considered matters of scale which, as we
have just seen, imply a dialectical relation between size (i.e.,
quantity) and quality. But miniatures have a further feature. They
are "man-made" and, what is more, made by hand. They are therefore not just projections or passive homologues of the object they
constitute a real experiment with it. Now the model being an artifact, it is possible to understand how it is made and this understanding of the method of construction adds a supplementary
dimension. As we have already seen in the case of "bricolage," and
the example of "styles" of painters shows that the same is true in
is to
art, there are several solutions to the same problem. The choice of
one solution involves a modification of the result to which another
solution would have led, and the observer is in effect presented
with the general picture of these permutations at the same time as
the particular solution offered.

active
He
participant without even
contemplating
it
he
is,
as
it
is thereby transformed into an

being aware of it. Merely by
were, put in possession of other pos-
Figure
1.
Frangois Clouet: Portrait of Elizabeth of Austria.
sible forms of the same work; and in a confused way, he feels

himself to be their creator with more right than the creator himself
because the latter abandoned them in excluding them from his
creation. And these forms are so many further perspectives opening out on to the work which has been realized. In other words, the
intrinsic value of a small-scale
model
is
that
it
compensates for the
renunciation of sensible dimensions by the acquisition of
intelli-
gible dimensions.
Let us now return to the lace collar in Clouet's picture.

Everything that has been said applies in this case, for the procedure necessary to represent it as a projection, in a particular space,
of properties whose sensible dimensions are fewer and smaller
than that of the object is exactly the reverse of that which science
would have employed had it proposed, in accordance with its
function, to produce (instead of reproducing) not only a new,
243
The Science
of the
Concrete
instead of an already known, piece of lace but also real lace in-
worked on the real

scale but by means of inventing a loom, while art works on a
diminished scale to produce an image homologous with the object.
The former approach is of a metonymical order, it replaces one
thing by another thing, an effect by its cause, while the latter is of
stead of a picture of lace. Science would have
a metaphorical order.
This
is
not
all.
For
if it is
between structure and event
is
true that the relation of priority
exactly the opposite in science and
an intermediate position
from this point of view as well. Even if, as we have shown, the
depiction of a lace collar in miniature demands an intimate
knowledge of its morphology and technique of manufacture (and
had it been a question of the representation of people or animals
we should have said: of anatomy and physical attitudes), it is not
just a diagram or blueprint. It manages to synthesize these intrinsic properties with properties which depend on a spatial and
"bricolage," then
it is
clear that art has
temporal context. The final product is the lace collar exactly as it is

but so that at the same time its appearance is affected by the
particular perspective. This accentuates some parts and conceals
others, whose existence however still influences the rest through
the contrast between
its
whiteness and the color of the other
clothes, the reflection of the pearly
neck
it
encircles
and that of the
sky on a particular day and at a particular time of day. The
appearance of the lace collar
by whether it indiworn, either new or previously

used, either freshly ironed or creased, by an ordinary woman or a
queen, whose physiognomy confirms, contradicts, or qualifies her
cates casual or formal dress,
is
also affected
is
status in a particular social class, society, part of the world,
and
The painter is always midway between

design and anecdote, and his genius consists in uniting internal
period of history
and external knowledge, a "being" and a "becoming," in producing

with his brush an object which does not exist as such and which he
is nevertheless able to create on his canvas. This is a nicely
balanced synthesis of one or more artificial and natural structures
and one or more natural and social events. The aesthetic emotion
is the result of this union between the structural order and the
244
Art and Aesthetics
order of events, which
man and
Primitive Societies
in
is
brought about within a thing created by
so also in effect by the observer
who
discovers the possi-
such a union through the work of art.

Several points are suggested by this analysis. In the
bility of
place, the analysis helps us to see
myths both
why we
first
are inclined to think of
and as objects of
myths is
in fact exactly the reverse of that which gives rise to works of art.
In the case of works of art, the starting point is a set of one or
more objects and one or more events that aesthetic creation unifies
by revealing a common structure. Myths travel the same road but
start from the other end. They use a structure to produce what is
itself an object consisting of a set of events (for all myths tell a
story). Art thus proceeds from a set (object + event) to the discovery of its structure. Myth starts from a structure by means of
which it constructs a set (object + event).
The first point tempts one to generalize the theory. The
second might seem to lead to a restriction of it. For we may ask
whether it is in fact the case that works of art are always an
integration of structure and event. This does not on the face of it
seem to be true, for instance, of the cedarwood Tlingit club, used
to kill fish, that I have in front of me on my bookshelf (Figure 2).
The artist who carved it in the form of a sea monster intended the
body of the implement to be fused with the body of the animal and
the handle with its tail, and that the anatomical proportions, taken
from a fabulous creature, should be such that the object could be
the cruel animal slaying helpless victims, at the same time as an
easily handled, balanced, and efficient fishing utensil. Everything
about this implement which is also a superb work of art seems
to be a matter of structure: its mythical symbolism as well as its
practical function. More accurately, the object, its function, and its
symbolism seem to be inextricably bound up with each other and
to form a closed system in which there is no place for events. The
monster's position, appearance, and expression owe nothing to the
historical circumstances in which the artist saw it, in the flesh or
in a dream, or conceived the idea of it. It is rather as if its immutable being were finally fixed in the wood whose fine grain allows
the reproduction of all its aspects, and in the use for which its
as systems of abstract relations
aesthetic contemplation.
The
creative act that gives rise to
(Top) Figure
2.
(Above) Figure
Club used for

3.
killing fish.
Detail of club.
empirical form seems to predetermine
And
it.
all
this
applies
an African statue or
a Melanesian mask ... So it looks as if we have denned only one
local and historical form of aesthetic creation and not its fundamental properties or those by means of which its intelligible relations with other forms of creation can be described.
We have only to widen our explanation to overcome this
difficulty. What, with reference to a picture of Clouet's, was provisionally defined as an event or set of events now appears under a
broader heading: events in this sense are only one mode of the
contingent whose integration (perceived as necessary) into a
structure gives rise to the aesthetic emotion. This is so whatever
equally to the other products of primitive art
Art and Aesthetics
246
in
Primitive Societies
the type of art in question. Depending on the style, place, and

period the contingent plays a part in three different ways or at
three distinct points in artistic creation (or in all of them). It may
play a part in the occasion for the work or in the execution of the
work
which it is intended. It is only in the

form of an event properly speaking, that
is, of contingency exterior and prior to the creative act. The artist
perceives it from without as an attitude, an expression, a light
effect, or a situation, whose sensible and intellectual relations to
or in the purpose for
case that
first
it
takes the
the structure of the object affected by these modalities he grasps
and incorporates in
But the contingent can also play an

shape
of the piece of wood the sculptor lays hands on, in the direction
and quality of its grain, in the imperfections of his tools, in the
his work.
intrinsic part in the course of execution itself, in the size or
work
resistance that his materials or project offer to the
in the
accomplishment, in the unforeseeable incidents arising during work. Finally, the contingent can be extrinsic as in the
course of
first
This
its
case but posterior, instead of anterior, to the act of creation.

is
the case
whenever the work
since the artist will construct

tion
and successive uses
it
is
destined for a specific end,
with a view to
in the future
its
and so
potential condi-
will put himself,
consciously or unconsciously, in the place of the person for whose
use
it is
intended.
The process of artistic creation therefore consists in trying to

communicate (within the immutable framework of a mutual confrontation of structure and accident) either with the model or with
the materials or with the future user as the case
to
which of these the
while he
is
at work.
be, according
Each case roughly corresponds
identifiable
form of
second
so-called primitive or early art
to
may
artist particularly looks to for his directions
to a readily
art: the first to the plastic arts of the
and the
West, the
third to the
would be an oversimplification to take these

forms of art allow all three aspects
and they are only distinguished from one another by the relative
proportion of each. Even the most academic of painters comes up
applied arts. But
it
identifications very strictly. All
against problems
primitive
arts
of
execution,
for
example. All the so-called
can be called applied in a double sense:
first,
The Science
247
because
many
of the
Concrete
of their productions
are
technical objects
and,
second, because even those which seem most divorced from practical preoccupations have a definite purpose. Finally, as we know,
implements lend themselves to disinterested contemplation even
among ourselves.
With these
reservations,
it
is
easy to show that the three
aspects are functionally related and that the predominance of any
one of them leaves less or no place for the others. So-called professional painting is, or believes itself to be, quite free so far as both
execution and purpose are concerned. Its best examples display a
complete mastery of technical difficulties which, indeed, can be
considered to have been completely overcome since Van der
Weyden; the problems which painters have set themselves since
then amount to little more than a game of technical refinement. In
the extreme case it is as though, given his canvas, paints, and
brushes, the painter were able to do exactly what he pleased. On
the other hand, he also tries to make his work into an object
independent of anything contingent, of value in itself and for
itself. This is indeed what the formula of the "easel picture"
implies. Freed from the contingent both with regard to execution
and purpose, professional painting can, then, bring it to bear upon
the occasion of the work, and indeed if this account is correct it is
bound to do so. Professional painting can therefore be defined as
"genre" painting
if
the sense of this expression
is
considerably
widened. For, from the very general viewpoint we are taking, the
attempt of a portrait painter even of a Rembrandt to recapture
on his canvas his model's most revealing expression or secret

thoughts belongs to the same genre as that of a painter like
whose compositions reproduce the hour and order of

and the number and disposition of the buttons distinguishing the uniforms of each arm. To use a disrespectful analogy,
Detaille,
battle
"opportunity
makes
the thief" 7 in either case.
The
relative propor-
tions of the three aspects are reversed in the applied arts. In these,
place
first
is
given to purpose and execution, contingent factors
playing an approximately equal part in each, in the examples

7
In the original: "l'occasion fait
le
larron" (Trans, note).
we
Art and Aesthetics
248
in
Primitive Societies
consider the most "pure," at the same time the occasion of the
work plays no part. This can be seen from the fact that a wine cup
or goblet, a piece of basketwork or a fabric seems to us perfect
when its practical value manifestly transcends time and corresponds wholly to its functions for men of different periods and
civilizations. If the difficulties of execution are entirely
as is the case
when
it is
become more and more
precise
transformed into industrial

reverse
is
mastered,
entrusted to machines, the purpose can

art.
and
We
specific
call
it
the case. Finally, primitive art
and applied
peasant or folk art

is
art is
if
the
the opposite of profes-
sional or academic art. Professional or academic art internalizes
execution (which it has, or believes itself to have, mastered) and

purpose ("art for art's sake" being an end in itself). As a result, it
is impelled to externalize the occasion (which it requires the model
to provide) and the latter thus becomes a part of the signified.
Primitive art, on the other hand, internalizes the occasion (since
the supernatural beings which it delights in representing have a
reality that is timeless and independent of circumstances) and it
externalizes execution and purpose which thus become a part of
the signifying.
On a different plane we therefore find once more this dialogue

with the materials and means of execution by which we denned
"bricolage." The essential problem for the philosophy of art is to
know whether the artist regards them as interlocutors or not. No
doubt they are always regarded as such, although least of all in art
that is too professional and most of all in the raw or naive art that
verges on "bricolage," to the detriment of structure in both cases.
No form of art is, however, worthy of the name if it allows itself
to come entirely under the sway of extraneous contingencies,
whether of occasion or purpose. If it did so it would rate as an
icon supplementary to the model) or as an implement (complementary with the material worked). Even the most professional art
succeeds in moving us only if it arrests in time this dissipation of
the contingent in favor of the pretext and incorporates it in the
work, thereby investing it with the dignity of being an object in its
own
right. Insofar as early art, primitive art
and the "primitive"
periods of professional painting are the only ones that do not date,
they owe it to this dedication of the accidental to the service of
The Science
249
of the
Concrete
execution and so to the use, which they try to

the
raw datum
It is
make
complete, of
as the empirical material of something meaningful. 8
necessary to add that the balance between structure and

and contingency, the internal and external is a
event, necessity
precarious one.
It is
constantly threatened by forces that act in one
direction or the other according to fluctuations in fashion, style, or
From this point of view, it would seem

and cubism are not so much two successive
stages in the development of painting as partners in the same
general social conditions.
that impressionism
enterprise, which, although not exact contemporaries, nevertheless
collaborated by complementary distortions to prolong a
expression whose very existence, as

ate today,
was
seriously threatened.
"collages," originating
we
mode
of
are better able to appreci-
The intermittent fashion
when craftsmanship was
for
dying, could not
for its part be anything but the transposition of "bricolage" into the
realms of contemplation. Finally, the stress on the event can also
break away at certain times through greater emphasis either on
transient social
phenomena
(as in the case of Greuze at the end of
the eighteenth century or with socialist realism) or on transient

natural, or even meteorological,
phenomena (impressionism)
at
the expense of structure, "structure" here being understood as

"structure of the
same
level," for the possibility of the structural
aspect being reestablished elsewhere on a
new
plane
is
not ruled
out.
8 Pursuing this analysis, one might define nonrepresentational painting
by two features. One, which it has in common with "easel" painting, consists in a total rejection of the contingency of purpose: the picture is not
made
for a particular use.
The other feature
characteristic of nonrepresenta-
tional painting is its methodical exploitation of the contingency of execution,
which is claimed to afford the external pretext or occasion of the picture.

Nonrepresentational painting adopts "styles" as "subjects." It claims to give
a concrete representation of the formal conditions of all painting. Paradoxically the result is that nonrepresentational painting does not, as it thinks,
create
works that are as real
as, if
not more real than, the objects of the
physical world, but rather realistic imitations of nonexistent models.

school of academic painting in
manner
any.
in
which each
which he would execute
artist strives
his pictures
if
to
It is
represent the
by chance he were
to
paint

of Artistic Style*
VYTAUTAS KAVOLIS
This essay
an attempt to formulate a theory of the linkage of values (social)

using three dimensions of value orientations: activity,
relational, and time. Dr. Kavolis uses art-historical examples as illustrations
and evidence in support of his thesis and incorporates the research of previous authors concerned with the cross-cultural analysis of art, particularly
Wallace, Mills, Chipp, Barry, and Fischer.
Dr. Vytautas Kavolis is an Associate Professor of Sociology in the
Department of Sociology at Dickinson College. Religion, sociology of art,
and comparative social pathology are his fields of interest. He is the author
of Artistic Expression: A Sociological Analysis (1968), and the coauthor and
editor of Comparative Perspectives on Social Problems (1969), and of Lietuviskasis Liberalizmas (1959).
and form
is
(art styles)
References
to the effects of
on
economic, social-structural and
abundant
politi-
Tomars, 1940;
Hauser, 1957, 1959; Fischer, 1961). Linkages between a variety of
cultural conditions and art styles have also been traced (Dvorak,
cal conditions
artistic style are
(e.g.,
1928; Sorokin, 1937; Mukerjee, 1951; Worringer, 1953).
Some
of
these observations appear capable of being synthesized into a
general anthropological theory of art
style.
schema (Kluckhohn and Strodtbeck, 1961)
The
value-orientations
will be
used as a basis
for such theory. 1

*
Reprinted from Anthropological Quarterly, Vol. 38, No.
(January,
1965), PP- i-i91
"Value orientations are complex but definitely patterned (rank-ordered)
principles, resulting
from the transactional interplay of three analytically
distinguishable elements of the evaluative process

tive,
and the
directive elements
human
which
give order
the
cognitive, the affec-
and direction
to the ever-
and thoughts as these relate to the solution of

'common human' problems" (Kluckhohn and Strodtbeck, 1961, p. 4)flowing stream of
acts
251
of Artistic Style
contain the bases of the whole world

picture of a people" (Woelfflin, n. d., pp. 13, 237). A "psychology
... of the need for style," not yet written, "would be a history of
"Visual schemas
the feeling about the world
."
(Worringer, 1953,
p.
13)-
As
basic categories of organization of attitudes toward the world, the
value orientations
may
be assumed to be linked, in some way, with
distinguishable characteristics of artistic style.
The data available for an attempt to formulate a synthetic

conception of the value-form linkages consist mainly of ( 1 ) experimental studies of the relationship between personality needs
and form preferences; (2) correlations between data on the value
and the distinctive characteristics

and (3) comparative analyses of the dominant value
orientations of sociohistorical units and of formal characteristics
orientations of individual artists

of their style;
of their art.
The synthesis attempted here allows a
tentative integration of
data from art history as well as cultural anthropology with those of
experimental psychology, within a coherent theoretical framework.

Some speculative reinterpretation must be done to integrate mate-
from diverse
such integration provides opporexpansion

of the scope of the findings, and the methodological risk of the
possibility of some "fantasy production" seems worth the gain in
theoretical substance, particularly since the latter is wholly ame-
rials
disciplines, but
tunities for cross-checking as well as differentiation or
nable to further testing.

In the interest of brevity, and also because most adequate
data are available in these areas, variations in art style will be

related to only three out of the five dimensions of value orientation
distinguished in the schema. Not
evidence
is
much
rigidly tested cross-cultural
available to be cited in support of the theoretical
framework to be developed. The hypotheses are therefore

vanced as exploratory formulations. It is hoped, however, that
survey will facilitate work of increasing quantitative precision.
I.
adthis
ACTIVITY ORIENTATION
The
culturally
activity orientation defines the generalized directions of
valued action. The Doing alternative holds out the

men will act purposively to change the environ-
expectation that
Art and Aesthetics
252
ment
in
Primitive Societies
in accordance with "standards conceived to be external to the
mode sanctions "spontaneous expresconceived to be 'given' in the human personality";

and the Being-in-Becoming orientation demands that efforts be
made to develop "the self as an integrated whole" (Kluckhohn and
acting individual"; the Being
sion of
what
is
Strodtbeck, ig6i,pp. 16-17).

It is initially
hypothesized that each value orientation will be
associated with form characteristics suggesting personality qual(cf. Mills,
ities
1957) which "feed into" the value orientation in

specifically, it is expected that the Doing orienta-
question. 2
More
tion
be associated with form characteristics suggestive of
will
energetic action; the Being orientation, with forms suggesting low-
pressure spontaneity; and the Being-in-Becoming orientation, with
forms evocative of internal tension.
The
available data bring out the hypothesized relationships in
greater precision.
It
may
be assumed that the Doing orientation (as exhibited in
is closely related to what

measured by psychological tests as the need for achievement. 3
Aronson (1958, p. 252) reports high n Achievement to be linked
fantasy productions or actual behavior)

is
with a "preponderance of single, unattached, discrete lines" in

doodle drawings. Cardinet has found persons with "an assertive
attitude in social relationships" to prefer "paintings with straight
line strokes" (summarized in Frumkin, i960, p. 108). In these
experimental studies, the Doing orientation is associated with
characteristics suggestive of purposive action. (Stressed dividing
lines, however, appear to be indicative of a Lineal orientation. See
Section
II.
high n Achievement (see below) is associated with smaller

margins at the bottom, more diagonal configurations, and more S
shaped (two-directional, nonrepetitive ) lines: "The drawings of
the 'highs' suggest motion, are nonrepetitive, unrestricted in space
Cardinet has observed in an experimental study that "people like in a
moods which correspond to their
." (Frumkin, i960,
expressed tendencies
p. 108).
2
picture the representation of situations or

.
Need
for achievement
is operationally denned as a characteristic of an

motivational system inferred from the relative frequency of
achievement-related imagery in his fantasy productions. The concept can be
applied to spontaneous as well as experimental productions of both individ-
individual's
uals
and groups.
253
.
(Aronson, 1958,
."
the "liking for

drive"
may
p.
movement"
of Artistic Style
264). Similarly, Cardinet has observed

be correlated with "self-assertion and
to
(Frumkin, i960). Forms suggestive of powerful motion
therefore be linked with the Doing orientation.
Some
historical cases
may
be offered in support of the experi-
mental findings. In much of traditional Japanese art, "we are

aware of violent activity," whereas in traditional Chinese art
"everything [is] in its place and nothing to excess" (Lee, 1962, p.
6). The value orientations presumably underlying this difference
may help account for the rapidity with which Japan has applied
modern technology. The diagonal design, which suggests motion
also to art historians, is one of the characteristics distinguishing
Baroque from High Renaissance art (Woelfflin, n. d.). One of the
main centers of Baroque painting was the seventeenth-century
Dutch culture; while its Puritan and commercial character must
not be exaggerated, it seems reasonable to regard it as more Doingoriented than the Italian culture around 1500, when the Renaissance was at its height. Lastly, the finding that in contemporary
American art "a significant majority of the abstract paintings
display a dynamic pattern" (Kolaja and Wilson, 1954, p. 250) 4
may be a reflection of the predominance of the Doing orientation
in American culture.
The experimental data available do not entail a distinction
between the Being and the Being-in-Becoming orientations. Persons with low n Achievement produce overlaid, fuzzy lines, larger
margins at the bottom, fewer diagonal lines, and more multiwave
Their drawings "seem to be
and redundant in movement"
(Aronson, 1958, p. 264). As a low n Achievement, in the absence
of a tradition of strong other-worldly asceticism, seems to imply an
emphasis on Being values, I shall assume that, in this sample, a
low n Achievement is indicative of the Being orientation. 5 On this
(one-directional, repetitive)
immobile,
restricted
in
lines.
space,
4 "By the dynamic pattern is meant any pattern which stimulates in the
onlooker an idea of motion, action, conflict, disequilibrium, etc." This corresponds with Cardinet's (Frumkin, i960), but not with Aronson's (1958)
operational definition of dynamism.

5
In the
n Achievement
school, the tendency
is
to
combine what we
separate as the Being-in-Becoming and the Doing orientations. McClelland
(1961,
p.
49) contains "continued striving
to
improve one's
self"
with the
Art and Aesthetics
254
in
Primitive Societies
assumption, the Being orientation appears
to
be linked with style
characteristics suggestive of restriction, immobility,
and accep-
tance of monotony.
A cross-cultural test given to boys in Germany, Brazil, and

Japan has revealed that "the Discrete-Fuzzy line count" is the best
single index of n Achievement (McClelland, 1961, p. 308). In
general, the cross-cultural validity of these indices appears to have
been borne out.
It may be assumed that strongly religious periods, as the
Romanesque or the Gothic, will emphasize the Being-in-Becoming
values, while the relatively irreligious periods (the Rococo, Impres-
sionism) will tend to minimize this orientation.

characteristics present in the
first,
search for
and absent in the second type
of
periods suggests the double hypothesis that (a) heavy, thickset

lines and (b) angular rigidity may be linked with the Being-inBecoming orientation. These characteristics are generally prominent in Expressionist painting, which Tillich (1959) regards as
imbued with a religious quality; they are common in some of the
most intensely religious painters (El Greco, Rouault). "Elongated
rigid
and often angular figures" have been described as
characteristic of "the greatest religious sculpture" of China
.
(Grousset, 1953, pp. 114, 116). Their equivalents can be found in

European Gothic. The decline in references to "impulse con-
the
trol" in the literature of Hellenistic as compared with Archaic

Greece (McClelland, 1961, p. 123) is correlated with the disappearance of the early rigidity in Greek sculpture. Finally, on the
basis of Wallace's (1950, p. 19) interpretation of the "tendency to
outline form elements carefully in black" as indicative of "repression of aggression," we may at least hypothesize (c) that black
outlining is related to the Being-in-Becoming orientation. In general, our very hypothetical materials indicate that the Beingin-Becoming orientation may be linked with style characteris-
struggle "to achieve" in one interpretive category.
n Achievement with
n Achievement with
the Being orientation
is
Our
identification of
low
thus "purer" than that of high
the Doing orientation. Nevertheless, since few Americans are presumably committed primarily to Being-in-Becoming, the identification of high n Achievement with the Doing orientation appears tentatively
justified.
Statue of Chalchiuhtlicue, the Aztecan goddess of flowing water. Volcanic

rock,
coated with red ochre, the sacred color of the Aztecs. Albright-Knox Art
Gallery, Buffalo,
New
York.
Art and Aesthetics
256
tics
in
Primitive Societies
suggestive of internal restraints and repressed aggressiveness.
With respect to color, Knapp (1958) has reported that preference for red is consistently associated with low n Achievement
while preference for blue is associated with high n Achievement,
and (1962) that time-driven persons prefer somber blue and green
designs, while brighter yellow and red designs are preferred by
individuals with reported ease in the management of time. The
Doing orientation appears to be linked with the "cold" colors
suggestive of the attitude of affective neutrality, and the Being
orientation is associated with the "warm" colors suggestive of
affective spontaneity.
some evidence of cross-cultural validity of this

scheme, particularly for the association between a
preference for green and high n Achievement (McClelland, 1961,
pp. 311-12) or the Doing orientation. A recent questionnaire study
has revealed the "gold and yellow" colors to be (verbally) preferred
in the Buddhist, and green in the Moslem countries of Asia
(Winick, 1963). However, green seems to have been most visible
in early (seventh and eighth century) Moslem art, of minor importance thereafter, and to have been almost completely displaced by
There
is
interpretive
and yellow
from the sixteenth
light-toned red
culture,
in the period of decline of

to the
hausen, 1962, pp. 18-27, 180-81). 6 This

contrast to the early
Mohammedans,
be expected
if,
in
the contemporary "Arab
is
is to
primarily a person of words rather than actions"

p.
Moslem
eighteenth centuries (Etting-
(Hamady, i960,
215). In general, "people in hotter climates dislike dark colors

in colder climates dislike lighter colors" (Winick, 1963,
368). Content analysis of folk tales has revealed that the hot
and people
p.
climate peoples also tend to have lower n Achievement (McClelland, 1961, p. 384).
In the absence of tested data,
it is
hypothesized that the Being-
may
be associated with brown and gray

(or black) colors. When El Greco began painting "the spasms of
the life of the soul" (M. Barras), "he abandoned his warm, golden
in-Becoming orientation
Verbal statements about color preferences are less significant than the
actual use of color, as clues to value orientations.
The Moslem
erence for green seems to have originated at a time

quently used in Arab art.
when
religious pref-
green was
fre-
257
coloring
of Artistic Style
suppressed their blues, retaining only the yellow
brown
and especially the two fundamental

and white" (Colombo and Diehl,
pp. 45-46). In the transition from his sensual naturalistic
ochre, reddish
tints,
colors of the old Byzantines, black

n. d.,
style to the religiously inspired
retto also gave
up
(Dvorak, 1928,
p.
in
Romanesque
mannerism
of his old age, Tinto-
his "golden" in favor of a "gray-green" palette
268). The brown and gray colors are prominent

more, I think, in Spain than in Italy and in
art
the painting of the Chinese gentlemen scholars, preoccupied with
through scholarship and contemplation (Cahill,

i960); 7 also in Rembrandt and the young Van Gogh. 8 The Impressionists, however, who were not much concerned with any but
self-perfection
artistic virtues,
tended to exclude precisely these colors (Serullaz,
i960). "In both North and South America, brown and gray colors
are relatively unpopular.
People in Latin America seem to
brown and gray have a tendency
to heighten muddiness
and sallowness of the skin" (Winick, 1963, pp. 366-67), which
may suggest an "anti-life" quality, the renunciation of the sensuous
feel that
pleasures of Being. 9
The
in Table
interpretations presented in this section are

1.
The
be thought
of,
attributes put
from one
down under
summarized
"quality suggested"
side, as action dispositions
may
held by indi-
viduals with strong value orientations of a particular kind, and,
from the other
side, as
fantasy preoccupations suggested (ideally,
some cases, to me) by particular

formal characteristics. The connecting nexus between value oriento psychological testers, but, in
Before the eleventh century, however, one finds in the Chinese painting
still largely in the hands of professional craftsmen), a "blueand-green" tradition, together with a clear line, frequently a diagonal structure, and, in the eighth century, even an "action-painting" school (Cahill,
7
(at that time
i960, pp. 27-42).

8 His early letters reveal a strong Being-in-Becoming orientation that
have been transformed into an intense need for artistic

Doing. In an early letter he expresses a strong dislike of green and blue, but
later describes himself as "not afraid" of these colors (Stone, i960, pp. 1,
later appears to
160).
9
The diagnostic
validity of color analysis presupposes
the recognition
(and technical availability) in a particular cultural tradition of the main

elements of the color spectrum, as denned in Western culture. This is, in
other cultures, not always the case.
Art and Aesthetics
258
Table
1.
in
Primitive Societies
Activity Orientations
and Art Forms
Value
Orientation
Form
Quality Suggested
Doing
Characteristic
Purposiveness
Straight discrete lines
Powerful (self-assertive)
motion
Diagonal lines
and
configurations )
Variety-seeking
Nonrepetitive (S-shaped)
lines
Intolerance of unused
Small bottom margins
resources
Being
Affective restraint
Green and blue colors

(and somber tones)
Tendency
Overlaid, fuzzy lines
to
"muddle along"
"Undynamic" motion
Nondiagonal lines
Contentment with sameness
Repetitive,
Tolerance of unused
Larger bottom margins
multiwave lines
resources
Red and yellow
Affective spontaneity
colors
(and bright tones)

Being-in-
Becoming
Strong internal restraints
Heavy, thickset lines
Internal tension
Angular
Repressed aggression
Black outlining
Alienation from "life"
Brown and gray (black)
rigidity
colors
tations
and
logical
particular
be thought of as a "psychoemotional quality between

and particular fantasy preoccu-
stylistic characteristics will
congruence"
action
similarity
dispositions
in
pations.
II.
RELATIONAL ORIENTATION
The
relational
orientation
provides
culturally
preferred
models for man's behavior with regard to other men. In the

Individualistic variant, stress is put on the autonomy of the
personality. In the Lineal variant, the line of authority
is
empha-
259
sized.
In the Collateral view, preferential value
of Artistic Style
is
given to the
solidarity of equals.
We may expect to find Individualistic orientations associated

with style characteristics suggesting freedom of action; Lineal
values, with forms evocative of limitations imposed by powerful
authority figures; and Collateral orientations, with suggestions of
The available data allow more precise statements about the form characteristics that seem to be associated
universal similarity.
with relational orientations.

The specific styles linked with Individualism in the arthistorical literature, such as impressionism or surrealism (Hauser,
J 957>
959; Gehlen, i960), are generally characterized by "subexpression of perceptions tending to be private
jectivity," or the
rather than universal. 10 This, together with Barry's observation

(cited in Fischer,
1961) that pressures toward independence in
child training are associated with complexity of art style, implies
that the Individualistic orientation

tivity
and complexity
(cf.
may
characteristics are suggestive of the
and of a high degree of
be linked with both subjec-
Tomars, 1940,
p.
autonomy
189). These form

of the personality
differentiation of the social order. Expect-
(though not complexity) in art is anathema in

authoritarian political systems. It seems to be the former characteristic that is uniquely a projection of Individualistic values.
ably, subjectivity
In the art-historical literature, political autocracy
is
frequently
related to characteristics of style described as frontality, 11 formal-
ism, and restraint, which
may
be conceptualized as a preference
for rigidity (Hauser, 1957, 1959;
Tomars, 1940). For example,
10 Subjectivity in art was rejected by the early twentieth-century Russian

painters with strongly Collateral views. Alexei Gan has proclaimed as the
goal of Communist art "an object of only utilitarian significance [which] will
be introduced in a form acceptable to all." It may be because the Collateral
values of so many Russian painters that "there was extraordinarily little
expressionist painting in Russia" (Gray, 1962, pp. 286, 182), in contrast to
most Protestant countries.

11 "By 'frontality' we mean that law governing the representation of the
human figure
according to which, in whatever position the body is
depicted, the whole chest surface is turned to the onlooker so that the upper
part of the body is divisible by a vertical line into two equal halves" (Hauser,
.
1957,
racies.
1,
PP- 40-41).
It is
characteristic of traditional, but not
modern
autoc-

Art and Aesthetics
260
in
Primitive Societies
"Chinese painting, Persian painting, and Mogul painting were

court art, dignified and restrained.
(Mukerjee, 1951, p. 205).
The same could be said, with even more justification, of Egyptian,
.
Mesopotamian, and Byzantine art. The Mamluk dynasties in Egypt

and Syria feudal organizations with elaborate hierarchy and a
highly centralized state had the "most rigidly composed art of the
Islamic world," marked by "complex geometric configurations" and
a preoccupation with "strict order and rigid formality" (Etting-
1962, p. 143). Upper-class art is generally complex,

imperial art also "colossal" in scope (Tomars, 1940, pp. 171, 324).
Lineal orientations appear to go with formal characteristics
hausen,
and large dimensions that are suggestive of

immovable monumentality, of the power of the ruling class in a
highly differentiated society. However, since complexity is also
associated with Individualistic art, the most characteristic artistic
expressions of Lineal values seem to be formal rigidity and a
rigidity, complexity,
monumental
A more
scale.
precise cross-cultural investigation (Fischer, 1961)

has demonstrated that the art of hierarchic tribal societies is
characterized by designs integrating a number of unlike elements
(nonrepetitive complexity), 12
little
figures. 13 Lineal orientations
appear
irrelevant space,
to
and enclosed
be linked with art forms
suggestive of a high degree of social differentiation, of tendencies
toward
sphere of action, and of clearly defined

These findings are both psychologically
total control of the
interpersonal barriers.
comprehensible and consistent with the art-historical observations

cited before.
In relatively egalitarian tribal societies (Fischer, 1961), art

has designs with repetition of simple elements (repetitive simplicity), large
amounts of empty and
irrelevant space,
and
figures
without enclosures. In his reanalysis of Greek art, Tomars (1940)

has associated strong communal feelings with tendencies toward
"complexity of design" is indicative of "creativity" (Wallace, 1950,
might be worthwhile to explore the hypothesis that Lineal and
Individualistic cultures will be more artistically creative than Collateral ones.
13 The hypothesis that black outlining may be indicative of a Being-inBecoming orientation raises questions about the relationship between Beingin-Becoming and Lineal orientations. Do strongly Lineal cultures generally
tend to encourage the Being-in-Becoming as the morally preferable mode of
12 If
p.
19),
activity?
it

261
of Artistic Style
idealized stereotyping rather than individualized
"subjective") representation.
orientations
may
On
(i.e.,
necessarily
the basis of such data, Collateral
be tentatively associated with relatively "objec-
forms suggestive of the shared equality of mutually

accessible "small men" and of tendencies toward incomplete conart
tive"
my interpretation
whom empty space
the action sphere. In this case,
trol of
somewhat from
Fischer's (1961), for
gestive of avoidance of contact with strangers
differs
is
sug-
and of sociogeo-
graphic isolation.
Fischers (1961) findings on enclosures can be related to

Woelfflin's (n. d., p. 19) art-historical observation that in the paint-
ings of the High Renaissance "the masses appear with stressed

.
edges," whereas in the Baroque they tend to have "unstressed
edges." Since this distinction
painterly polarity, 14
clearly
tions,
is
crucial for his concept of the linear-
hypothesize that the linear
style,
drawn dividing lines, will tend to go with Lineal

and the painterly style (vague, merging contours)
with
its
orientawill be
linked with non-Lineal orientations (cf. Hauser, 1957, II, p. 200). 15

Thus, European Neolithic art would imply more Lineal values
than those of Paleolithic hunters

p.
17).
And
if
may have been
the painterly style
is
(Hauser, 1957, I,
inherently "subjectively in
we should, assuming the linkage

between subjective and Individualistic, expect it to be associated
attitude" (Woelfflin, n. d., p. 20),
with Individualistic values. This tends to be the case in postclassical Greece. In the Chinese culture, in which a linear style derived
from calligraphy generally dominated, more painterly styles were

adopted by the "individualists" and the "eccentrics" (Cahill, i960,
presumably more individualistic
pp. 169-94), an d by the
Ch'an Buddhist and Taoist rather than Confucian painters. The
popularity of strongly linear woodcuts in Germany, particularly
during the sixteenth and early twentieth centuries, and in Japan,
".
linear style sees in lines, painterly in masses. ... In the one
uniformly clear lines which separate; in the other, unstressed boundaries which favor combination" (Woelfflin, n. d., pp. 18-19).
15 While the rigid stratification in the social system of India would suggest dominance of Lineal values, the religious cave paintings of India, e.g., at
Ajanta, are made in a painterly style. In this characteristic, the nonauthoritarian (i.e., non-Lineal) quality of Indian religions may be projected. Indian
miniature painting, less influenced by religious feelings, is predominantly
14
case,
linear.
Art and Aesthetics
262
Primitive Societies
in
perhaps especially during the early part of the Tokugawa regime

(Hillier, 1954), may be related to authoritarian tendencies in
these cultures. Arab paintings (Ettinghausen, 1962) and the art of
the ancient American civilizations (Kubler, 1962) also tend to be
linear.
Cardinet's experimental finding that "the sociable personality
form and order" (Frumkin, i960, p.

108) implies that the rigidity preference is linked only with Lineal,
but not with Collateral, values. Thus, painterly styles may be
associated with a combination of strongly Collateral with weak
Lineal values (as possibly in the Paleolithic), as well as with
rejected pictures with rigid
Individualistic orientations.
The data assembled and the interpretations advanced

summarized in Table 2.
in this
section are
Table
2.
Relational Orientations
and Art Forms
Value
Orientation
Individualistic
Quality Suggested
Autonomy
of the personality
High degree of
social
Form
Characteristic
Subjectivity
Complexity
differentiation
Lineal
Indistinct social barriers
Painterly style
Immovable monumentality
of power
Rigidity, colossalism
High degree
Complexity
of social
differentiation
Tendencies toward
Little irrelevant
space
total control
Collateral
Clearly denned social
Enclosed figures,
barriers
linear style
Shared equality of
Repetitive simplicity
"small
men"
Tendencies toward
incomplete control
Much irrelevant space
Indistinct social barriers
Figures without
enclosures
263
III.
of Artistic Style
TIME ORIENTATION
Each of the three conventional divisions of the time continuum Past, Present, Future can receive preferential emphasis
in a cultural tradition.
In the absence of experimental or cross-culturally tested data,
hypothesize that the time orientation will be projected in the

management of space in painting. (This would constitute a sponI
taneous
artistic
ern physics.)
equivalent of the "time-space continuum" of mod-
It is
assumed
clearly depicted depth
is
may have happened
that
that the location of subject matter in
evocative of a Past orientation
of events
in the distant past but are
relevant. This characteristic
is
common
where the human figure may come close
to
quite
disappearing in the
who were
distance. 16 In contrast, the Greeks,
still
in the Chinese landscape,
uncon-
relatively
cerned with the past, "had no horizon or perspective, no sense of

space or depth" (Muller, i960, p. 118). Similarly in the cave
painting of India. In ancient America, there is no depth in Aztec
but "suggestion of deep space" can be discerned in
art,
Maya
painting (Kubler, 1962, pp. 61, 166); it is the latter who have
been greatly concerned with keeping track of the passage of time.
In cultures in which the discovery of the depth dimension has not
been made,
its
absence cannot, of course, be used as unambiguous
evidence to infer a non-Past orientation.

orientation may be considered to be psychologicongruent with the representation of events either (a) in
The Present
cally
front of vaguely recognizable space, or (b) in a space without

perspective, as in Persian miniatures,
where "the picture ...
is
organized in strips that indicate different areas of space" (Newton,

i960, p. 287), or in folk art with
its
"horizontal
and
vertical
arrangement of figures and flat perspective" (EWA, V, p. 464). In

(a), the magnitude of the event, in combination with the relative
insignificance of the background, suggests the superior importance
of the contemporary over what has gone on before. This is charac16
Lineal cultures should exaggerate the magnitude of the ruler's figure,
as in Assyrian art.
The Past orientation
quently disappear in the distance
of Chinese culture
(cf. Cahill,
i960, p. 28).
makes
it
fre-
Art and Aesthetics
264
in
teristic of the art of the
styles
from Rococo
important
is felt to
no distinguishable
Finally,
High Renaissance and of most modern
Impressionism. In (b), everything that
is
have occurred in an extended present; there
is
to
past.
may
it
Primitive Societies
be assumed that the Future orientation
is
abandonment of specifically
recognizable space (either because the future is unknown, or time
irrelevant). The abandonment of depiction of concrete space distinguished the Christian catacomb painting from its background of
late Roman art (Dvorak, 1928). This characteristic was largely
retained in the Romanesque frescoes. 17 It reappears in modern
abstract painting, which is felt to be groping for future values
psychologically congruent with the
(Sorokin, 1937). "Lack of background" is psychologically interpreted as indicative of "little need for relating self to objects"
(Wallace, 1950, p. 18), which may be a prerequisite of a ruthless

Future orientation. The absence of background, however, can be of
clear diagnostic significance only when the representation of space
had been previously known and abandoned.
The management
may not be the only artistic correMcClelland (1961) summarizes evi-
of space
late of the time orientation.
dence from Greek literature indicating a continual decline of the

Future orientation from 900 to 100 b.c. The "archaic" roughness of
early Greek sculpture is contemporaneous with the strongest
Future orientation. Hauser (1957, 2, p. 96) finds "angular, hasty
movements" to be indicative of a Future emphasis. One of the
most radical innovators in Chinese painting, Kao Ch'i-p'ei, exhibits
a "rough, imprecise lineament" (Cahill, i960, p. 187), as well
as abandoning clear background. "The deliberate 'rudeness' of
Larionov's work of 1907-13
was a general characteristic of
the so-called Futurist movement in Russia
they blunted,
coarsened, simplified, and made emphatic the vocabulary of their
.
predecessors" (Gray, 1962, pp. 93, 99). "Primitivization" occurs

with the breakdown of tradition (Gehlen, i960, p. 146). The
Future orientation appears
to
be linked with intentional formal
"But about the year 1420, some change in the action of the human
enclosed space" (Clark, 1961, p. 14). This may reflect
the increasing importance, with the waning of the Middle Ages, of Present
time orientation.
17
mind demanded
265
of Artistic Style
roughness, suggestive of an unfinished state, of seeking (as in

twentieth-century expressionism )
In Greece, the elegance of the Hellenistic style
may
be associ-
ated with the Present orientation prevalent in this period (Tomars,
1940). The Persian artists' "animals are

Chinese prototypes" (Newton, i960,
their
p.
more elegant than
290). "Elegant round-
is evocative of ritualistic enjoyment of the moment, as in the

Rococo age (Hauser, 1957). In French Impressionism, "the pre-
ness"
dilection for the fugitive, the evanescent" (Serullaz, i960, p. 7)

i.e.,
for the Present, coexists with a generally elegant treatment.
In search of the correlates of the Past orientation, I shall

again turn to Chinese painting and offer the hypothesis that it may
be associated with highly detailed precision in the pursuit of traditional goals.
The strong emphasis on
traditional patterns in
Maori
with rigid precision (Chipp, i960, pp. 6465). In Arab cultures, art characterized by "minuteness and perfection of detail" is linked with a Past orientation (Hamady, i960,
art is also associated
pp. 210, 217).
The hypotheses
Table
of this section are
3.
summarized
in Table 3.
Time Orientations and Art Forms
Value
Orientation
Past
Quality Suggested
Distant events
Form
Characteristic
relevant
Location in clearly
depicted depth
Perfection in the pursuit
Detailed precision
still
of traditional goals
Present
Future
Superior importance of
present over past
Location in front of
vaguely recognizable
space
Only extended present real
Perspectiveless space
Enjoyment of the moment
Rounded elegance
Time irrelevant
unknown
Abandonment
Unfinished state
or future
of
recognizable space
Formal roughness
Art and Aesthetics
266
IV.
in
Primitive Societies
SOME THEORETICAL IMPLICATIONS
While for several of the form-value linkages hypothesized,

is as yet no adequate cross-cultural verification, certain
theoretical implications of the approach here suggested already
seem evident. If art forms and value orientations are linked by
psychological congruence, the former may be construed as subconscious images of the latter; value orientations may constitute one
of the main reference systems of art. This suggests that one of the
there
may
crucial social functions of art
value orientations, by
filling
be the subconscious assertion of
the visible world with shapes emotion-
suggestive of the value orientations held.
ally
Whether
this is
merely pleasurable, when value orientations are internalized, or

also useful, in transmitting and enforcing them, is at present
speculative. In any case, the concept of psychological congruity
would seem
to provide a strategic tool for empirical investigation
of the intracultural linkages that hold total cultural systems together.
Even though there may well be a considerable range of

psychologically congruent with a
cannot be assumed a priori that the
stylistic characteristics that are
given value orientation,
it
value orientations and the art styles of a sociohistorical unit will,

at any given time, be mutually articulated. The failure of valuestyle articulation
appears to be most likely in times of rapid change
(or under conditions of institutionalized traditionalism in some,
but not
all,
parts of a cultural whole).
culture that does not evolve or borrow styles of art that are
psychologically congruent with
produce an inferior
its
major value orientations seems
Like the nineteenthcentury American society, it will not feel spontaneously at home
with its art, and will probably be inhibited by this feeling in its
likely to
artistic tradition.
However, art styles may also function as means

change in the established value orientations, and
artistic expression.
of inducing a
they
may
tional
be successful or
dynamic
greatest art
may
fail
application.
be produced
It
in this
when
intentional
tempting
is
art style is
to
means
of inducing a
change within
that
both a reflection of
the value orientations institutionalized in a culture

ful
or uninten-
speculate
this pattern.
and a success-
267
If the
present theory
is
of Artistic Style
supported, in
its
general approach, by
further research, the implications for art theory
be considerable.
It
and practice could
presents the goal of artistic creativity not as
perpetuation of traditional patterns or formal innovation, but as

the (not necessarily conscious) seeking of forms congruent with
the changing value orientations of the individual
(or of
some subgroup within
it).
and
of his society
This orientation might eventually
provide a natural check on the cultivated irrationality of certain
tendencies in contemporary art. In focusing on the relationship

between values and style, regardless of content, the present theory
constitutes a justification of nonobjective (no less than representational)
as a potentially significant expression of the value
art
orientations around
V.
is
which
must be organized.
METHODOLOGICAL COMMENTS
One of the basic assumptions
that
all
personality
ments of
of the value-orientations theory
possible orientations are present, but to varying degrees,
in all societies at all times.
to
society
Hence, any complex
artistic tradition or
potentially capable of using all distinguishable ele-
is
artistic style.
Value orientations merely create tendencies
favor particular stylistic characteristics, which are combined
some of them apparently caused by socioform a style. Since similar tendencies may
appear in different sociocultural contexts, they will emerge in
diverse stylistic configurations, so that no specific historical style
can be considered as a "pure" and "complete" expression of a value
orientation (or of any other sociocultural variable, such as social
with other tendencies
logical factors
to
class).
Though
the interpretations suggested have been supported to
a large degree by strategic illustrations

several of the
major
from the
civilizations, the generalizations
art history of
advanced are
phrased in terms sufficiently general to generate hypotheses for

cross-cultural research on varying levels of socioeconomic development. In such testing, assumptions of the present theory should be
adjusted to the limiting condition that certain characteristics of
styles (e.g., the depth dimension or a particular color) do not exist
as technically realizable alternatives in
some
cultural traditions. In
Art and Aesthetics
268
such cases,
it
is
in
Primitive Societies
not possible, without independent sources of
information, to infer with any degree of certainty that the value

orientations presumably linked with the "missing" traits are also
absent. Conversely, "the reliance on certain universal materials
.
induces certain universal or widespread solutions; a
figure executed within a basket design
is
inevitably
human
composed by
using triangles, rectangles, straight or diagonal lines"
(EWA, 5, p.
made
476). In this type of case, analytical inferences have to be
holding techniques as constant as possible (though the preference

for a particular technique
may
in itself be significant as a clue to
value orientations). 18
The spontaneous expression

style is likely to
tional idiom)
be circumscribed
by the
of value orientations in artistic

(i.e.,
forced into some conven-
artistic traditions institutionalized in a cul-
which may reflect a historically prior value-orientations

seems possible that, for this or other reasons, different
cultures may prefer alternative ways of expressing similar value
ture,
profile. It
orientations in artistic style (cf. Aronson, 1958).
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Japanese Masters of the Colour Print: A Great Heritage of Oriental

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"Attitudes Toward Time and Aesthetic Choice," The Journal of Social
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Art.
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:
Sherman
Chinese and Japanese Art," The Journal of

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E. "Contrasts in
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George. "Art: The Introduction to Qualitative Anthropology," The

Journal of Aesthetics and Art Criticism, 16 (1957), pp. 1-17.
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Mills,
Ltd., 1951.
Muller, Herbert
York: The
Newton,
Eric.
Works
J.
The Uses
of the Past: Profiles of
New American
The Arts
of
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of Art. Greenwich, Conn.:
Serullaz, Maurice.
Former
New
Interpretation of Great
York Graphic Society, i960.
French Painting, the Impressionist Painters.
Universe Books,
Sorokin, Pitirim A.
New
Societies.
Library of World Literature, i960.
New
York:
Inc., i960.
Social
Book Company, 1937.
and Cultural Dynamics.
New
York:
American
270
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Stone, Irving
and Jean
in
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(eds.).
Van Gogh. New York: Grove
Dear Theo: The Autobiography of Vincent

Press, i960.
Theology of Culture. New York: Oxford University Press, 1959.

Tomars, Adolph Siegfried. Introduction to the Sociology of Art. Mexico City,
Tillich, Paul.
1940.
Wallace, Anthony F. C. "A Possible Technique for Recognizing Psychological

Characteristics of the Ancient Maya from an Analysis of Their Art," The
American Imago, 7, 3 (1950), pp. 239-58.

Winick, Charles. "Taboo and Disapproved Colors and Symbols in Various
Foreign Countries," The Journal of Social Psychology, 59 (1963), pp.
361-68.
Woelfflin, Heinrich. Principles of Art History.
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The Problem
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Worringer, Wilhelm. Abstraction and Empathy: A Contribution to the Psychology of Style. New York: International Universities Press, 1953.
BaKwele and
American Aesthetic Evaluations Compared*
IRVIN L. CHILD and LEON SIROTO
Very few transcultural empirical studies of aesthetics have been made to

see if "there are univeral standards of aesthetic quality." In the test discussed in this article, photographs of BaKwele masks were judged by art
experts in New Haven and subsequently by BaKwele carvers, and the
aesthetic evaluations of both groups were recorded and compared. The
amount of agreement between the two groups is surprising but consistent
with the idea of universal standards of aesthetic quality. The concurrence of
opinion in this sample recommends that the method be used for other similar
cross-cultural studies of
Dr.
Irvin
L.
Child
art.
is
Professor of Psychology at Yale
University.
special interests are personality and aesthetic judgment and preference.
His
He
"A Cross-cultural Study of Drinking" (Quarterly Journal

Studies Alcohol, 1965) and of "Some Trans-cultural Comparisons of Esthetic
Judgment (Journal of Social Psychology, 1968), and the author of "Personality Correlates of Esthetic Judgment in College Students" (Journal of Peris
the coauthor of
sonality, 1933).
Leon Siroto
History
in
appeared
is
Chicago.
in
a curator of African art at the Field
Museum
of Natural
recent article by him entitled "The Face of the Bwiti"
African Arts (Spring, 1968).
In matters of value, the hard-won knowledge of cultural relativity
contributed by anthropologists to
ter the
mankind has helped
shat-
ethnocentric absolutism of Western thought. But what
should replace the earlier belief in absolute universals of value?
One
possibility is a
complete cultural and personal relativity of
Reprinted from Ethnology, Vol. 4, No. 4 (October, 1965), pp. 349-60.

study on which this article is based was made under a Ford
Foundation Foreign Area Training Fellowship. However, the conclusions,
*
The
field
opinions,
and other statements in
not those of the Ford Foundation.
and
was done under
this article are those of the authors
The analysis
of the data
Cooperative Contract No. 1748, U.S. Office of Education.
272
Art and Aesthetics
in
Primitive Societies
values, and many people today probably believe they are in tune
with the wisdom of anthropologists in taking that position. But
clearly this opinion does not prevail among anthropologists. In a
discussion of ethical relativity, for example, Kluckhohn (1955)

regards both extreme relativism and extreme absolutism as untenable.
The reasons with which Kluckhohn supports his rejection of

complete ethical relativism seem in part to be applicable, with
appropriate modifications, to aesthetic relativism as well.
anthropologists have
made
Some
quite explicit their doubt or rejection of
complete aesthetic relativism. Firth (1951, p. 161), for example,

in an extended discussion, which takes account of the facts of
cultural variation as seen by the field worker, rejects the extreme
position outright in saying, "I believe that there are universal
standards of aesthetic quality, just as there are universal standards

of technical efficiency." Linton (1954, p. 166), while taking no
explicit position, implies at least a hunch that aesthetic relativity is
likely to be
found untenable
Whether there
is
some denominator common to all the

is one of the most important prob-
expressions of a single type
lems confronting the student of aesthetics. It is obvious that

appreciation of any particular art form is to some degree a
result of learning and habituation. Thus, to a European, most
African art is repulsive at first contact. It is only after he has
become accustomed to the medium that he can appreciate its
qualities and derive esthetic satisfaction from it. The real
problem is whether behind such diverse objects as a Poro
mask, the Venus de Milo, and a Peruvian jar there are com-
mon
dynamic interrelation of parts, harmony

which may appear in different combinations but are responsible for the esthetic effect. It seems
that we have here an area in which modern psychological
techniques could be brought to bear on a problem which
philosophers have discussed for centuries without coming to
factors of form,
of color,
and so
forth,
agreement.
The appeal
relativity
for empirical evidence on the question of aesthetic

has been answered by actual research to an astonish-
273
use quantitative methods in

transcultural investigation of aesthetic values was an anthropologist, Robert Lowie
(1921). Aware of psychological research
ingly small degree.
One
of the
first to
demonstrating some tendency in Western subjects to make and to

prefer rectangles shaped approximately in accordance with the
golden proportion, Lowie studied the distribution of rectangle
shapes in the decorative art of a particular North American Indian
tribe, and reported with interest their failure to conform to this
proportion. His report is an extremely valuable beginning, for
which Lowie claimed no more. That it was not followed up may be
traced to the defects of its background in experimental psychology,
where the variables then selected for study were probably too
simple to get near the heart of aesthetic value. More recently,
psychological aesthetics has shifted attention to more complex
variables and to actual works of art as well as to elements used in
the arts. In line with this shift, actual works of art (or reproductions of them) have been used in the other two quantitative
investigations known to us. Both were concerned with the question
of transcultural agreement in the order of preference for a set of
works of visual art. In one of these studies, Lawlor (1955)
compared the preferential ratings of a few West African decorative
designs by West Africans and by Europeans. In another, McElroy
(1952) compared preference ratings of a variety of visual materials by Australian Aborigines and by students at the University of
Sydney. In neither of these studies was any evidence found of
transcultural agreement.
Each of these studies has a serious defect: the people whose
judgments were used were not selected for interest in art but
rather were representative in this respect of the
community as a
whole. There seems no reason to believe that aesthetic values
all members of the average community; in a
study of college students, Child (1962) learned that preferences
according with traditional aesthetic values are clearly not those of
would be shared by
the average student. In this respect aesthetic values
from moral values. Moral values have
may
well
do with the evaluation of alternative resolutions of conflicts experienced by everyone,

and thus have a necessary relevance to everyone's life. Aesthetic
differ
to
values have to do with the evaluation of stimuli with respect to
Art and Aesthetics
274
their
Primitive Societies
in
adequacy for satisfying a kind of interest that most indiseem to have the option of pursuing or not pursuing; in
sense, they seem to lack any compelling relevance to every
viduals
this
individual's
made by
or
agreement
life.
It is
known
possible that aesthetic evaluations
to only
some people
in each society,
may
be
and yet that
found between such people in various societies.

to ask whether people interested in art
within one cultural tradition will have any tendency to make
preferential judgments that will agree with those made by people
will be
Accordingly,
we need
interested in art within another cultural tradition. In the attempt to

it seems important to use kinds of work that can readily be
regarded appreciatively in both societies. Experts in our society are
do this
now so used to looking at art from a variety of cultures that they

can so regard any visual art. To people in a simpler society who are
interested in art, however, art from outside their own cultural
tradition might be so novel that they would be unable to consider it
appreciatively.
One
possible
approach,
therefore,
is
to
obtain
from people in
that society interested in those works and then compare their
reactions with those given to the same works by art experts in our
society. We report here what is, so far as we know, the first study
of this sort ever done. It was made possible by a field trip one of us
(Siroto) made, devoted primarily to studying the function of
masks in BaKwele culture.
The BaKwele are a Bantu-speaking people living in the
heavily forested basins of the Dja and Ivindo Rivers in the Republic of the Congo (Brazzaville) and the Gabon in western equatorial
Africa. At the time when masks were used, the BaKwele were
swidden cultivators who moved their settlements about often and
erratically. Numerous patricians formed large villages which were
partly fortified. BaKwele religion was expressed primarily in
witchcraft beliefs and in several more or less communal rites of
preferential reactions to artworks of another society
intensification which, incidentally, decided or validated the social
Numerous masks were used in a major

complex performed on irregular occasions, on the average
perhaps every other year; a few masks were occasionally used in
other ways. European contact with the BaKwele began only at the
very end of the last century and eventually, probably during the
status of the patricians.
ritual
BaKwele mask from the upper Sangha area of the Congo

and umber paint. 20 3/4" high.
with white, rust,
(Brazzaville).
Wood

Art and Aesthetics
276
1920's, led to
used.
Some
in
Primitive Societies
abandonment
of the rituals in
carvers have continued to
which the masks were
make masks, however,
at the
request of administrators and for local use on public occasions
The younger generation have

French as a second language and are commonly literate in it.
Acculturation has been rapid and apparently welcomed, at least
during the last few decades, but there is little sign of interest in
European art. There seems no reason to believe BaKwele evaluations of their own masks would have been influenced by contact
with European traditions.
The field worker took with him photographs of all the masks
known to him, from publications and from museum and private
collections, which might be presumed to have been made by the
BaKwele or by neighboring peoples. The photographs were thirtynine in number and were of uniform size
5 inches by 7 inches
but unfortunately not of uniform quality; some were made from
published illustrations of good quality or photographs made under
good conditions, but some were from poor published illustrations
or from snapshots made under unfavorable conditions, and one
was a photograph of a drawing.
The thirty-nine masks, as represented in the photographs,
were judged for their aesthetic value i.e., for how good they were
as works of art
by thirteen experts (advanced art students and
others able to make such judgments) in New Haven, Connecticut.
As nearly as BaKwele language and general culture permitted, the
field worker tried to obtain judgments by similar criteria from
individual BaKwele; there was a difference, as will be seen.
for entertainment rather than ritual.
PROCEDURE
The photographs were used
FIELD
as a point of entry into the
ethnological study of masks. For this reason as well as for the
present purposes, elders were sought as subjects.
masks had been confined
to
men, and
The making of
had
their traditional use
been practiced only by men now well over fifty; consequently

women were not interviewed, and emphasis was placed on interviewing older men.
At strategic times the thirty-nine photographs were set out in
277
random order on
a large table or a
mat on
the ground.
The
field
whom
he spoke in French. The

interpreter was requested to ask the subject to choose the masks
that he found "les plus beaux" or "qu'il aime plus que les autres."
The terms used by the interpreter in carrying out this instruction
referred to goodness in general or to beauty as it applies to
persons. The BaKwele constructions for "well-made" or "wellcarved" were not used in posing questions but were sometimes
used by the interviewees in their comments on the masks.
The subject was asked to choose from the thirty-nine the four
masks he considered to be the best. After they had been chosen, he
was asked to choose four more, and then to continue choosing in
this manner until the last photograph had been judged. Four of the
subjects were not willing to continue all the way through, and the
photographs they left at the end were all given an identical score
based on the average of all the categories not used. One of these
four had also selected in groups of eight rather than four, and a
similar procedure of giving tied scores was followed.
The conditions under which data were gathered were in
several respects unfavorable for the purposes of the study. For one
thing, the circumstances were often hectic. The subject was often
surrounded by all members, human and animal, of his hamlet.
Children would seize photos from the table and attempt to carry
them off. Women would pick up the photos they preferred and
hand them to the subject for his approval. Such attempts to
influence the subject were inevitable and sometimes intensive, but
the field worker's position as guest of the settlement precluded any
remonstrances which might have been effective. Attempts to conduct the test in seclusion seemed to make for awkwardness, as it
forced upon the men the disagreeable task of having to keep their
women and children out of the house in which the test was given;
such attempts were therefore abandoned. In any event, the sixteen
different subjects were from different hamlets, and in only two
instances was one of them present when another was making his
judgments; in each of these the former had made his judgments
worker used an interpreter with
previously.
The physical arrangements themselves were

factory. Presenting so
many photographs
at
less than satisone time made for
278
Art and Aesthetics
in
Primitive Societies
dubious care in inspecting the entire field and also made the prints
likely to be blown by the wind or to appear in widely varying
more
illumination.
Because photographs rather than actual masks were used, the

judgments cannot be confidently asserted to be equivalent to
those that would have been made of the masks themselves. To be
sure, this is true of the New Haven experts as well. But the New
Haveners are at least used to seeing both an object and a photographic representation of
it,
so their imagination
may
generally
from the latter to the former. This is much

less true for the BaKwele subjects, particularly since they were
mostly older men who had been less exposed to the printed page
and accompanying illustrations than had younger members of the
group. In particular, some photographs in which strong shadows
were apparent were subject to misinterpretation, for the shadows
might be thought to be a part of the mask by a person not used to
interpreting photographs as representations of three-dimensional
carry
them
fairly well
objects.
RESULTS
The ratings made of each photograph by each of the sixteen

BaKwele are presented in Table i, each judge being identified by a
number, age, and one of three categories of relation to masks. First
come four judges who were carvers. (Two of these, Nos. 3 and 4,
were old-time mask carvers. No. 2 was a carpenter who carved
masks in the traditional style for the field worker. No. 1 has produced ivory carvings not masks for sale to administrators, missionaries, and businessmen.) Then come four judges who as cult
leaders had used masks in the traditional manner. Finally appear
eight other BaKwele interested in or knowledgeable about masks.
An entry of 9 means that the judge placed a photograph in the
topmost of ten possible groups of four as being one of the four best
in his estimation. An entry of o means that he placed a photograph
among the four poorest. In this table the thirty-nine photographs
have been arranged in descending order of their evaluation by the
New Haven experts. It is immediately apparent that there is some
tendency for the BaKwele judges to agree with the New Haven
279
more frequent in the upper part of the

But we need to measure the degree to which agreement is
present and the confidence that may be placed in the evidence of
agreement. For these purposes certain standard statistical procedures have been followed.
First, to measure the evaluation of the photographs by the
consensus of any particular group of subjects, factor analysis has
been employed. For example, correlation coefficients were obtained to express the degree of similarity between the ratings of
each possible pair out of the thirteen New Haven judges. A factor
analysis was performed to determine the extent to which each of
the New Haven judges expressed a tendency shared by their group
as a whole, retaining only the single first factor which would
represent this consensus, and then factor scores were calculated
for each of the thirty-nine photographs to express their standing in
relation to this factor. These factor scores represent the average
rating given to a photograph by the thirteen New Haven judges
when each one's ratings are weighted in proportion to the extent to
which his judgments correlate with the general consensus of the
thirteen. Identical procedures were followed for the four BaKwele
who were themselves carvers, for the four BaKwele who were cult
leaders, and for the eight other BaKwele considered together as a
single group. The evaluations that result for each photograph are
also presented in Table i
judges, as high ratings are
table.
The
factor scores representing evaluations by the thirteen
New Haven
experts are the point of reference for the calculations
which then followed. To determine how closely the consensus of

the BaKwele carvers agreed with the New Haven consensus, for
example, the factor scores for the consensus of the four carvers
were correlated with the factor scores for the New Haven experts.
The same procedure was followed for each of the other groupings
of BaKwele judges. Also, the evaluations by each individual
BaKwele judge were similarly correlated with the consensus of
New Haven evaluations. Results for all thirty-nine photographs
together are presented in the first three columns of Table i. For
each of the groupings of BaKwele judges, the evidence of tendency
to agree with the New Haven judges is significant at the one
percent level (that is, so great an appearance of agreement, in the
Art and Aesthetics
280
in
Primitive Societies
Table
tr
Source*
Plass, 1956,
;>
<Z
Thirty-nine
Mask Photogr
"
2.
<
No. 24-A
Fagg, 1953, No. 104, PI. xxxiv

Plass, 1956, No. 24-D
1.
'
'
,*
Carvers
1234
X
x
7
8
5
6
29
32
x
x
A
1
Kamer & Kamer, 1957, No. 193
O
J
Segy, 1952, Fig. 184
14
g
8
9
8
Clouzot
&
Level, 1925-26, PI. vii
Mus. Prim. Art
(N.Y.), 1961, No.
38
70
13
20
Pepper, 1958, p. 36
Eth. Mus. (Gothenburg),
p. 5,
upper
35
28
Sweeney, 1935, No. 414

Olbrechts
&
X
X
X
X
Claerhout, 1956, No. 183
Mus. Prim. Art (N.Y.) 1961, No. 71A

Eth. Mus. (Gothenburg), p. 7
Eth. Mus. (Gothenburg), p. 5, upper
34
33
25
31
27
X
X
X
X
X
7
Eth. Mus. (Gothenburg), p. 8,
24
X
X
X
x
x
x
Kjellberg, 1957, p.
Mus. Prim. Art (N.Y.), 1961, No. 71
3
1 ft
10
Ass. Pop. Amis. Mus., 1948, Fig. 32, p. 59
Clouzot
&
V
V/
A
Q
y
164
Level, 1925-26, PI. xxi
X
X
21
15
5,
lower
Eth. Mus. (Gothenburg), p. 4
Cunard, 1934, P- 713

Eth. Mus. (Gothenburg),
Eth. Mus. (Gothenburg), p. 8,
lower
Burssens, i960, Fig. 7
X
X
23
39
37
O'Reilly's (N.Y.), 1953, No. 129
16
Cottes, 1911, PI. xxxiii
12
30
to
10
22
p. 5,
7
2
3
8
9
6
X
X
5
9
7
8
Q
O
6
X
X
17
Eth. Mus. (Gothenburg), p.
5
5
26
* Masks for which no source is given are in public or private collections and have not,
our knowledge, been pictured in publications.
281
ification,
Ratings, and Factor Scores
Ratings by
Factor scores representing
BaKwele
evaluation by consensus of
'ult
Others
iders
All
BaKwele
Carvers
!3
14
*5
experts
3-5
2-5
1.0
3-5
2.5
.2
2.5
3
8
3-5
3-5
3
8
4
2
3-5
3
6
3-5
6.5
3-5
4
8
2.5
4
8
9
2
6-5
4
8
9
o
9
2
8-5
*"5
2.0
6-5
1.6
2.3
3-5
9
o
3-5
9
2
8.5
3-5
3-5
3-5
3-5
3
2
7
2
3-5
3
2
4
8
3
6
3-5
3-5
3-5
3-5
3-5
3-5
7
8
9
8
7
8
9
8
4
8
3-5
3-5
3-5
9
2
3-5
3
2
3-5
3-5
3-5
3-5
3-5
3-5
7
3
6
9
3-5
-3
1 -7
.4
16
1 -7
1-7
-3
.2
.1
1-7
-5
l.O
c
.0
1.0
1.4
2.1
2.0
2.0
1-3
.O
-4
1-3
l.O
1.2
2.0
2.0
11
'7
1.0
2.5
.0
.2
8-5
1 .0
1.2
8.5
2-5
2.5
3
6
6.5
8-5
1.4
1-3
9
8
8-5
l.O
6.5
2-5
2-5
1.2
.2
2.5
2.5
3-5
6.5
3-5
3
o
2-5
3-5
6-5
1.2
1-3
2-5
-3
-7
.4
-5
-l.O
.0
-7
.0
-5
.2
1-7
1.6
.2
1-3
1.4
1-5
.2
.2
.1
i-3
.1
-3
.6
1.1
.1
-1-3
.2
1-3
1.4
-4
.8
3-5
3-5
5
8
3
8
8.5
3-5
3-5
2.5
3-5
3-5
2.5
.0
8-5
1-3
3
6
3-5
7
o
3-5
2.5
3-5
5
2
3-5
2.5
7
4
6.5
2.5
-9
.6
1.1
1.2
.2
1.1
.2
-9
3-5
3-5
3-5
3-5
3-5
2.5
3-5
3-5
2-5
3-5
3-5
2.5
3-5
3-5
2.5
-1-5
-1-5
3-5
3-5
2-5
.1
.8
.6
-5
i-3
1.1
-5
.6
-5
.6
.1
1.0
-4
1.1
-5
.6
1.1
-5
.6
-7
-1-3
-1.6
-7
.8
1-3
-4
.8
1.2
.2
1.4
.7
.8
.8
-4
-1-3
-9
1.4
1-7
-9
.0
-5
.1
7
6
-9
.2
1.4
.6
3-5
-9
.2
3-5
i ft
1.0
.0
.0
-9
l.O
-3
5
o
N.H.
Other
Cult
3-5
BaKwele
leaders
16
.1
.8
.1
-9
3
.1
.1
.1
.2
.2
-4
-5
- -7
-7
- .8
- .8
- -9
1.0
1.0
1.0
1.0
- .8
1-3
1.2
-1.4
-1.8
2.1
.2
1-7
Art and Aesthetics
282
Table
Resemblance
(Each entry
is
2.
in
Primitive Societies
BaKwele Evaluations
of
Mask Photographs:
to Evaluations by Art Experts
in
New
Haven, Connecticut
a correlation coefficient expressing the degree to
given set of BaKwele evaluations resembles the
New Haven
which a
evaluations.)
Photographs remaining after 8 poor ones removed

Photographs remaining after
4 more of doubtful origin
were removed
All 31
All 27
Remain-
Remain-
All 39
ing
ing
Photo-
Photo-
Photo-
16 Play
8 Fierce
graphs
graphs
graphs
Masks
Masks
a) 4 Carvers
b) 4 Cult leaders
c) 8 Others
.48**
.50**
43*
.48*
.85**
.44**
.51**
.51**
55*
.38**
.42**
34*
45*
d) All 16 judges
.44**
.48**
.42*
.50*
.76*
.80**
BaKwele Judges
Consensus of
54
37
idividual judges with ages
Carvers
i.
2.
34-
35-38
40
65
65
49**
.46**
34*
3i
.46**
.50**
44*
.48*
52
33*
34*
33*
44*
-05
.30*
39*
.36*
29
.62
23
.64*
Cult leaders
5-
55-6o
55
7- 65
8. 55-6o
Others
9. 17-18
6.
10.
11.
12.
1314.
15.
16.
42
23
65
50
65-70
45-50
50
39**
37*
35*
.36*
43**
53**
.60*
.38**
45**
.40*
34
.28*
39*
37*
57*
.40**
39*
31
32*
33*
.21
.28
.68*
.52**
.46**
.68**
.09
.47**
15
.18
19
52
-.08
.25
34
15
.22
.31*
23
45*
14
13
.06
25
30
-.64
.36*
35*
.42*
.48*
5i
25
.36*
.26
14
.48
* Probability of so large a positive correlation with true correlation zero,

* Probability of so large a positive correlation with true correlation zero,
<
<
.05
.01
283
absence of true agreement, could arise by chance less than one

percent of the time). The evidence of tendency to agree with the
New Haven judges is significant at least at the five percent level
each individual carver and each individual cult leader, and also
BaKwele.
When eight photographs which posed ambiguities for inexperienced viewers (mostly because of shadows that might be
confused with the masks) are removed, the results for the thirtyone remaining are more striking still, as may be seen in the second
column of Table 2. The correlations with the New Haven judgments are somewhat larger, and there are now only two of the
sixteen BaKwele judges for whom the evidence of agreement with
for
for four of the eight other
New Haven
judges
fails to
be significant at least at the five percent
level.
Of these thirty-one remaining photographs, four are among

BaKwele judges to be foreign (in addition to those
foreign masks which were among the eight offering photographic
difficulty). The evidence of agreement with the New Haven
judges, for the twenty-seven photographs that remain after removal of those four, is less decisive although still strong, as shown
in the third column of Table 2. Among these twenty-seven
BaKwele masks there are sixteen "play" or "entertainer" masks.
These were used in dancing which heightened and sustained
ceremonial occasions, and to them the BaKwele would apply words
that might be translated by "beautiful" or "good" but that would denote power, protection, and opposition to evil. Another eight of the
masks were of a type considered to be fierce and fearsome, used
those stated by
occasionally to terrorize the village. Results calculated separately
masks of each of these two types are presented in the last two
columns of Table 2. Although the results are again less decisive
for
than for the entire thirty-nine photographs, there is still very

convincing evidence of a tendency toward agreement with the New
Haven judges despite the small number of masks that now remain.
In the statements of statistical significance mentioned thus
and noted in Table 2, the particular group of judges is taken as
a given, and the question is what generalization can be made about
how these judges would theoretically have responded to an infinitely large population of masks. But suppose we instead take a set
far
284
of
Art and Aesthetics
masks
as given
in
Primitive Societies
and ask with what confidence one can general-
whom
our judges are representais given by the nearly

uniform positive direction of the correlations presented in Table 2.
Only when the number of masks is reduced to eight the fierce
masks dealt with in the last column of the table is there ever a
negative correlation. In every other instance the direction of correlation indicates some tendency for agreement rather than disagreement with the New Haven consensus. The probability that
this unanimity of direction could have arisen by chance is, for the
four carvers or four cult leaders separately, 1/16; for the carvers
and cult leaders together, 1/256. Finally, for all sixteen judges
ize to the
tive.
population of people of
In this event a very decisive answer
together the probability of their independently yeilding positive
rather than negative correlations by chance
is something less than

one in 32,000.
We have thus far stressed the overwhelming evidence of a
tendency toward transcultural agreement because we think this is
the aspect of the results that will be surprising to
many
people.
however, will indicate

that an equally striking result is confirmation of the fact that the
BaKwele also have evaluative standards not shared with New
Haven experts. Photographs fourteen and twenty, for example,
stand out as instances of remarkably close agreement among the
sixteen BaKwele judges in placing the photographs at or near the
top of the list, a position higher than they reach in the consensus
of the New Haven judges. The photographs that are second and
third in the New Haven consensus, on the other hand, are not
given the maximum rating of 9 by a single one of the sixteen
BaKwele judges. Very clearly there are determiners of agreement
among the BaKwele that have nothing to do with the criteria
underlying the consensus of the New Haven experts.
Careful inspection of the data in Table
This fact
may
be represented in
1,
summary by asking how
well
BaKwele judges agrees with

the consensus of another in comparison with the extent to which it
agrees with the consensus of New Haven judges. If there were no
special tendency for the BaKwele to agree with each other, one
would expect the correlations among subgroups to be lower than
the consensus of one subgroup of the
285
and the New Haveners,

Haveners is based on a larger
the correlations between each subgroup
New
since the consensus of the
number
of subjects
and
is
therefore a
more
stable ordering.
The
facts are quite the other way. For all thirty-nine masks considered
together the consensus of the four carvers has a correlation of .84
with the consensus of cult leaders and of .93 with the consensus of
eight other BaKwele, while the latter two have a correlation of .86
with each other; all these are much higher than the correlation
between any one of these consensi and that of the
New Haven
experts, presented in Table 2.
The same kind
of result
is
obtained with each of the smaller
groupings of masks reported in Table 2 with the sole exception of

the fierce masks; in that instance the consensus of the carvers has
a correlation of .59 with that of the cult leaders and .52 with that
of the other BaKwele, and the latter two groups have a correlation
with each other of only .10, whereas the correlations of subgroups

with the New Haven consensus reach as high as .85. Since there
were only eight masks of this kind, it is impossible to be sure

whether we have here an instance where there is no special cultural consensus, or whether sampling error is responsible. The
customary use of this type of mask is such, however, as to favor
the supposition that there may be a genuine lack of agreement
because of the intrusion of other sources of evaluation. An attitude
of fear and therefore dislike might well characterize those people
whose experience had been that of being inconvenienced or
harmed by the use of such masks, whereas those who controlled
the masks or were their primary users might well have a positive
feeling because of the power associated for them with such masks.
DISCUSSION
Why do the New Haven experts and the BaKwele judges show
some agreement in their evaluations of BaKwele masks? Perhaps
because the masks do really vary one from another in general
suitability for arousing and sustaining interest in anyone who
enjoys visual art, and both sets of judges are sensitive to this
variation.
We
find this interpretation plausible in the light of our
286
Art and Aesthetics
in
Primitive Societies
of the masks the ones rated high by both New Haveners

and BaKwele do indeed seem unusually beautiful, and more interesting with repeated looking; we feel the same way about some of
the masks with lower ratings, but not about all of them. To say
what it is in the masks that leads us to react this way would not be
easy. The history of aesthetic theory suggests that the relevant
characteristics of the masks are many and complex.
But is such an interpretation necessarily called for? Perhaps
the agreement between New Haveners and BaKwele has a much
more superficial origin. Perhaps it is based entirely on some fairly
simple and obvious characteristics of the masks. We have looked
at the photographs with this question in mind and can see simple
characteristics that may play some part. Two of the masks (Nos.
12 and 16) rated very low by both groups appear in very poor
reproductions, enlargements from half-tone illustrations with conspicuous grain; this inadequacy of reproduction is shared by only
own view
one of all the other photographs (No. 17). This poor quality as
photograph may well have rendered more extreme an evaluation
which would in any event have been low for Nos. 12 and 16 in
view of the nature of the masks themselves. Another characteristic
which may have influenced both sets of judges is the quality of
workmanship; careful smoothing is apparent more frequently, for
example, in masks rated high. Here, too, this is not likely to have
been the sole basis of judgment. Carefully finished pieces that rank
high seem to have other more complex aesthetic attributes as well.
And there are exceptions; for example, No. 37, ranked very low by
both groups, seems to have been carefully finished (although sub-
Our inclination is to feel that simple featues

such as these are not the sole basis for agreement, but the information provided by this one study is not sufficient to settle the
sequently damaged).
question.
Another
possibility, of course, is that
European influence
is
after all a probable explanation for the agreement, despite our
judgment
This explanation might be supported by

BaKwele judges, as may be seen in
Table 2, on the average have closer agreement with the New
Haven experts than do the older BaKwele judges. Such a relation
to age, if it may be inferred from so few cases, may, however, have
to the contrary.
the fact that the few younger
287
quite a different meaning; younger men who seemed interested

enough in masks to be chosen as judges may be more likely to have
an aesthetic interest, since so many of the earlier reasons for
interest in masks have disappeared. Here, too, the information
provided by this one study cannot be decisive.
Inspection of the masks may also provide clues about how the
standards of the two sets of judges differ from one another. Of the
four masks which show the greatest tendency to be rated higher by
New Haven experts than by BaKwele, two are perhaps in poor
condition (No. 29 with kaolin adhering only in patches and No. 26
with tusks missing where the BaKwele would expect them), and
two are of the fierce type (Nos. 26 and 38). One (No. 3) is an
ambiguous photograph both because of shadows and because the
mask is in a slanting position. These characteristics of mask or
photograph are all somewhat more frequent here than among the
rest.
reasonable explanation
that the
is
New Haven
judges are
admiring damaged works of art, less repelled by

(partly because not knowing about) fearsome qualities or associations, and better able to interpret correctly ambiguous photographs. On the other hand, all four masks which show the greatest
tendency to be rated higher by the BaKwele than by the New
Haveners (Nos. 1, 10, 27, and 30) are somewhat deviant from,
while still within, BaKwele tradition. This is true of only a few of
the other masks, and it may be that BaKwele are attracted by such
deviance, whereas the New Haveners could probably in no case
have been aware of it. These four masks also share the characteristic of having some very salient feature
either horns, wings, or
pronounced light-dark contrasts. This is true of more than half of
the other masks, too, but it seems possible that the attention of the
BaKwele judges, in view of their lack of experience in dealing with
photographs, was especially readily caught by such salient
more used
to
features.
Consistencies of preference,
more or less distinctive to a

The method used here could
society, are obviously to be expected.
be of value to field workers
who wish
preferences characteristic of the
to
identify clearly the
community they
are studying, in
order to relate those preferences to other aspects of the culture.
Preference judgments on the same materials need to be obtained
Art and Aesthetics
288
in
in
Primitive Societies
two or more different groups, however, before one can even
begin to have a satisfactory basis for judging in what respects the

preferences are distinctive to one group and in what respects they
are shared by different groups.
SUMMARY
Photographs of BaKwele masks were judged for aesthetic
New Haven, Connecticut. During a field trip
to the Republic of the Congo (Brazzaville), judgments of these
same photographs were obtained from sixteen BaKwele men interested in or knowledgeable about their masks. The consensus of the
sixteen BaKwele and of subgroups of them, and most of the
sixteen individuals, showed significant agreement with the consensus of New Haven experts. The finding of some transcultural
agreement cannot be interpreted confidently from this one study
alone; it is consistent, however, with the notion that the aesthetic
appeal of a work of art to an art-involved viewer is partly a function of universals of human nature, and it should encourage
further transcultural comparison of evaluative responses to art.
The BaKwele also showed agreement among themselves on other
bases than those shared with the New Haveners.
merit by art experts in
Bibliography
Association Populaire des
Amis des Musees
(Paris). Le
Musee Vivant, Numero
Special, 1948.
Burssens, H. "Enkele Zanda-Masker uit Uele," Congo Tervuren,
6,
No. 4
(i960).
I. L. "Personal Preferences as an Expression of Aesthetic Sensitivity/'
Journal of Personality, 30 (1962), pp. 496-512.
Clouzot, H., and Level, A. Sculptures africaines et oceaniennes. Paris, 1925-26.
Cottes, A. La Mission Cottes au Sud-Cameroun. Paris, 191 1.
Cunard, N. Negro Anthology 1931-1933. London, 1934Ethnographic Museum (Gothenburg). Arstryck, 1955-56.
Fagg, W. B. The Webster Plass Collection of African Art. London, 1953Firth, R. Elements of Social Organization. New York, 1951Kamer, H., and Kamer, H. Arts d'Afrique et d'Oceanie. Cannes, 1957-
Child,
289
Kjellberg,
S.
T.
Masker ur Benkt-Ake Benktssons Samling. Kulturens Arsbok,
1957- Pp- 157-84Kluckhohn, C. "Ethical Relativity:
Sic et Non," Journal of Philosophy, 52

(i955), PP- 663-77.
Lawlor, M. "Cultural Influences on Preferences for Designs," Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology, 61 (i955)> PP- 690-92.
Linton, R. "The Problem of Universal Values.
Method and Perspective," An-
thropology, ed. R. F. Spencer. Minneapolis, 1954- Pp- 145-68.
Lowie, R. "A Note on Aesthetics," American Anthropologist, 33 (1921), pp.

170-74.
McElroy, W. A. "Aesthetic Appreciation in Aborigines of Arnhem Land: A
Comparative Experimental Study," Oceania, 23 (1952), pp. 81-94.
Museum of Primitive Art (New York). Traditional Art of the African Nations,
1961.
and Claerhout, A. G. Het Masker. Antwerp, 1956. (Catalogue

an exhibition at the Royal Museum of Fine Arts, Antwerp, Sept. 16-
Olbrechts, F. M.,
of
Nov. 15, 1956.)
(New York). 1953. Catalogue 3432, sec. 3.

Pepper, H. Anthologie de la vie africaine (booklet accompanying record
O'Reilly's Plaza Art Galleries
bum
Plass,
of
same name).
Paris, 1958.
M. African Tribal Sculpture. Philadelphia, 1956.
New York, 1952.

New York, 1935.
Segy, L. African Sculpture Speaks.
Sweeney,
J. J.
African Negro Art.
al-
and Environment
ANTHONY FORGE
Art
The
in
the Sepik*
and the Abelam, two tribes from the Sepik River area
analyzed as expression of these cultures and as direct
visual communication independent of myth. The statements made by the
of
art of the latmul
New
Guinea,
is
and sculpture, are relevant and essential

although their creators or viewers may not be entirely conscious of them. Dr. Forge also advances the thesis that "apparently
disparate objects may serve similar symbolic functions," and that the differences can be attributed to different environments and economics.
art objects, architecture, painting,
to the social structure,
Anthony Forge is a Lecturer in Social Anthropology at the London

School of Economics, University of London. He has done field work in New
Guinea and Indonesia and his special interests are art, symbolism, social
structure, and their relationship. He wrote Three Regions of Melanesian Art;
New Guinea and the New Hebrides (1960) and is the coeditor of Primitive
Art
and Society
(not yet published).
The Sepik River basin has long been recognized as an area producing some of the finest art in the primitive world. 1 Since the big
German collections formed before World War t, it has been realized that the various tribes in the area, although differing in the
* The Curl Lecture, 1965. Reprinted from Proceedings of the Royal
Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, 1965, pp. 23-31.
1 The material discussed here was gathered in two trips
1958-59 and
1962-63. The author gratefully acknowledges the scholarship from the Emslic
Horniman Anthropological Scholarship Fund of the Royal Anthropological
and the Fellowship from the Bollingen Foundation, New York,

which enabled him to make these trips. He is also greatly indebted to Professor Alfred Buhler whose generosity in 1959 enabled him to visit many
Sepik cultures he would otherwise have missed, and to the Wenner-Gren
Foundation for Anthropological Research for assistance between the two
Institute,
trips.
291
Art
and Environment
in
the Sepik
individual styles of their art,
had many
features in com-
stylistic
mon. In short, the Sepik as a whole is a genuine stylistic area and

pieces from it are easily recognizable as such. 2 These common
features have been the focus of much speculation about the derivations of the styles and their possible connection with other cultures
outside
New Guinea.
The
interest aroused by these similarities
has not been limited
For instance, one of the features of Sepik art, very

commonly discussed, is the frequency of long noses; noses with
extensions ending in animal heads, or human faces with noses like
bird beaks. A favored suggestion is that these derive from representations of Ganesa, the elephant-headed son of Siva and Parvati
and the Hindu god of wisdom. An alternative theory was advanced
to me by a group of Iatmiil in Kararau, who had found a picture of
Thoth the ibis-headed Egyptian god of wisdom used as a trade
mark by an Australian book distributing firm on the back of a
mission school book. This, and the accompanying advertisement,
to ethnologists.
they had copied out and showed to
me
as conclusive proof that the
whites had also sprung from totemic ancestors.
My
translation of
which was irrelevant to the origin of man and the nature

of the cosmos, convinced them that I, like the other whites, was
determined to deceive them, to deny our common origins, and
continue the pretense that whites were a different sort of being
from blacks.
In this lecture, however, I shall not be concerned with any
the text,
possible stylistic links outside the Sepik area, nor shall
I be concerned with any questions about the aesthetic merits of particular

pieces or styles within the area. My interest will be How far is the
:
means
what sort
communication does it make? By what means can we find out
what it communicates? Underlying these questions is the bigger
one: How far does the art form a system sui generis or, in other
words, to what extent can we take carvings and paintings as things
in their own right relating to each other and the beholder, and not
as mere manifestations of some other order of cultural fact such as
mythology or religion? Does the plastic art of a group have its own
art of the
Sepik a
of
communication, and
if it is
of
See Wirz (i959)- Buhler discusses the Sepik stylistic area and
divisions in Buhler (i960)
its
sub-
and in Buhler, Barrow, and Mountford (1962).
Art and Aesthetics
292
in
Primitive Societies
rules, not just of style, but also of
meaning and
interpretation, or is
apparent unity illusory being based only on style, while "meaning" can only be discovered by relating each individual piece to a
rite in which it has a function, a myth that it illustrates, or a
decorative purpose it fulfils?
its
shall
consider
these
questions
with material from two
closely related Sepik tribes, living in strongly contrasted environ-
ment, the Iatmiil and the Abelam, drawing most of my detailed

material from the latter with whom I have had much more field
experience.
But before proceeding

aspects of the cultures
from which the material

If
we
it
is
necessary to delimit briefly the
shall be considering, as well as the groups

is
drawn.
are to consider a system of visual communication,
it
obviously cannot be restricted to carvings and paintings but must
include
all
visual symbols; architecture, gesture,
and dance are
obvious examples.
For instance, in the course of an Abelam debate, a man jumps

and, holding his arms out from his sides, turns slowly
to his feet
around to face all the participants in turn, glaring ferociously at

them, and then sits down. There is no difficulty about this gesture,
he is being his totemic bird defending its young from an aggressor,
that is, he is expressing unqualified support for his sister's children
in the debate. Such a gesture is a message immediately understood
by all, and easily accessible to the ethnographer. When, however, it
is the significance of the form of the ceremonial house, or the
reasons for including certain animals or birds in the carvings of
the clan spirits, then the answers to questions are always in the
form: "It is the way to do it," or "This is the way our ancestors did
it," or "This is the powerful (supernatural) way to do it." Similar
questions among the Iatmiil elicit similar answers but often with
the addition of a myth, one of whose characters is said to be
represented in the object in question. Both the gesture and the
ceremonial house can be regarded as visual communication. But it
is in the ceremonial house, the carvings of the important clan
spirits,
and the decorations and face painting of
rituals
and
dis-
plays that communication, reinforced by aesthetic appreciation
appears to be most intense: while
it
is
in these areas that the
Art and Environment
293
"meaning"
is
in
the Sepik
most obscure, and
shall be concentrating
on these
phenomena in this lecture.

The relation of art to myth is a much discussed question. In
Arnhem Land, for example, art, myth, and ritual appear to be
completely interlocked and interdependent; but
that one
is
justified in taking
myth
to
it
seems unlikely
be primary and the art to be
it. It seems rather as if they were all three

ways of expressing aspects of the same thing in words, in
action, and visually, none of them being complete without the
other, and none of them being the entire expression on its own.
just
an expression of
different
There
is
nothing
like this integration
among
the Iatmiil. Although
myths a mask at
Timbunke village of a grotesque face eating a child refers to a
myth about cannibalism such pieces are not, on the whole, the
important ones. The main sacra of an Iatmiil clan, carved figures,
large hooks, flute heads, and masks, rarely incorporate references
to a specific myth, and although they frequently do have animal
totems of their clan, these totems are not personages from myths
there are specific pieces illustrating specific
but attributes of the clan. Furthermore, Iatmiil totems are not

all clans have a crocodile totem,
and most a pig totem, all commonly
represented in the art. There is no visual distinction between the
crocodile of clan A and the crocodile of clan B except their names;
necessarily specific; for instance,

all
have a
in this case
fish eagle totem,
it is
the
names
that are specific to the clan rather than
In fact, important Iatmiil figures and

masks tend to be very similar, and such diacritical features as they
show are usually connected with clan totems, which do not figure
the natural species
in the
myth
that
is
itself.
associated with the
name
given the figure by
owning clan.
With the Abelam the case is much simpler since there is
hardly any mythology at all, and none connected in any way with
the most important figures, those of the clan spirits rjgwalndu.
Such myths as are known seem mainly to be borrowed from the
Arapesh to the north and are regarded merely as amusing tales. Of
the three myths that can be found (with variations) throughout
most of the Abelam area, two are concerned with the origins of
long yams and the wapinyan (long yam spirits), and the third is
the
about a primal female
who
created
fire.
None
of these are ever
Art and Aesthetics
294
referred
to
in
Primitive Societies
connection with the
in
wapinyan are important
in long
yam
art.
Although carvings of
no myth
cultivation, there is
how each clan acquired its particular named wapinyan

how the original single wapinyan of the myth came to
produce so many present wapinyan.
explaining
or indeed
This great shortage of myth and lack of regard for, and

of, such myths as they have is so unusual that it is
particularly useful that Phyllis Kaberry, who lived among the
Abelam about two years after government control was established,
knowledge
similarly
I
found almost no mythology.

be considering Iatmul and Abelam
shall, then,
illustrations
expressions of
myths
art,
not as
as myths expressed visually, but as

the culture that produced them, and as expressions
of
or
related directly to the culture, not through the intermediate stage
of myth.
I
have chosen these two groups because they seem
to
me
to
present an excellent opportunity to compare two cultures that are
extremely similar in language, social structure, the importance

they attach to art and ceremonial, and yet have totally different
economies and modes of livelihood based on their respective
environments: the Iatmul, the huge Sepik river with its floods,
fens, and swamps the Abelam, the steep ridges and fertile earth of
the foothills of the P. Alexander Mountains. The outward forms of
their art and architecture are very different, and yet it seems
possible that the processes by which their systems of visual symbols have been formed are similar. The selections made from
nature their environment to be visual symbols in their culture
their art
are made on the same principles and for the same
purposes, the obvious disparity between the results is primarily
due to the differences in their environments, that is, the raw
material available for symbolism.
The Iatmul live on the banks of the middle Sepik and in
lagoons connected to it; they are primarily dependent on fish and
sago for their livelihood. At present they number about 8,000.
Immediately to the north lives a closely related group known as the
Tshuosh, living from five to fifteen miles from the river but not
subject to its flooding; they also rely mainly on fish and sago. Their
culture and art are generally similar to that of their nearest Iatmul
;
Art and Environment
295
in
the Sepik
neighbors, while their language
is really
a dialect of Iatmiil. Al-
though the Iatmiil speak of them as a group, they vary in culture

and social structure, any Tshuosh village having more in common
with its Iatmiil neighbors than with Tshuosh villages further
away. To the north of the Tshuosh lie about thirty miles of grass
plains, flat, virtually sterile land covered by high, tough grass
(mainly imperator), intersected by small watercourses on whose
banks the sparse population make their small gardens. As the
plains give way to the foothills of the P. Alexander Mountains the
grass is replaced by bush, mainly secondary growth, with a few
stands of virgin tropical rain forest. The Abelam who live on the
ridges of these foothills
density
number over 30,000 and
the population
high, averaging over 100 per square mile overall, but
is
400 per square mile in some parts of the Wosera.

There can be little doubt about the relationship between the
Iatmiil and the Abelam. The whole Ndu linguistic family 3 to
which they belong would seem to be intrusive, viewed in the
context of all the Sepik cultures. It seems certain that the Abelam
have moved up from the river into the P. Alexander Mountains
pushing the Arapesh and other groups back, some of them right
over the mountains and down to the coast. 4 The grass plains
rising to
themselves that separate the Iatmiil and Abelam are apparently

rather than natural. Robbins (1961) suggests that
groups practicing slash and burn garden culture would quickly
man-made
exhaust
the
soils of the
more
type found on the plains and
fertile foothills,
move on
until, in
they achieved something approaching a
balance with their physical environment. This hypothesis, based

entirely
on botanical and ecological studies,
fits
perfectly with the
ethnological and linguistic data.
The picture
consuming
river,
of the
Abelam moving gradually north from the

on the plains and displac-
the original vegetation
3 Laycock (1961, 1965) using glottochronology suggests 1880 180 years

ago for the split between north Abelam and Iatmiil. However, the relation-
ships suggested by his techniques within the
Ndu
family do not completely
agree with the similarities in culture and social structure. These suggest a
Abelam with the Iatmiil than with the Boikin,

whereas Laycock suggests the reverse.
4 Mead (1938) makes it clear that the Beach Arapesh in 1931 had by no
means adjusted to their coastal environment.
closer connection of the
Art and Aesthetics
296
in
Primitive Societies
ing the previous inhabitants,

till
is
made more
likely
by the fact that up
was
imposition of government control this process
Abelam
still
going
where the Abelam of

the Wosera were pushing back the Arapesh to the north and the
Gawanga to the west. As recently as the late twenties or early
thirties the village of Nurjgwaia, under pressure from its neighbors, surprised and massacred most of the inhabitants of a
Gowanga-speaking village and took over their village site and land.
There is a good deal more of such evidence of similar recent
expansion, particularly in the Wosera, where dense population
seems to have meant almost continual, gradual change of village
sites. This expansion was not, of course, a planned invasion by a
on, especially in the west of the
area,
centralized state, but the result of the jostling together of large,

fairly densely
packed Abelam
villages, fighting
each other and
gradually moving as a whole in a northerly and later westerly

direction.
Further evidence in support of this conjectural history comes

not only from the similarities and identities between Iatmul and
Abelam but
also
from
dissimilarities.
wah, and
me, among
One
spirits is the
this is the only
known
the Iatmul.
to
of the important Abelam

one which has no parallel,
The
wah
are spirits, usually
living in streams or springs but always attached to a definite tract
of land; they often appear as large pythons
and are believed
to
be
responsible for conception. These are the only supernatural beings
Abelam who have a firm, absolute territorial base; small

patches of virgin tropical rain forest or water holes are sacred to
of the
them. They are also the only part of the Abelam cosmology where
there is any correspondence with the Arapesh. The Arapesh also
have wah and their specification is almost identical as well as
their name. Since I know of only half a dozen words that mean the
same in Arapesh and Abelam, this coincidence seems most unlikely to
be accidental.
propose to consider the content and functions of art among

Abelam and the Iatmul, on the assumption that both groups
I
the
stems from common

It seems to me
divergences
that most of the differences and
between them can be
and that in
contrasted
environments
and
economies
attributed to
had a common
origin
and that
impulses originating in a one-time
their art
common
culture.
297
Art and Environment
in
the Sepik
the field of symbolic systems apparently disparate objects
may
cannot
here undertake any systematic large-scale comparison between the
two societies. My theme will be drawn from the Abelam material,
with selected Iatmul examples brought in where they help the
analysis. I am not interested in attempting to reconstruct any past
common culture or society. But it seems to me that if any system
of symbols is to be found in the art, it does not lie at the level of
overt symbolism. For example, one finds that a certain face design
is called butterfly by the Abelam, and further inquiries meet only
with the statement that the ancestors had always painted the face
that way and that it means butterfly. Any systematic symbolism
must be at the level of the relation between symbols, and at this
level may not be consciously perceived by either the artist or the
beholder. For this sort of analysis the overt meaning of any symbol
is not of great importance. What matters is the arrangement of
symbols and the significance of that arrangement. I suggest that at
this level similarity or identity between Iatmul and Abelam occurs, and that by comparison between the two one is protected
from being blinded by the first level details to the underlying
serve very similar symbolic functions in the two societies.
structures that are the object of the analysis.
The Iatmul
live in large villages either
on the banks of the
Sepik River or on ox-bow lagoons just off the present course. Their
villages are subject to floods for about six
and
months
of every year,
have floors ten to fifteen feet from the

ground. These floods make such houses on massive posts essential,
but they also make the construction of the houses easy, since posts
and other main timbers can be floated into position during the
flood instead of being laboriously dragged from the bush to the
site. The houses themselves are usually decorated with a face
under each gable and with decorative bands worked in white and
dark gray leaf thatch on the end walls. The village is organized
around a long, ceremonial dancing ground running like an axis
through the village; the sides of the ground are formed by earth
ridges on which are planted coconut palms. In the ceremonial
ground are the ceremonial houses. Usually one great house is used
by all the clans, with high gabled peaks surmounted by carvings of
a man (or woman) with a fish eagle perching on their shoulders.
their large houses
298
Art and Aesthetics
in
Primitive Societies
On the facade of each gable is a huge face that is the face of the
house itself. The houses are all female. The dancing ground with
its ceremonial houses forms the main axis of the village and the
focus of its interests. It is here that ceremonies are performed and
the great displays and parades take place. Captives were formerly
slaughtered on the mound in front of the ceremonial house on
which were planted magical plants.
If we compare this house with an Abelam ceremonial house,
the differences are striking
the Abelam has one facade not two,
and it is set on the ground, not raised on posts, and so on. However, if we look more closely the similarities start to emerge.
Firstly, both types of ceremonial house are basically larger and
exaggerated forms of the ordinary dwelling house with certain
added features. The ordinary dwelling houses themselves are very
obviously a product of their environment. The floods make it
necessary for the Iatmiil to build substantial houses with floors
raised ten feet or so on posts, as well as making the assembling of
the large and heavy timber easy. The houses also have to be large
since during the flood all members of the family spend their only
time on "dry land" there, and many household and other tasks are
done there; cooking space has also to be provided for each wife.
The Abelam live on the top of ridges, where flooding never occurs,
and where all timber must be laboriously dragged or carried from
the bush where it is cut. Most household activities take place in the
open air or under the porch of the house if it is raining, and a
polygamist can easily build one house for each wife; in fact, most
Abelam households have two or three houses used for various
purposes. An Abelam house is made for storage and for sleeping
in, while a Iatmiil house is made for living in. A similar distinction applies to the ceremonial house. For the Iatmiil the house
itself is the focus of male interests; both debates and less formal
male gatherings take place on the lower level, while the upper floor
is reserved for the storage of ceremonial paraphernalia and for
preparations for rituals and displays. With the Abelam the house
used for the storage of figures and the preparations of

ceremony, while the debating, informal gatherings, and displays
take place on the ceremonial ground (amei) in front. Like the
Iatmiil, the Abelam ceremonial house is also female and, as
itself is
Art and Environment
299
among
in
the Sepik
may
be referred to as the belly of

the house. The entrance is low and one has to crawl to enter or
leave; the inside is completely dark and unless an initiation
the Iatmiil, the interior
display has been prepared,
who
it
contains only the large figures of the
These large figures sometimes have

a bird included in the carving which will be identified as the totem
of the owning clan, but it is not unusual for the figures to be
indistinguishable one from the other in style, or attributes; identification is simply a matter of knowing the name. The ceremonial
house is regarded as female, and inquiries about its meaning and
symbolism elicit no response beyond that it is the house in which
the rjgwalndu
sleep, and where
that is, the major clan figures
the maira
a general term for sacred objects, including all carvspirits of the
ings
clans
use
it.
are displayed.
If, however, one follows the actual construction of a ceremonial house, a rather different picture emerges. The house itself
is, as has been said, structurally the same as an ordinary dwelling
house; a ridge pole resting on several pairs of crucks supports a
large number of rafters whose ends rest on the ground. There are
no central posts. For the ceremonial house the ridge pole is very
long and rises very steeply to the height of
fifty
or sixty feet,
whereas in a normal dwelling or storage house the ridge pole only

rises to ten feet or even less and is nearly parallel with the ground.
The ridge pole is the first permanent part of the house to be
erected, and its length and position determine the rise and shape
of the house that is built around it. Its cutting, dragging to the
amei, and placing in position are surrounded by a whole series of
taboos and invocations. All these operations have to be carried out
by members of every clan in the village. In this the ridge pole is
unique, since every other part of the house structure and its later
decoration is distributed among the clans and carried out by each
in a spirit of rivalry with the others.
I propose to consider the ridge pole and its appendages in
some detail because, although rarely referred to by the Abelam
once the house has been completed, the symbolism revealed during
the construction and the associated ceremonies shows a rather
different aspect of the house from the conventional female container for the rjgwalndu
and other sacred
objects.
The ridge pole
is

300
Art and Aesthetics
in
Primitive Societies
always of the same species of tree known as marjgd and
is
(ndu meaning man). The species is a

hard wood that grows long and straight, and is also used by the
personified as marjgdndu
Iatmiil for the ridge pole of their ceremonial houses; the Iatmul
it with the same name and much of what follows
about the Abelam also applies to the Iatmul.
Marjgd also appears as a sacred object in one of the Abelam
initiation ceremonies, when each clan sets up a trunk to which are
fastened dried yam vines; the initiates are then told that these are
too personify
the rjgwalndu.
The Abelam
initiation cycle is a series of displays of
is said to be the rjgwalndu, and

culminates when the real figures are displayed.
The marjgdndu, after being dragged to the amei without being
seen by the women or children, has a projecting boss pierced with
a hole carved out of the base. The boss is then wrapped up in
bespelled herbs and leaves. This boss is called the dama
nose
of the marjgdndu, and almost invariably is placed at the top
forming the peak of the house. The marjgdndu is raised on a
scaffold running down the center of the future house and lashed to
the top of it. After it is in position the crucks are placed underneath it and the rafters on top. When the structure is complete the
various objects each of which
central scaffold
is
away and removed, leaving
cut
the interior of
the house entirely clear.
The marjgdndu
is
raised just before
from sexual contact

and observing certain other taboos.
purified themselves
their penes
dawn by men who have

with women, by bleeding
It is
an extraordi-
nary sight to see the men in the misty gray half-light struggling
inch by inch up the swaying scaffolding carrying the marjgdndu
mainly on their shoulders, all the more impressive since in contrast to almost any other Abelam activity quiet is essential, and
instead of the usual shouts and arguments that typify Abelam
hoarse whispers and the
strained panting of the men. The operation is tricky, especially as
the marjgdndu has to be in place before the women wake; they and
the children are told that the marjgdndu came and placed himself
collective
endeavor,
there
are
only
on the scaffolding although no one seems

lieve
to
expect them to be-
it.
Once the marjgdndu
is
securely lashed in place
it
receives
Ceremonial house at Yentschanmangua village, Nyaure

The dancing ground is lined with banks on which
coconuts and trees grow. (Above right) Figure 2. The marjgdndu in place at
the top of the scaffold, the crucks that will eventually support it are being put
into place. The dama at the peak is completely concealed by its wrappings
of bespelled leaves. Kwimbu amei, Wingei village. (Below left) Figure 3.
Marjgdndu as tambaran. Each trunk with its body of dried yam vines and
creeper fronds is said to be rjgwalndu. The screen with its paintings conceals
an area where the preparations for the parade take place; the performers
emerge down the ramp on the left. (Below right) Figure 4. The completion of
the house structure, Kwimbu/Wingei. The tassel has a cord attached running
to the screen; by pulling this cord a concealed man makes the tassel swing
back and forth in time to the music during the all-night dances that follow the
ceremonies of completion. On the right of the house is a post decorated with
the skulls of twelve pigs that have been ceremonially exchanged and eaten
during the various phases of construction so far.
(Above
left)
Figure
1.
group, western latmul.
{Above left) Figure 5. A long yam ceremonially displayed, decorated with a

basketry mask. Visitors from an enemy village, having filed in, are indicating
their peaceful intentions by drawing their hands down their spears. {Above
right) Figure 6. A new rjgwalndu at Djiginambu village. After being carved in
the bush,
it
has been carried
into the
ceremonial house. At
this
eyes, facial and pubic hair, shell breast ornament, and drop of
stage only the
semen are
painted. The bird between the legs is a cassowary, principal totem of the
owning clan. {Below left) Figure 7. Top of the facade of the ceremonial house
at Bugiaura amei, Yanuko village. From the top: single face of a flying witch;
seven black faces of flying foxes; immediately below a row of lozenges
showing their "single breasts" as central white strokes; then a row of faces
with diamond-pattern round eyes, identified as butterflies. {Below right)
Figure 8. Hornbill carvings at the base of the facade of the ceremonial house
at Kundagwa amei, Waigagum village. The slightly different styles of the two
birds, particularly the eyes, are typical of the order of variation between
villages. The upper bird comes from Kalabu village about three miles to the
north, and a traditional enemy of Waigagum.
303
Art and Environment
in
the Sepik
further decorative and magical treatments while the rest of the

structure
is
of these
is
built
and the thatching completed. The most important
the passing through
the hole in
the nose
of
the
marjgdndu of a length of rattan of the species called mbal. Mbal is

frequently identified with pythons and hence wah. The mbal follows the wall on each side of the house and is buried an inch or so
ground at the bottom. It is said to anchor the marjgdndu to
the ground and prevent it moving in high winds, although it
cannot do this in any utilitarian fashion. At the same time a small
basket of split rattan containing a few stones is fastened just
underneath the nose of the marjgdndu these stones are called
eggs and the basket a nest. I have not been able to get any further
in the
information as
to their
meaning
or purpose.
Various constructional stages, each with minor ceremonial

follow, the last being the thatching. When the thatching has been
finished there follows a
ceremony
to
mark
the completion of the
structure of the house, as opposed to the carving
and painting
of
facade and decorations, and reveals clearly the symbolism of

the marjgdndu. Every Abelam ceremonial house has a peak, very
its
is formed out of the end of the marjgdndu allowed

beyond the thatch. Usually, however, another piece of
wood is securely fastened at a more upwardly tilted angle to the
end of the marjgdndu and this forms the armature for the subse-
occasionally this
to project
quent addition of a series of graded pots, the largest at the bottom,

placed one on top of the other to form a boss with a smoothly
rounded top. The placing of the last of these pots is an affair of

great ceremony, again performed in silence at dawn. The head of
the house is hardly visible in the mist, and the waiting men who
crouch just off the edge of the ceremonial ground are silent and
shivering in the cold, no fires or smoking being allowed. The man
who places the final pot is alone on the thatch, only dimly seen as
he rises from behind the head to place it in position. As soon as it
is secure he shouts out the spearing cry of his clan, used in spearing men or pigs, Mitserambun ndd ti yu (literally Mitserambun,
the wah bites or stings) and hurls a coconut down into the middle
of the ceremonial ground; the waiting men converge on it howling
and smash it to pieces with slit-gong beaters, which are specified
for this occasion. At the same moment another man who has
climbed up the inside of the structure to the head, where he is
304
Art and Aesthetics
in
Primitive Societies
lets fall the tassel and chain of split rattan

hangs from the nose of the marjgdndu. The tassel
should contain two skulls of killed enemies, but nowadays wild pig
skulls, that is, pigs killed by the spear, are substituted since skulls
previously used for the same purpose would not be acceptable.
Even when one knows what is going to happen the effect is startling and rather horrifying, leaving an impression of a real killing
completely invisible,
loops by which
it
rather than a symbolic one.
This ceremony
closely paralleled
is
by the symbolic transfer
war from one village to another. This

occasionally occurred when a village had asked for help from a
distant ally who had no feud with the enemy concerned, and was
of the credit for a
rewarded for
its
kill
in
aid by the purchasing with the highly valued shell
The testicles of the

hung up over the amei on thin cords, and after a
payment had been made, the purchasers threw sticks
rings of the credit for any kills they achieved.
victim were
satisfactory
at the cords until they
broke and the testicles were pounded to
pulp, again with slit-gong beaters.
The
decorated for the ensuing dance with spear

which may hang a tally in orange seeds of kills
claimed by the village, or small manikins made of burrs secretly
tassel is
points from
named
after kills, or a
with the wald;
The
all
helmet basketry mask of the type associated
very definitely references to the village's success
has a name, but is often referred to by the

of the marjgdndu. 5 This symbolic
identity between heads, coconuts, and testicles can be seen in
other Abelam ceremonial, but I shall not produce further evidence
in war.
older
men
tassel itself
as
the
testicles
here.
down of the coconut, the empty shell of

and the amei decorated for an all night
dance to which all neighboring villages, both friend and enemy,
are invited. The decorations for this dance consist mainly of the
After the throwing
the house
is
sealed off
5 On the rare occasions when a ceremonial house is built with the

marjgdndu reversed that is with the butt end with its carved projection
downwards, ending at the back of the house it is jammed into a recess cut
in a short thick hard-wood post, absent in the normal house. This recess is
called the vulva of the house, and the marjgdndu is said to be copulating
with it.
Art and Environment
305
in
the Sepik
orange seeds which are a symbol of dead enemies and of a device

made from portions of white palm efflorescence and red leaf, a
symbol of the successful sexual conquest of women of other
villages. The decorations therefore not only refer to the unity of the
village and its distinctness from and enmity toward other villages,
but also concentrates on the phallic aggressive aspects we have
been considering in connection with the marjgdndu.
The marjgdndu itself would seem to be not only masculine but
also phallic. The spear-phallus identification is very common in
Abelam, and spears are usually fastened beside the head of the
house as decorations, while real spears and sharpened stakes with
their ends smeared with red ochre are an integral part of the sides
of the house, their points being angled down toward the ceremonial ground.
We have then a female house, the most important part of
which is masculine and phallic, and is closely associated with
warfare and the success of the village in killing its enemies. The
head of the house with its peak is the focus of the masculine
aggressive aspect of the house, and its construction is the job of
the whole village as a unit, while the dark interior is feminine and
is created by the amalgamation of the separate work of each clan.
The dual nature of the house is exactly similar among the
Iatmiil. Whereas the interior of the feminine house is its belly, 6
the two gables crowned by eagles are concerned essentially with
warfare. Bateson records that the eagles are spoken of as "our
warfare, our anger," and gives a song in which the eagles look out
and see the fish and birds that they will shortly swoop down on;
fish and birds being men and women of enemy villages. 7
I have discussed the symbolism of the structure of the Abelam
ceremonial house at some length as an example of what I mean by
visual communication. Nothing I have said about it is particularly
it may well be considered painfully obvious, and
any of it was told me directly by the Abelam. To them
the methods of construction and the ceremonies and taboos associated with it were the only way to do the work. They were done
obscure, indeed
yet hardly
The symbolism
of the Iatmiil ceremonial house
is
(1946).
7
Bateson (1936,
p. 140; 1932,
caption to Plate VIII).
discussed in Bateson
Art and Aesthetics
306
in
Primitive Societies
because they were correct and ancestral; no one seemed to know,

or care, why they were done this way, yet the marjgdndu and the
house itself inspire considerable respect and even awe. To have a
large and fine house is necessary for the self-respect of the men of
the village: they feel their welfare and prestige to be bound up
with their house.
It
seems
to
me
that the
Abelam house
is
not just a decorated
structure that serves as a setting for ceremonies
and
a statement about Abelam culture and society
made
displays, but
in architec-
tural terms; a statement that could not be just as well said in
words or told in a myth. I once suggested to a group, building a

ceremonial house, that the carved end of the marjgdndu might be a
penis. This was rejected on the grounds that it was called dama
(nose), and as was suggested, one would hardly bore a hole in
one's penis, although one did in one's nose. My objections that the
tassels were testicles, and therefore there should also be a penis,
were countered by the assertion that that was just a name (tfimalei). This attitude is very typical of the Abelam, especially with
art. Designs and patterns and their respective parts
have names, but this is the only level of meaning about which they
can or will verbalize. This, of course, is hardly any meaning at all,
since it leaves so many questions unanswered. Why should a
regard to their
painted band of flying-foxes be a virtually universal feature of

Abelam ceremonial house facades? True, it frequently occurs as a
clan totem, but none of the other major totems occurs on facades.
If we are to regard the art and "visual communication" as a whole
as something more than a decorative icing on the heavy cake of
social, economic, and linguistic structures
and the time, energy,
and enthusiasm that the Abelam put into such work and the strict
rules and taboos under which it is carried out suggest that such a
hypothesis is extremely unlikely to be correct
then we must try to
discover what sort of communication is taking place. In the
example of the Abelam ceremonial house, it is not my purpose to
try to relate Abelam symbols to sex. I do not regard any statement
about the ridge pole being in some sense a phallus as anything
more than the first step in an analysis. Certainly it is hardly a more
meaningful statement than the Abelam naming of designs. Much
of the imagery and symbolism of the Abelam, as of many societies,
"
307
Art and Environment
in
the Sepik
concerned with sex, but this cannot be helped. As I hope to

show, the phallus among the Abelam is not a simple unitary
aggressive symbol, although this aspect predominates in the cereis
monial house. What
Abelam
Sex
in their art.
all,
am
but this
may
all
is
and
their culture
well be all-pervasive in
the
what the
and society
really trying to establish is
are saying about themselves
more reason
many
societies, if not
for not being content with
and leaving it at that.

what does the phallus
mean to the Abelam. Here, again, most of the evidence comes from
the art, and some of it can only be found in the art or from "visual
communic ation
identifying something as a phallic symbol
The most obvious question
to
ask next
is
For the Abelam, long
yam growing
is
the essential
way
of
obtaining prestige. These yams, single, straight, cylindrical tubers,
sometimes reaching fantastic lengths twelve feet have been recorded, and eight or nine feet are usual for the good specimens in
an average year are grown in sacred gardens only to be entered
by men who have purified themselves by bleeding their penes and
abstaining from all sexual contact since then. They also observe a
taboo on meat and on a whole list of leaves and other edibles. The
rituals and taboos of long yam cultivation are all of male strength
and avoidance of contamination, abstinence from sex, and avoidance of any danger of contact with anything that might be contaminated; men light their cigarettes only from their own fires,
take food only from their own wives who also have to observe a
taboo on sex during this period
the Abelam definition of a good
wife is one who does not commit adultery while her husband is
growing yams. Men no longer eat together, except for the individual gardening groups who sometimes cook in the garden itself.
The rituals are performed in a cycle based on the lunar month, and
consist mainly of spells and the use of magical paints which are
considered to irritate the yam and drive it deeper and deeper into
the ground, and herbs whose smell excites and encourages the
yam. It would be true to say that long yams are the dominant
things in the male Abelam's life; to be a successful yam grower is
the prerequisite of a big
man
or of any, indeed,
despised as a worthless, unimportant fellow.
who
is
The length
not to be
of yams,
presented to ceremonial exchange partners at the competitive
308
Art and Aesthetics
in
Primitive Societies
displays that follow harvest, are the measures of the prestige
and
influence of the individuals of the hamlets and ritual groups into
which the
villages are divided.
obviously phallic symbols. 8
The main
When
species of long
yams
are
displayed they are profusely
decorated with many of the attributes of the carvings in the

ceremonial houses, principally with carved wood or basketry
masks that are identical in form to those of the carved figures or
the basketry masks that are the focuses of the major ceremonies.
The largest yams are named, usually after the rjgwalndu of the
clan of the grower. They are believed to be alive, having the faculty
of hearing and smell but not speech or movement, at least in the
waking world; yams in more or less human form occur frequently
in dreams. As to whether they have sight there is some doubt since,
although they cannot see actions going on around them, they
appreciate the decorations they are given at the display and a very
long yam that was not suitably adorned would certainly produce
badly next year. As Kaberry (1941, p. 356) has remarked, there is
a great deal of identification between a man and his yam, but there
is also a great deal of identification between yam and the supernatural. This indeed is one of the two areas in which man and
spirit come close to uniting, a union very clearly expressed in the
painting and decorating of yams, of the carvings and of the human
performers in ceremonial displays. There exists a class of spirits
called wapinyan (literally
long yam child) who are primarily
responsible for the long yams; they seem to be manifestations of
the rjgwalndu rather than supernatural beings in their own right.
Among the central Abelam minor figures are carved and sometimes named with clan-owned wapinyan names, but in other areas
figures set up in the yam shrines, although in other respects
similar, are called by rjgwalndu names or "child of the rjgwalndu";
in all parts of the area yam cult spells are full of rjgwalndu and
ancestral names, and Abelam frequently say that rjgwalndu are
ultimately responsible for the long yams, rjgwalndu s other special
responsibility
is
for the health
and
size of pigs,
and
in general for
8 Long yams are believed to produce invisible secretions while in their

gardens; these are often compared to semen, but are harmful, producing
painful although not dangerous swellings, particularly of the joints, in
who come
into contact with them.
men
Art and Environment
309
human
welfare and
in
the Sepik
fertility.
Pigs are virtually the only other form
of production of any importance in
The rjgwalndu themselves

fifteen feet
Abelam
life.
are represented by long, ten to
carved figures, basically of male
human beings, the

much larger and
proportions approximating to nature except for
more impressive heads. The figures have straight legs with their
arms to their sides and slightly flexed, with the hands resting on
the groin. They have very obvious penes, large but pointing down
toward their feet with the glans exposed although the Abelam do
not practice circumcision with a drop of semen painted on the
end. The penis is not in the erect position but neither is it de-
tumescent. 9 (This position
may
well be due to aesthetic preference
since, seen in profile, the penis echoes the curve of the belly.)
Whatever the reasons on technical and aesthetic grounds for the

position, its function in this position becomes obvious from a study
of carvings of copulating couples, which are quite common among
minor figures throughout the Abelam area. In these figures no
attempt has been
representation
made
however,
to solve the difficulties of
a naturalistic
there can be no doubt as to
what
is
being portrayed, and the penis is represented in the same way as it

is on the big rjgwalndu figures. Many rjgwalndu, especially in the
east of the
Abelam
area, depart only
from the normal Abelam
representation of the spirit/ human being, in having perched on the
and facing up toward the trunk either a bird (in which case it
be identified as the totem bird of the clan owning the
rjgwalndu) or a pig. The animal's head is an inch or so from the
end of the penis; the invariable reply to questions as to what it was
doing there, is that it is smelling or sniffing the semen. Texts
collected in various villages leave no doubt that this sniffing is
legs
will
considered beneficial to the clan, particularly to its pigs, for whom

rjgwalndu are especially responsible. This association of semen
with nourishment, particularly of pigs, fits with magical practice in
which white
is
especially suitable for pigs. All
Abelam magical
substances are classed as paint, various colors being suitable for

9
Fully erect penes are rare in Sepik art as a whole. There are consider-
where they do occur, they tend to be "over

they are represented as an integral part of the belly, carved in
able difficulties in carving them;

erect," that
relief
is,
on the lower portions of the
belly itself.
Art and Aesthetics
310
in
Primitive Societies
various purposes; red and a sort of purple, the colors of the sub-
stances used for sorcery and long yams, are regarded as the most
powerful. White, however,
is
almost completely restricted to pigs,
and certain white muds when dried and pressed
into balls are
traded throughout the area at high prices for use as magical pig
fatteners.
The phallus
as an organ of nourishment occurs elsewhere in

As already mentioned, almost all Abelam ceremonial house
facades have a band of flying-fox faces. These are represented by a
black diamond-shaped face with eyes, nose, and mouth of the
human type; the nose showing a one-sided feather ornament that
is specifically female. Below this there is usually a row of roughly
the art.
triangular decoration containing a central white stroke; this central stroke is identified as the single breast of the flying-fox. Dis-
cussion leaves no doubt that what

single breast
is,
is
represented as and called the
in fact, the penis of the
male
flying-fox. This
rather extraordinary statement needs to be set in
Abelam cosmology and
its
context of
and I hope to show that it

fits in with various other features of Abelam life. Abelam clans all
have a bird totem as their principal totem. They also have a whole
list of other clan specific natural species
birds, insects, trees, and
leaves
which may be loosely classed as totems, but I shall be
concentrating on the principal bird totems. These have attached to
them specific log-gong calls, special names referring to the totems
that may only be used by members of the appropriate clans and
social structure,
It is these totems that are constantly

being referred to in speech and gesture, especially on ceremonial
occasions or during debates, when it is literally impossible to
other linked plant species.
follow what is being said without a knowledge of the principal

totems of the participants. As I have said, these totems are all
birds, and flying-foxes are included in this category: they are all
female, not just in gender, but in fact. As the totems are women
they are also thought of as mothers, and

in oratory
it is
when
they are referred to
usually support for the sisters' children of the clan
being expressed. The Abelam general word for totem is

sl person's djambu include the whole list of totems belonging to his clan or subclan. His maternal totem is, however, called
Mother's Father's Bird or, often, simply
his mbambu na apwi
that
is
djambu;
311
Art and Environment
mbambu by
this is
in
the Sepik
meant only
mother's natal clan. This bird
is
not touch his mother's totem,
let
the principal bird totem of his
completely taboo.
alone wear
its
An Abelam may
feathers or eat
it.
There are no similar restrictions on his own totems. This essentially maternal aspect of totems supports, in the case of the flyingfox, the identification of the very large
and obvious
flying-fox penis
with a single female breast.
The obvious question, do the Abelam really believe this? is

one that can only be answered Yes and No. Such a question raises
another problem closely linked with the totemic belief, that of
Abelam constantly say, and particularly
and ceremonial contexts, that children are not con-
physiological paternity.
in debates
ceived by men but by the wald. A woman is believed to be entered

by the wald of her husband's clan when passing near his water
hole or patch of bush; she is unaware of the intrusion but conception takes place; copulation has nothing to do with it. Copulation
is, however, necessary to promote the growth of the child in the
womb; once a woman has conceived husband and wife should
some months to insure a

and an easy birth. However, despite this
emphatic denial of any connection between copulation and conception, men returning from years working at the coast and
finding their wives with babies, tend to beat them and in some
cases repudiate the baby and are regarded as justified in doing so.
It would seem then that Abelam do not always believe that
copulation and conception are unrelated. A similar duality is to be
found in the beliefs about birds. Domestic fowls, which are admitted to be birds of a sort, are recognized as having two sexes,
and it might be that this is part of the explanation why fowls are
the only commonly occurring bird species that is never found as
even a minor totem. Bird species in which the male and female
have different plumage are classified by the Abelam as different
species, but it is known that they tend to associate with each other.
copulate vigorously and frequently for
healthy, strong child
In general, although in ceremonial contexts

all
birds are female
copulation, in
rigorous.
It
and that conception
Abelam
is
more everyday contexts they
will insist that
not connected with

are not
always so
would seem, therefore, that such statements are not
merely the result of faulty classification but are socially essential.
312
Art and Aesthetics
in
Primitive Societies
Eastern Abelam informants have occasionally told me that

hornbills are male, while one said that hornbills were sometimes one and sometimes the other. Kaberry found that in Kalabu
some
village in the north central
Abelam
area, hornbills alone
among
the
were classified as male. The case of the hornbill is a special

one, however, because although like the flying-fox it is fairly
common as a totem, it is virtually omnipresent in the art where its
birds
occurrence, as
is
that of the flying-fox,
is totally
without totemic
head and neck are an integral part of the ornamentation of all major and many of the minor
figures. Its huge beak makes it easy to carve and identify. This
characteristic shape has been completely integrated into Abelam
significance. In carving, the hornbill's
may
be so important because of the phallic shape of its

sometimes equated with the cassowary bone dagger,
yina, that plays a vital part in ceremony, where it is very definitely
a symbol of male aggression. This identification may be relevant to
the classification of the hornbill as masculine in some parts of the
area. Where the hornbill is represented alone and as the complete
bird and not just as the head and neck, it is always in the same
form as a flat carving with a round body on which is painted the
symbol of the moon which is most unequivocally feminine. This
form of carving has a specific place and purpose, being used
as an essential decoration at the base of the facade of the ceremonial house, where its combination of male and female symbols
echoes that of the house itself.
carving.
bill,
It
which
is
account of some aspects of

have tried to follow through the
symbolism related to the phallus. It has three main forms: first, as
the ridge pole of the ceremonial house which stands for violence
and warfare and is associated with the spear; second, as a nutritive organ, in paintings on the facade of the house and in carvings
of the vital clan spirits; and thirdly, combining both aspects in the
cult of the long yams, whose display and presentation are the
occasions for the hostility and rivalry by which prestige is obtained; but which is also the cult of nourishment and fertility.
It seems to me that ceremonial houses, carvings, paintings,
and decorated and displayed long yams are making implicit nonverbal statements about such matters as well as others, such as the
In
Abelam
this
art
necessarily
selective
and architecture,
313
Art
and Environment
ultimate identity of
are only
in
dream
I
in
the Sepik
man, long yam, and spirit. These statements

the art and not otherwise except, possibly,
made through
interpretations.
should like
to
suggest that such statements are relevant to
the social structure. For instance, the flying-foxes on the facades

of the ceremonial houses
seem
to
be statements about two different
things: firstly, the phallus as nourisher rather than conceiver,
and
secondly, the essentially feminine nature of totems. Both these
statements might well be relevant to the invariant nature of

matrilateral kinship ties
compared
to the
weakness of
patrilateral
nominally patrilineal Abelam society.

It may also well be that the cult of the long yam, which
provides such a perfect symbol of male prestige and expression of
male values, is linked with the norm of female sexual aggression
among the Abelam. Bateson (1935) has argued along these lines
for the Iatmiil with regard to the male cult of flutes which are also
phallic symbols and expressions of male pride and prestige. These
flutes, although not of course cultivated, are otherwise surrounded
by much the same taboos and attitudes as the Abelam long yams.
They are also called by the same name. Wapi, the Abelam name
for long yams, is also the name for the long male flutes, at least
among the Eastern Iatmiil. This identity of name can hardly be a
coincidence, especially as many other words used to refer to sacred
things are also the same in the two languages. One appears to be
left with the supposition that wapi means, in some fundamental
sense, a symbol of male prestige in phallic form, and that the
Abelam, finding the long yam in the P. Alexander foothills, developed its cultivation (they produce far longer yams than any of
their neighbors from whom they must originally have learnt the
art), and elaborated a cult around it. While the Iatmiil gave
similar prominence to their often equally long sacred flutes.
In the comparison between Iatmiil and Abelam, I have tried
to show that, in the small sector of the art I have been considering,
outward differences in the forms of houses and the choices made
from the environment, as symbols, conceal great similarities in the
"messages" that these objects are transmitting. These "messages" I
believe to be statements about the nature of man and his culture,
statements that may not be totally conscious in either the creators
ties characteristic of
Art and Aesthetics
314
in
Primitive Societies
or the beholders of the art
but
who do these things because they are
which are relevant to and essential for the existing

social structure. I also hope I have shown that at least in Abelam
society these statements are not usually made, and possibly even
cannot be made, by other means of communication.
correct
Bibliography
Bateson, G. "Social Structure of the Iatmiil People of the
Oceania, i (1932), pp. 3, 4.

"Music in New Guinea," The Eagle:
.
St.
Sepik River,"
John's College Magazine, 48
(1935).
Naven. London: Cambridge University Press, 1936.

"Arts of the South Seas," Art Bulletin, 28 (1946), pp. 119-23.
Biihler, A. Kunststile am Sepik. Basel: Museum fur Volkerkunde, i960.
Barrow, T., and Mountford, C. P. Oceania and Australia: The Art
of the South Seas. London: Methuen, 1962.
Kaberry, P. M. "The Abelam Tribe, Sepik District, New Guinea," Oceania, 11
.
(1941), PP. 3, 4Laycock, D. C. "The Sepik and
(1961),
.
Its
Languages," Australian Territories,
p. 4.
The Ndu Language Family (Sepik
District,
New
Guinea). Canberra:
Linguistic Circle of Canberra, 1965.
Mead, M. The Mountain Arapesh. 1. An Importing Culture. Anthropology

Papers. American Museum of Natural History, 36 (1938), p. 3Robbins, R. G. "Vegetation," Lands of the Wewak-Lower Sepik Area, New
Guinea. Canberra: C.S.I.R.O., 1961.
Wirz, P. Kunst und Kult des Sepik-Gebieten. Amsterdam: Koninklijk Instituut
voor de Tropen, 1959-
An African Aesthetic*
DANIEL J. CROWLEY
Professor Crowley presents a clear and complete descriptive assessment of

Chokwe art and its importance and meaning to the Chokwe people. The
wide variety
of
nonprofessional
Chokwe
artists.
objects are created by both professional and
art
Artists
and
observers
among
the
Chokwe have
opinions on standards of aesthetic excellence and are able to express them.
The responses and

society refute
Daniel
J.
many
activities
observed
in
this
study of the art of a specific
general theories long held about African
Crowley
is
Chairman
of the
Department
art.
of Anthropology, Uni-
Davis. His many interests include art, folklore, and

music of Africa and African-derived cultures; and multicultural community,
carnival, integration of arts, and postcolonial societies in the Caribbean, West
and Central Africa. Two recent publications are "I Could Talk Any OldStory Good," in Creativity in Bahamian Folklore (1966) and "Toward a Definition of Calypso," in Ethnomusicology (1959).
versity of California,
A tremendous amount
arts
of ethnographic data
on the functions of the
in nonliterate societies has been collected, but
much
less
comparative data exists on the nature of creativity in these societies, on the recruitment and training of artists, and on their
hierarchies of aesthetic value. This paper will attempt to describe
the graphic and plastic arts of one African people in their cultural
and to indicate some of the attitudes and values of the

and their audience.
The Chokwe (Batshioko, Badjokwe, Watschiwokwe, Quicos)
are a Niger-Congo speaking matrilineal people numbering over
context,
artists
* Reprinted from The Journal of Aesthetics and Art Criticism, Vol. XXIV,
No. 4 (Summer, 1966), pp. 519-24. An earlier version of this paper was
read at a meeting of the California Division, American Society for Aesthetics,
at Berkeley, California,
May
11, 1962.
316
Art and Aesthetics
in
Primitive Societies
600,000 and classed by Murdock 1 in the Lunda cluster of the

Central Bantu. They were evidently a hunting people who came
under the hegemony of the Lunda Empire of the Mwata Yamvo in
the seventeenth century, and have spread from their original home
in northeastern Angola into the former Kasai and Katanga Provinces of the Congo ( Leopoldville ) and the Northwestern and
Balovale Districts of Northern Rhodesia (now Zambia). The field
research on which this paper is based was carried on in all three
countries between January and August, i960, from headquarters
at Dilolo Gare, Katanga, and was supported by a fellowship from
the Ford Foundation.
The Chokwe are a relatively adaptable people who have found
no great
difficulty in integrating alien objects
own
and
institutions into
have become
magic practices seem not to have diminished even among the most devout converts. In Dilolo at least sixty
percent of the young men and boys are literate in Chichokwe, and
an estimated ten percent in French, but the authority of the traditional chiefs has not yet been seriously undermined. The Chokwe
readily adapt to urban living in Elisabethville and Lobito at the two
ends of the Benguella railroad which crosses their territory, and
numbers of them have become successful as rail and mine foremen, Christian clergy, teachers, and recently as politicians and
their
traditional culture.
Although
at least half
Christians, traditional
administrators.
Their sanguine approach to life is evidenced by their attitudes

toward the arts, which traditionally were incorporated into every
major aspect of Chokwe culture. When apprised of our project, an
American missionary warned that ".
it's like trying to study art
in Little Rock. There isn't any art here, and even if there were, this
wouldn't be the time to study it." Although the Chokwe of the
Dilolo Territory are relatively acculturated to the Western world,
and the growing tensions of the Independence period were hardly
conducive to the production or study of art, the volume of artistic
production proved to be surprisingly high. Every home possessed a
few objects decorated beyond function, and nearly every village
had two or three pieces of impressive quality. Since it was Chokwe
.
(New
George Peter Murdock, Africa,

York, I959)> P- 293-
Its
People and Their Culture History
317
An African Aesthetic
evaluation, rather than our own, that

great care
was taken
was
the object of the study,
to collect all types of objects said to possess
merit, even though they might not be art in our culture. Actually,
Chokwe
categories of art (as against nonart) are not too different
from our own, and range from purely decorative objects to religious paraphernalia, secular dance equipment for professional
dancers, symbols of the power of chiefs, musical instruments, toys,
and well-formed household objects. Media were also familiar,
including wood, clay, iron, colored earths, grasses and reeds,
seeds, calabashes, trade cloth and paper, and a unique combination of bark cloth stretched over a bent wooden frame and coated
with shiny black tarlike resin, then decorated in red and white
clay, cloth, or paper.
Most Chokwe are able
to
make some
of these objects for
themselves, while others are almost always purchased from a
Men make
masks, figures, stools, bellows, metal tools,

and musical instruments, while women
make household baskets, and decorate house walls with colored
clays, and both sexes make large plaited baskets, engrave cala-
professional.
knives, charms, bark cloth,
bashes, and make toys. Most men make their own jingo, (small
charms worn around the neck) and mahamba (votive figures used
in fertility, curing, and hunting magic), and many make an occasional mask or stool for their own use, but most purchase their
knives, spearheads, adzes, hatchets, and other tools from a professional blacksmith. Professional carvers are commissioned to make
a stool or chair for a chief, or a fine
mask
for a professional
dancer, but work only occasionally and produce only a few objects
each year.
Women who
are expert basketmakers produce baskets

and as gifts to less skilled friends, but only
occasionally for sale. A few men and women make a type of large
square plaited basket and burden carriers for sale in village
markets. Pottery is made by men, and is a fairly rare skill
commanding high prices. The only artist who made his living
exclusively by the sale of his products was the potter Kalandjisa.
Otherwise all the artists with whom we worked carried on farming,
and tended sheep and goats as the major source of their livelihood.
Although commissioned objects are priced and paid for in goats,
Congo currency in small denominations was also accepted. Carvers
for their families
318
Art and Aesthetics
in
Primitive Societies
sometimes demanded a down payment, and others were willing to

accept weekly payments on account.
Great artists have wide reputations and individual styles
unique enough so that they can be identified by large numbers of
people. Such men attract boys who want to learn their skills, and
are willing to pay in goats and to work as apprentices for the
privilege. In this way, regional and village styles develop into what
might be called schools and these too are widely identifiable. As a
result, the Chokwe style has no single element that occurs universally, but only very generalized characteristics and subjects interpreted in styles of striking diversity.
To complicate
the situation
even further, the mukanda initiation rite with its masked personages is shared in whole or in part with a number of neighboring
tribes, so that the classification of styles is infinitely
more complex
than is indicated in the photographic anthologies of African art

with their simplistic implications of "one tribe-one style."
The most important aesthetic institution of the Chokwe is the
mukanda, a rite de passage that prepares a boy for manhood.
Sometime between the ages of seven and fifteen, groups of boys
spend a few months in isolation living in a small grass hut, during
which time they are circumcised, hazed by masked figures, and
taught tribal secrets, magic practices, and sexual lore. They also
how to sing, dance, and to make and play musical instruments. Since they wear short grass skirts similar to the tutu of
classical ballet, the mukanda dancing class resembles a similar
subject by Degas. The boys also learn how to make wooden and
bark cloth masks and the knitted fiber costumes that complete the
learn
who run the mukanda

There are evidently about thirty stock characters represented by distinctive masks, the number and types varying widely
by area and subgroup. These characters are the subject of almost
all of Chokwe aesthetic expression, an^ are called mikishi (sing.
mukishi), meaning spirits and/ or masked dancers. The most
important are Chihongo (Chirongo in Angola), a fiercely aristocratic
personage with a bark cloth mask, projecting horizontal beard, and
elaborate off-the-face headdress; Chikuza, a tall conical bark cloth
mask representing the father of the lodge; Kalelua, 2, bark cloth
mask surmounted by a large sombrero-like hat; Chizaluke, an old
paraphernalia of the masked personages
lodge.
(Top) A Chizluke resin mask being displayed so we would know how to

dance it, hence no knit costume. The workshop is in the rear, and the artist,
Sanjolombo, is at the left. (Above) Chihongo and Katoyo masks (resin) being
danced by court dancers of the Mwa Tshisenge at his village eighteen miles
north of Dilolo Gare, Katanga.
Linya Pwa, a giant Luena (Lovale)

village of
mask being worn
Katende Tshipoye, Congo.
with
costume
in
the
An
321
African Aesthetic
chief with "existentialist" chin beard; Chiheu, impotent
man
with
bald head and sometimes with enormous wooden phallus; and
Mwano Pwo, young
girl, represented by a carefully carved wooden

mask, skintight knitted costume with false breasts, a sand-filled,
tufted bustle, and its male wearers dance with a peculiar vibrating
step. 2 Although these masks are obviously connected with tradi-
tional
Chokwe
religious concepts, they are not
now
considered to
be representations of ancestors, and they sometimes appear on

secular occasions, as for instance at rallies of the
party,
ATCAR. Important
secular
Chokwe
political
masks include Katoyo, an
idiot-
clown with peaked cap and yellow strip across the eyes, and
Ngulu, a realistic pig mask used in casual humorous village
like
dances.
Figures (plural, tuponya, sing., kaponya) representing the
same beings
are
made
for votive shrines as children's dolls,
and
are used to decorate stools, chairs, hair combs, flywhisks, boxes,

large and small drums, and wooden objects of everyday use.
Blacksmiths (fuli) are distinguished from carvers (songi) and
produce knives of many sizes, daggers, swords, hatchets, adzes,
many types of arrowheads, spearpoints, and an elaborate

kind of functionless ax used by chiefs and dancers. Fuli usually
make the wooden appurtenances for their metal objects, such as ax
handles, and also leather quivers and sheaths. Potters make bowls,
hoes,
and narrow-necked jars, and other funcand shapes, most of them decorated
with incised or impressed linear designs. A large carafe or ewer is
a popular object around Dilolo, often surmounted by a lid with a
human head or figure in traditional woodcarving style. These
vases, pitchers, wide-
many
tional items in
sizes
carafes, in black or pale gray clay, are virtually unreported in the
and may be influenced by European forms, but in any

the chefs-d'oeuvre of the Chokwe and their neighbors to the south, the Luena (Luvale). The Dilolo potter Kalandjisa makes pottery guinea hens, turtles, portrait busts, and even
ash trays for sale to wealthy Africans and occasional Europeans.
Even though the train is held up by frontier customs inspections
literature,
case are
2 Cf.
among
Jose Redinha, Mascaras de madeira da
Museu do Dundo Subsidios para

povos da Lunda (Lisboa, 1956).
a historia,
Lunda
e Alto
Zambeze,
arquelogia e etnografia dos

Art and Aesthetics
322
in
Primitive Societies
week in the Dilolo station, no

and no objects are for sale to travelers.
for several hours three times a

airport art has developed,
Women are forbidden to make representations of the mikishi,

except in line drawings in colored earths on the walls of their
homes. 3 Women make a number of basketry items in a coil
technique quite similar to that of American Indians. Large plaited
baskets, burden carriers, and mats (used as beds) are made for
men and women, but baskets are more often given as

exchanged for produce. Women also engrave calabashes
with genre scenes and mikishi representations, rubbing lampblack
by both
sale
gifts or
into the incisions for greater contrast with the pale tan surface of
which are then used as bowls and
the calabashes,
liquid con-
tainers.
Musical instruments include very large
drums
of
many
types,
slit
gongs (chikuvu),
the most spectacular being the double-
headed, hourglass-shaped makupiela with integral handles and

friezes of masks and linear patterns, many types of thumb pianos
kakelondondo, likembe) with and

and whistles carved in
with masks, figures, or abstract patterns.
sometimes forged locally, but more often
umbrella spokes or strips of dry bamboo. 4
(chisaji,
bers, flutes, rattles,
without sound chamthe round or incised
The
are
chisaji keys are
made
of disused
To gather verbalizations on aesthetic values, a permanent

Chokwe objects was arranged in the field headquarters,
exhibit of
to view it and to give

each piece, putting objects of similar type into a
and individuals and groups were encouraged

their opinions of
rank order. A smaller traveling show was carried in the car for use
bush villages. Since women are supposed to believe that mikishi
are actual spirits rather than their husbands and brothers wearing
masks, they could be allowed to see the exhibits only when no men
were present to object. Women of course know of the masks, and
sometimes even knit the costumes for them, and the men know of
in
Cf
Jose Redinha, Paredes Pintadas da Lunda,
Museu do Dundo
Lunda (Lisboa,
Subsidios para a historia, arquelogia e etnografia dos povos da
1953).
4 Cf.
Marie-Louise Bastin, Art Decoratif Tshokwe,
Museu do Dundo
Lunda (Lisboa,
Subsidios para a historia, arquelogia e etnografia dos povos da
1961), pp. 354-61,
Pis.
205-14.
323
the
An
African Aesthetic
women's knowledge but
being confronted with
still
do not want
to
be embarrassed by
it.
As a nation of practicing artists deeply concerned with the

dramatic effects of masked dancers, the Chokwe were able to
verbalize their aesthetic concepts in a remarkably precise manner.
Their language (Chichokwe) has an extremely complex nomenclature for indicating degrees and kinds of kinship, and for classifying, for instance, types of musical instruments, but as far as one
way
of differentiating the concepts of good and

which were chibema. Thus a physically ugly
woman who was a good wife and mother was chibema, but so was
a physically beautiful woman who was unfaithful and a poor
mother. This problem became a popular subject of discussion
among French-speaking informants, many of whom also spoke two
or more local languages and Kiswahili, the railroad lingua franca.
Fortunately, degrees of aesthetic excellence were easily indicated, and new masks were preferred to old because they have
the stronger power that comes with youth. Hence old and worn
masks are thrown away or allowed to be eaten by termites.
could discover, no
beautiful, both of
Similarly, bright colors are preferred to dull, so that red trade cloth
and cutouts (sometimes with pinking shears) of white paper, or

commercial red and white paints were replacing red (ngula) and
white (pemba) clays as decorations on the black resin-covered
bark cloth masks. Purple dye made from boiling our disused typewriter ribbons and carbon paper replaced black river silt for coloring the grasses used in the designs on baskets. Since the function
of masks is in dancing, lightweight woods are preferred to heavy,
even though they wear less well, and burlap or brown wrapping
paper make lighter and more maneuverable giant masks that the
traditional bark cloth.
Skillful technique was necessary if a piece was to be seriously
considered, so that unsteady baskets or asymmetrical figures were
greeted with derisive laughter, and carvers were loudly criticized
by their fellow-villagers for offering for sale crudely finished
pieces. Each artist considers (or says he considers) his own work
superior to all others except that of his own teacher, or in one case,
of the teacher's brother. The local style was always preferred to
any other, and usually described as proper or correct. When
324
Art and Aesthetics
in
superbly-crafted antique
fatherland were
shown
Primitive Societies
Chokwe
to the
pieces collected in the Angolan

Katanga Chokwe, they expressed
great admiration of the technical
skill,
but described the pieces as
and hence
worthy but not as fine as the finest contemporary local products.
Mwana pwo masks, of which nearly fifty were collected, were
usually the favorite subject. In the wide range of types from old
Angola masks with clay-encrusted fiber wigs, to dramatically
"old-fashioned," "like the old people used to make,"
painted masks for the court dancers of the Mwa Tshisenge, the
leading local chief, to boldly conceived dark wooden masks made
by the school of Sanjolomba, a famous Luenaized Chokwe carver,

to small tourist-export masks made by Angolans in lieu of road
work under Portuguese government sponsorship, mwana pwo was
regarded as the greatest expression of Chokwe art, although a few
older men considered the tuponya stools decorated with figures to
be greater. Thus the Chokwe join the many other cultures and
epochs which have found their greatest inspiration in the face of
woman.
Opinion differed from village to village, but generally the
new masks with the most carefully applied
colors were most frequently preferred. In the representation of
scarification, young men and boys were outspoken in their dislike
of heavy raised welts or broad pyrography made with heated nails,
even though these were in our eyes perfectly balanced with the
style and mass of the mask. They liked only carefully incised
narrow lines that had not been picked out with color or burning,
possibly reflecting the growing dislike of cicatrization, tattooing,
neatest and smoothest
and teeth filing as marks of the bush. Even so, girls whose
abdomens had not been cicatrized were considered infinitely less
desirable sexually than those who had beautified themselves by
this ordeal.
who are able to smelt metal

rank with the greatest of wood
Metalsmiths, particularly those
from
local ores, are considered to
carvers.
Much
of their production
is
richly finished with cold chisel
work, carved wooden handles, tooled leather sheaths, and beadwork, suggesting its importance as an aesthetic expression. Metalsmiths make the adzes which are, with finishing knives, the only
tools of the carvers.
An
325
African Aesthetic
Women
were found
to
have attitudes similar to men, liking

and ostentatious control of tech-
dexterity, neatness, evenness,
nique in basketry, as well as small, precisely-spaced designs rather

than the bolder all-over patterns associated with the recent past.
Basket design seems

called
to
go through fads, the then-current one,

or tanganyika (stars), con-
tulumbalumba (decoration)
arranged in treelike patterns over only a small part of the basket's sides, the rest remainsisted of small square dots or checkers
ing plain.
had at least one practicing artist of

more than routine skill, and most had several in different media,
while every home had at least one object of merit by Western
Virtually every village
standards. Favorite objects for interior decoration, besides semi-
functional baskets, pots, stools, and mats, were carvings of snakes
and birds, sometimes skillfully wrought but more often crudely

conceived and executed. Although in other areas such sculptures
no such significance was ever admitted by
Katanga Chokwe, so that one is inclined to accept their most
frequent answer, "This is what we make for ourselves. What do
you like (in your homes)?" After all, one cannot expect them to
decorate their homes with masks and figures which have ritual
meaning, or which are thought suitable only for hunting-magic
are symbolic of fertility,
the
The walls of Chokwe homes are often decorated with

crude linear designs or outline drawings of mikishi and animals
executed in colored clays by women and uncircumcised boys, and
shrines.
town dwellings are sometimes painted in patches with commercial

manner that would have delighted Gauguin. Yards are
kept neat, flowers are grown, and the village plaza is consciously
laid out in even the dustiest Angola bush, complete with chief's
house with terrace and flagpole, chikuvu slit gong, dancing place,
sacred muyombo tree, men's clubhouse (chota), and open court-
paints in a
room.
Sweeney 5 has remarked that the ".

standards of judgment guiding both the creation and the evaluation of native arts in
.
Africa
are quite foreign to ours," but the stress
on technical
rather than on personal expression parallels the value systems
skill
5
James Johnson Sweeney, "Introduction," African Folktales and SculpXXXII (New York, 1952), p. 326.
ture, Bollingen Series
326
Art and Aesthetics
in
Primitive Societies
Western craftsmen such as carpenters and joiners, artisans

such as Swiss woodcarvers, and perhaps even contemporary "hard
line" painters, or the Bay Area sculptors who cast their own work.
It also accords well with other studies of non-Western aesthetic
values by Bunzel among Pueblo potters, O'Neale among YurokKarok basketmakers, and Adair among Navaho silversmiths. 6 But
of
the
known
nonliterate societies
seem
to differ sharply
from ours
in
their greater proportion of practicing artists, higher integration of'
everyday life, and perhaps greater concern on the part of

with the social and sociological implications of their work.
Art is discussed more frequently and perhaps more clearly by
larger numbers of people because art is of more immediate importance to them than to most of us, who hire specialists to produce
art into
artists
our creativity and criticism, and even our religion. The distinction
between fine and applied art appears unreal in other cultures, and
we might understand our own patterns of creativity

if we knew more about these processes in such
forms as parade floats, homecoming decorations, greet-
suggests that
more completely
traditional
ing cards, and poster design
none of which has been adequately
studied as art or as sociology.

It may be useful to point out a few oft-repeated theories about
African art denied by the field data. The Chokwe have no fetishes
or idols, since they do not believe their figures to be the actual or
the symbolical embodiments of spiritual power. Although most

books on the subject are written in the past tense, and suggest that
African art, as a religious art, must die with the paganism that
supported it, Chokwe art and religion are actually both doing very
well, and give no evidence of attrition, although both are changing
to use new opportunities to gain new goals. And for that matter,
religious art among the Chokwe is crude, since it need function
only magically, and not aesthetically. But the secular objects used
on religiosecular occasions are carefully executed because the
prestige of a chief, a village, a dancer, and a carver is determined
by them. The idea that individual creativity is narrowly limited by
6 Ruth Bunzel, The Pueblo Potter (New York, 1929); Lila M. O'Neale,
Yurok-Karoh Basket Weavers, University of California Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnology, Vol. XXXII, No. 1 (Berkeley, 1932); John
Adair, The Navajo and Pueblo Silversmiths (Norman, Okla., 1944)-
An
327
African Aesthetic
the restraints of tradition proved invalid
number
among
work
in a
mum
of variation at least as great as that of
of regional
and individual
the Chokwe,
styles
who
with a maxi-
Western
sculptors.
William Fagg's 7 hypothesis that there is greater stylistic variation

between two carvers in one village than between the composite
styles is borne out in this area. Only further research can test his
second hypothesis that, if all art objects in Africa were adequately
collected and documented, it would be possible to identify all
known African museum specimens not only as to tribe and region
but also, in
many cases,
to artist.
Generalizations about Africa, including this one, are almost

inevitably wrong, yet there
is
still
among
is
evidence that traditional art activity
widespread. Fagg has estimated 70,000 carvings extant

the contemporary Yoruba, and at least twenty other anthro-
have made important collections in the last few years,

though these would not always appeal to the current antiquarian
pologists
taste that prefers
patina,
worm
destruction, local restoration, a sacrificial
and masks shorn of
and hung in ways

As one of mankind's
will surmount the mis-
their raffia fringes
that distort the intention of the carver.
strongest sculpture traditions, African art

understandings created by philistines who "may not know much
about Africa, but know what they like," and contribute not only to
our personal enjoyment but also to our curiosity about the nature
of the creative processes through comparative studies of art in
culture.
7
William Fagg, "The Study of African Art," Cultures and Societies of

S. and P. Ottenberg (New York, i960), pp. 468-69.
Africa, eds.
Material Culture
and Cognition*
MICHAEL C. ROBBINS
theory that the form of house structure might influence cognitive preferences prompted this research. The assumption was that art style would be
related to house structure, that in a society with round houses, preference
would be shown for curvilinear forms and conversely, in one with rectangular
houses, straight lines would predominate. Using earlier research by Barry
and Fischer, comparisons were made that, however, confirmed the opposite
association. Berlyne's motivation theory appears to explain the reasons for
this and also to support the idea that "perceptual habits and cognitive preferences are related to the culturally modified environment."
Michael C. Robbins is an Assistant Professor of Anthropology at Pennsylvania State University. His interests are psychological anthropology and
cultural ecology, and his areas of research are Africa and North America. His
{Minnesota Archeology,
article, "House Types and Settlement Patterns"
1966), is somewhat related to the one below. He has also edited Readings in
Cultural Anthropology (1967).
Recent studies (Allport and Pettigrew, 1957; Segall, Campbell, and

Herskovits, 1963; etc.) have indicated that the culturally modified
environment (e.g., domiciles) may influence certain perceptual
habits and cognitive preferences. For example, Segall and his
colleagues
(1963,
p.
770) interpret particular visual inference
habits of Europeans as the result of residence in highly "car-
pentered" (or rectangular) urban, European environments. Moreover,
Doob (quoted
suggested that
in Allport
among the Zulu
and Pettigrew, 1957, p. 106) has

whose material cultural environ-
* Reprinted from American Anthropologist, Vol. 68, No. 3 (June, 1966),

PP- 745-48. The author gratefully wishes to acknowledge the assistance of
Pertti J. Pelto and Patricia M. Robbins in the preparation of the manuscript
and
to
thank Daniel E. Berlyne for reading
materials.
it
and providing additional
Material Culture
329
ment
predominantly circular
is
circles
and Cognition
to
less
acculturated persons prefer
squares in designs, as opposed to more acculturated

to rectangular
who presumably have been more exposed
persons,
European environments.
In an effort to explore these ideas further,
hypothesized that,
would be
it was
predicted that in a society where the primary house shape was
circular, there would be a preference for or predominance of
curved lines in the art style. Conversely, in those societies in which
the primary house shape is rectangular, there would be a preference for or predominance of straight lines in the cultural art style.
The rationale for this prediction was that an art object would be
in general, the shape of a society's cultural art style
related to the shape of its primary house type. Specifically,
if it contained formal characteristics similar

normally experienced.
cognitively preferred
to those
METHOD
The two
variables used in the investigation were: (i) the

judgments by Barry (1957) of straight to curved lines in the
graphic art styles of thirty societies (these are presented and
discussed in another context by Fischer [1961]); and (2) the
judgments on primary house shape indicated by the ratings of
house ground plans in the "Ethnographic Atlas" (Ethnology, 2, pp.
1
9-33 ) 1 The results are contained in Tables 1 and 2 below. All
sets of judgments were made by persons unaware of the hypotheses of this study, and it is fair to claim that the results cannot be
explained by a judgmental bias of this type.
The
results in Table
indicate that the general hypothesis
supported, but that the specific prediction
is
is
disconfirmed and the
In societies where the primary

house type is circular, there appears to be a preference for or
predominance of straight lines in art style; and in those societies
in which the house type is rectangular, there is a preference for or
predominance of curved lines in the cultural art style.
opposite association supported.
Column 80
of the "Ethnographic Atlas"
and subsequent installments). Circular and

quadrangular and rectangular.
(Ethnology,
elliptical
2, pp. 109-33
were combined, as were
Art and Aesthetics
330
Table
1.
in
Primitive Societies
House Shape
Relation of Primary
to
Linearity-Curvilinearity of Art Style*
Societies with
Most linear
to most
circular house
curvilinear
shape
(ranking)
Navaho (most
Societies with
rectangular
house shape
Most linear
to most
curvilinear
(ranking)
Ashanti
Teton
Marshalls
Thonga
Yagua
Hopi
7
8
5
6
Ifugao
linear)
Chenchu
io
Maori
Zuni
Omaha
13
Andamans
Samoa
15
18
Ainu
Marquesas
Murngin
Yakut
Piaute
Western Apache
Masai
19
Comanche
20
22
Papago
Chiricahua
17
11
23
25
Arapesh
Kwakiutl
160
26
27
28
Bali
Dahomey
29
30
Trobriands (most curved)
R2
Using the Mann-Whitney
Test:
U =
69,
<
14
16
11
Alor
14
Ri
11
= 305
.05 (one-tailed) (Siegel 1956).
As a further check on the art style ratings, an assistant,

unaware of the hypotheses, was asked to rerate the linearitycurvilinearity dimension of the art styles of these societies. The
results, presented in Table 2 on page 332 are even more striking in
their disconfirmation of the specific prediction, and offer strong statistical support for an inverse relationship between the variables.
In attempting to interpret this, I recalled an interesting article
entitled
"New
Directions in Motivation Theory" by Daniel E. Ber-
lyne (1962), which discusses the importance of "human exploratory behavior" or "behavior whose principal function is to change
Hide saddle bag decorated with beadwork in the lazy-stitch technique. On a

background appear geometric figures including terraced figures,
forks, crosses, etc., in white, red, blue, yellow, and green beads. At the side
and top there are red horsehair tassels held up by metal tops. Sioux Indians.
The Brooklyn Museum, New York.
light-blue
and introduce stimulus elements that were not
the stimulus field
previously accessible" (p. 152). Exploratory behavior, he explains,

may be either organized or unorganized, and consists of everything
we
consider as "recreation" or "entertainment" in contrast to
it is necessary
determine what is
explored in preference to what is not. This investigation directs our
attention to such properties of stimuli as "surprisingness," "complexity," and "novelty." Concerning "novelty," Berlyne writes
"work." In the investigation of exploratory behavior,

to identify the properties of external stimuli that
something can be "new" because

tered before
or
the last few minutes.
It
has never been encounbeen encountered during

consist of an entirely unpreceit
[has] not
may
Art and Aesthetics
332
Table
Primitive Societies
in
Relation of Primary
2.
House Shape
to
Modified Ratings of the
Linearity-Curvilinearity of Art Style*
Societies with
Most lineciT
to most
cC III III) 11 III 1
cuwilitie cur
iviuoi iiii&ur
c
Societies
with
isircuiur rLuubc
to
Ll
most
u ILL flc Hi
ron Vin
oriupc
(
o* ^
\ 1 ctllivlllg
)
riuilat: orlU.pt;
Andamans
IO
Murngin
II
Chiricahua
Dahomey
13
Western Apache
4
5
D
Ashanti
14
Zuni
15
riopi
17
7
8
Arapesh
Kwakiutl
20
Thonga (most
Yagua
linear)
Comanche
Samoa
Papago
Teton
Paiute
"f\/f
21
q rcli olio
22
Omaha
9
12
Navaho
16
Alor
Ifugao
Masai
18
Yakut
Chenchu
19
Bali
23
24
25
26
= no
Marquesas
Ainu
27
28
Trobriands
29
30
Ri
Maori (most curved)
R2 =
Using the Mann-Whitney
U =
Test:
19,
<
355
.001 (one-tailed) (Siegel 1956).
dented sensory quality ... or it may consist of familiar

items in an unprecedented combination or arrangement
(1962,
p.
155).
These stimulus properties are said
to
have a motivational
effect
on
certain areas of exploratory behavior, including aesthetic activities.
As Berlyne
states
The human organism

influx of novelty,
is
motivated
to
keep the
complexity, and information within an
optimal range and thus escape the extremes of confusion and

boredom.
Material Culture
333
and Cognition
When a person has some choice with respect to the environment he enters, he may seek out one that is likely to
have the right properties. He may manufacture such an environment by surrounding himself with aesthetically satisfying artifacts (1962, pp. 168-69).
.
Berlyne's ideas may help to explain my results: one way in

which people living in a particular material cultural environment
(e.g., rectangular houses) "keep the influx of novelty within an
optimal range" is by manufacturing aesthetic artifacts of a different shape (e.g., curved designs). In other words, for an art object
to be cognitively preferred and aesthetically satisfying, it should
contain certain "properties" different from those normally ex-
perienced.
This study offers support for the idea that perceptual habits
to the culturally modified
and cognitive preferences are related
environment. Berlyne's ideas in particular appear true. While this

pilot investigation
the relevance of
does not claim to be conclusive,
new
it
does indicate
directions in motivation theory for anthro-
pology. In the words of Berlyne
there is a need to examine the means that societies use

maintain their preferred level of arousal. This means looking with particular attention at the artificial sources of stimulation with which they provide themselves to make up for the
shortcomings of the natural environment. It means taking a
new look at aesthetic activities, ceremonies, and play. Anthropologists have learned under the influence of psychoanalysis
to look deeply into the content of these institutions but perhaps more attention should now be paid to their formal prop.
to
erties
(1962,
p.
170).
Bibliography
and Pettigrew, T. F. "Cultural Influence on the Perception of

Movement: The Trapezoidal Illusion Among Zulu," Journal of Abnormal
and Social Psychology, 55 (1957), PP- 104-13.
Barry, Herbert, III. "Relationships Between Child Training and the Pictorial
Allport, G. W.,
Art and Aesthetics
334
Arts," Journal of
in
Primitive Societies
Abnormal and
Social Psychology, 54 (1957), pp. 380-
83.
Berlyne, Daniel E.
and
Human
"New
Directions in Motivation Theory," Anthropology
Behavior, eds. T. Gladwin and
W.
C.
Sturtevant.
Wash-
ington, D.C.: Anthropological Society of Washington, 1962, pp. 150-73.

Fischer, J. L. "Art Styles as Cultural Cognitive Maps," American Anthropologist, 63 (1961), pp. 79-93-
Murdock, G. P., and associates. "Ethnographic Atlas," Ethnology, 1 (1963),

pp. 109-33 and installments in subsequent numbers and volumes.
Segall, Marshall H., Campbell, Donald T., and Herskovits, Melville H. "Cultural Difference in the Perception of Geometric Illusions," Science, 1939
(1963), PP- 769-71.
Siegel, Sidney. Non-Parametric Statistics for the Behavioral Sciences.
York: McGraw-Hill, 1956.
New
Visual Categories:
An Approach
Study of
Representational Systems*
to the
NANCY D. MUNN
The visual arts of a society are like other cultural codes, a way of ordering
and categorizing experience. The categorical analysis of the Australian
Walbiri representational system and its meaning is contrasted with graphic
data from other societies. The pattern of organization found in the Walbiri
pictorial system also orders their totemic designs. These designs can function
to classify totemic species by reassembling them in a different order in a way
similar to those described by Levi-Strauss.
D. Munn is an Assistant Professor of Anthropology in the DepartAnthropology of the University of Massachusetts, Amherst. Her particular interests are symbol theory, ritual and religion, art and iconography,
and idea systems. She has done field work in Australia and New Guinea. Two
other articles related to this one are "Australian Aborigines; Problems in
Comparative Art; Symbol Theory," and "Totemic Designs and Group Continuity in Walbiri Cosmology," both published in Aborigines Now (1964).
Nancy
ment
of
The graphic representations
of the central Australian Walbiri and

supplementary comparative data are used to explore the general
thesis that categorical analysis can be applied to representational
systems. Certain features of the meaning ranges of typical Walbiri
elements are examined and compared with those of pictorial
elements from other systems. It is suggested that Walbiri totemic
designs, consisting of combinations of these elements, can func* Reprinted from American Anthropologist, Vol. 68, No. 4 (August,
1966), pp. 936-50. This paper is a revised version of one given at the 1964
meetings of the Australian-New Zealand Association for the Advancement
of Science in Canberra. At the time, the author was in Australia under the
auspices of the Australian Institute of Aboriginal Studies.

grateful to Robert
J.
The author
is
Smith and Victor W. Turner for reading and comment-
ing upon an earlier draft of the present paper.
Art and Aesthetics
336
in
Primitive Societies
tion to classify totemic species by dissecting
them
in a
manner
and reassembling
similar to that described by Levi-Strauss for
other cultural systems.
Culturally standardized systems of visual representation, like
mechanisms for ordering

manageable categories. While
this orientation toward the examination of pictorial art has recently been emphasized by the art historian E. H. Gombrich
(i960), it has not to date been taken up by anthropologists, who
might well extend current studies of cultural categories and
schemes of classification to include it.
other sorts of cultural codes, function as
experience and segmenting
it
into
In this paper, intended to be exploratory,
use the notions of
"element" and "category" to discuss some classificatory aspects of

pictorial systems. While my illustrations are drawn primarily from
the graphic art of the central Australian Walbiri 1 and from bark
made
northern Australia, supplemented

by examples from other societies, it is my contention that an
approach based on the definition of contrastive units and meaning
ranges is relevant to any system of culturally standardized representations (two- or three-dimensional) where one can identify
discrete, recurrent units through which visual contrasts are made. 3
paintings
at Yirrkalla 2 in
Research among the Walbiri was supported by a Fulbright grant and
carried out under the auspices of the Australian National University be-
tween 1956 and 1958
at
Yuendumu
settlement, Northern Territory (central
Australia), where primarily southern Walbiri were in residence.
The
social
organization of the Walbiri is described by Meggitt (1962). Further details

of the graphic system, the social processes in which it is embedded, and the
cosmological significance Walbiri attach to their totemic designs (see part

of this paper) are given in
2
The
II
Munn
(1962, 1963, 1964).

Yirrkalla elements are after illustrations of bark paintings in
Mountford (1956, Plates 112A, 96B, 106B, 108B, 119A, 119C, 115A). Other
major sources illustrating Yirrkalla paintings are Berndt (1964) and Elkin,
Berndt, and Berndt (1950).
3 A few examples of well-developed representational systems are the
paintings and carvings of the northwest coast Indians, Navaho sand paintings, ancient Mayan sculpture and painting, certain African figurine systems
like the Ashanti goldweights, Yoruba religious carvings, and masking systems like those of the Dogon or the Pueblos. The religious sculpture and
337
Visual Categories:
Approach
to
Study
of Representational
Systems
In Figure i, I have assembled some visual schemata from

Walbiri sand drawings and designs on sacra and from Yirrkalla
bark paintings of northeast Arnhem Land that exemplify two
of schemata occurring in Australian art. Each
schema shown here is an irreducible unit, used to stand for certain
meaning items, examples of which are listed under it. 4 All the
schemata are iconic in the sense that some feature of likeness
characterizes the relation between the visual form and its meanings, and this feature is intrinsic to the functioning of the graphic
system. Put another way, each schema provides a "structural
familiar sorts
equivalent" for
its
object
within a particular system of such
equivalents (cf. Arnheim, 1954, p. 132). I therefore use the term

"representation" in its broad sense to cover all these visual ele-
ments regardless of the character of the visual similarity between

the element and its referents. 5
painting of medieval Europe and Byzantium and of Indian Buddhism and
Hinduism furnish additional examples of highly elaborate iconographies.
All of these arts, although varying in complexity, are built upon the principle
of discrete, recurrent contrasts.
4 The published examples of Yirrkalla schemata for lizards, turtles,
and human beings appear in some instances to consist of a separable
schema for "arms" (or "arms" and "legs") combined with a "body" schema.
The typical Yirrkalla element, however, is a contour of the whole figure, and
it is not clear whether internal segmentation may also occur. For present
purposes, I regard these representations as unbreakable units exemplifying
the schematic type discussed in the text.

5 A narrower use of the term "representations" is sometimes made.
Thus Beardsley (1958, pp. 270 ff.) treats circles and similar visual forms as
nonrepresentational and merely "suggestive" because of their relatively generalized visual properties. According to his definition, "design x" can be said
to depict or represent "object y" when "x contains some area this is more
similar to the visual appearance of y's than to objects of any other class"
(1958, p. 270). The circle, he suggests, has a shape sufficiently general for
to stand for various classes of species of phenomena such as plates,

moons, etc. "But it is no more like a moon than it is like a plate, and so it
cannot really be said by our definition to depict (i.e., represent) any of these
things" (p. 270). In effect, Beardsley's argument arbitrarily restricts representation to object classes of a certain level and kind of generality, as he
himself makes clear in his subsequent argument. Yet, as I discuss later, a
visually simple form like the circle can certainly provide a pictorial equiva-
it
lent for a class of objects
"closed,"
in
the case of the Walbiri circle,
nonelongate, or roundish
objects
and
a class of
one must grant that a
Art and Aesthetics
338
in
Primitive Societies
All the items that can be represented by one schema constiwhat I shall call a visual category. By this term I mean any
range of meaning items represented either by a single, irreducible
visual schema (as in Figure i) or by a unitary combination of
more than one such schema (as in Figure 2). Categories denned
by schemata of the first sort the fundamental elements of a
graphic system
I call elementary categories. Those defined by
unitary constructions of more than one element I call composite
tute
categories.
As an example of an elementary category, consider the tree

from Yirrkalla paintings depicted in Figure ia. In the literature on
the paintings, a meaning provided by the informant in a particular
instance
for example, "mangrove tree" or "casuarina"
is generally noted. However, the published data do not give enough
information to determine with any certainty whether this particular "tree" schema can be used to depict any variety of tree distinguished by informants (so that all varieties would in effect belong
to the one visual category), or whether the conventions restrict it
to some varieties and not others. Moreover, a cursory examination
of Yirrkalla paintings indicates that the painters use a
number
of
schemata for trees. A tree can be drawn, for

instance, with the branches extending upward rather than down,
or with curved branches rather than straight ones. The problem is
whether these and other variations in form are simply free varislightly different
ants
either
standardized alternatives or idiosyncratic variations
subject to the invention and

cators of
if
whim
some regular change
of the painter
in the
meaning
or rather indi-
of the element. And,
the latter, do these changes refer to class inclusion (for exam-
used in this way would then meet Beardsley's definition of "repreA more far-reaching criticism, however, is that the pictorial
value of the circle or of any other visual form can only be determined by
examining the particular system of visual-semantic contrasts of which it is
a part. One can, in fact, conceive of a pictorial system in which the circle
is used to stand for (let us say) waterholes only, with constrasting elements
serving to represent classes such as moons or plates. In such a system, the
circle would function as a pictorial likeness for waterholes and no other
class of objects. On this view, the iconic value of a visual element is relative to its position in a particular system of conventions and cannot be
defined outside of a system.
circle
sentation."
339
Visual Categories:
Approach
to
Study
of Representational
Systems
only certain kinds of trees drawn with curved branches)?

Only by more precisely determining the range of inclusion of
each visual term can one come to predict the usage of the visual
elements and to recognize and interpret innovations that may
occur. Ideally, one should be able to define the semantic limits, or
rules of use, for a particular schema; the specific meanings or
pie, are
referents will vary within these limits. If a standard schema

comprehends a relatively general category such as "tree," an
informant might use it to specify a casuarina tree in one instance,
a mangrove in another; or he might say that it is just "a tree." The
specific meaning depends upon the informant's selection from a
range of possible meanings.

The degree of generality of the visual terms in a single system
will vary, of course, as the examples from Yirrkalla art in Figure
i a suggest. Thus, the outline of a snake can probably be used for
all varieties distinguished by the aborigines, but what appear to be
more specific distinctions are illustrated by the occurrence of
contrasting schemata for stingrays and devilrays and for fresh-
water turtles (tortoises) on the one hand and green and hawksbill
turtles on the other. 7 For the Walbiri elements, the meaning
ranges of examples in Figure ia and ib also reflect different
degrees of generality, as will become clear later.
The proper functioning of some representational systems

depends quite directly upon a rather wide variability in the specific
meanings possible for each schema, i.e., upon a relatively high
degree of category generality. For instance, in a discussion of
objects used in divination among the Ndembu of Northern Rhodesia, Turner (1961, pp. 8 ff.) describes a figurine that represents
6 The English labels used here are the ones that serve to translate native
terms as given in Mountford (1956): "green turtle," gariwa; "hawksbill
turtle," kouwaradji; "fresh-water turtle" or "tortoise," mimala. Native terms
also distinguish the two kinds of rays. I have no information, however, that
would indicate whether Yirrkalla aborigines distinguish more general groupings, roughly comparable to our "turtles" or "rays," either by inclusion in a
single verbal category or by other grouping techniques. It is of some interest
that in the Yirrkalla string figures collected by McCarthy (i960, Figs. 176,
178), the distinctive feature of the tortoise is again the long neck, and the
whole figure is constructed quite differently from that shown for the green
turtle.
Art and Aesthetics
340
in
Primitive Societies
A. Continuous
Meaning Ranges
Yirrkalla
mangrove
snake
tree
(e.g.,
(e.g.
lightning
casuarina;
green;
snake )
menin
hawksbill)
devilray
tortoise
stingray
turtle
yam
(e.g.,
tree)
Walbiri
snake
tree
human
hill
Figure 1a. Elementary Visual Categorh
in simple outline the forms of a man, a woman, and a child.

Turner points out that the diviner may interpret this figure in
various ways. In one instance he may say that it represents a chief
and his kin (man = chief; woman, child = kin) in another, a headman and his kin; in still a third, witches. The man, woman, and
child can be an elementary family, but more commonly they are
interpreted as "comembers of a matrilineage"; further, the particular relationships within the matrilineage, and thus the specific kin
represented, will vary with the diviner's interpretation. As Turner
remarks, "all kinds of groups, relationships and differences of
status can be expressed by this symbol" (1961, p. 9). Turner
emphasizes that this sort of "multireference," as he calls it, charac;
terizes all the divinatory objects.
Visual Categories:
341
B.
Approach
to
Study of Representational Systems
Discontinuous Meaning Ranges-
Walbiri
(
circular path
straight
winding
path
path
cave
"actor"
hut
standing:
tail (e.g.,
(arched)
human
possum)
line of
sitting,
waterhole
straight
fruit (e.g.,
tail
(as
kangaroo
congaberry )
winding
kangaroo
trees
spear
snake
tree (trunk)
lightning
tree (base)
backbone
etc.
etc.
etc.
fire
(ancestor)
etc.
yam
(e.g.,
etc.
wabadi )
Figure 1b. Elementary Visual Categories
The use
of relatively general visual categories
is
well
known
from
Western art historians; many examples can be
Weitzmann
medieval European and Byzantine art. Thus
(1947, p.
156), writing of certain early Christian book illuminations, comments that the "formula" for a Byzantine emperor was used
cited
to
"wherever a ruler or high dignitary was to be represented": ".

Joseph in Egypt, or Pharaoh himself, King Saul, King David, or
King Solomon all look alike, because the same convention was
used for each of them." Similarly, Gombrich (i960, pp. 68-69)
.
says of the
"Nuremberg Chronicle":
".
we
find the
same woodDamas-
cut of a medieval city recurring with different captions as

cus,
Ferrara, Milan and Mantua.
... we must conclude
that
minded whether the captions

told the truth. All they were expected to do was to bring home to
the reader that these names stood for cities." For each such fairly
neither the publisher nor the public

Art and Aesthetics
342
Tree
Human
wagilbiri
dead man
(njunu)
tree*
Slightly simplified
in
Primitive Societies
Yam
small
(
from the
yam
wabadi ) *
Hill
Snake
conical
rainbow snake
(wanara)
hill
original.
Figure
2.
Composite Visual Categories
general visual term, the specific
Walbiri
meaning relevant
to a particular
usage can be communicated in different ways. The oral identifications of the Ndembu diviner have been mentioned; in literate
societies the parallel device is the use of written inscriptions.
Carolingian scholar Alcuin (quoted in
The
De Bruyn, 1946,
1, p. 283)
states this function succinctly: "Represent a woman holding an
infant on her knee. If there is no inscription how does one know if
she represents the Virgin with Christ or Venus with Aeneas,
Alcmene with Hercules, Andromica with Astyanax?"
To turn to the schemata in Figure ib, the problem of category
generality is presented here in a special form. These schemata
cover highly general categories, each of which includes a variety of
different classes of phenomena. The circle, for instance, can be
used to specify a waterhole (or, when required by context, a par-
ticular waterhole at a
and other
named
place),
fire, fruits
of various kinds,
drawing accompanying conversation, only one of these meaning classes is relevant at a time. For example, a circle between two facing arcs
might in one instance specify two (particular) persons sitting at a
waterhole and, in another, two persons sitting at a fire; these
individuals might be human beings or ancestral persons such as
kangaroo men or any other class of mobile being recognized by the
items. In ordinary usage, as in a sand
343
Visual Categories:
Approach
to
The point is that the persons using the system select in

each instance a specific meaning from the range of possible
meanings.
The visual category comprehended by the circle consists of
all "roundish" or "closed," nonelongate phenomena. Items of a
straight, elongate form like spears and straight paths are represented by a straight line. Elongate, winding forms like snakes and
lightning are represented by a meander line. These categories are
so broad that an indefinite variety of phenomena can be pictured
by each element; the Walbiri schemata characterize an object by a
basic defining feature of shape. Pictures of this kind reduce objects
to their limiting features rather than elaborate their visual particularities (hence they have often been confusingly labeled "abstract"
Walbiri.
or "geometric").
Thus, the meaning ranges of the Walbiri elements shown in

Figure ib are not restricted to species of things, such as "trees,"
"yams," or "turtles"; rather, they intersect class or species distinc-
The
which conveys the "roundness" or

yam, say, or
the base of a tree (standing for the tree as a whole in some Walbiri
usages). In the Yirrkalla idiom a yam is represented by a more
specialized form, which cannot also depict a tree. Rattier, the
pictures for "yam" and "tree" contrast as separate elements in the
tions of this kind.
circle,
"closedness" of an object, can portray equally well a
system.
Borrowing a label from
linguistics,
have called meaning
ranges of the type exemplified in Figure ib discontinuous since

they include heterogeneous classes of meaning items, only one of
which
is
relevant at a time. As
make use
we
shall see, however, Walbiri also
of metaphoric linkages in
some segments of the graphic
system, so that more than one of these classes of items can be

applicable in a single instance.
Meaning ranges
of the ia elements,
on the other hand,
have
called continuous since they do not cover heterogeneous classes of
meaning
items.
schema might be used for different

cannot also represent waterholes, fires, and
"tree"
varieties of trees, but
phenomena.
As Figure ia indicates, elements with continuous meaning
ranges do occur in Walbiri art; this system also uses "footprints,"
other such classes of
344
Art and Aesthetics
in
Primitive Societies
most of which (for example, kangaroo or dog prints) have continuous ranges. Conversely, what appear to be discontinuous categories occur also in the Yirrkalla system. The emphasis upon
highly general elementary categories with discontinuous ranges
is,
however, an outstanding characteristic of central Australian art; as

we shall see, Walbiri art is elaborated on principles that "play"
upon
this feature.
One may
infer that
an
art
like
the Walbiri, functioning
primarily with discontinuous elementary categories, could operate
with a smaller number of elements than one relying largely on

continuous categories. Where the meaning ranges are discontinuous, it is theoretically possible to increase the number of classes of
phenomena represented without expanding the repertory of visual
elements. Walbiri women, for instance, represent the Australian
billy-can in their
a specific
schema
sand drawings by a
to picture
it,
circle rather
for the billy
is
than by creating
readily fitted into the
category of "roundish," "closed" forms represented by the
circle.
Or
us suppose that, using the elements of this system, we wanted

to portray a car. We might decide to represent the whole car as a
let
we might
wheels as circles and

would then have to
combine the circles and the line in an appropriate arrangement,
but we still would not have increased the number of basic elements or elementary visual categories. On the other hand, if we
were using elements of the continuous type, we would have to
create a separate schema to picture a car, and so we would add to
the number of visual elements in the system.
Ethnographic examples of pictorial systems relying primarily
upon discontinuous categories, other than the central Australian,
can only be identified tentatively from the descriptive literature. It
seems probable, for example, that the parfleche decoration of the
Arapaho Indians described by Kroeber (1902), and examined by
Boas (1927, pp. 88 ff.) along with other similar systems, is of this
kind. The elements in this art are lines, triangles, rectangles, and
circle; or, alternatively,
treat the
the axle and body of the car as a line.
We
other basic forms, which are combined into a limited
number
of
element can stand for a

variety of different meaning items: a triangle, for instance, can
stand for items such as "mountain," "tent," and "body-part of a
standardized arrangements.
single
345
Approach
Visual Categories:
to
person"; elongate items like paths, however, are represented by

lines.
Kroeber was impressed by the variety of meanings for each

element. Thus, in describing a particular bag, he says:
be noticed that identical white spots mean on different

bag respectively snow-patches and turtle-eggs.
signification they have depends in each case on the
It will
sides of the
What
often
symbolic context. Similarly a three pronged figure
signifies the bear's foot, but here, when adjacent to a turtle.
symbol, a
turtle's foot.
by the same symbol
same
figure
There
is
Such representation of
different objects
or
such different interpretation of the

constantly found
(1902, p. 83).
.
an interesting similarity between Kroeber's descripArapaho design meanings and the semantic descrip-
is
tion of the
tions of central Australian designs by early observers.

cases,
meanings were thought
to
In both
be highly variable without any
discoverable intrinsic patterning; extrinsic "context" and the in-
formant's personal
9 1 ff )>
( I
whim were
the only limiting factors. Davidson
for instance, stressing the "inconstant character"
937, PPof design meanings in central Australian art, pointed out
For the geometrical designs ... we find great differences in

meaning. A group of concentric circles or a spiral ... are
often interpreted as representing a totem center, the totemic
animal or plant, a waterhole or some other natural feature of
the terrain,
the imprint in the earth left by a person's
buttocks, the intestines of an animal or bird, an egg, or other
.
things or places
my
(i937,P-95)-
very likely that the Arapaho system, like

makes wide use of elements with discontinuous meaning ranges and that it has, therefore, a discoverable
semantic structure. 7 If this is the case, then it would be useful to
In
opinion,
it is
the central Australian,
7 The element arrangements in Arapaho designs provide additional evidence for this hypothesis. Although the same or similar types of constructions can in different instances refer to very different objects or objectcomplexes, the construction resembles the specified objects in each instance.
One common construction, for example, consists of two "mirror-image"
Art and Aesthetics
346
in
Primitive Societies
reconsider Boas' classic treatment of the semantic variability of
such designs in the light of the present discussion.
I!
now
turn to composite categories in Walbiri
art. I
mean
to
both the pictorial possibilities of a system using discontinuous elementary categories and one of the ways in which it can
illustrate
provide an organizing pattern or structure through which separate
phenomena
classes of
in
this case totemic
phenomena
can
be
ordered.
My
is
examples are drawn from men's totemic designs, since
it
within this genre of Walbiri art that the potentialities of the
graphic system are most fully realized. Each design
is
connected
with one of the totemic ancestors whose travels created the country,
and
it
pictures various features of the species to
A single
design. A few
ancestor belongs.
than one
ancestor
is
which the
more
generally represented by
designs are connected with "mythical"
beings not directly associated with the creative ancestors, but like
them classified in terms of the subsection and descent systems. 8

One example in Figure 2, the "dead man," is of this sort.
Figures ia and 2 illustrate two different ways of representing
similar phenomena, both of which occur in Walbiri art. In Figure
1 a are elements comprehending continuous categories; except for
the figure of a human being, each was identified by an informant
as a totemic design or part of a design. In Figure 2 are
the
more
circles,
lines,
examples of
composite constructions of
and additional constituents. These constructions
typical
Walbiri designs:
segments with a connecting element or "juncture." This can specify various

examples are "two frogs with heads in scum" (scum = juncture
items:
from
which the legs and bodies of the frogs extend); a turtle

juncture from which the claws extend). See Kroeber (1902, Fig.
either side of
(carapace
The systematic iconicity of a construction over a

range of very different phenomena is one index of internal semantic order
in the designs. Walbiri constructions operate very similarly (see above,
28; Plate XII, Fig. 4).
part II).
8
Rights over ancestral totems and their associated designs are held by
same father-son subsection
patrilineal groups; the totems are classified in the
couple as the groups that have rights over them.
347
Visual Categories:
Approach
to
Study
actually yield continuous categories
"yam,"
For present purposes
of Representational
Systems
on the order of "snake,"
"tree,"
etc.
or class of
it is
phenomena and
sufficient to note the general order
the particular variety represented by
yam, etc.), but a

meaning ranges and of the degree
the designs in Figure 2 (wagilbiri tree, small
more
of
detailed consideration of
exclusiveness
of
visual
distinctiveness
of the
constructions
would be necessary for an accurate assessment of the categories.

For example, the meander line combined with a particular arrangement of arcs appears to be restricted to representations of
rainbow snakes, while similar but not identical configurations
occur for other snakes. Although the meander line is also used in
the closely related designs for rain
where it may specify lightning, say, or rain falling
the snake arrangement of arcs and
meanders does not occur in rain designs, and two informants in
fact distinguished rain and rainbow snake on this basis. 9
Thus, through the combination of different selections of elements into various arrangements, a system that works with highly
general elementary categories of the discontinuous type can yield
composite categories with continuous meaning ranges. This mode

of representation can provide pictorial detail as easily as one using
elementary continuous categories. The depictions of trees in Figures 1 a and 2 are structurally different
the former is a single,
unbreakable unit; the latter has hierarchical structure since it is
made by combining more than one element into a unified pattern
but the latter also pictures the roots, trunk, branches, and
leaves in an appropriate arrangement.
In the representations of Figure ia, the different pictures
cannot be broken down into any shared constituent parts, and the
Walbiri representations of a snake, tree, human, and hill do not
bear any significant similarity to each other. Nothing in the
9 Not all categorical contrasts can be determined as clearly from my

data as those for rain and rainbow snake and related species; nevertheless,
the typical designs for certain well-known totem species contain clear-cut
visual contrasts.
analysis
is
In the case of less well-known
more complex. In
totems
the
problem of
addition, not all designs available for a totem
contain features distinguishing the species. Some designs, for instance, are
part of a highly generalized graphic idiom that can be used for any totem.
Thus, designs of differing degrees of generality or distinctiveness occur.
Art and Aesthetics
348
in
Primitive Societies
observable form of the pictures would convey to us that these
phenomena might have anything

totemic designs of Figure 2
representations of different
are
similarities
of
it
is
common. But
in
phenomena
two kinds:
in the typical
precisely the similarity between
that
strikes
us.
These
shared terms or elements and
shared types of arrangements. The relatively distinctive constructions can be resolved into constituent elements, of which the circle
and the straight or meander

all
line occur either singly or together in
the pictures. Other elements, such as the arc, also occur in
more
than one design: Thus the composite categories covering classes

such as "tree" or "yam" can be broken down into elementary
categories partially shared with other designs.
The constructions also share common arrangements. We may
distinguish one sort in which a central unit consisting of a circle
(or series of circles) and line sequence is accompanied by various
elements ranged around or adjoined to the sequence. The pictures
of the tree, man, and yam are of this kind. In another sort of
arrangement the central unit consists of a circle or line (in the
example, a meander line) with surrounding or adjoined elements;
"conical hill" and "rainbow snake" are the examples. I call the
central parts of these designs the core and the surrounding elements adjuncts. Walbiri themselves, when making these designs,
draw the core elements
and then add the surrounding elements, but the core-adjunct analysis and description derives
from my examination of semantic and structural features of the
designs rather than from any explicit Walbiri analysis. 10 While
generally
first
other types of constructions occur in the totemic designs, this core-
adjunct type
distribution
is
basic to the system as a whole
among
The designs
and has the widest
the different totems.
in Figure 2
can
all
be broken
down
into core
and
adjunctive parts. Elements functioning as the core are always

10 The criteria used for designating parts of designs as core or adjunct,
and occasional ambiguities giving rise to problems in the analysis of particular designs, are not discussed here. Compositional features from other
parts of the system suggest, for instance, that the branches in Table
could
perhaps be analyzed as core rather than adjunctive elements. Difficulties of

this sort, however, are outside the scope of this paper, which aims only to
call attention to an organizing structure implicit in the representational
system.
349
Visual Categories:
Approach
circles or lines or both.
to
Study
Elements that
of Representational
may
are widely variable; they include the circle
fill
and
Systems
the adjunctive slot

straight line as well
more commonly, other elements in the system. In Table i the

columns show both the core and adjunctive positions and
the visual elements from the designs in Figure 2 that occur in each
position. The elements and positions illustrate a kind of vocabulary
and grammar, in terms of which a design can be constructed.
The horizontal columns show the assemblages of parts (from
as,
vertical
Figure 2) that are relevant to a particular totem species. For

example, the dead man consists of backbone, buttocks, ribs, arms,
and legs. The backbone and buttocks are treated as the core, while
ribs, arms, and legs function as adjuncts. The arrangement of
parts is handled in terms of a general pattern common to designs
for other phenomena. Moreover, the backbone, buttocks, and ribs
belong to larger categories the backbone to a category of elongate
items that can all be represented by the line; the buttocks to a
contrasting category of "roundish" items represented by the circle;
and the ribs to still another broad category of plural, semicircular
items represented by arcs. Only the arms and legs are pictured by
elements with a very limited distribution in the designs as a whole.
Different parts of the dead man are thus reclassified into broad
:
visual categories (roughly:
segments)
common
roundish, elongate, and semicircular
to other species as well.
In effect, to picture an object in this system one dissects it

two parts: on the one hand, a central stem or torso-like part
such as the tree trunk and its roots, the snake's body, the main
portion of the hill; on the other, its appendage-like parts such as
tree branches and leaves, the pearl shells associated with the
rainbow snake (which he is said to send out with the rain), and
into
the conical tip of the
hill.
Since the body or torso-like parts are of two kinds
items (meandering or straight) such as the snake and
elongate
yam
stem,
and closed, roundish items such as the hill and yam tubers there
is an additional dual classification into elongate and roundish
segments of the torso implicit in the structure of the system. This
classification is reinforced by an explicit Walbiri metaphor. Walbiri
equate the elongate parts with the paths of these totemic
beings (tree trunks and

paths), and
all
yam
stems, for instance, are also ancestral
the roundish parts with their
camp
sites
(for
Art and Aesthetics
350
example, the
yam
Primitive Societies
in
tuber
is
the
camp
of the
yam). This metaphor
functions to reinforce the unity of each visual category since

varied items in the
"the
same thing"
same category are metaphorically

Munn, 1962).
identified as
(see also
can now be read as the outline of an analysis and

phenomena. This classification, implicit in the
structure of the totemic designs, suggests the sort of dissection and
Table
classification of
reordering of different totemic species in terms of a
One
ture discussed by Levi-Strauss (1962).
common
struc-
of his examples is the
description of totemic animals in the ritual chants of the Osage
Indians. Levi-Strauss points out that the different animals con-
nected with the Osage clans are described in the texts in a way
that effectively analyzes these species into a "system of invariant
common to all the species" (1962, p. 193).

Thus, in the Osage chants the puma asserts that he has black
feet, a black muzzle, and a black tail. According to Levi-Strauss, all
the other totemic animals and birds are similarly described, and
items such as beaks and noses are equated. The different totems
are in effect broken down into a set of corresponding parts: the
muzzle or noselike parts, including the bear's muzzle, the eagle's
beak, and other such items; the feetlike parts, including the bear's
feet, the eagle's claws, and so on. In addition, all these items are
said to be black, a feature that (because of certain symbolic associations important to the Osage) is stressed as being common to all
characters supposedly
the animals.
On the one hand, each of these totemic species is distinctive

and functions as the symbol of a particular clan; on the other
hand, each can be analyzed into a set of parts shared with the
other totemic animals and intersecting these species differences.
As Levi-Strauss points out, there is "a sort of ideal dismemberment
of each species that re-establishes
the totality on another
.
plan" (1962, p. 195).

Much the same
may
be said of the Walbiri designs.
On
the
one hand, totems of different species can be represented by contrastive designs. 11 On the other hand, a common structure and
Walbiri designs do not constitute a "heraldry" in the strict sense of
word. A single patrilineal group has rights over a number of totemic
species, and designs for these species do not necessarily share common
visual features marking them off from designs representing totems con11
this
Visual Categories:
351
Approach
Table
1.
to
Study
of Representational
Core-Adjunct Construction
ADJUNCT
CORE
Systems
ribs
legs,
iii
Tree
tree roots
branch
branches
(wagilbiri)
(and
tops
(paths
branch
(camps)
trunk
))
OO
OO
leaves
adjoining
main
junctures)
track)
Human
buttocks
backbone
arms
(dead
man)
Yam
yam
(small
tubers
yam)
(=hills)
underground
stem
roots
small
(also:
tubers
lines=
roots)
Hill
conical
hill
(conical)
tip
(small
camps)
Snake
snake's
pearl
(rainbow
body
shells
snake)
Camp
Path
shared visual categories intersecting these differences reorder the

different species in terms of a
common
pattern. This reordering
provides a kind of visual comparison and analysis.
construction
can in theory be used to represent any

totemic species, which could thus be analyzed and reassembled in
the terms I have described.
The reliance upon graphic elements comprehending highly
of the core-adjunct type
by other groups. Segmentation in the social structure cannot be "read

from critical visual contrasts between designs or relevant sets of designs.
trolled
off"
Art and Aesthetics
352
in
Primitive Societies
general visual categories with discontinuous
gether with the use of a limited
which
number
meaning ranges
to-
of construction types (of
have discussed the most widely used one) makes it posan indefinite variety of totemic species without
sible to represent
necessarily increasing the visual complexity of the system. Since
the
number
of Walbiri totem species
is
exceedingly large (Meggitt
205] counted over 150 totems for the Walbiri as a

whole, some of them belonging to the same species), this graphic
[1962,
p.
economy is of some functional significance.

The design structure that I have described
also
meshes with
Walbiri cosmology. Walbiri regard each major totemic ancestor as
an individual with a particular
set of locale associations; the indi-
vidual belongs to a species, and a cluster of attributes (including

characteristic behavioral as well as formal attributes) stereotypes
each species, marking
it off from others. But all species of ancesimportant attributes: for example, all made
track-marks in the country (Munn, 1962, 1964).
tors also share certain
camps and
left
These shared attributes are
criteria of the class of totemic
an-
cestors.
This interplay between similarity and difference, unity and

plurality, is also plotted in the design system, as
have
briefly
more precise examination of the links between design structure and these principles in the cosmology is
outside the scope of my paper. To the extent that the design strucsuggested, although a
ture conveys
an organization inherent in the cosmology, the
de-
signs function as visual models that present these principles, as
it
were, directly for inspection. Bober (1956-57, p. 84) comments on

this kind of function when he describes certain circular schemata
or rotae in a medieval school book as "visual instruments" because
of "their peculiar capacity
to
syntheses of a given subject;
give
to
visual expression
show
parts." In this sense, Walbiri designs
to
broad
correlation between
its
can also be called "visual
instruments."
Ill
In his recent review of ethnoscientific studies, Sturtevant
(1964, p. 107) has pointed out that since "non-linguistic communication systems are also structured ... it seems wise not to
Visual Categories:
353
restrict the
meaning
Approach
to
of ethnoscience to the study of terminological
systems." Although he suggests that "complex aesthetic phenomena" may be one of the possible candidates for structural analysis,
Sturtevant does not mention visual representations as such. In the
present paper I have attempted to show that the concepts of
elementary unit and category can be illuminating in the analysis of
representational systems. I have distinguished a type of visual
category that includes radically different, "discontinuous" classes
meaning items from one in which the included items are relahomogeneous or "continuous." In the Walbiri case I have
shown how the use of discontinuous elementary categories as a
of
tively
basic organizing principle affects certain features of the larger
representational structure.
One implication
of this paper is that representational systems,

them,
of
could be compared cross-culturally along
structural rather than simply stylistic dimensions. It is interesting
to consider, for example, how an art handles the problem of
or
aspects
contrasting a series of related individuals or classes of
phenomena
such as totemic ancestors, a pantheon of gods, or saints. I have

described one solution to this problem, that characteristic of Walbiri
totemic designs.
Some
additional notes
parative context.
Where
may
be helpful in suggesting a com-
the elementary categories are continuous
(rather than primarily discontinuous, as in the Walbiri case),

schemata for members of the series may be systematically differentiated by sets of contrastive features, such as clothing, position,
etc., elaborated across the series. Thus, in medieval European art
the portrait "type" of each saint is differentiated by a cluster of
traits involving clothing, beard, and hair style; these traits are
components of the elementary schema (the human figure), unlike
emblems, which are added to the unit. A less systematic, but
similar mode of specification is suggested by Ray for Alaskan
Eskimo carvings: "selected diagnostic characteristics of animals
are of primary concern to the contemporary carvers.
The
carvers differentiate the white fox from the red fox, for example,
by making the legs of the former shorter, and they indicate the
differences between polar bear and brown bear by the smaller size
of the brown bear's palms and the greater amount of fur on the
.
polar bears front legs" (1961, p. 144).
"
354
Art and Aesthetics
in
Primitive Societies
Another device, that of adding diacritical emblems to a repreis familiar from diverse arts. Emblems, such as the corn
or arrows often held by the personae of Navaho sand paintings,
sentation,
are the distinctive attributes of certain individuals or social categories, for instance, the category "warrior."
Emblems may
also
occur along with featural contrasts, as in later medieval depictions

of saints or in Indian images of the Divine Buddhas. In all these
examples the problem

a
number
common
share
is
one of showing the distinctive features of
of individuals or separate categories of beings

characteristics.
The
who
also
particular solution chosen will,
of course, be framed, as in the Walbiri case, in terms of the wider
representational structure.
The questions
have raised lead
study of pictorial codes.
What
to
more general
issues in the
structural devices are widespread in
such codes, and how does iconicity itself limit the possible ordering techniques employed cross-culturally? To answer these and
related questions we must refine the current ethnographic tools
used in describing the representational arts. Indeed, the ideal that
Conklin has voiced with respect to language could well be applied
to the
study of visual representations: "accurate and productive
ethnography
[must go] beyond the identification and mere
cataloguing of linguistic forms to the point where crucial structural semantic relations
86).
The
can be described systematically" (1962,
p.
substitution of "representational" for "linguistic" in this
statement would aptly
sum up
the viewpoint of the present paper.
Bibliography
Arnheim, R. Art and Visual Perception. Berkeley: University of California

Press, 1954.
Beardsley, M. C. Aesthetics: Problems in the Philosophy of Criticism.
York: Harcourt Brace, 1958.
Berndt, R. M. (ed.
New
Australian Aboriginal Art. Sydney: Ure Smith, 1964.

Oslo: H. Aschehoug, 1927. Reprinted 1955, New
York, Dover; page references to this edition.
Bober, H. "An Illustrated Medieval School-Book of Bede's T>e Natura Rerum,'
Boas,
F.
).
Primitive Art.
Journal of the Walters Art Gallery, 19-20 (1956-57), pp. 65-97.

Comment on C. Frake, "The Ethnographic Study of Cognitive
Conklin, H.
355
Visual Categories:
Approach
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Study
of Representational
Systems
Systems," in Anthropology and Human Behavior. Washington, D.C.:

Anthropological Society of Washington, 1962.
Davidson, D. S. "A Preliminary Consideration of Aboriginal Decorative Art,"
Memoirs
American Philosophical
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E. Etudes d'esthetique medievale. 3 vols. Bruges: de
Tempel, 1946.
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De Bruyn,
Elkin, A. P., Berndt, R. M.,
and Berndt,
C.
M. Art
Arnhem Land.
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Gombrich, E. H. Art and Illusion: A Study in the Psychology of Visual Representation. (Bollingen Series XXXV.5. ) New York: Pantheon, i960.
Kroeber, A. L. "The Arapaho," Bulletin of the American Museum of Natural
History, No. 18.
New
York (1902).
La pensee sauvage. Paris: Plon, 1962.

"The String Figures of Yirrkalla," Records
Levi-Strauss, C.
McCarthy,
F.
Australian Scientific Expedition to
and
Arnhem Land,
Nutrition, ed. C. P. Mountford. Melbourne:
of the American-
Anthropology
Melbourne University
Vol. 2:
Press, i960.
Meggitt, M. Desert People. Sydney:
Mountford,
Angus and Robertson,
1962.
Records of the American- Australian Scientific Expedition to

Land, Vol. 1: Art, Myth and Symbolism. Melbourne: Mel-
C. P.
Arnhem
bourne University Press, 1956.

D. "Walbiri Graphic Signs:
An
64 (1962), pp. 972-84.

"The Walbiri Sand
Australian Territories,
Munn, N.
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Story,"
Analysis,"
American Anthropologist,
3
(1963), pp.
37-44.
"Totemic Designs and Group Continuity in Walbiri Cosmology,"
Aborigines Now. ed. M. Reay. Sydney: Angus and Robertson, 1964.

Ray, D. J. Artists of the Tundra and the Sea. Seattle: University of Washington Press,
1 96 1.
W.
C. "Studies in Ethnoscience," American Anthropologist, 66,

No. 3, pt. 2 (1964), pp. 99-131Turner, V. W. "Ndembu Divination, Its Symbolism and Techniques,"
Rhodes Livingston Papers, No. 31. Manchester: Manchester Uni-
Sturtevant,
versity Press, 1961.
Weitzmann, K. "Illustrations in Roll and Codex: A Study of the Origin and

Method of Text Illustration," Studies in Manuscript Illumination, Vol.
2.
Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1947.
and
Vitality
Fang Aesthetics*
JAMES W. FERNANDEZ
in
Using Durkheim's theories relating social organization to spatial organization
and the dominance of the idea of contradiction in primitive society, Dr. Fernandez analyzes Fang aesthetics from his field data.
Central to the aesthetic ideas of the Fang is the notion of obtaining
balance of opposites not only of forms, but also of

demonstrated in their bieri statues, in the spatial organizations of the villages, their social organization, and other elements.
James W. Fernandez is Associate Professor of Anthropology in the Department of Anthropology, Dartmouth College. Religious cosmology and
symbolic interactionism, cognition, and behavior are his subjects of interest,
and Africa the area of his field research. Among other articles he has written
"African Religious Movements
Types and Dynamics" (Journal of Modern
African Studies, December, 1964); "Symbolic Consensus in a Fang Reformative Cult" {American Anthropologist, August, 1965); "Unbelievably Subtle
Words Representation and Integration in the Sermons of an African Synvitality
through
qualities. This
is
cretist Cult" {Journal of the History of Religion,
August, 1966).
As part of his introductory argument
Forms
of the Religious Life,
Durkheim
to
The Elementary
raises a seminal point that
has rarely since been adequately followed up in the literature or

tested in the field. It is a point that he had raised previously, with
Mauss, in an article, "On Some Forms of Primitive Classification,"
* Reprinted from The Journal of Aesthetics and Art Criticism, Vol. XXV,
No. i (Fall, 1966), pp. 53-64. This paper was read at the Seminar in the
African Humanities, Indiana University, March 20, 1963. This research,
undertaken in Equatorial Africa, was supported by the Ford Foundation
and the Program of African Studies, Northwestern University. For the invitation to address the seminar and for helpful comments the author is
grateful to Alan
Merriam and Roy
Sieber.
357
and
Vitality in
Fang Aesthetics
which appeared in his Journal de VAnnee Sociologique in 1904. 1 If

we examine some excerpts from Durkheim's argument we will see
Principles of Opposiits relevance to the topic we have before us
speaking
about the way
tion and Vitality in Fang Aesthetics. He is
North
American
Indian
tribes lay out
in which Australian and
space.
Among
quarters.
unity.
the Zuni, for example, the pueblo contains seven
Each
Now
of these is a group of clans
which has had a

and each
their space also contains seven quarters
is in intimate connection
with a quarter of the pueblo that is to say with a group of
clans. One division is thought to be in relation with the north,
another represents the west, etc. [Moreover] each quarter of
the pueblo has its characteristic color which symbolizes it. 2
of these seven quarters of the world
Since Durkheim's perspective
him
leads
the
model
is
a sociological one, this material
directly to affirm that "the social organization
for the spatial organization
affirmation that he easily translates later
that social
has been
an
into the book's major
and a reproduction
of
it,"
has been the source of the religious life.

and spatial organization
to aesthetic problems should be clear, for aesthetics, after all, has
as one of its primary concerns the manner in which values,
whether colors or tones or even words for the poet, are formally
arranged in space. Presumably if one is able to tie up spatial
organization with social organization he shall have said either one
of two things. Either aesthetic preference responds more than we
point
life
The relevance
of these facts of social
realize to social structure or social structure is itself to
some extent
the expression of an aesthetic preference.
More
directly relevant for the body of our discussion, howDurkheim's further discussion in which, talking about the
distinction between right and left in the primitive's organization of
space, he suggests that in primitive societies the idea of contradiction is dominant. We have not clearly recognized this, he says,
ever, is
Now
translated with an introduction by
Rodney Needham, Primitive
Classification (Chicago, 1963).

2 Emile Durkheim, The Elementary Forms of the Religious
from the French by Joseph Ward Swain (London, n.d.), p. 11.
Life, trans,
Art and Aesthetics
358
in
Primitive Societies
own
because in our
societies the principle of identity dominates

But our present logical bias notwithstanding, our
doctrine of the excluded middle and our inability to contemplate
unresolved contradictions, the idea of contradiction has been historically of the greatest importance. In primitive thought and in
the mythologies that linger on in our own day Durkheim argues
scientific thought.
We are continually coming upon things which have the

most contradictory attributes simultaneously, who are at the
same time one and many, material and spiritual, who can
divide themselves up indefinitely without losing anything of
their constitution. In mythology it is an axiom that the part is
worth the whole. 3
In the contradiction between the sacred and the profane Durkheim
is
of course to give us full explication of not only the importance of
contradiction in primitive societies but indeed the necessity of
it.
Unfortunately, these two categories have never been fully understood and the overtones of the terms have tended to mystify the
reader.
Rather than pursuing Durkheim in the direction of the sacred
and the profane

manifests
a
number
my
shall take up this notion of contradiction as it

Fang culture. I shall be interested in the idea in
areas of Fang life, but it must be kept in mind that
I
itself in
of
basic interest in
notions, that
is,
it is
as
it is
central to their aesthetic
their
form in object and action. For what is

the Fang has, as I shall attempt to show, a
of preferred
aesthetically pleasing to
vitality that arises out of a certain relationship of contradictory
elements.
cannot
The Fang not only
live
It is
live easily
with contradictions; they
without them.
well
known
to Africanists that a
good
many
peoples of
that continent possess uncentralized political systems in
which
order and stability, however, are achieved through lineage struc-
and a principle called segmentary opposition. Of these people

one might truly say that they cannot live without contradictions.
The Fang, though highly uncentralized, do not have fully functioning lineages and by the period of field work, 1 958-1 960, had only
the relics of segmentary opposition. In this they are like the rest of
ture
Durkheim,
p. 13.
Principles of Opposition and Vitality
359
in
Fang Aesthetics
Bantu of northwestern equatorial Africa. For these people other

kinds of evidence such as that introduced here are relevant.
the
Fang discourse
translation
the
for
in the area of aesthetics provides a direct
word
capacity to survive).
translate the
It is
vitality
more
(enin,
or,
more
difficult to find
the
exactly,
a substantive to
word contradiction. They speak of things that are
in
the general sense contradictory, adverbially in circumlocution as
not approximate not

congenial and by extension not possible) or as standing opposite
not being close to one another (ka bi
from each other (mam me ne mfa ayat). It is immediately apparent that they have a spatial analogy in mind when they speak of
what we would call contradictions and, therefore, I have taken as
the most satisfactory translation for Durkheim's term the word
opposition, since the spatial analogy is in this word as well. There
are difficulties in this translation for quite obviously what is contradictory may include more than what is simply in opposition.
Contradiction may imply inconsistency which is not necessarily
opposition. I shall ignore this difficulty, however, and limit myself
to the principle of opposition as a portion of the idea of contra-
diction.
II
These notions of opposition and
my
when
vitality first stood out for
me
was querying the Fang as regards their famed

ancestor figures. I had a collection of some twelve of these figures
of various qualities, individual styles, and dates of manufacture
(most of them recent unfortunately), and I simply asked each
informant to select those he especially preferred and those he
in
data
especially disliked, explaining
why. 4
accepted the thesis, inci-
dentally, that there is such a thing as art criticism in nonliterate
society
comes
4
and that
art lies not so
much
into being in the relationship
in the act of creation but
between creation and
criti-
The photographs are of a male figure, ht. 13 inches, and a female

The male figure was carved in the i93o's, the female
figure, ht. 17 inches.
Both were carved by old men solidly within the

The male statue was carved for a reliquary. Both
statues are among the twelve figures mentioned.
figure in the late 1950's.
tradition of
Fang
carving.
360
Art
and Aesthetics
in
Primitive Societies
cism the artist and his critics. As events turned out among the
Fang, there is indeed a lively spirit of art criticism. It flows around
the carver as he is in the process of turning out his statue in the
men's council house, and it influences his work. If I can take one
of our focal concepts here in vain, it becomes possible to speak of
an opposition between the carver and his village critics. Very often
the villagers consider themselves the final cause of the statue and
apply what social pressures they can to the efficient cause, the
carver, to see that the
work turns out
to their expectations.
The
carver in his turn must reach some sort of accommodation with his
and what this is depends upon the personalities involved. In

some Fang villages the carver retreats from the council house to
the solitude of the banana plantation behind the village and in
critics
these villages respect for the carver
is
sometimes even
tionalized though he cannot expect to escape his critics
statue
Fang
is
completed. Carvers do not have
much
status or
institu-
when
the
power
in
though they are esteemed; therefore, they cannot

expect to impose aesthetic acquiescence upon their clients. Nevertheless, it is a curious fact that I never found a case in which a
statue was refused. The view seems to prevail that any statue can
serve its function atop the reliquary whether it is aesthetically
society,
satisfying or not.
was the response

them carvers themselves, to the
twelve figures? In explaining that response one must remember
that it is the product of the evolution of Fang attitudes toward their
Given
this
custom of
criticism, what, then,
of these eight informants, two of
ancestral figures as well as the evolution of the figures themselves.
The Fang ancestor figure of the last thirty or forty years is a

from the aboriginal one, and the thesis that the full
figure was a stimulus response to European religious statuary is
probably by indirect acculturation
not to be rejected out of hand
from the coastal peoples of the southern Gabon, more particularly
the Loango Vili and Balumbo who traded far up the coast and
different object
inland in the last half of the last century. In any case, as Tess-
mann
has affirmed, 5 the aboriginal ancestral statue was simply a

head carved on a stem thrust down into the top of the round bark
5 Gunter Tessmann, Die Pangwe. Volkerkundliche Monographic eines
Westafrikanischen Negerstammes (Berlin, 1913), PP- II, 117.
361
in
barrel containing the ancestral skulls.
out what informants
make
Fang Aesthetics
Tessmann does not
point
clear that the bark barrel (nsuk)
was
taken as the belly or torso belonging to the head. The stomach,

thorax, and sometimes viscera, it might be mentioned, are the
centers of power and thought while the head is simply the organ of
apprehension and direction enabling what fundamentally belongs

to the torso willfully to be put to use. The Fang entertain a livery
sense of opposition between the head and the torso that might be
summed up
appropriately in our aphorism "your eyes are bigger

than your stomach." The hope for the Fang is that the head and
the stomach should work together in complementary fashion
though they do not always succeed in doing so. In any case the
original reliquary (bieri) was conceived as a head (the carving)
and a stomach (the bark barrel). These two elements had a relationship of
complementary opposition. They worked together
to
accomplish the vital purposes of the cult though they were really in
some sense opposing entities.
As Tessmann has further shown, the Fang ancestor carving
changed from simply a head to a half figure, and finally to a full
figure that perched on top of the bark (nsuk). 6 What took place,
as I intend to show from the remarks of my informants, was a
shift from the opposition between bark (nsuk) and carving to an
opposition or oppositions within the carving itself, a tension which,
as in the aboriginal situation,
Accompanying
was a source
of the carving's vitality.
change in form of Fang statuary was a change

in function. This change is signaled by Tessmann's remark that in
his day the eyima bieri statues were very easy to purchase. 7 The
Fang were eager to sell them in strong contrast to the reliquary
which was impossible to obtain. By the 1940's and '50's, however,
and this was the ethnographer's personal experience, it became
difficult indeed to buy or even view these statuettes which were
practically all secreted away from the zealous eye of administration and missionary. It is clear that the Fang had come to attach
considerable importance to the figure itself. Here again there is,
conceivably, another example of stimulus diffusion, for the Fang
were bound to have remarked the importance laid upon religious
this
6
7
Tessmann,
Tessmann,
p. 118.
p. 117.
Art and Aesthetics
362
in
Primitive Societies
statuary and graphic representations of the deity in Christianity,

and were bound to reflect more respectfully upon their own figurations of the supernatural. It is of equal interest that only in recent
years have pieces of cranial bone been actually worked into small
concavities in the statuettes themselves. This custom, as well,
is
probably to be traced to the long-standing custom among the

Loango, but what is of greater interest is that it represents to some
degree a transfer of the function of the reliquary to the statue
In sum, the statue, the latter-day
itself.
Fang ancestor
statue,
much more awesome and much different object from its

cessors. It is a much more autonomous object. Something
awe was
is
predeof this
approach of those informants called upon

for an aesthetic critique of those statues which had already been in
use. Insofar as it is always difficult to render an adequate aesthetic
reflected in the
same time sacred, so the informseemed truncated by comparison

to their response to the others. Apparently having rested on top of
the craniums, they were somehow thenceforth removed from
judgment of that which
is at
the
ants' response to these figures
everyday aesthetic judgment.
my
informants before the statues arranged in a

myself to the question, Which figures do you
like the most and why? (wa dan nyugue beyime beze Amu dze?)
In some cases I had to prompt an explanation for the informants,
especially the carvers who hesitated apparently to criticize the
work of another and tended to limit themselves to indicating their
preference. But at no time was any aesthetic criteria suggested to
the informant as a means of eliciting a response. I cannot enter
here into a complete analysis of their responses, but I shall suggest
the pertinent features. Their statements were full of words, of
course, suggesting the finished or unfinished quality of the particular object, was it smooth, and had it been completely cut out
from the wood from which it was made or were there still traces of
its rougher origins? They talked about the balance (bibwe) of the
object and whether its various quadrants balanced with the rest. If
one leg or one arm or one shoulder was proportionately differently
carved from its opposite, this was practically always a cause for
comment and criticism. (Criticism was advanced against the two
figures pictured here on this basis.) There should be balance in the
In setting
row,
tried to limit
363
in
Fang Aesthetics
and the proportions of opposite members whether legs or

arms or eyes or breasts should display that. Without this balance
of opposite members, it was said
and this is the important
comment the figure would not be a real one (a se fwo mwan
bian), it would have no life or vitality within it (enin e se ete). I
must confess that those features that seemed to have what we
would call movement or vitality were not those selected by my
informants. They generally picked those whose presentation and
posture were stolid, formal, even
and perhaps this is the best
word suppressed.
This whole idea that vitality is obtained through the balance
opposite
of
members in the statue was a clue of some importance
figure,
in
my
understanding of Fang culture. This idea is, of course,

and it deserves further examination. The
crucial to our discussion
Fang
generally,
and not only these informants, argue, when speak-
ing of their statuettes, that they are "our traditional photographs."
"They are our way of representing living persons as the European

represents them in photographs." Now it is rarely argued that these
statues represent particular living persons, just living persons in
general.
They
stylization the
are not portraits. But despite their quite obvious
Fang
insist that they are in
portrayals of living persons.
Now
lengthy discussions on this matter
some sense accurate
have come to believe after

for example, the Fang recog-
enough that the proportions of these statues are not the

proportions of living men
that what the statue represents is not
necessarily the truth, physically speaking, of a human body but a
nize well
vital truth
about
human
ance. Both the statues
beings, that they keep opposites in bal-
and men have
this in
common and
the statues in this sense are accurate portrayals
sentations of living beings.
They
express,
if
therefore
accurate repre-
they are well done, a
fundamental principle of vitality. I am obliged to say, however,

that this is an inference developed from my informants' remarks.
Though I think it unnecessary here to reconcile Fang statements with what has been disclosed above, it is often said that the
eyima bieri gathers its power from its association with the craniums in the bark barrel and is nothing without it. This is, of
course, primarily true of the eyima bieri before pieces of bone were
actually placed within it and it became a mwan bian (literally,
medicine child).
It
also should be noted that once a year during
the initiation cycle of the ancestral cult the statues were taken off
their reliquaries
and danced as puppets above a palm thatch
parti-
Here, too, the object was to animate them, vitalize them, give
them life. Whatever implications may be drawn from these further
tion.
facts in respect to the vitality of the statuettes,
be concluded that
it
was important
and that the aesthetic reaction
it
may,
in
any case,
that they possessed this quality
to the figures
was conditioned by
that requirement.
Before considering the princples of opposition and vitality in

other areas of
Fang
life, I
should mention one further opposition
(Far
left)
Figure
1.
figure, 13" high.
Male
Mwan bian. Demaniacion

Akurnam. Spanish Crimea.
(Left)
Figure
Female
District
2.
Eyima bieri.
d'Oyem, Gabon.
figure.
(Right) Figure 3.
Male and female
figures.
though not a spatial opposition which the Fang feel add quality
to these statues. If one looks closely at these statues, one finds that
the great majority of them have infantile or childlike features. The
obvious feature is the protruding stomach and umbilical rupture
which figures so largely in many statues. The umbilical rupture is
primarily characteristic of infants and children, less characteristic
of the strengthened
stomach wall of
adults.
Another infantile fearound
ture lies in the stylization of the eyes obtained by nailing
disks of tin into the orbital cavities. This feature
my
attention by
my
clerk,
who remarked
was
first
called to
the wide open glare of an
infant as being like that of an eyima. Research bore out the rele-
366
Art and Aesthetics
in
Primitive Societies
vancy of that association for many Fang. Finally the proportions of

the statue
the large torso, the big head, and the flexed, dispropor-
tionately small legs are definitely infantile in character.
opposition contained here
lies in
Now
the
the fact that the statue presents
both an infantile and an ancestral aspect. While the Fang argue

that the statues represent age, the ancestors, and their august
powers in their descendants'

tile
affairs,
they also recognize the infan-
qualities of the figures themselves.
There
are, of course, cosmological
and theological explana-
tions for this juxtaposition of contradictory qualities in the statues.
Among
these
newborn are felt to be especially

and are only gradually weaned away by
the fact that the
is
close to the ancestors
and time
ritual
to
human
status.
Another explanation for the
infantile quality lies in the primary concern of the ancestral cult in
and increase. An
fertility
argue, however,
is
the fact that these contradictory qualities in the
ancestor figure give

possess
if
an apt expresMore important than that, I would
infantile representation is
sion of the desire for children.
a vitality for the Fang that
it
it
would not
the eyima simply figures an aged person or an infant.
There is one other important and familiar opposition in African traditional sculpture, that between male and female elements
as found in androgynous sculpture, particularly from the western
Sudan. Unfortunately, because the presence of Fang statues embodying a male-female opposition would greatly enhance my argument as to the achievement of vitality through opposition, there
are to my knowledge no clear-cut examples of such sculpture
among the Fang. Where such statues are found in Africa the
argument we are developing here may apply.
Ill
turn
areas of
at
work
now
to a discussion of opposition
Fang life with
The Fang
forest,
vitality in other
in their aesthetic reaction to their ancestor figures are
found more broadly in

here.
and
the object of suggesting that these principles
with
its
narrow barren
village,
their culture. First impressions support
when approached from
me
the equatorial rain
two long rows of huts facing each other across a

court, provokes in the observer the immediate
367
impression of oppositon.
And
oppositions in their society
is
it
in
Fang Aesthetics
would seem that the existence of
recognized in the
way
the
Fang
lay
out their villages. In fact, the minor segment of the clan (the
mvogabot)
is
often denned as those brothers
each other because,
it is
said,
it is
who
build opposite
better to shout insults across the
court of the village to your distant brother than whisper
them
his ears as your neighbor. This spatial opposition prevails
in
even
within the family (ndebot, house of people), and the Fang say nda
mbo, binon biban (one house, two beds) to imply that opposition
and resultant division lie even in this smallest social unit, the domestic household of the extended family. Equally
it
may
be noted
arrangement and mechanics of dispute in the men's council house follow this plan of opposition. In the aba there are two
rows of benches upon which the disputants sit facing each other
and between which the witnesses or judges rise, one at a time, to
that the
make
their statements.
The opposition which
exists within the minor segment

(mvogabot) is that of lineage relatives whose relationship is
distant enough, usually more than four generations deep, so that it
no longer imposes a strong allegiance. Their tenuous relationship
is signified by spatial opposition in building arrangement. Ndebot,
houses of people, extended families within the mvogabot, build
side by side in the lengthening double row of houses with which
we are familiar, so long as they feel strong allegiance. But they
build opposite when they no longer feel the close bonds. A feeling
of separation and instability within the lineage is expressed by
spatial opposition. It is necessary to point out, however, that the
spatial opposition of village structure is not conceived as an undesirable end in itself but is regarded as necessary. One row of
houses without its opposite does not constitute a village; such a
village cannot be good, pleasing, or functional. Two opposite rows
of houses, it is said, stand off the forest and in the old days of
internecine strife provided a closed, fortified rectangle against

surprise attack. Moreover, the social antagonisms of lineage
mem-
bers living on opposite sides of the court are one important source,
the
it is
admitted, of the animation (elulua) and vitality (enin
word
one of the desired features of village

Here, then, as well, opposition is associated with vitality.
life.
is
actually used) that
is
Art and Aesthetics
368
What
is
tions
we have noted
in
Primitive Societies
aesthetically appropriate
is
The opposischeme guaranteeing
socially necessary.
are part of a larger
social viability.
Now the achievement of viability in the social structure

through complementary opposition of equivalent segments has
been, as mentioned above, fully demonstrated by anthropologists
segmentary kinship systems. Though the Fang recogand though these seem to be
vestiges of corporate kinship groups, those segments do not now
have full corporate character. Hence they do not provide complete
data in respect to the notion of complementary opposition. It is
possible, however, to examine the same principle in full-blown
in respect to
nize segments within their lineages
operation
among
complementary
the
Fang
filiation
in the kinship
the
tendency
to
mechanism known
trace
as
relationship of
ascending generations alternately to male and female progenitor

and progenitrix. Thus the ndebot is traced to a woman founder, the
mvogabot to a male, the next segment beyond that to a female, and
eventually to the clan which is traced to a male. Now the point
here is that male and female qualities are to the Fang opposing
ones. The principal connotation of male origin is divisiveness and
conflict; the principal connotation of female origin is unity and
common
purpose. Moreover, these connotations accord with the
nature of the various segmentary groups as they are traced to
male or female. The ndebot seen as founded by a female is

The mvogabot traced to a male founder
is divisive and volatile and so on up to the clan level whose male
origin accords with its characteristic potential for dispersion and
either
cohesive and fairly stable.
division.
The Fang argue when questioned about
this custom that no

segment can be created by men alone; hence they
must trace their kin groups to both male and female. They argue in
effect, if I may be permitted to summarize the drift of a good bit of
field material on this point, that the viability of the kin group lies
in the fact that it is anchored in opposing qualities male and
female which, however, due to their distribution at different levels
of the lineage, achieve complementary opposition. The lineage
structure systematically distributes maleness and femaleness so
that these two opposing qualities do not clash at the same level. In
clan, lineage, or

369
the
same way
may
Fang Aesthetics
the village layout distributes opposition in space so
that these oppositions are

It
in
be argued,
complementary and not connective.

male and
think, that this manipulation of
female elements in the lineage genealogy gives evidence of a "kind

of experimentation or play of fashion," as Kroeber called
it, 8
in
which the Fang are using and distributing the different valences of
maleness and femaleness in the social structure in order to provide
for themselves an aesthetically satisfying fiction. The distribution
of these opposites, maleness and femaleness, in other words,
satisfies aesthetic criteria and in doing so provides for viability.
The opposition between maleness and femaleness not only is
found in the social structure, incidentally, but is carried throughout the Fang world view and is evident in dualistic sets such as hot
(male) and cold (female), night and moon (female) and day
and sun (male), earth (female) and sky (male). These sets of
oppositions suggest an elemental opposition
a dualism in fact
in Fang culture itself which though it has clear manifestation in
social structure does not exhaust its importance there but lies be-
hind
all
I
cultural manifestations.
shall return to this
problem of dualism in the conclusion.
want first, in a final attempt to link the principles of opposition

and vitality, however, to consider what the Fang mean by maturity
and what for them are the sources of maturity. For I think it may
be argued that a truly mature man is an object of aesthetic
appreciation.
The mature man (nyamoro, real man) is a man between

and fifty-five, at the height of his powers. The idea of his
maturity and of his power stems, in good part, from the Fang
thirty-five
theory of physiology. This

clear
is
that
man
is
not an easily clarified subject.
What
is
and powers from

father. The maternal
receives his essential forces
mother and the sperm of his

element goes to make the flesh, blood, and bloody organs of the
body cavity, particularly the heart. The paternal element goes to
make up his bones, sinews, and brains. Just as the creation of the
child is dependent upon the harmonious working together of these
the blood of his
A.
L.
The Nature
Kroeber, "Basic and Secondary Patterns of Social Structure,"

of Culture (Chicago, 1952), p. 217.

370
Art and Aesthetics
in
Primitive Societies
and sperm, so the full

power of the adult is dependent upon the working together of the
two sets of body members that the two essential substances of
coitus have brought into being. A man with strong brain, bones,
and sinew but with weak blood, organs, and heart, will confront
ordinarily incompatible elements, blood
life
as inadequately as he
The
brain, the bones,
who has
strong blood but
weak
sinews.
and the sinews, are the center of the will, the

driving force, the determination of a man, while the blood and
the heart are the sources of reflection, deliberation, and thought
(asiman, thought, that which gives direction to determination).
Taking direction without determination is as useless to the Fang as
determination expressed without direction. In a complete man, as
in a vital ancestral figure, these opposing sets of attributes are held
work together in complementary fashion. Out of

complementary relationship between opposites, life vitality
is most fully achieved by the nyamoro. He, the mature man, most
successfully combines the biological heritage of female blood and
male seminal fluid willful determination and thoughtful direction. Youth tends to be too active, too willful; age, too deliberative,
too tranquil. Here appears again vitality arising out of the appropriate relationship between opposites.
There is not space to examine the principles of opposition and
vitality in Fang aesthetic reactions to other manifestations of their
culture. These principles at work might best be shown in Fang
comment upon traditional dances where their gustatory appreciation in the vitality of the dance rises out of the presence of oppositions: the male drummers, the female dancers; the low sound of
the drum, the high pitched and falsetto voices of the women; and,
of course, the customary scheme by which the dancers face each
other in two opposed lines. These principles of opposition and
vitality might also be followed into the new syncretist cult of Bwiti
as they express themselves in the ritual under elaboration in that
cult. Even without these further examples, I hope it is sufficiently
clear that when Fang assume a posture of aesthetic scrutiny the
presence of skillfully related oppositions constitutes an important
part of their delight and appreciation. This is so because vitality
arises out of complementary opposition and for them what is
aesthetically satisfying is the same as what is vitally alive.
in balance so as to
the
371
and
Vitality in
Fang Aesthetics
IV
The data derived from the Fang, the extent

principle of opposition arises in
indicate that there
duality
is
is
many
to
different areas of
which the
Fang life,
an underlying duality in Fang culture. This
manifestly institutionalized in the latter-day syncretist
cult of Bwiti
a religious movement
designed to restore integrity,
harmony, and regularity to lives greatly disturbed by acculturation.

The Fang members of Bwiti oppose the left hand to the right hand
in ways that Hertz 9 long ago argued, they oppose the earth to the
sky, male to female, northeast to southwest, night to day, hot to
cold. In fact,
it is
easy to construct for the Fang Bwitist a table of
sets of opposed values such as we have

in which the pairs of opposite terms are analogically
symbolic classification
given above
related by
what Needham 10
calls the "principle of
complementary
dualism." This principle has been explored recently by

for the
Purum and Meru, by Beidelman
for the
Needham
Kaguru, and by
Faron for the Mapuche. 11 While such systematic analysis of the

coherence of symbolic values and the relation of the dualistic
symbol system to the social structure are important extensions of
the original Durkheimian insight, I have limited myself here, using
terms from the Fang's own aesthetic vocabulary, to show how
upon the presence of vitality in the

and that this in turn rests upon the appropriate
relationship
whether this be a balanced relationship or a complementary relationship between opposites.
Two larger questions remain to be considered. Anthropologists sometimes employ the term logico-aesthetic integration to
refer to the manner in which the disparate elements of culture
were brought into some systematic relationship. The first question
aesthetic appreciation rests
object or action
then
is
culture
9
how
does logico-aesthetic integration obtain in a dualistic
where oppositions play such an important role? Second,
Robert Hertz, Death and the Right
10
on the
11
Hand (London,
i960).
Rodney Needham, "The Left Hand of the Mugwe: An Analytical Note

Structure of Meru Symbolism," Africa, XXX, 1 (Jan., i960), pp. 20-33.
T. O. Beidelman, "Right and Left Hand Among the Kaguru: A Note
on Symbolic Classification" Africa, XXXL, 3 (July, 1961), pp. 250-57. Louis

Faron, "Symbolic Values and the Integration of Society Among the Mapuche
of Chile," American Anthropologist, LXIV, 6 (Dec, 1962), pp. 1151-164.
Art and Aesthetics
372
in
Primitive Societies
what about this overarching question the impact of social structure upon aesthetic principles? Is it because opposition is a fact of
social life that it becomes such an important component of aesthetic appreciation?
In respect to logico-aesthetic integration
if
we mean by
that
which patterns of behavior conform coherently to a

and a given set of aesthetic principles two things are
the extent to
given logic
one admits that analogy is a kind of logic, then

there is no reason why integration should not prevail in a system
of analogic oppositions; and in fact we have argued that this is the
only kind of integration that makes sense to the Fang. Second, in
to
be said. First,
if
respect to the aesthetic
component
of this integration,
it
must be
pointed out that true aesthetic integration of a total culture,
an impossibility, can
if
not
any case, be the consequence of

"relentless concentration on the whole life process as an art."
Thompson has argued that this exists among the Hopi. 12 I do not
iind it among the Fang. They are too materialistic and opporonly, in
tunistic to be constantly preoccupied with living out all of life in
an aesthetically satisfying manner. For most Fang passable interrelationships

relationships which are functional, goal-reaching,
and gratifying can be established without benefit of much aesthetic elaboration. But it should also be said, and this is a measure
perhaps of acculturative disintegration, that there is, except among
the
members
of Bwiti, less concern with the aesthetic satisfactions
and actions than formerly. One can see this in

an increased tendency toward shabby and unbalanced construction
in village layout and upkeep. Formerly the Fang proceeded on the
road to gratification with more emphasis on aesthetic means and
with more realization that aesthetic experience itself was an
offered by objects
important kind of gratification.

Despite this negative data, there are
still
many
actions and
Fang life that provoke a posture of aesthetic criticism. I

have examined some of them, notably the ancestor figures and the
behavior of a mature man. And of course aesthetic principles may
be in operation in Fang culture even though no deliberate and
objects in
overt attempt
make
is
made on
the part of the culture carriers to apply or
out these principles. In fact, instead of asking:
To what
12 Laura Thompson, "Logico-Aesthetic Integration in Hopi Culture,"

American Anthropologist, Vol. XL VII (i945), PP- 54Q-53-
373
extent
and
Vitality in
Fang Aesthetics
do aesthetic principles reflect the necessities of social

it might rather be stated inversely: To what extent does
structure?
social structure reflect aesthetic principles?
preference
drawn
Is
society aesthetic
large?
CONCLUSION
To such large questions only large answers can be given. The
data suggests that what are given in Fang life, what are basic, are
two sets of oppositions. One is spatial, right and left, northeast and
southwest; the other is qualitative, male and female. Both the
social structure and the aesthetic life elaborate on these basic
oppositions and create vitality in so doing. This elaboration, however, in both areas is creative, a fashioning in some sense according to what is pleasing. To this extent the social structure is no
different from the ancestral figure; it is the expression of aesthetic
principles at work. And the fundamental principle at work among
the Fang is that in doubleness, duality, and opposition lies vitality,
in oneness and coincidence, death.
In both aesthetics and the social structure the aim of the Fang
is not to resolve opposition and create identity but to preserve a
balanced opposition. This is accomplished either through alternation as in the case with complementary filiation or in the behavior
of a full man; or it is done by skillful aesthetic composition in the
same time and space as is the case with the ancestor statues or
cult ritual. This objective is reflected in interclan relations. The
Fang, like many nonliterate people, lived in a state of constant
enmity with other clans. However, their object was not that of
exterminating each other or otherwise terminating the hostility in
favor of one clan or another. The hostility was regarded as a
natural condition of social life, and their concern was to keep this
enmity in permanent and balanced opposition. 13 So in their
aesthetic life, they aimed at a permanent and balanced opposition.
In this permanent tension between opposites lay the source of
vitality in Fang life. When this balanced arrangement is upset, as
it has been by acculturation, then one can only expect that some of
the vitality will go out of that
13
This point has been
life.
made by Joan
Explorations, No. 5 (i955)> PP- 54-67.
Rayfield,
"Duality
Run
Wild,"
Aesthetics
in
Traditional Africa*
ROBERT F ARRIS THOMPSON
Recent research has proved false the beliefs of earlier ethnologists and art
Africans were incapable of aesthetic evaluation. In his field work
among the Yoruba of Western Nigeria, Dr. Thompson found common standards of taste and judgment. Yoruba aesthetic criteria are used to evaluate
positive or canonical art and set limits for ugly or noncanonical forms of art.
Specific examples of Yoruba art are analyzed in terms of these criteria.
Robert Farris Thompson is an assistant professor in the Department of
Art History at Yale University. He teaches a course on the arts of Africa
relating stylistic elements and meaning in the sculpture, dance, and architecture of West Africa. He is also interested in the relations of African and AfroAmerican art and music, and has written "New Voice from the Barrios"
{Saturday Review, October, 1967), and African and Afro-American Art: The
critics that
Transatlantic Tradition (1968).
African aesthetics
is
the
application of consensual notions of
quality to particular problems of form. Traditionally, artistic
cism
is
criti-
carried out south of the Sahara in spoken rather than
written words.
It is
an aspect of the
civilizations of this vast region
who
correlate artistic criticism with
that remains invisible to those
Roger Fry, writing about 1920, profoundly respected the

order of intensity and imagination in the sculpture of tropical
literacy.
Africa but he did not suspect that sharpened qualitative expectations
informed these achievements.
we imagined such an apparatus
On
the contrary, he wrote: "If
of critical appreciation as the
Chinese have possessed from the earliest times applied to this

Negro art, we should have no difficulty in recognizing its singular
beauty. It is for want of a conscious critical sense and the intellec*
63-66.
Reprinted from Art News, Vol. 66, No. 9 (January, 1968), pp. 44~45>
375
Aesthetics
in
Traditional Africa
classification that the Negro has

one of the great cultures of the world."
Today we know that nonliterate art flows not only from religious necessity but also from critical pleasure in formal quality.
"What is important here," recently writes the psychologist Irvin
Child, "is that the occurrence of what we would call aesthetic
tual
power of comparison and
failed to create
responses
a possibility for
is
all
societies,
a definite reality for
judgments may be made by virtually every member

of a society favoring art, and these, Child reports, show some
consistency wherever made. If this is so, and it is also true that
Africa probably has no society that does not produce some form of
art, then the same land mass conceals an extremely rich source of
many."
Artistic
aesthetic
critics
criticism.
An
absurdly
conservative
estimate
of
five
per African language already predicts the presence of five
thousand connoisseurs. The real number of African

astounding.
Had we
may
critics
tape recorders enough and time,
be
we might
explore a world cultural asset.
The exploration
is rendered problematic by those field investicontinue to report, uncritically, the failure of African
gators
who
artists
and African patrons
to
rank their possessions, as
if
the
finding confirmed the absence of aesthetic criticism at the ethno-
An American photographer was once asked to select

works for a retrospective exhibition. He replied bitterly
that the task ressembled a request to rank his own children. Is it
reasonable to expect artists and patrons in any culture to rank
their own works or possessions before strangers with pleasure? I
think it is significant that those sculptors in Yoruba territory in
graphic level.
his best
West Africa who shared their critical insights with me did so

apropos of the work of their rivals. The substance of their arguments might well have evaporated had they been asked to criticize
their own works. Some Africans, in short, more readily evaluate art
when it belongs to someone else. When Yoruba criticize art and I
have met a few patrons who were willing to assess the merits of
sculpture on altars to the gods
they often speak fluently and
convincingly of the delicacy of a line or the roundness of a mass,
and again, a refined ability to identify swiftly the

components of form.
Old-fashioned ethnologists would have considered such a
attesting, again
aesthetic

Art and Aesthetics
376
in
Primitive Societies
level of evaluation impossible for people living face-to-face
nature.
And
with
they never suspected that "primitive man," himself
highly conversant with art and artists and noting extremely few
men
of like aesthetic bent among the missionaries and traders

from the nineteenth-century Western world, might have addressed
the same reproach to people living face-to-face with science and
technology.
The
alleged lack of aesthetic response
may
among
ethno-
from a kind of intellectual

pidgin arising from the meeting of "civilized" and "primitive" man,
graphic peoples
well have derived
neither believing the other capable of sustained aesthetic analysis.
There
reason to believe like assumptions sometimes influence
is
transactions involving African art in situ to this day. Paul Bohan-
nan
reports that a Tiv weaver in Northern Nigeria keeps his best
and sells his worst piece to foreigners

(who presumably never knew the difference!), and Melville J. and
piece for his mother-in-law
Frances
Herskovits discovered in the 1930's that the great brass
S.
Abomey,
casters of
in
what
is
now
erners. In the process,
Dahomey, sold
and coarser works to West-
the Republic of
excellent pieces to indigenous patrons
Western and African prejudices are
re-
confirmed.
The most important
factor of identification,
when
discovering
the reasoned standard of judgment. Judgments

an aesthetic when they are reasoned and fairly
systematic. I found in the course of my own researches in Western
Nigeria, for example, that the comments of some two hundred
Yoruba (a majority of them nonliterate and devotees of the traditional gods), when compared, proved to be founded upon common
denominators of taste, in sum, the Yoruba aesthetic. Each cri-
African
critics, is
of quality imply
terion,
finish
named
abstraction, defined a category of elegance or
by which Yoruba recognize,
of art.
No Yoruba
greet,
and explain the presence
recited the entirety of these ideas; criticisms
were fragments of a total design.

Perhaps the most important of these categories is jijora,
broadly translated as "mimesis at the mid-point" i.e., the siting of
art at a point somewhere between absolute abstraction and absolute likeness. The canon swiftly emerged in the vocabulary of a
number of critics who applied to their arguments, when figural
6 jo
sculpture was under discussion, the identical expression
377
Aesthetics
in
Traditional Africa
enia "it resembles somebody." They did not say that carvings
resembled specific personalities. Portraiture in the Western manner is considered virtually sinister by traditional Yoruba. It is
believed that if an Efon Yoruba sculptor carved a given man as he
actually appeared, warts and all, that these very traits might be
transmitted to the face of his next-born child. To one Yoruba critic
on a farm near Igbessa, Nigeria, a
slight hint of identifiable facial
expression sufficed to provoke criticism; the
lips,
he
said,
were
curved on a statuette as if in laughter. The lips of ideal statuary

are pursed, reflecting impersonal calm and dignity. It is interesting
that Hans Himmelheber was told by a Guro artist on the Ivory
Coast: "I am afraid to carve the face of a particular man or girl,
for if that person should die soon after, people might attribute the
death to this portrait." But if sculpture ought not to be too real,
neither
must it be excessively abstract. One Ekiti Yoruba sculptor

compared a colleague's work to a box, hence impugning
derisively
his ability to enliven the
The frequency
medium with human
presence.
of "visibility" (ifarahdn) as a stressed quality
among traditional Yoruba is striking. A master

Alaga of Odo-Owa, told me: "One knows from the
visibility of the face and other parts of the image whether the work
is beautiful." Visibility as criterion may embody a knowledge of the
process of carving, thus as criterion it is an informed assessment
of the initial stages of adzework (are the major masses visible?)
and the final stages involving knifework (are the incised embellishments and linear designs visible?). The Alaga continues: a
sculptor, for example, must not only "block out a schematic eye"
(yo oju), providing a gross relief, he must also "open the eye" (la
oju) with sensitive lining. Visibility, therefore, refers to clarity of
form and line. The latter quality is a matter of special concern.
The phrase, "this country has become civilized," literally means in
Yoruba "this portion of the earth has lines upon its face." In fact,
of sculptural beauty
sculptor, the
the basic verb, to cicatrize (id), incarnates multiple connotations

of imposing
human
pattern upon brute natural phenomena.
Equally paramount in the mind of the Yoruba

notion of luminosity. Again, the Alaga of Odo-Owa
when he
critic is the
tells
us that
commission for indigenous patrons (his works

for Europeans are sometimes indifferent) he stands back to examfinishes a
Art and Aesthetics
378
in
Primitive Societies
ine the luminosity (didon) of the work, the polished surface and
shadowed
upon these surfaces. I shall never

from Odo-Nopa in Ijebu-Yoruba
country; he praised one statuette and damned another on the score
of luminosity: "One image is not beautiful and can quickly spoil.
Its maker did not smooth the wood. Another image was carved so
smoothly that one hundred years from now it will still be shining if they take proper care of it while the unpleasing image
the play of
incisions
forget the criticism of a cultivator
will rot regardless."
The
taste for luminosity is a kind of conservation.
the reflection of the light
is
Because
devoutly desired, Yoruba artists do not
portray actually soft textures.
When
a Yoruba carves a representa-
gown he
discovers luminosity by
thickening widths and bringing surfaces to a relatively luminous
finish. Hence equivalents of Hellenistic "wet drapery" are untion of a head-tie, turban, cap, or
known.
Other
criteria
are:
symmetry, positioning
(.
"here the
ears are good, well-fixed, not too far down, not too far up"
.),
and upright posture, and skill. A

master sculptor of the Egbado Ycfruba, as an example of the
prizing of the last quality, was widely known by the beautiful
( "Posse ssed-of-a-knif e-like-aattributive name of Onipasonobe
whip"). It is a miniature poem in praise of skill. Such was the
talent of the late Egbado sculptor that his knife summoned shapes,
as with a whip, from the brute wood and made the shapes do as
they were told. Finally, a canon of fundamental importance is
ephebism (odd), the depiction of mankind at the optimum of
physic ality between the extremes of infancy and old age. Even
where a beard indicates maturity or old age, the whole of the
sculpture glows with the freshness of early manhood. Close study
of Yoruba aesthetics makes clear the importance of the following
issue does the image make its subject look young? To imitate the
masters of Yoruba life in their actual elderly state would deny the
Yoruba idea of sculpture its realization.
Seen as a unit, Yoruba aesthetic criteria form an exciting
mean, vividness cast into equilibrium. Mimesis, as Yoruba understand it, strikes a balance between abstraction and literal likeness;
delicacy, relative straightness
artistic
representations are neither faint nor conspicuous, lack-
379
Aesthetics
in
Traditional Africa
luster nor blatant, too
young nor
Compare
too old.
novelist, Tutuola, describing a beautiful
the
Yoruba folk
woman: "She was
not too
and not too short, she was not too black and not yellow." And
when a young Yoruba told Justine Cordwell that his favorite color
was blue "It is midway between red and black. It is not too
conspicuous as red and it is not so dark as black. It is cool and
bright to see"
he spoke with the full authority of his ancestors.
The visitor from art circles in the Western world, conditioned
by a visual culture of abstract expression and optical shock (the
Pop-Op continuum), would hardly suspect that the very elements
which he found laudable in African sculpture might be those considered hideous by traditional Yoruba. Nor would he realize that
the notion of ugliness in Yoruba art is one way of proving the
positive aesthetic, such as it has been outlined above. A broken
tall
rule implies the rule intact.

It is
permissible to defy the
norms
in at least the following
moral inquisition, and psychological

warfare. As an example of the first, consider an image associated
with a cult of ancestral power and entertainment, the Egungun.
The particular image is named "The Big Nose" and comes from the
Aiyebade District of the Western Region of Nigeria and was colcontexts:
satire,
collective
Museum, Lagos, in 1950. The eyes acquire

murky power of a skull and the canon of
memorably violated. The mouth is lipless, a virtual
lected for the Nigerian

in direct sunlight the
visibility is
There are so many things "wrong" with

when it appeared many people would
laugh helplessly. Westerners might misread this mask as an expression of cosmic anguish or terror. In point of fact, obliteration
of organic detail to the point of bone structure does not denote
horror so much as derision
the mask is said to poke fun at the
pompous and the vain, mirroring a lack of propriety with a congash framing warty
this
image that
it is
teeth.
said that
sidered
indecorousness
comment
is
of
expression.
Daumier-like,
the
social
handled with a degree of control far more intimidating
than raw protest.

Sanctioned expression of
artistic
ugliness
finds
a second
context in the field of psychological warfare where sculpture

used, before the colonial period, to terrorize
enemy
ranks.
citizens of the ancient city of Oyo-Ile, the imperial capital,
To
it
was
the
was
(Top
left)
Aesthetic standards are
deliberately violated for a satirical sculpture
Westerners
might assume, horror). Egun Tokele Bomu,
"The Big Nose." 15" long. Nigerian
Museum, Lagos. (Top right) Aesthetic
standards deliberately violated in sculpture
used for psychological warfare. Alakoro, a
brass face mask probably cast before 1837
and used to astonish enemies. 12" high. It
survives in the Gbogi compound of Oyo,
Nigeria. (Left) Masterpiece of Yoruba
sculpture. The Image of the Thundergod as
that provokes laughter (not as
Crowned Lord
of the
Yoruba
fulfills
the
aesthetic criteria by shaping animal vitality

into
measured
roles.
Carved before 1837.
36" high. Nigerian Museum, Lagos.
381
Aesthetics
in
Traditional Africa
mask known as Alakoro that formed the spectacular

The mask survives today in the Gbogi compound of Oyo,
Nigeria. It is a long oval face of brass, protruding of forehead and
concave of nose and cheeks. The regard is awesome: deep-set eyes
lend dramatic power to the image and have inspired the famous
the brass
instance.
local curse
"you
with the eyes like Alakoro." Informants
tell
traditional tale that explains these stylistic anomalies: "In the old
days, if war against our capital city, Oyo-Ile, became serious,

Alakoro would be dispatched to the front where he would start to
dance, astonishing the enemy with his glaring face and sunken
eyes and causing them to stand in their tracks."
It should be clear from these two examples that the tension
between canonical and noncanonical forms of art does not permit
a simple definition of Yoruba sculpture and that a priori generalizations about African formal values without reference to tribal
aesthetics may lead to academic disaster.
Let us take as a final example of Yoruba sculpture The Image
of the Thundergod as Crowned Lord of the Yoruba. It is a masterpiece of Oyo Yoruba carving and is now in the Nigerian Museum,
Lagos. The piece is carved in funtumia elastica and is a fitting
resemblance of the Yoruba thundergod, "swift king who appears
like the evening moon." This is the Yoruba thundergod in an
extremely rare sculptural appearance, honored with a full-dress
expression of aesthetic quality. The effortless beauty of this piece
of sculpture fulfills in the coolness of
that
make Yoruba
sculpture spiritual.
its
It
expression the conditions
teaches us that
decisive things of life to collectedness of mind.

vitality into
measured
roles.
And having
It
we owe
the
shapes animal
told us these things,
stands at the closing point of an investigation of the artistic
it
criti-
cism of an impressive province of sculpture in the history of world

art.
Sculpture of the Eastern Solomons*
WILLIAM
H.
This article
is
DAVENPORT
a description and analysis of the creative process and the
Solomon Islands in their cultural context. The role

and function of art in society, and its close association with social activities
on the one hand and supernatural beliefs on the other, is important in determining its forms and patterns. Its quality comes from the aesthetic sense
and technical skill of the individual professional artists.
various art styles of the
of
William H. Davenport is a Professor of Anthropology at the University

Pennsylvania. His subjects are comparative social structure and eco-
nomics of primitive societies, theory in culture and personality, and primitive

and peasant cultures of Oceania and the Caribbean. He has written "Nonunilinear Descent and Descent Groups" (American Anthropologist, August, 1959),
"The Family System of Jamaica" (Social and Economic Studies, December,
1961), and "Jamaican Fishing: A Game Theory Analysis" in Papers in Carib*
bean Anthropology (1960).
With the special exhibition from the Eastern Solomon Islands

(December 8-May 31) the University Museum presents a new
collection of primitive art that was obtained from the field. Also,
the relevant background and contextual information for the collection was recorded. This is a happy, but all too rare, situation, for
most collections of primitive art have been assembled from objects
that were originally obtained either as curios or for their visual
impact alone; their functions, meanings, and the circumstances of
their manufacture were not recorded or at best were recorded
incompletely. Moreover, in most cases it is now too late to retrieve
this related information, for in the processes of culture change and
accommodation stimulated by the overpowering influence from
*
Reprinted from Expedition, Vol. 10, No. 2 (Winter, 1968), pp. 4-25.
383
industrial sections of the world,
most primitive
allowed their traditions of aesthetic expression to
The
Solomons
tradition of art in the
rowed time. Although
it
lives, literally,
ago.
The time
is
close
on
continues in some communities
longer flourishes throughout the archipelago as
when
it
will
have
societies
die.
it
it
bor-
no
did fifty years
be preserved only in museums,
and archives located far from the

South Seas. Today, most Pacific Island peoples have either already
private collections, libraries,
cast aside
much
process of doing
of their traditional culture, or they are in the

so.
The
Pacific
has become a part of the modern
world.
For two centuries Europeans have regarded the South Seas

with contrasts of imagery. In the last century the uninhibited,
gentle, yet unrepentant Polynesians of the central Pacific were
contrasted with the savage, contentious Melanesians of the southwest Pacific. In this century the lure of the tranquil life amid reefs,
lagoons, and tropical vegetation on islands with catchy
names
like
Borabora and Pukapuka has been set against the horror of modern
war on inhospitable islands with incongruous names such as
Guadalcanal and Bougainville. Even at this moment the islands
present to us simultaneously the pictures of luxurious modernity in
tourist Hawaii and the last remnants of true Stone Age peoples in
interior New Guinea
the two, moreover, connected by scheduled
air service. The South Seas, as always, offer an exotic geographic
and social setting upon which Europeans can project their fantasies of withdrawal.
In recent years still another interest in South Seas cultures
has developed, and this is even influencing our tastes in small
ways. This interest is in the plastic arts, and particularly in the
many
come from Oceania. The novelty

and the strangeness of the compositions have both attracted and repulsed persons who are interested in modern and
contemporary art. Moreover, because of the remoteness of South
Seas cultures, the wide gap of incomprehension that separates our
culture from those in which the sculptures are produced, and the
total anonymity of the artists who created them, we are able to
inject our own ideas of art into these objects. As a result most
traditions of sculpture that
of forms
people regard the arts of the South Seas as a kind of expression-
Art and Aesthetics
384
in
Primitive Societies
ism, and by implication, an expressionism in which
unknown
primitive artists are manipulating forms and ideas largely accord-
ing to their personal aesthetic tastes just as artists do in our

society.
The many regional
styles that are clearly present in
South
Seas art are often thought to be analogous to periods or schools in

our own art tradition. But this is not the case, and in this article we
shall attempt to look at one of these regional styles
the Eastern
Solomons from another point of view. As best we can we

to convey it as the people of that culture see it.
shall try
many years a Solomon Islands art style has been recogand because many examples of it are in museum collections
two sorts of objects have come to represent this style. One of these
consists of humanoid figures, sometimes full-figure, sometimes
head and arms only, with a canine-like snout. The other is a
composition of naturalistic birds or fish, separately and together,
carved as the ends or supports of oval bowls. The former are
religious icons that were fastened to large canoes, the latter are
ritual offering bowls used in the worship of tutelary deities. Both
kinds of objects are of wood, usually stained black, and often
liberally enhanced with inlays of mother-of-pearl or etched details
through the dark surface, which reveal the light shade of the
underlying wood. Small details are often carved in low relief to
For
nized,
enrich the surfaces.
To Solomon Islanders
these two objects are as different in
style significance as are Delft
lain to us
and Chinese Blue-and- White porce-
the two are historically related, but each represents the
product of a different culture. The humanoid sculptures come from

the Western Islands of the British Solomons, the bowls come from
the Eastern Islands of that group. The peoples of the two areas
speak different languages, are racially quite different, and have
different cultures
and
Actually, there
is
institutions.
a third lesser-known areal style of sculpture
Solomons that comes from the Central Islands. It, too, consists of human and animal figures with black (or white) surfaces,
sometimes inlaid or etched, but the figures are usually simpler and
are rarely built into complex compositions. Rarely, too, are the
surfaces of these figures embellished by bas-relief. In brief, it is a
in the
385
much
and
European eyes it has little

and Western styles. Also,
this Central sculpture is related to its culture and embedded in
social institutions in quite distinctive ways that are different from
simpler and reduced
interest
style,
when compared with
adjacent areas.
these relationships in
differences
to
the Eastern
communicate
to
Knowing
this,
the
Solomon Islanders differences
style
in eth-
nicity.
The visual communication of cultural and social differences

can be brought about by still more subtle distinctions. For example, even within one of these three cultural provinces sculpture
from the extreme East from Santa Ana, Santa Catalina, and the
Star Harbour area at the tip of San Cristobal Island, where the
can be
objects in the University Museum show were obtained
readily differentiated from that of the remainder of San Cristobal
and from that of Ulawa Island. Furthermore, on a still more localized level, carvers of Santa Catalina Island treat certain motifs in a
way that is different from the way neighboring Santa Ana carvers
handle the same motifs on the same kind of objects. An example
of this is in the decorative scrolls that both islands use on their
ritual bowls. Santa Ana carvers prefer to separate the scrolls from
the body of the bowl, while Santa Catalina carvers prefer to keep
the scrolls tightly articulated and integrated with the form of the
body of the bowl.
Personal styles within areal and subareal styles are just as
readily recognized and evaluated. In recent years, for example, the
carver in the Eastern Solomons who had the greatest reputation
was a man from the Star Harbour area named Tigoana. He died in
1964 and his cousin Karopungi is now regarded by some as his
successor. The differences between the two men's work are striking. Most people think Tigoana much superior, but Karopungi has
a flair for detail that Tigoana spurned. His low relief panel, carved
about twenty-five years ago for a commemorative feast, is a unique
and distinguished work. The two cousins each learned from his
father who were brothers, and their fathers both learned from their
father.
Differences of this sort are just as notable on Santa

of note there.
The works
of
Ana
and Nimanima are all sculptors

the last two are similar in that they are
Island. Reresimae, Sao, Faruara,
386
Art and Aesthetics
more formal, more
Primitive Societies
precise,
integrated than the

close friends
in
first
and
more tightly
and Sao, however, are
work. As a result of this,
their compositions are
two. Reresimae
and admirers of each
other's
they influence each other. Reresimae carved a massive housepost

for the University
Museum which was
not a copy, but which was
greatly influenced by a similar post carved by his friend
stands in one of the Santa
Ana
which
sacred houses. In carving another
Museum collection, Sao returned the compliment of

by using a theme that was suggested to him by Reresimae. Some of the local criticism of the works of the two men is
that they have both been influenced by carvers from Ulawa, an
post for the

his friend
island eighty-five miles to the north, thus their styles are not
works of their competitors, Faruara and Nimanima.

Personal styles of carvers are also revealed in preferences for
the kinds of objects carved. Reresimae likes to carve both ritual
bowls, which he considers to be a minor sculptural form, and
posts, which are considered to be major works. Sao, his friend, has
done bowls, but does not like to do them so well as posts.
Nimanima will not be bothered with bowls at all.
Personal preferences and evaluations of this order are, for
unaccountable historical reasons, also repeated as local style
differences. Santa Catalina carvers have always regarded their
bowls as some of their best art. On that island, however, there is
not a carver of posts to be found, and elaborately carved posts are
not an architectural feature of their sacred commemorative structures as they are on neighboring Santa Ana Island. The same is
true for carved caskets in which the disinterred bones of illustrious
men are encased, and which are a feature of Santa Ana funereal
commemorations. These are not a part of the same rites as they are
observed on Santa Catalina. On the other hand, very large (up to
ten feet long) bowl-shaped vessels, from which servings of special
food are made at certain feasts, are rarely carved on Santa Ana.
They are a specialty of Santa Catalina carvers and are, in fact, the
major sculpture of that island. Both Santa Ana and Santa Catalina
peoples utilize the large vessels, but it is usually a Santa Catalina
carver who receives the commission to carve a new one for celebrations on either island.
so "pure" as are
{Above) Figure supporting a bowl,

style. Late
Western Solomon
nineteenth century; sculptor
unknown.
{Right) Portrait figure
a man wearing ornaments for

dancing, Eastern Solomon style.
Carved by Tigoana of Star
Harbour, San Cristobal Island. All
photographs illustrating this
article are courtesy of The
of
University
Museum,
University of
Pennsylvania, except as noted.
Figures 1-14. Ritual
communion bowls. The separated treatment of

is preferred by Santa Ana carvers occurs on
supporting scrolls that
and
5;
figures 2
the articulated treatment used by Santa Catalina carvers occurs on
The same scroll motif is enlarged and elevated at the ends of

reduced and repeated under the rims of 6 and 13. The shark of
figure 13 represents a real species; the shark heads of figures 2, 5, 9, 10, and
figure 12.
figure 4,
12 depict a vicious but imaginary shark species.
and
11
is
The bent
fish of figures
3, 6, 9, 10,
and 11 are bonito; the birds are species
that
appear with bonito
schools. Anthropomorphic figures represent deities; the double bowl
14
is
feet
a garfish; the side fish figures of 10 are porpoise; the fatter fish of
in
figure
dedicated to a twin tutelary deity. These bowls range from one to two
in
overall length.
9.
11.
391
(Above) Commemorative house post.

prostitutes by Karopungi of Star
Harbour, San Cristobal. Prostitutes
are sometimes brought in from other
Two
villages
on festive occasions. {Right)
Canoe house
post. Deity Pa-na-waiau,

"Bonito School," by Reresimae of
Natagera Village, Santa Ana. (Right)
Canoe house
post. Deity Mara-Kirio,
"Porpoise Changeling," by Sao of

Natagera Village, Santa Ana. (Far right)
Canoe house
post.
Wakewakemanu
by Murisigaie of Gupuna Village,

Santa Ana. All of the deities depicted
in these posts control the appearance
of schools of bonito and tuna as well
as the birds and sharks that follow
these schools.
(Far
Two
left)
Commemorative house
bonito carved
in
low
post.
relief.
Carved by Waifura of Gupuna Village,

Santa Ana. (Center left) Offering
post. The carving is called Qanga,
"Swelling," which represents the
deity Siqaru, who has powers to make
staple crops grow large and to
cause and cure diseases whose
symptoms include swelling. (Left)

Commemorative house post. The same
dual bonito theme as on the post at
left,
but here carved
in
the
full
round.
Carved by Murisigaie of Gupuna

Village, Santa Ana. (Right) Canoe
house post. The mythical hero Mauri
Asi, "Saved at Sea," by Faruara of
Natagera Village, Santa Ana.
397
{Far
left)
The
deity
Canoe house
post.
Wakewakemanu by
Reresimae of Natagera Village,

Santa Ana. This conception of
the deity has him in fighting
stance behind a shield; the
conception of the same deity
illustrated on page 395 has him
holding two garfish that he uses
as arrows to shoot death and
Commemorative
The deity Karemahalf man and half
sickness. {Left)
house
nua,
post.
who
is
shark, killing his
human
brother.
Carved by Nimanima of
Gupuna
Village,
Santa Ana.
honored dead. (Top) A shark killing a man, which

man Okuo a few years back. Carved by
Tarofimana of Natagera Village, Santa Ana. (Above) A shark holding a man,
signifying the legend of the deity Waumauma, superimposed on a model of
bonito fishing canoe. Carved by Nimanima of Gupuna Village, Santa Ana.
(Below) Serving vessels for commemorative feasts. Although they look very
much like communion bowls in these photographs, the top vessel, carved by
Rasia and Farunga of Santa Catalina Island, is over nine feet long; the bottom
vessel, carved by Farunga of Santa Catalina Island, is about six feet long.
These large containers are used to present and serve food at commemorative
Caskets for the bones
of
signifies the violent death of the
feasts.
400
Art and Aesthetics
in
Primitive Societies
Who becomes a carver in the Eastern Solomons is determined

mostly by interest and aptitude. There are neither hereditary positions for artists nor hereditary groups of artisans. Anyone who has
the interest
if
and
ability
may become
a sculptor.
either one's father or maternal uncle
that case the two senior
men who
is
It
helps, of course,
a skilled carver, for in
are closest to a boy in this
matrilineal society are immediately available to give guidance and

instruction.
sible
But
to receive
this
family interest
is
not necessary, for
men
it is
from any expert
specialized instruction
if
posit
is
woodworkers, and
carvers are not necessarily better than ordinary craftsmen in the
use of their tools. All men, too, are familiar with the traditional
motifs and designs used in carving. High interest, then, is the first
desired.
All
prerequisite for
Beyond
in
this
becoming a
society are
skilled
carver.
same indefinable
seem to distinguish the artist from
the nonartist in our society. Whatever these characteristics are,
they appear to be cognitive and in them seem to be located the
this,
the necessary talents are the
aesthetic characteristics that
among artists. Nowhere are these variations more noticeable than in the manner in
which a carver approaches the problem of his sculpture. Farunga
of Santa Catalina, who is regarded as one of the best carvers of
large vessels, thinks out every detail of his design and tries to
anticipate every technical problem of execution before his axe is
even lifted to fell a tree for the material. With his design fixed in
mind he works compulsively for long uninterrupted periods as if
he were racing against time, Farunga will not tolerate anyone to
help him or anyone but his wife to watch him while he carves.
Reresimae also conceives his design completely before he
starts to carve, but he works at a more leisurely pace than
Farunga, and he likes to have an assistant to keep him company
and to do most of the rough carving after he has delineated the
factors that also produce individual variations
critical outlines of the constituent
forms.
He
also lets the assistant
do most of the final surface refinement with a small adze, pumice

stone, and a scraper of broken glass. His assistant for the two posts
he carved for the University Museum was Maemae, a man in his
late fifties who was born in Ulawa Island and who is a carver of
fine ritual bowls. Maemae was eager to work with Reresimae on
401
had never worked on posts before and wanted to

more difficult.
Nimanima and Faruara work in another way. They start
carving when they have only a rough idea of what they want to
achieve. Details of form and composition are evolved as they
carve. Both men work much more slowly than Farunga and
Reresimae and both frequently become blocked by their inability to
decide between alternative conceptions.
Karopungi's technique is in some ways an enigma. One of the
characteristics of his personal style is the roughness and irregularities of the surfaces and edges of the integral forms. Indeed, on
this account his work is often criticized for being careless and
sloppy. But whether or not special surface treatment is done for a
these posts, for he
learn the technique which he considered to be
studied effect or
he refused
is
just poor technique
to discuss
it.
could not determine, for
Nevertheless, he works quickly and surely
up
to a point, then he is apt to lose interest for a time and turn to

another piece until the right mood strikes him to return to the
piece he
left.
when the work of any one or all

compared with the attempts of men who are not
Despite these idiosyncrasies,

of these carvers
is
fully recognized carvers, the differences are
Occasions
men who
to
make such comparisons
immediately apparent.
arose several times, for
many
work
hoped would be purchased for the Museum collection.
The difference was never in technique alone, but in the conception
of the sculpture. By local standards their forms were not appropriate, their compositions were not balanced correctly, and their
iconography was thought to be deviant or inappropriate. In one
instance, a would-be carver, although a fine craftsman, was unable
to make an acceptable reproduction of a very fine post that stands
in one of the Santa Ana canoe houses, because he could not master
are not fully competent sculptors did try to produce
that they
the composition of the original.

It
and
has been seventy-five years or more since blades of stone

have been used, but the tools that carvers use today are
shell
which are made from

any kind of scrap iron, ground down to the correct shape on a
volcanic stone, or from a steel plane blade, are the all-purpose tool.
With a kit of adzes of several shapes and sizes a good craftsman
the simplest possible. Adzes, the blades for
402
Art and Aesthetics
in
Primitive Societies
can do most anything. Aside from the adze a nail or a bit of stiff
drill point or punch; a salvaged screwdriver,
usually obtained off the American military dumps over twenty
wire serves as a
years ago, or a flattened spike serves as a chisel or gouge.
Few men
even have a good pocket knife, and many have only a sharpened
table knife or some kind of small iron blade for whittling. To
smooth out the adze marks, surfaces are finished by scraping them
with broken glass and rubbing them with pumice stone. Both float
in from the sea; the glass as Japanese fishing net floats, the
pumice from an active volcano located 150 miles to the east. Paint
is nearly always applied to sculpture. Black is achieved by mixing
powdered charcoal with the sap of a certain tree and applying the
mixture at least once, followed by one or more applications of the
sap alone. The other traditional colors are white and terra cotta.
The white is from lime obtained by burning coral, the terra cotta is
from a red earth. The black is permanent, the white and terra cotta
not.
On some
pale blue
oil
of the
Museum's carvings orange (red lead) and
paints have been used in place of the lime white and
oil paint was salvaged from a ship that was

wrecked on the reef of Santa Ana Island a few years back. There is
no question that if carvers could obtain oil paints easily, they
would use them all the time and in as many colors as possible.
Shell inlay, which against black surfaces is almost the hallmark of sculpture from the British Solomons, comes from two
kinds of shell. The small, angular mother-of-pearl is cut from the
earth terra cotta. This
paper-thin shell of the nautiluses that drift ashore.
The
larger,
round and half-round shell inlays come from a relatively large

species of conus shell. The inlay disks must be ground out of the
flat ends of the conus, but these are no longer made because of the
enormous labor involved. Whereas the nautilus mother-of-pearl is
relatively valueless, the conus disks are extremely valuable. Conus
disks are always saved after the decorated object has deteriorated
and used again. All conus disks are now heirlooms.
To accommodate
shell inlay the
wood
is
cut out to only the
approximate shape of and a bit larger than the inlay. The pocket is
filled with a natural putty, obtained by scraping out the oily fruit
pulp of a common tree, and the shell is pressed into the putty. The
403
putty hardens with the texture of plastic wood. When it is

smoothed and the entire surface of the sculpture is stained black,
the putty and wood are indistinguishable. For linear patterns of
inlay a channel, rather than individual cuts, is made. After filling
the channel with putty the shell bits are pressed in as close or as
far apart as taste dictates.
One
thing
all
carvers have in
common
is
a distinctive
mode
of
used for all

forms of woodworking, whether it be sculpture or making a canoe
paddle. The first step is to remove all unwanted wood from around
rough volumes, which are left in irregular cubic form. The second
step is to reduce each of these cubes to the desired sculptural form.
Thus, the first step is to rough out the relationships of the major
sculptural elements, and in this most carvers draw guidelines with
charcoal and make sketches on the ground in order to see how the
attack to a piece of sculpture. This approach, in fact,
is
relationships will look.
In the Eastern Solomons there are alternative ways of presenting the basic sculptural forms. In one,
all
forms are basically
rounded, ovate, or spherical. In another the forms are as angular

or cubelike as possible. Still another is to mix these two in various
ways so that some surfaces are curved and some flat with the two
joined by an angular articulation. These two modes, spherical and
cubist, are used interchangeably and selecting one or the other or
mixing them is a matter of taste that determines personal style.
Since the rough volumes that are hewed out first are basically
cubist, if the carver desires a cubist form the angularity of the
rough form is more or less preserved as he refines the preliminary
into the final shape. If the carver desires a spherical form, he first
makes a cubelike form of the scale ultimately desired, then he
works the angles and the corners of the cubic form down into
rounded surfaces. As one carver explained, "One can always
convert an angular form into a rounded one, but the reverse is not
possible."
Sculpture
not
command
skills.
is
clearly recognized as a special talent, but
the highest respect
Greatest value
is
among
all
the
attached to the combined
it
does
woodworking
skills that are
required to construct and finish the special canoes that are used
for ritual bonito fishing
and the large canoes used for interisland
404
Art
and Aesthetics
and
in
Primitive Societies
These canoes are the most elegant products of

and there is a high degree of sacredness attached to
both types. They are not only exceedingly fine from a utilitarian
point of view, they are also lavishly ornamented with carving, shell
inlay, incised design, and painting. All the valued male skills must
be combined for producing the finest of these canoes. While most
men can construct a good utility canoe it is the rare man who can
by himself construct and decorate a fine bonito canoe or a large
trading canoe. Rarely, however, does one man try to make one of
these by himself. Most often it is a group project in which gifted
men in all the required skills combine their talents to produce the
travel
trade.
this culture,
best craft they can. Despite the pooling of talent the construction
is
always placed under the direction of one gifted man who, if not in
possession of all the actual skills, at least has an intimate understanding of all of them.
If a man can build a good house, construct a sound utility
canoe, cut efficient and aesthetically pleasing canoe paddles, carve
minor and major sculpture well, and also perform the tedious
operation by means of which delicate geometric patterns are cut
into all children's faces (see below) then he may be spoken of as a
"talented man." To excel in one or two only of these masculine
skills is not enough. The "talented man," or artist must be gifted in
all. This requirement of mastery over a combination of skills is in
keeping with the minimum specialization of labor in all sectors of
Melanesian societies. Of a total population of about 1,500 people in
the Star Harbour-Santa Ana-Santa Catalina area not more than
about ten persons could be rated as "talented men."
Excellence in several skills must also be achieved by a woman
before she is rated a "talented woman." The feminine skills required are mastery of the forms of plaiting appropriate for fans,
baskets, and fine mats, as well as the delicate art of tattooing. This
complicated tattooing is applied to women only, but in recent years

it has been abandoned.
Even though most carving is done on commission by an individual patron or a group of patrons and the carver must usually be
paid for his work, the amount of remuneration is not great and
men are therefore not drawn to sculpture for economic reasons.
Men carve because they like to and because they receive social
405
recognition for their work.
Usually,
the patron
purchases everything that the carver needs.
organizes and
He arranges
for the
and carry the log to where the

carver wants to work, and calls extra labor whenever the carver
needs it. During the carving the patron feeds the carver and his
tree,
organizes the labor to
helpers with special dishes.
usually
some kind
fell it
When
the carving
of celebration in the
form
is
finished there
is
of a feast, although
according to the use to which the carving will be put. In

any case, the carver is paid something for his work over and above
the food which he has received. Traditionally, this payment was in
the form of shell beads, which are negotiable currencies in this
area, but nowadays it may be in Australian cash. In the case of the
ritual bowls, however, the patron can never pay the carver in
currency, for the bowl is actually for the tutelary supernatural of
the patron and for the carver to receive outright payment for something that is so intimately associated with a supernatural would be
this varies
offensive to that deity.

Abilities in the plastic arts are clearly recognized as distinct
from merely good craftsmanship, but no
art object is
aesthetic considerations alone. All Eastern
Solomons
produced for
art is
made
with the intention of enhancing some object or activity that is

imbued with high cultural value. In other words, the contexts for
which
art is
deemed appropriate
are limited,
and they are mostly
limited to those situations, objects, or activities that are very social
and highly
we
religious.
think of two independent dimensions in this culture,

one extending from the personal to the social, the other extending
from the secular to the supernatural, then we will find that the
more social the context on the one hand or the more closely
associated with the supernatural on the other hand, the more likely
the plastic arts are to be deemed appropriate. Let us consider a few
examples that illustrate this. Traditionally, the only art of a truly
personal and secular sort is the tattooing of women. For cosmetic
reasons only, most women were tattooed some, but few women
were tattooed extensively. The extent was purely a matter of
personal choice. Men's tattooing was never extensive or considered
to be a fine art. In contrast to tattooing, all children of both sexes
are subjected to the ordeal of having distinctive patterns deeply
If
406
Art and Aesthetics
in
Primitive Societies
scratched into their faces so that every adult will carry what are
considered to be pleasing facial scars. The significance of facial
The
and cultural
identity. No one but the peoples of this area have them. In summary, women's tattooing was a personal matter, and not universcarification, though, is not entirely cosmetic as is tattooing.
facial scars are visible
marks of a
particular social
sally applied even to all women; facial scarification is a social

matter and is universal to all.
People wear virtually no personal ornaments except at large
important social occasions. The most artistic of these ornaments
are the men's nose pendants
and ear ornaments which are ground
out of shell. The higher the social status of the wearer, the more
delicately carved are his ornaments. Women's ornaments for the
same occasions consist mainly of arrays of shell currency worn on
arms and legs, over the shoulders, and around the waist. The same
relationships exist between social status of the women and the
value represented in the ornament. Thus, personal ormanents were

social expressions of rank.
Houses and
mentation. There
their furnishings are generally bare of

is
no
any orna-
interest at all in applying artistic talents to
domestic activities and appliances. In contrast to this, objects that

are used for secular public occasions when many households
cooperate are often decorated or embellished in some way. Food
bowls have attractively carved lugs on each end and there is a
large number of abstract forms in which these lugs can be carved.
The carving, however, serves as much as a means to identify one's
own bowls from the dozens of others that are used at the same
time as to serve personal aesthetic tastes. The large mortars in
which staples and nuts are mashed together to make feast puddings and the presses in which large quantities of grated coconut
meat are squeezed in order to extract the oily milk for puddings,
may be decorated. These objects are used mainly in connection
with public feasts, not in the private routines of everyday living.
Turning to objects used in relations with the supernatural,
only a few of these receive artistic attention
when
the relationship
between an individual and a deity. One such case, however, is the carved ritual pole used only in Santa Ana Island for
private ceremonies with one's supernatural tutelary. Each man has
is
solely
407
to which he directs his prayers and

Such carved poles are not made elsewhere. Instead, a miniature ritual bowl is carved and this bowl is
used in a private ceremonial by a person to honor his tutelary.
one of these in his dwelling
makes personal
When
is
the
same
offerings.
tutelary deity
is
invoked in public, the ritual object
very elaborately carved and inlaid with shell. These are the
bowls for which the Eastern Solomon Islands are famous. They are
used in periodic ritual meals, which each worshiper eats in communion with his deity and all worshipers have their communion
together as a congregation.
All
vessels,
the carved house posts, caskets, large

are created as recognitions of rela-
major works of art

and bonito canoes
tionship with the supernatural. One of these recognitions is the

commemorative feast for a selected deceased relative. From time
to time a community decides to undertake one of these expensive
and arduous commemorative efforts. During its course a vast
amount of foodstuffs and other forms of valuables are distributed
and consumed. In one of these rites several social divisions of one
community select a few of their dead male relatives to be honored,
and all the divisions coordinate their efforts so that combined
commemorations become a joint celebration. Surrounding communities are invited to attend and are lavishly entertained. Each of
these commemorative sequences has as one of its objectives the
construction of some major works of art which after the celebrations are
completed will stand as testimony that the rituals were
successfully undertaken. These works can be the building of a
house from which the feast distributions are made and in which all
the posts are carved and other architectural features are similarly
embellished. Or the commemorative works may be the construction of a number of the fine canoes that are used only for bonito
fishing, or (on Santa Ana Island only) the carving of caskets in
which the bones of the honored dead are encased after they have
been recovered from their graves. Regardless of which of these
enterprises is selected, all of the participating groups will have
commissioned a large food vessel from which its contributed food
is distributed to its entire assemblage.
The
natural,
focal place for
such
as
the
most communal relations with a supercommunion meals with
congregational
408
Art and Aesthetics
tutelary deities
in
Primitive Societies
and the commemorative
rites for the
dead,
is
the
canoe house, and each community has one or more of these

structures. It is because these structures are the houses of public
worship, so to speak, as well as being places where canoes are
kept, that the best aesthetic skills are lavished upon them. On
Santa Ana Island and elsewhere on San Cristobal (but not on
Santa Catalina Island), king posts for the canoe houses are carved
in complex compositions of figures that depict mythical, religious,
and ritual events. On Santa Ana Island too, the caskets with the
bones of the men honored by commemorative rites are also deposited in these houses. And it is here that the most valued and
revered of all objects, the sacred canoes for bonito fishing, are
kept. The canoe house is a structure in which the secular domain
of
man intersects
The
tuna, but
the sacred
domain
of the deities.
fish that they class as bonito also include

all
some
of our
share the feature of often appearing in large schools.
These schools are seen irregularly only during one season of the
when the bait they feed upon also school. Not only the bonito
are attracted by the schools of bait, but so are large numbers of
several species of fishing birds that feed on the same bait. Around
the fringes of the schools lurk hundreds of sharks that feed upon
the bonito. The combination of bait, bonito, birds, and sharks
produces a phenomenon that the islanders regard as an awesome
manifestation of their powerful tutelary deities. In their pagan
religion the bonito are believed to be under the absolute control of
some of these deities. Bonito, too, are considered to be the most
delectable of all fish, and the appearance of a school is a valuable
gift to humans. But schools of bonito are as unpredictable in their
occurrence as they are nervous when a fishing canoe is in their
midst. They appear without advance notice, they disperse suddenly
without warning, and with them are always the most vicious of all
sea creatures, sharks. The bonito school then has three salient
characteristics: it contains one of the most valued of all seafoods
in vast quantities; it is unpredictable and subject to quick change;
it also attracts animals that can kill or maim humans. The three
characteristics, generosity, fickleness, and danger seem to be just
the features of temperament ascribed to the tutelary deities. The
bonito schools reflect these, because they are a manifestation of
year
the deities.
Personal ornaments of ground tridacna shell. (Top row) Ear plugs with
pendants of trade beads and bats' teeth, a form of currency. (Center row)
Nose pendants with bird-head motif. Only men of great prestige would wear
this type of valuable heirloom jewelry. (Above) Nose pendant of pearl shell.
This motif is called "school of fish," and it is often etched or carved in low
relief
on the large trading canoes. Pearl-shell ornaments are not as valuable

shell, and they may be worn by any man regardless of
as those of tridacna
status.
{Top)
trough mortar about three feet
household utensil is used for

mashing cooked staples and dried nuts or
coconut cream together to make puddings.
(Above) Food bowl. Ordinary household
eating bowls are devoid of decoration
except for the lugs at the ends. The form of
the lugs on this bowl is called "half betel
nut." Secular eating bowls have either no
foot or a small one; ritual communion bowls
are set on pedestals. {Left) Household
long. This
mortar.
The
low-relief decoration
frigate bird. This motif
W or M and
is
is
the
often reduced to
even further abbreviated
V, called "half frigate bird."
to a
Offering posts. Smaller than the carved
posts for commemorative houses and
canoe houses, these images serve as altars

which prayers are spoken and first-fruit
offerings of important crops can be made.
The illustration on the far left represents
the deity Waiwori, who appears to man as
a dog or as a coconut crab. The crab is
carved just below the dog. Carved by
Faruara of Natagera Village, Santa Ana.
The illustration on the left shows one of the
many deities that appear to humans as a
shark and a sea bird. The bird is carved in
the tail of the shark. The human figure
to
represents the
was
man from whom the deity

Maemae of
derived. Carved by
Natagera Village, Santa Ana.
One
of the
canoe houses
at
Natagera Village, Santa Ana Island. These
structures serve not only as storage places for the sacred bonito canoes, but
also as men's club houses, ritual centers for the worship of tutelary deities,
and as ossuaries for the storage of encased bones of honored dead. The
ossuary of this house is located in the center at the rear. The large post at
the left, carved by Sao, inspired Reresimae to carve the post of Pa-na-waiau
(illustrated on page 394) now in The University Museum, University of
Pennsylvania. Photographed by William H. Davenport.
A sacred
bonito canoe about to be launched on San Cristobal Island.
Bonito canoes are inlaid with shell and have carved stems both fore and
Ordinary fishing canoes do not have such elaborate decoration. Santa Ana
Island lies in the distance. Photographed by William H. Davenport.
413
aft.
Stem pieces
for bonito canoes.
The anthropomorphic
figures represent
generalized deities. The double-disk design (second from right)
on the scroll motif. The head of a sea bird

modified by the addition of a beak and fish.
{far right) is
is
a variation
also a scroll design
Two men's dance
batons.
(Left)
is
used
shield.
The
shaft
to protect the
is
back
used
to parry javelins, the feather-shaped blade
of the
head. (Second from
the type used with the great trading canoes. (Right)
paddles. The shape of the men's dance batons

the shape of the
417
is
left)
Canoe paddles
Two women's dance
derived from the shields;
women's dance paddles derives from the canoe paddles.
of
and above) Carved
fishing floats for catching flying fish. Only those sets

sacred canoe houses are carved with decorative flags
like those illustrated here. Those made for household use are plain. Carved
by Tasi of Gupuna Village, Santa Ana Island.
{Left
of floats kept in the
was carved by
Harbour, San Cristobal Island, to decorate a commemorative
feast house. The scene represents a canoe in the midst of a school of bonito.
Fishermen fore and aft have bonito on their lines, but the deities standing on
them are not releasing the fish. Three species of birds following the school
hover and dive overhead. The three fishermen with elaborate headpieces are
initiates into the cult of ritual bonito fishing. Their headdress is the kind worn
only during this initiation. The left side of the panel is shown in greater
detail below.
Low-relief panel with polychrome shell inlay. This panel
Karopungi
of Star
421
The appearance
nificance.
If
of schools of bonito have
another
still
sig-
they appear regularly then relations between the
who control them and mankind are amicable; if they do not

appear regularly then relations between the society and its tutelary
deities are strained. The bonito school is a kind of barometer that
indicates the state of relationship between society and the superdeities
natural.
With
all
these supernatural associations,
it
is
not surprising
that the fishing craft used to catch the bonito are regarded as
sacred ritual objects and are suitably enhanced by the most valued
skills
the society possesses. Moreover, bonito fishing
singular importance that every boy
is
of such
must go through a long
initia-
mystic milieu of the bonito. The

initiation commences when a group of young boys meet the sacred
canoes coming in from a successful catch. Each boy is taken into a
canoe where he embraces one of the fish and comes ashore with
tion
which introduces him
that bonito as
if
to the
he had caught
it.
The supernatural
forces within
the bonito are transferred to the boys by a ritual drinking of a
few
drops of bonito blood. Then for a period of from six months to two
years the boys must live in the sacred canoe house isolated from
women and
the ordinary activities of
community
marked by a
community
life.
Their return
which the
up onto a platform where
they are briefly shown off to the receiving villagers. The platform
itself is a major artistic effort upon which many weeks of labor
to
life is
large celebration in
boys, decked in adult finery, are paraded
have been expended. Following their debut the

desacralized, a feast
is
initiates are ritually
given to celebrate their reentry into the
community, and they resume their lives in a spiritually transformed state. The social significance for the ritual seems to be to
separate boys from their infantile dependence upon women and to
prepare them for the one activity that best symbolizes the grown
man in this society.

These conceptual and ritual relationships to the supernatural
and the bonito as well as the initiation into them are depicted in
Karopungi's bas-relief panel. It was originally carved as a furnishing for a commemorative ceremony that was undertaken in the
Star Harbour area about twenty-five years ago. The carver wanted
Art and Aesthetics
422
in
Primitive Societies
to depict what he considered

community life.
Many
to
be the most important aspects of
constituent forms in the sculpture, birds, fish, sharks,
sea birds, and deities portrayed as humans, are intended to
illus-
trate these conceptions of tutelary deities in their relationships to
Other animals that occur, dogs, land birds, crabs, and

way other deities that are not associated with
the bonito reveal themselves to humans. Thus, much of the
iconography of religious sculpture is derived from the beliefs that
supernatural beings have concrete forms into which they transform themselves so as to become visible to men.
There are also carvings that do not depict religious mysteries
and whose subjects seem to be secular; yet, they too are religious.
In these all the activities depicted are rituals, bonito initiations,
commemorative rites, or legendary figures who were endowed with
great supernatural power.
bonito.
porpoise, convey the
Even the cognitive processes
of creativity of the artist are
Ask an artist how he conceived

of a particular sculpture, and he will answer that he dreamed of it.
By this he means that the creative dream was caused not by his
own conscious and unconscious mental equipment alone, but by
stimulation from a deity. This, however, is not exactly the situation
in the case of the ritual communion bowls, for with them the
tutelary deity communicates to his worshiper the kind of bowl he
wishes, and these wishes are then conveyed to the carver who has
been asked to carve the bowl. The carver must do his best to
conform to the supernatural specifications of content. Sometimes a
similar situation develops in the context of a commemorative
feast. The soul of the deceased man who is to be remembered
informs the organizer of the event what kind of large bowl he
desires, and these wishes are conveyed to the commissioned carver.
In spite of the iconographic realism and the aesthetic literalism of Eastern Solomons sculpture there is still another, deeper,
more abstract significance to their plastic arts. Most works are
statements of faith in and adherence to the beliefs and social
rituals in which the highest traditional cultural values are expressed. It is these traditional values that give motivation and
interpreted in a supernatural way.
423
direction to the entire society.
The
art is a testament of these
values and motivations.
As mentioned
beginning of this article, the traditional

plastic arts of the Eastern Solomons are disappearing in direct
response to increasing contact with Europeans and their culture.
This is happening in spite of the fact that Europeans are increasingly interested in the exotic arts of the South Seas. The University
Museum's present exhibition is but one manifestation of the
growth of this interest. But increasing involvement with European
culture is causing a restructuring of traditional interests and
values. To the present generation the preeminent problem of life is
no longer the maintenance of an amicable relationship between
man and his deities. The problem now is how man the Solomon
Islander
can maintain a rewarding relationship with the civilizations that surround him and make him feel more impotent and
dependent than ever did his deities. His deities have been permanently eclipsed and with their disappearance the foundations of
at the
the art also vanish.
Bibliography
Bernatzik,
Hugo
A.
Owa
Raha. Wien: Bernina-Verlag, 1936.

New York: Alfred A. Knopf,
Fox, Charles E. The Threshold of the Pacific.

1925.
Ivens, Walter G. Melanesians of the South-east
Kegan Paul, 1927.
Solomon
Islands.
London:
Crowley, Daniel
"Aesthetic
J.
of Aesthetics
and Art
Judgment and Cultural Relativism," Journal
Criticism, Vol. 17, No. 2 (December, 1958), pp.
187-93-
D'Azevedo, Warren L. "A Structural Approach to Esthetics: Toward a Definition of Art in Anthropology," American Anthropologist, Vol. 60, No.
4 (August, 1958), pp. 702-14.
Fagg, William. "The Study of African Art," Bulletin of the Allen Memorial
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Raymond. "The
Firth,
Social
Framework
of Primitive Art," in Elements of
Social Organization. London: Watts, 1951, pp. 155-82.

Fraser, Douglas. The Many Faces of Primitive Art. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.:
Prentice-Hall, 1966.
Gerbrands, Adrianus Alexander. Art as an Element of Culture, Especially in

Negro-Africa. Leiden: Brill, 1957.
Wow-Ipits. Eight Asmat Carvers of New Guinea. The Hague: Mouton,
.
1967.
and the Anthropological Sciences," Current AnNo. 5 (December, 1962), pp. 479-80.
Hall, Edward T. "Art as a Clue to Perception," in The Hidden Dimension.
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Haselberger, Herta. "Methods of Studying Ethnological Art," Current Anthropology, Vol. 2. No. 4 (October, 1961), pp. 341-84.
Kavolis, Vytautas M. Artistic Expression; a Sociological Analysis. Ithaca,
N.Y. Cornell University Press, 1968.
Gutorm.
Gjessing,
thropology, Vol.
"Art
3,
The Shape of Time; Remarks on the History of Things.

Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1962.
Kubler, George.
Leach,
Edmund
R. "Aesthetics," in British Broadcasting Corporation:
New
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Vol. 59, No. 6 (December, 1957), pp. 847-64.
Lewis, Philip. "A Definition of Primitive Art," Fieldiana: Anthropology, Vol.
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Linton, Ralph. "Primitive Art," in Elisofon, E.,
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of Aesthetics and Art Criticism, Vol. 26, No. 1 (Fall, 1967), pp. 107-14.
Mead, Margaret, Bird, Junius B., and Himmelheber, Hans. Technique and
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carol
f.
jopling, anthropologist, has taught primitive art at the University of
and of Catholic
and pre-Columbian art at
American University and Catholic University in Washington, D.C. On a
field trip to Mexico in 1969 she investigated the art and ritual of the
Zapotec people of the town of Yalalag, Oaxaca. In 1970 she made another trip
to Yalalag to do field work on the women weavers.
Massachusetts, Amherst.
graduate of Vassar College
University, she taught courses in primitive art
ART MID AESTHETICS

edited by
Carol F.Jopling
The focus of
process
in
this
book
is
on aesthetic ideas and the creative
primitive societies. Although
many
of the publica-
and a pleasure to
some injustice by oversimplification.
Identifications of objects and explanations of their ritual use
and meaning do not make clear the importance of art in a
tribal society. This anthology includes representative and
tions related to primitive art are beautiful
look at, they often do
meaningful writings that are concerned with these problems,
and the chronological arrangement of the essays in this

to some degree the development of theory
volume shows
pertaining to primitive art since 1950.

Until
quite recently
tribal societies
had no
it
was believed
that the peoples of
aesthetic ideas, that art
manifestation of religious
and magical
was only a
beliefs. Field studies
have shown, however, that neither of these assumptions

true; rather, there
is
such variation
in
aesthetic views
is
among
few general statements can be

made. Some peoples have aesthetic ideas close or parallel to
Western aesthetics; others cannot or do not express any
opinions; and still others have a completely different but
well-articulated set of standards. Although many different
points of view are expressed in the twenty-four articles
collected here, they can be grouped into five broad categories. Psychological, cognitive, and methodological appreliterate peoples that very
proaches are represented, as well as those concerned with

the creativity of the artist
and
the total process of art
in
a given society.
Cover Design by James McMullan
Anthropology
SBN 0-525-47257-6

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wissenschaft by permission of Gebr.

Verlag, G.M.B.H., Berlin.

Wallace: A Possible Technique for Recognizing Psychological

Characteristics of the Ancient

by permission of The University of Pennsylvania Press.

george mills: Art: An Introduction

Copyrights and Acknowledgments

roy sieber: The Aesthetic

of Traditional African Art. Reprinted from Seven

(Winter, i960: The Visual Arts Today), pp. 13-23, by permission of

author and editor.

vytautas kavolis The Value-Orientations Theory of Artistic Style. Reprinted

Copyrights and Acknowledgments

robert farris Thompson: Aesthetics in Traditional Africa. Reprinted from

davenport: Sculpture of the Eastern Solomons. Reprinted from

In addition to the authors

published in this book,

so willingly permitted their

and generous people who have encouraged and helped me during

A Possible Technique for Recognizing Psychological Characteristics of the

Analysis of Their Art

Aesthetics in "Primitive Societies"

Anatomical Interpretations in African Masks

HERBERT BARRY, III

of Traditional African Art

in the Art Styles

Art Styles as Cultural Cognitive

IRVIN L. CHILD and LEON SIROTO

Material Culture and Cognition

ROBERT F ARRIS THOMPSON

Sculpture of the Eastern Solomons

Korwar figure from Western

Hieroglyphic text of a divinatory almanac

Eskimo dance mask

Nine African masks

37, 39, 40, 42

Shield from the Trobriand Islands

Interpretation of designs on the Trobriand shield

Bark painting of a Barramundi

from the Fon of Dahomey

Dance mask from the Dogon

Dance mask from the Marka

Flute figure from

Lime spatula from

Paddle from the Marquesas Islands

Maori ancestor figure