The Isnad System

81

the chronological method, assembling biographies of the transmitters, and by establishing various canons for determining the value of its different classes. The ancient Indians, so far as is known, never made any attempt at a rigorous and consistent treatment of the isndd, nor are they known to have developed the chronological method. Neither does the early literature of the Jews reveal any use of the chronological method, something which renders their 'isndds' valueless. 'In the Talmudic literature', says Professor Horovitz, 'there is no idea of chronological method, and the oldest extant work attempting such an arrangement was composed after 885AD-more than a century later than the earliest Islamic work on isnad-critique.' 'From this fact,' he goes on, 'and from the fact that the important Jewish works [of this period] had been composed in the Islamic dominions, it may be inferred that this historical interest was due to the Islamic influence. '48

The Muslims not only gave a scientific form and basis to the system of isndd, but also tried to make a comparative study of the various isndds deployed in the literature, with a view to establishing their relative value. It is said that Ahmad ibn Hanbal, Ibn Ma'in, and Ibn al-Madini once gathered together with some other traditionists and debated which was the most authentic of all isndds. One said that it was the isndd Shu'baQatada-Sa'id-Arnir-Umm Salama. Ibn al-Madini held that it was Ibn 'AwnMuharnmad-Tlbayda-Ali, Ibn Hanbal declared that it was al-Zuhri-SalimIbn 'Umar.t? Al-Bukhari, however, was of the opinion that the best isndd was Malik-Nafivlbn 'Umar. This isndd later prolonged itself through the names of al-Shafi'i and Ibn Hanbal, making it one long chain extending from Imam Ahmad up to Ibn 'Umar, This isndd was dubbed the 'Golden Chain'i!"

Ibn Ma'in, however, considered 'Ubayd Allah-Ibn 'Umar-Qasim-A'isha to be the best isndd, and called this a 'chain of pure gold')' Many other traditionists preferred other chains. The consensus among later traditionists, however, was that it is' impossible to qualify any isndd as the best of all. The judgement of the various authorities must refer to the traditions accepted on the authority of a particular Companion or Follower, or to the traditionists of a particular place. 34

Once it had been introduced into the literature, the isndd system was not only continued for four centuries or more.I! but was also applied to the ~adlth collections themselves and on works on the other Islamic disciplines. Partly in order to reduce the risk of forgery and interpolation, every teacher of every book on haditb or a related subject at every period of the history of the literature, gave his students the names of the teachers via whom he had received it from its original author, each of them stating that he read the Whole, or a part of it (which had to be specified), with his own teacher. The

I AJ -71

I I

11I1

I 'i

82 SOME SPECIAL FEATURES OF THE LITERATURE certificates of competency of students to teach from a book of hadith granted them by their teachers contain not only the statement of the fact that they read it with them, but also the name of their own teachers of the book, and other teachers of their teachers up to its author. Such certificates, called i;iiza are the essential qualification of an authentic Muslim scholar. '

The practice of retaining the isndds of important books must have been introduced at the time the books themselves were compiled. Dr. $alal) ai-Din al-Munajjid, the world's leading authority on the iiaza institution, has traced it back to the fourth century, giving an interesting example.t+ Here are a few other instances of books with their own isndds, belonging to an even earlier period.

(i) A copy of a collection of haditbs (said to be $ahll? Muslim, part XIII) dated 368AH, and preserved in the Municipal Library, Alexandria (no.836B).

(ii) A copy of the Kitiib Gharib al-badith by Abu 'Ubayd al-Qasim ibn Sallarn (154-223/770-837), copied at Damascus in 3 19AH, and the reading of which has been traced back to the author in whose presence the original manuscript was read-a fact recorded on the authority of Abu Sulayrnan Muhammad ibn Mansur al-Balkhi."

(iii) The most important of all such manuscripts is the fragment of a book ' on magbdzi by Wahb ibn Munabbih. It is preserved among the SchottReinhardt Papyri, and has been described by C. H. Becker.t" It is dated Dhu'l-Qa'da 229 (july 844), and bears on its top the isndd up to its author.

The practice of specifying the isniid was of immense value in preserving the integrity of books in an age in which printing was unknown, and the creation of spurious and distorted works was a relatively straightforward task. In modem times, however, with the arrival of the printing press and the consequent proliferation of identical copies, it has perhaps been rendered less necessary. Human nature, however, is conservative, and the old orthodox norms still survive. No scholar, however competent, is supposed to have the right to teach a haditb work for which he has not received the necessary permission from a competent teacher, who must, moreover, himself have been authorised by his own teacher. But this institution, while academically less indispensable than it used to be, still has the merit of maintaining the Islamic disciplines as organic and continuing traditions which represent a living link to the past.

According to the classical traditionists, the isndds of books had to be recorded on their manuscripts also. They held that it was advisable for

The Isnad System

students to write on their copies of a book, after the Name of God (the basmala), the names of their teachers together with their kunya and their nisba, and the names of the teachers of their teachers right back to the author of the book. Above the basmala, or on the first page of the manuscript, or at any other prominent place in it, such as the margin, should be inscribed the names of the other students who read the book in the same class together with the owner of the manuscript, and the places and dates at which the

. various parts of it were read.>?

These notes are found on the generality of the manuscripts which are still preserved in the world's great libraries. The manuscripts of the Musnad of al-Tayalisi,380f the Sunan of al-Darimi;'? of al-Masbikba mac al- Takhrlj,"o of the Kitdb al-Kifdya;" of the four volumes of the Tiirlkh Dimasbq.": and of many other hadith works, in the O. P. Library of Bankipore; and the manuscripts of the Sunan of Abu Daiid43 in the State Library at Berlin, are only a few instances of this; an enormous number of other manuscripts of this type may be seen in the other libraries containing Islamic material scattered around the globe. Of course, there are also manuscripts which contained only a few or even none of the detailed notes mentioned above. These tend to be defective manuscripts from which the parts, usually at the beginning, which contain these notes have been lost; alternatively, they are low-grade manuscripts copied by common scribes for the use of laymen, rather than being destined for specialists in the subject.

This practice appears to have been current among the traditionists since the second century of the biira. Hafs ibn Ghiyath (d.1941809), the well-known judge, is said to have decided a case on the basis of this usage. Al-Fudayl ibn CIya<;i (d.r 87/802), the well-known traditionist and Sufi, is said to have forbidden the traditionists from refusing to issue students with their certificates when they deserved them. Al-Zuhri (d.124/741) is also credited with this view. 44

This scholarly practice, which has proved of immense value in enabling us to construct an image of the early hadith science and the milieu in which it flourished, seems to be unique in the world's literary history, just as the Islamic haditb« themselves are unique in employing a thorough and systematic method of source identification. Greek, Latin, Hebrew and Syriac manuscripts rarely if ever supply us with such a wealth of information about a book's provenance and use.

The isndd system, while originating in connection with the hadith literature, was in due course extended by the Arab authors to many other genres, including geography, history, and prose fiction.45 'There are works', sayS Margoliouth,

84 S 0 M_E S PEe I A L FE A T U RES 0 F THE LIT ERA T URI:

of which the subject-matter is so frivolous that one marvels at the trouble taken by the author to record the name of each transmit-

ter and the date and place at which he heard the narrative; an example is the M~iid al- cUshshiiq of al-Sarraj, a collection of cases wherein men and women are supposed to have died of love, where the author records with minute accuracy the date at which

he heard the story and gives similar details of the transmitters.s"

5.2 ACADEMIC PROCEDURES

The imperative of preserving the legacy of the Prophet, whose teachings and example underpinned the Islamic way of life, obliged the badith scholars to be almost obsessively accurate. There were certainly numerous forgers of hadith; but these remained marginal and despised, and had little to do with the literature as such. Those who were mainly responsible for its development strove to be as exact as possible. While some remained faithful only to the message presented in a hadith, without attaching the highest importance to the exact words used, others tried to be faithful to the words as well as the ideas. They reproduced each word and letter, energetically avoiding the least deviation from what they themselves had recieved. Al-Khatib al-Baghdadi, in several chapters of his Kitab al-Kifiiya, shows how exact some tradi- I tionists had been with regard to every word and letter in a ~adith.47 Ibn 'Umar, for instance, did not like to change the order of words in a phrase even when it did not affect the meaning in the slightest. Malik ibn Anas tried to be exact about each and every letter, while Ibn Sirin did not approve of making corrections to a hadith even in cases where it was certain that a reporter had made an error. 48

The care and exactitude of the leading traditionists is further illustrated by the principles which they established for the method of acquiring knowledge, and the associated duties of teachers and students. These principles had been discussed in detail since the second Islamic century, and are explained in the various works on the ~adith sciences (Culum al-baditb).

The first problem in the theory of lJadith instruction is that of the age at which it may be commenced. The traditionists of Kufa fixed this at the age of twenty; those of Basra, the age of ten; and those of Syria, the age of thirty. According to a majority of the later traditionists, however, the study of badith may be commenced at the age of five.t?

In any case, the study of hadith should be preceded by that of Arabic grammar and language, so that mistakes arising from pure linguistic ignorance could be detected or avoided.>? 'Abd Allah ibn al-Mubarak, the famoUS

Academic Procedures

85

traditionist of Merv, spent more money on learning the Arabic language than on traditions, attaching more importance to the former than the latter, and asking the students of hadith to spend twice as long on Arabic studies than on haditb. Hammad ibn Salama is said to have remarked that he who takes to badith without knowing grammar is like an ass which carries a sack without corn. Al-Asma'i held that someone who studied hadith without learning grammar was to be categorised with the forgers of haditb;" and similar remarks are credited to Shu'ba and al-Abbas ibn al-MughiraY Sibawayh, the great grammarian, took to the study of grammar only because I-Iammad ibn Salama had pointed out that he had made a mistake over the t~xt of a hadith. 53

Having learnt these preliminary subjects, the student should purge his mind of all worldly considerations. He should nurture good character, seek the help of God in all his efforts, and strain every nerve towards the acquisition of knowledge, not for his own aggrandisement, but in order to benefit the community. He should begin his study with the best teachers of his town, and carry it on by making journeys to other centres of academic excellence, and by acquiring the knowledge of the greatest exponents of the field. He should not, however, concern himself with gathering the greatest possible number of badiths, but should instead hear and write them down, understand them fully, be aware of their strength or weakness, their theological importance and implications, the proper significance of the words used in them, and the character of those through whom they have been handed down.

The following account, by QaQi (IyaQ of Ceuta (d.544hI49), gives an interesting portrait of the decorum and sobriety which characterised the traditionallJadith lesson:

One of the rights of the scholar is that you should not be persistent when questioning him, nor gruff when answering him. Neither be importune if he is tired, nor catch hold of his robe when he rises to depart. Do not point to him, or spread abroad some private information about him, or speak ill of anyone in his presence. Do not seek out his failings; when he slips, wait for him to recover and accept his apology. You must revere and esteem him, for the sake of God. Do not walk in front of him. H he needs anything, you should make haste to serve him before the others. You should not find his long company tedious, for he is like a date-palm that you are sitting beneath, waiting for a windfall. When you arrive, greet him in particular, and all who are present.

86 SOME SPECIAL FEATURES OF THE LITERATUR£

All this should be for the sake of God; for a learned man receives

. nore reward from God than someone who fasts, prays, and fights in God's path, and when he dies, a hole appears in Islam which remains until the Day' of Judgement, unless it Ire filled by a successor who is his like. The seeker of knowledge, moreover, is accompanied by the Angels of Heaven)"

Of the technical aspects of learning hadith, the traditionists have mentioned the following eight forms of instruction:

I Samd . Under this procedure, the student attends the lectures of a traditionist, which may take the form of a simple narration of the traditions, or be accompanied by their dictation (imlii'), either from memory or from a book.n

II Qira'a. Here the student reads to the traditionist the traditions which have been narrated or compiled by the latter. Alternatively, one may hear the traditions while they are recited by another student to a traditionist-on condition that he is attentive to what is recited, or compares his own copy to what is being recited. 56

III lidza. This is to obtain the permission of a scholar to narrate to others the traditions compiled by him. This may be granted in different ways, some of which are recognised by the majority as valid, while others are rejectedY

IV Munawala. This is to obtain the compilation of a tradition together with his permission to narrate its contents to others; a procedure recognised as valid by most authorities. If it takes place without his permission, most scholars regard it as unsound) 8

V Mukiitaba. This is to receive certain written traditions from a scholar, either in person or by correspondence, with or without his permission to narrate them to others.t?

VI Ilam al-Riiioi. The declaration of a traditionist to a student that the former received certain specified traditions or books from a specified authority, without giving the student permission to narrate the material concerned.s?

VII Wtl.?lya. To obtain the works of a traditionist by his will at the time of his death/"

VIII Wijiida. To find certain traditions in a book, perhaps after a rradi: tionist's death, without receiving them with any recognised authority. 62.

Academic Procedures

The first two of these methods are recognised by the traditionists as the preferable techniques for the transmission of knowledge. The rest are dismissed as invalid by some, and accepted on various conditions by others.

None the less, the student who gains his knowledge of badith by anyone or more of the above methods will not be recognised as a traditionist unless he also acquires the necessary information about the life and character of the narrators, and the degrees of the reliability of the various traditions, and other connected matters. Such of them as combine aU these and other qualities are known as muhadditb, or I;iifi~, according to the degree of perfection they have obtained.s!

Students of haditb who have mastered the above conditions and information, as well as ancillary subjects, may deliver lectures on the subject, once, twice, or three times a week, if their intention is exclusively the propagation of knowledge. Before going to their lectures, they should bathe, perform their ablutions, and put on clean, pure garments. They should locate themselves in a prominent and elevated place, and deliver lectures while standing. They should keep perfect order during their lectures, and appoint assistants to repeat their words to students sitting at a distance.

Lectures should be preceded by recitations from the Qur'an, praises of God, and prayers for His Prophet, the fountainhead of knowledge. After this, the lecturer should recite and dictate traditions, narrating one tradition from each of his teachers, giving preference to the short ones which have theological or legal importance, specifying all their narrators and the method by which he received them, introducing them with expressions particularly suited to the traditions received by the different methods. If his teacher had read out the traditions to him, he should begin with the word baddatband ('he related to us'), or akhbarand ('he informed us'), and so on, according to the standard convention. If he or any of his fellow-students read out the traditions to his teacher who heard it, he should begin with the words qara'tu 'alii ('I read out to'), or quri'a 'alaybi usa-and asma' ('it was read out to him, while 1 heard'). In the case of the ijiiza, he should begin by saying, 'I found it in the handwriting of such-and-such a person', or 'I found it in his book' or 'in his own handwriting', and so on.

Lectures may be delivered either from memory-which is preferable-c-or from books, on condition that these be written either by the lecturer himself, or any other person of reliable character; and provided further that the reliability of the manuscripts is absolutely proved to the lecturer. In case the lecturer finds any discrepancy between the contents of the manuscript and what he remembers, or between his own version of a tradition and that of

I

88 SOME SPECIAL FEATURES OF THE LITERATURE other traditionists, he should point this out to his students. In case the lecturer narrates certain traditions in a non-verbatim form, he must be well-versed in the subject, so that he may be certain that the change in expression would cause no change in his meaning. He should also add at the end of every hadith such words as might show that the words used in it were his own. In case he finds any mistake in the text of a haditb, he should narrate it first in its corrected form, and then specify the form in which it was related to him. If he has received a tradition from more than one narrator, in different words conveying the same idea, he should narrate it, giving the name of every narrator and pointing out that the expressions used were by certain narrators, whom he should also name. In case he has received a part of a tradition from one narrator, and another part from another, he should point this out to his students. If there had been any negligence on the part of the lecturer when he received a tradition, which might have affected his knowledge, he should not fail to bring such negligence to the attention of his audience. In short, it is a duty of the badith lecturer to convey the material to his students exactly as he himself received it, and to add his own comments on it, in such words as could not be mistaken for a part of the tradition. He is not permitted to make the least alteration, even, for instance, by changing the phrase Rasid Allah ('the Messenger of God') into Nabi Allah ('the Prophet of God'). He should finish his discourse by relating instructive and attractive, historical and humorous stories which encourage his hearers towards faith, righteousness, kindness, and good manners.v'

Although the emphasis in Islamic culture has always been on carefully memorised information, for 'he who has not memorised a fact, does not know it', the traditionists have also tried to maintain a comparable level of care and exactitude in writing their material down. For this they established a range of principles and conditions, to eliminate as far as possible the possibility of mistaken information being transmitted by the writers and readers of hadith.

Students of hadith who choose to record them in writing must use clear, distinct and bold letters, each letter being so written as not to be liable to confusion with any other letter. Dots of pointed letters are to be correctly placed, and those without them are to be made distinct with additional signs (which are thoroughly discussed in the works of 'ulum al-haditb). Special attention is to be paid to rare and archaic words and proper names, which in addition to the text are to be noted on the margin in distinct separate letters. Such expressions as 'Abd Allah should be completely written on one and the same line. The various traditions are to be separated from one another by smaU circles in which dots may be put after the manuscript has been

jiiP

Scholars and the State 89

omparea with its original copy. The soundness of sound traditions, and the ~efectS of defective ones, are to be indicated by special signs. If, for instance, the chain of authority of a tradition is broken, or if any part of it contains any obvious or hidden defect, these points should be clearly marked.

Once the manuscript is completed, it should be carefully compared with the original; and all mistakes of commission and omission rectified. AJ! omissions should be put down on the right hand margin, to which a line should be drawn from the word in the text after which the missing part should fall. The mistakes of commission should be either struck out or erased. It is, however, preferable to pen through them in such a way as to keep them legible, while showing that they are deleted.

In the text of his manuscript, the writer should always follow a particular version of a book or individual tradition. Differences in other versions and associated criticism may be noted dearly in the margin.

Students who write down traditions at the dictation of their teachers are required to be extremely vigilant and precise in their writing, and in putting dots wherever they might be necessary. They are also obliged to put down in a prominent part of the manuscript the names of their teachers together with other particulars about them, the names of all the fellow-students who attended these lectures, and the time and place when and where the discourses were delivered. 6 5

The above are only the more important of the detailed requirements for the learning, teaching and recording of traditions, which have been discussed by the specialists since the second century of the hijra, with the most exhaustive, minute details, which remind us yet again of the care and precision which they soughtto maintain at every stage of the process of the transmission of baditb.

5.3 SCHOLARS AND THE STATE

While almost all' of Arabic literature developed under the encouraging patronage of the caliphs and their courtiers, so that almost every literary figure 'basked in the sunshine of their generosity', the scholars of lJadith were generally either ill-treated by those who reigned in the name of the Islamic religion, or, in their pious stoicism, were given to rejecting and refusing

. favours if these were ever offered to them. None of the compilers of the important and authoritative collections of lJadith received any post, purse or Privilege from the caliphs or their officials. Almost the whole of the orthodox mainstream of this literature evolved as a result of the spontaneous religious enthusiasm of the Muslims, and paid little attention to the caliphs and their representatives.

90 SOME SPECIAL FEATURES OF THE LITERATUR£

Throughout the reign of the Umayyads (with the exception of the devoUt rule of 'Umar ibn 'Abd al- cAziz, who did assist in the hadith compilation process), the strict traditionists had been either hostile or neutral towards the state. Ibn 'Umar, 'Abd Allah ibn 'Arnr, Ibn 'Abbas, Ibn Sirin, Ibn al. Musayyib, al-Hasan al-Basri, Sufyan al-Thawri, and other pivotal trad]. tionists, had all adopted this attitude. 'Since the death of Sa'id', says Goldziher, 'the pious traditionists disliked the state of affairs under this rule. They became indifferent to the tyrannical government, and passively resisted

. it.' 'In return', he adds, 'they were hated and despised by the ruling circles.'66 These austere and devout men and women believed and declared that association with the rulers was a source of sin. 67

There were other early traditionists, however, who did enjoy some degree of patronage from the Umayyad regime, and often refused to consider it as sinful to help the rulers of the day. Most of them did not, however, overstep certain limits, nor did they forge traditions in their favour. Among this type may be included traditionists such as 'Urwa ibn al-Zubayr, Raja' ibn Hayawayh, and Muhammad ibn Muslim al-Zuhri, all of whom enjoyed limited patronage from the caliphs, but at the same time retained their academic independance. 68 Some traditionists criticised them for this co-operation, but their veracity and reliability have never been seriously questioned by any of them. For instance, while Goldziher claimed that al-Zuhri was a forger of traditions in favour of the Umayyads,"? Horovitz has shown that this claim is false and tendentious.?? In fact, al-Zuhri at times enraged some of the caliphs by quoting traditions against their interests, and sticking to these traditions in spite of the fury of his patrons." It is none the less true, however, that some supporters of the Umayyads did overstep the limits of proper co-operation: 'Awana ibn al-Hakam, for instance, forged and tried to propagate traditions in their favour. Such activities, however, were easily detected by their more pious contemporaries.

During the reign of the Abbasid caliphs, who tried to win over the pious Muslims by adhering to an outward show of religious commitment, the attitude of the various classes of traditionists towards the state continued to be largely unchanged, despite the fact that this period witnessed the evolution of the great achievements of the science of badith. Some traditionists, such as Malik ibn Anas and Ahmad ibn Hanbal suffered considerably under the Abbasid order.?" Others, such as al-Bukhari, were annoyed by officials,?3 Imam Muslim was wholly indifferent to their blandishments. In fact, none of the compilers of the important badith anthologies received or expected any help or encouragement from these caliphs.

I I

6

THE BIOGRAPHICAL

DICTIONARIES

WE have seen that every badith consists of two parts: the isndd (the chain of its transmitters), and the matn (text). Each of these two parts is of equal importance to the traditionist. The latter, as the report of an act or statement of the Prophet, helps to build up a picture of his teachings and thus forms

a basis for Muslim beliefs and rites; while the former represents the 'credentials' of the latter. The traditionists, therefore, treat and consider traditions with one and the same isndd and different texts, as well as traditions with identical texts and differing isndds, as entirely independent traditions.

To check the isniid it is essential to know the life and career as well as the character and scholarship of all the individuals named. And in order to understand the exact significance of the matn, and to test its soundness, it is necessary to know the meaning of the various expressions it contains, especially those which appear rare or obsolete, and also to learn its relation to the matn of other traditions, some of which may be either corroborated or contradicted by it.

The Muslim community has thus developed several ancillary branches of literature, which are summarised infamous works such as those of Abu Muhammad al-Ramhurmuzi (d.36o/970), Abu Nu'aym al-Isfahani (d.430IIo38), al-Khajib al-Baghdadi (d.403/IOI2), al-Hakirn alNisaburi (d.405/I014), Ibn al-Saldh (d.643iJ245), and many others. The number of such ancillary sciences is conventionally put at a hundred, and each of them is said to be important enough to warrant treatment as an independant branch of knowledge. I Some are concerned only with the isniid of the traditions; others relate to the matn, while still others deal with both together. We propose here to deal with only two of these

THE BIOGRAPHICAL DICTIONARIES

disciplines, and briefly discuss their evolution and influence on the literature.

6.1 ASMA' AL-RIJAL

(Biography and Criticism of l;Iadith Narrators.)

One of the richest and most important branches of the literature deals with the biography of badith narrators. Under the rubric of this science are included all the works which deal with (a) the chronology; (b) the biography; (c) the criticism of the narrators of traditions or of any class of narrators, or with any such aspect of their life as may help to determine their identity and reliability.

A. Chronology.

The consideration of chronology commenced and developed at a comparatively early date; although opinions differ as to the exact time when Muslims first began to employ it. According to some authorities, dates were introduced into official correspondance by the Prophet himself in the fifth year of the hijra, when a treaty was concluded between him and the people of Najran.' But it is more generally held that this was done by 'Umar ibn al-Khartab, acting on the unanimous advice of a congregation of important Muslims, in the sixteenth or seventeenth year of the biira> The same farsighted caliph followed a chronological principle in the award of military pensions (dtwan) to the various groups of M~slims according to their priority in accepting the faith, a principle which was already accepted by the Community as a basis of great distinction. Its use assumed greater importance on account of the need to interpret the historical verses of the Qur'an, and of the determination of the dates of revelation of the legal verses, in order to determine which had been abrogated and which remained in force.

The Muslims followed the lunar calendar, which had been adopted by the Arabs long before the advent of Islam. Originally, however, the Meccans had followed a solar calendar, as is evident from their division of the year according to seasons, and from the names of some of the months."

In hadith science, chronology was an important expedient. 'Whenever you have a doubt about the veracity of a narrator,' remarks Hafs ibn Ghiyath (d. 160/776), 'test him by rneans of the years' (i.e. his birth and death dates). Sufyan al-Thawri is said to have declared: 'When the narrators forged traditions, we used the tiirikh (chronology) against them',> Hassan ibn Ziyad observed, 'We never used against the forgers any device more effective than the tiirikh.'6

Asma' al-Rija)

93

It is clear, then, that chronology had been used as early as the second century in order to test the statements made by narrators. Some examples of this are cited by Imam Muslim in the introduction to his ~aliilJ; others are plentifully found in the works of asmd' al-rijdl.

B. Biography.

The composition of biographical works properly equipped with chronological information began before the end of the first century of the hijra.

Horovitz has shown that Aban (d. between 86 and I05AH), the son of the caliph 'Uthrnan; 'Urwa ibn al-Zubayr (26-94/646-7J 2); and Shurayh (who is said to have been born in 20AH, and lived more than 100 years) had collected a good deal of material relating to the biography of the Prophet. Soon after them, Wahb ibn Munabbih wrote a book on Maghiizt, a fragment of which is preserved at Heidelberg." Wahb was followed by numerous biographers of the Prophet during the second and third centuries. The fragment, and the texts of extant biographies, reveal a thorough use of the chronological system by their authors.

c. Criticism of Narrators.

A general critical appraisal of the reliability of the narrators, based on knowledge of their life and character, as an aid to determining the veracity of badith reports, seems to have been customary before the period when the isndd became long enough to admit the application of the chronological method. Ibn 'Adi (d.365/97S), in the introduction to his book al-Kdmil fi qu'afii' al-rijdl; gives a general survey of the development of narrator criticism from its beginnings down to his own time. According to him, narrators were criticised and assessed by Ibn 'Abbas, 'Ubada ibn al-Sarnir, and Anas (all Companions); and by al-Sha'bi, Ibn Sirin and Ibn al-Musayyib (who were Successors). It did not, however, become common until the next generation, for the simple reason that the events narrated were recent, and the narrators were for the most part reliable. In the next generation, when the narrators of doubtful veracity grew in number, narrator criticism grew in importance. About the middle of the second century, therefore, we find al-A'mash, Shu'ba and Malik criticising a large number of narrators, declaring some to be weak or unreliable. At around the same time flourished two of the greatest critics in this field: Yahya ibn Sa'id al-Qattan (d. 1 98/8 13) and 'Abd al-Rahman ibn Mahdi (d.I98/813), whose verdict on the narrators' reliability or otherwise was widely accepted as final. Where they differed in their opinion about a narrator, the traditionists used their own knowledge and discretion. They were followed by another generation of critics, such as the great Yazid ibn Hanin."

94 THE B lOG RAP HIe A L DIe T ION A R IE s

Chronology, biography and criticism, then, were applied together in assessing the worth of isndds. Having realised their importance, the traditionists compiled, before the end of the second century, independent works dealing with the, narrators in chronological order. 'Such registers of the narrators of tradition';' says Otto Loth, 'as had been chronologically arranged and in which every Muslim traditionist in general received a definite place, had been already in common use among the traditionists as indispensable handbooks in the second century.'?

Nevertheless, it is not easy to determine the precise period at which the works of asmd' began to be compiled. Ibn al-Nadirn mentions two books called Kitiib al- Tdrihh in his section dealing with works about jurists and traditionists. One of these is by the great Ibn al-Mubarak, while the other is by al-Layth ibn Sa'd (d.I65-751781-91), a senior disciple of Imam Malik.'o These authors had little interest in history as such; and their works are not included in the section of the Fihrist devoted to historical works; and it would seem probable, therefore, that they are early works of asmd'. Horovitz is correct in his opinion that the earliest work on the subject was composed about the middle of the second century. J J Also important was the Tiirikh al-Ruiodt of Yahya ibn Ma'in (158/774-233/847).'2 Other products of the second century include such works as the Kitdb al-Tabaqdt, Kitdb Tarikh al-Fuqabii', Kitdb Tabaqdt al-Fuqahd' u/a'l-Muhadditbin, Kitab Tasmiyat al-Fuqabii' wa'I-MuiJaddithln,'3 Kitdb Tabaqdt man Ratod 'an al-Nabi, by al-Waqidi and Haytharn ibn 'Adi, both of whom died at the beginning of the third century, and whose works served as important sources for the later writers on the subject, such as Ibn Sa'd (d.23o/844), Ibn al-Khayyat (d. 240/8 54), '4 and others. 15

As all the early works on badith have been lost, it is impossible to determine their general plan and the nature of their contents. But from the later works which were based on them, and which still exist, and also from the general tendencies discernable among the traditionists of that time, it may be inferred that their contents consisted mainly of: (a) short descriptions of the genealogies and dates of birth and death; (b) some biographical matters; and (c) a brief critique of their reliability, backed up with the opinions of important authorities and contemporaries. These are the main features of the contents of the Tabaqdt of Ibn Sa'd, all Immensely important work which will be described later in this chapter; and these matters, as we have seen, had received serious attention from the badith experts before the end of the second Islamic century.

The compilation of the hadith narrators' biographies, thus begun in the second century, was continued with great enthusiasm in the centuries that

"sma' al-Rijal 95 followed. In the third century, not only various specialists in the subject, such as Ibn Sa'd, Ibn al-Khayyat, and Ibn Abi Khaythama (d.279/892), but also almost every traditionist of repute compiled simultaneously with his collection of traditions, rome biographical material relating to his authorities. All the compilers of the six standard hadith collections wrote one or more important books on the biography of the narrators of tradirions.v" Other rraditionists also, such as Ibn Abi Shayba (d.235/849) and 'Ali ibn alMadini, wrote books of this type.

During the fourth and succeeding centuries, such compilations continued to be produced in bulk throughout the Islamic world. The Hijaz, Syria, Iraq, Iran, Egypt, North Africa, Spain and India all produced numerous biographers of the traditionists.

This genre naturally helped the growth of more general biographical literature in the Arabic language. During this same period, works were compiled which presented biographies of poets, grammarians, physicians, saints, jurists, judges, calligraphers, lovers, misers, idiots, and almost every other human type. 'The glory of the Muhammadan literature', says Sprenger, 'is its literary biographies. There is no nation, nor has there been any, which, like them, narrated the life of every man of letters."? And according to Margoliourh: 'The biographical literature of the Arabs was exceedingly rich; indeed it would appear that in Baghdad when an eminent man died, there was a market for biographies of him, as is the case in the capitals of Europe in our time .... The literature which consists in collected biographies is abnormally large, and it is in consequence easier for the student of the history of the caliphate, to find out something about the persons mentioned in the chronicles than in any analogous case.' 18

The enormous scale of these biographical dictionaries may be suggested by the large number of people whose biographies they contain. Ibn Sa'd's Tabaqdt gives us the biographies of more than four thousand traditionists. Al-Bukhari's Tiirlkh deals with more than 42,000, while al-Khatib alBaghdadi, in his History of Baghdad, offers short but carefully honed biographies of 7,831 persons. Ibn 'Asakir, in his eighty-volume History of Damascus, collects a far larger number, while Ibn Hajar, in his Tabdbib al- Tabdbib, and al-Dhahabi,in his Mlziin al-I'tiddl, summarise the biographical notices on 12,415 and 14,343 narrators of tradition respectively. These figures, which may be easily augmented from other works, are sufficient to show the magnitude of biographical literature in Arabic, a resource which offers a detailed portrait of a remarkably literate society.

The works on asmd' differ greatly in their scope, plan, and detailed Contents, according to the main object of their compilers. Some contain

b

THE BIOGRAPHICAL DICTIONARI£S

extremely short notices on a particular class of narrators; such is the Tabaqiit al-/:luffa?, of al-Dhahabi.t? and various other works on weak or unreliable narrarors. Others record only names, kunyas, and nisbas; to this class belong the various works on al-Asmii' wa'I-Kunii,2.0 and the well-known Kitab al-Ansdb of al-Sarn'ani." Still others contain biographical details of all narrators who lived in or visited any particular town: examples include the Tdrikh Baghdad of al-Kharib al-Baghdadi, the Tdrikh Dimashq of Ibn 'Asakir, and orhers+' Some deal exclusively with reliable or unreliable narrators: the Kitdb al-Kdmil fi pu'afa' al-Rijiil of Ibn 'Adi:1.3 and Nasal's Kitdb al-Qu'afa' wa'/-Matruktn24 are examples.t! Some restrict themselves to offering biographies of narrators used in particular collections of traditions, or in a group of collections. To this class belong a large number of works which deal with the lives of the narrators on whom al-Bukhari or Muslim, or the authors of all the six standard works, have relied.

Works on asmd' may therefore be divided into two broad groups: general and specific.

6.1a GENERAL WORKS

These are works which contain biographies of all narrators, or at least of all the important ones among them who were known to the author. Most early books on the subject belong to this category: for instance, the Tabaqdt of Muhammad ibn Sa'd, the three Histories (Tartkh) of al-Bukhari, the Tartkh of Ahmad ibn Abi Khayrhama, and many other works on the asmd' al-riidl, which were compiled during the third cenrury of the hijra, and which try to include all the well-known narrators.

6.Ib THE TABAQAT OF IBN SA'D

The earliest of all these is the Kitdb al-Tabaqdt al-Kabir (Great Book of Classes) by Ibn Sa'd. The life of its author has been well summarised by twO I distinguished German orientalists, Lorh'" and Sachaur'? whose account is briefly summarised in the following paragraphs.

Abu 'Abd Allah Muhammad ibn Sa'd ibn Man!' al-Zuhri belonged to a family of Babylonian slaves of the family of the great traditionist 'Abd Allah ibn 'Abbas, who had granted them their freedom. Born at Basra, then a great centre of hadith learning, Ibn Sa'd was attracted by the charms of Tradition, in the pursuit of which he himself travelled to Kiifa, Mecca and Medina, where he must have stayed for a considerable period. At last, he came to Baghdad, the greatest centre of intellecrual activity in his time. Here

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he came into close contact with al- Waqidt, one of the early Arab historians. He worked as al-Waqidls literary assistant for some time, thereby acquiring his soubriquet Kdtib al- W iiqidt ('Waqidl's Scribe'). Gaining a reputation at Baghdad as a traditionist and historian in his own right, Ibn Sa'd soon attracted a band of students, who sat at his feet and studied these subjects with him. One of the most prominent of them was the great historian al-Baladhurl, who in his later career borrowed a great deal from Ibn Sa'd in his important work Futuh al-Bulddn. Ibn Sa'd died in 23°/844.

Ibn Sa'd, who possessed immense erudition coupled with an enthusiasm for his subject, was also a great bibliophile, at a time when the possession and collection of books had become something of a fashion among the Muslims. Al-Kharib al-Baghdadi says: 'He possessed vast learning, knew a great number of traditions-for which he had a great thirst-narrated a good many of them, and collected a large number of books, particularly rare ones, and texts on hadith and fiqh.'28 'Of the collections of the works of al- W aqidl', he adds, 'which were in the possession of four persons during the time of Ibn Sa'd, his was the largest.'

Ibn Sa'd made good use of his literary resources in compiling his own works. Two of these, the Tabaqiit and the Kitdb Akhbar al-Nabi, are mentioned by Ibn al-Nadim;"? while a third, a smaller edition of the Tabaqdt, is mentioned by al-Nawawi'? and others, but is not known to exist today.

Ibn Sa'd's Kitdb Akhbiir al-Nabi constitutes only one part of the Tabaqdt. '; was compiled and completed by the author, but was handed down to posterity by his student, al-Harith ibn Muhammad ibn Abi Usama (186-' 282/802-896).

The Tabaqdt was completely planned and compiled by Ibn Sa'd, but was not completed by him. He appears, however, to have read whatever he had written of this book to his student Husayn ibn Fahm (211-289/826-901), who is reported to have been a keen student of traditions and of the biographies of the narrators.!' Ibn Fahm completed the book according to the plan of its author, added to it his short biographical notice as well as notices of certain other narrators whose names had already been included by the author in the general plan of his work, and read it to his own students.

Both of these two books of Ibn Sa'd were received from his two students by some of their common disciples. One of these, Ahmad ibn Ma'riif al-Khashshab (d.322.1933) combined them into one book of enormous dimensions,32 and read it out to his students. One of these students, Abu 'Urnar Ahmad ibn 'Abbas (generally known as Ibn Hayawayh, 295-382.1 9°7-992) who is celebrated for his interest in the works on the early history

I AJ-SI .

98 THE B lOG RAP HIe A L DIe T ION A R I £ s of Islam and for the preservation of the early historical and biographical works of the Arabs, edited the whole work without making any change in its text.H His student, al-jawhari (363-454/973-1062), handed it down to posterity. Through him are traced back to the author all the extant manuscripts of this great work. All these manuscripts preserve the author's original arrangement of the contents. On the basis of all the various known manuscripts of Ibn Hayawayh's edition, the great Book of Classes Was edited by an enthusiastic band of German scholars, and was published by the Prussian Academy of Sciences.w

In this printed edition, despite various lacunae, we find a detailed biog_ raphy of the Prophet, and biographical notices for about 4,300 narrators of the various generations down to 238/852, as follows:

Vol I part i (ed. E. Mittwoch). Genealogy of the Prophet, and his biography down to his migration to Medina.

Vol I part ii (ed. E. Mittwoch and E. Sachau, 1917). Biography of the Prophet after the biira, and various related topics.

Vol II part i U. Horovitz, 1909). The Prophet's campaigns.

Vol II part ii U. Schwally, 1912). Sickness and death of the Prophet. Elegies written on his death by various poets. Biographies of the jurists and Qur'an readers who lived in Medina during the Prophetic period, and just after his death.

Vol III part i (ed. E. Sachau, 19°4). Biographies of the Muhajirnn who took part in the Battle of Badr.

Vol III partii (ed.J. Horovitz, 1904). As I1Vi above.

Vol N part i (ed.J. Lippert, 1906). Biographies of early converts who did not take part at Badr, but had migrated to Abyssinia, and later took part in the Battle of Uhud.

Vol N part ii (ed. J. Lippert, 1908). Biographies of other Companions who converted to Islam before the conquest of Mecca.

Vol V (Ed. K.V. Zettersreen, 1905). Biographies of the Tiibiiin (Successors) who lived at Medina."

Vol VI (Ed. K.V. Zettersteen, 1909). Biographies of the Companions, and other jurists and traditionists, who settled and lived at Kufa,

.....

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Vol VII part i (ed. B. Meissner, 1918). Biographies of the Companions and other jurists and traditionists who lived at Basra,

Vol VII part ii (ed. E. Sachau, 1918). Biographies of the Companions and other jurists and traditionists of Basra, Baghdad, Syria, Egypt; North Africa, etc.

Vol vm (ed. C. Brockelmann, 1904). Biographies of the women narrators, including the Companions and the Successors.

VollX/i (E. Sachau, 1921). Index of personal names which are the subject of notices.

VollX/ii (E. Sachau, 1928). Index of places, tribes, Qur'anic verses, haditb, and poetry.

Vol IX/iii (E. Sachau, 1940). Index of all personal names.

No precise plan has been followed within all the articles of the work.

However, those on the Companions are long, and generally contain their genealogy both on the paternal and maternal side, the names of their wiveslhusbands and children, the time of their conversion to Islam, the part taken by them in the important events of the Prophet's career, the dates of their death, and other matters connected with their habits and lives which the traditionists considered to be of importance. Of course, the reader is very often disappointed with regard to important biographical details which he may naturally expect. But at the same time, he often comes across important historical insights which he may not have anticipated. All these details, however, are entirely wanting in the articles on the later narrators, which do not exceed one or two sentences. Many of them are completely blank, from which fact it has rightly been inferred that these parts were meant by Ibn Sa'd to serve as notes to be developed at some later date, although he died before completing the work.

As Sachau remarks, Ibn Sa'd shows impartiality and honesty, thoroughness, minuteness, objectivity and originaliry.t" Just as despite his status as a maw/a of the Hashimites he took no part in their political activism, so in his articles on the various figures of Islam he gave no expression to his personal relation to or prejudice for or against anyone, and merely recorded in a simple style all he knew and considered important about them. His thorOUghness is abundantly shown by his constant reference to the various versions of an event as well as to the differences among his authorities. His Objectivity is illustrated by the absence of irrelevant material, while his

1')0

THE BiOGRAPHICAL DiCTIONARIES

originality is displayed in his sul- classitication of the narrators according to the various provinces in which they dwelt, and the general citing of the isncd. of the various versions of an event before describing them, and their entlt, omission in -on:c l'h"L'S. i" Sachau compares him to Plutarch-the main difference (other than length) being dw to the fact that Plutarch formed the last link in a long chain of bi:)I.~r3rhers whose contributions to the art he had inherited, whereas jrl~l Sa'd had been one of the pioneers in the field.

Be this as it may, the Tabaqdt oi Ibn Sa'd i-, O'l{' 0f the earliest extant works of asmd' al-riidl, containing biographical data Oil most of the impcnant narrators of the most important period in hadith history. As a rich mine (II many-sided information about early Islamic history, it may be considered not only one of the most important works of its type, but also one of the most significant works in Arabic literature as a whole. Since the beginning of the fourth Muslim century, it has been used as a source by a large number of authors, including al-Baladhuri.t" al- Tabarl,39 al-Kharib al-Baghd.i li, Ibn al-Athir, al-Nawawi.v' and Ibn Hajar.:' ' while the prolific Egyptian scholar al-Suyuti prepared an epitome of it. As a general biographical diction lry of narrators is appears always to have occupied a unique position among works on' asmd' al-riial. Other works of Tabaqdt dealt only with par .icular classes of narrators.

6.IC THE KITAB AL-TARII<H OF AL-BUKHARI

Ibn Sa'd's Tabaqdt was soon followed by works by al-Bukhari, whu claimed to possess at least some biographical information about every narrator of traditions. He compiled three books on the history of narrators. The largest of these, al- Tarlkh al-Kabir (The Great History), is said to have contained the biographical notices of more than forty thousand narrators. No com· plete manuscript, however, is known to exist. Only various parts oi it are preserved in certain libraries, and on the basis of these the Da'irat al-Ma'arif press at Hyderabad prepared and published the standard text of the book (1361-62).4"

6.Id Al-JARl;l WA'l-TAcDIL OF IBN ABI l;lATIM Al-RAzl This author (d.327/939) followed the example of Bukhari's a/-Tarlkh al-Kabir in including all the narrators known to him, together with such significant information as he could acquire concerning their capacities in baditb, followed by his own verdict on each individual. Although ordered

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101

alphabefcally (by first lcuci only), Companions are found first under each letter. For each figure the author provides the father's name, the kunya, and his tribal or locarional name (nisba), his best-known teachers and pupils, the citie:> whc re he lived, some of his written works, and, where possible, the date of hi> death. The work has been printed in eight volumes in Hyderabad (136)-n), to zether with it:. important methodological introduction, known as Taqdimat al-Ma'rifa.43

6.2 BIOGRAPHICAL DICTIONARIES OF PARTICULAR

CLASSES OF NARRATORS

Alm,)st simultaneously with the general biographical dictionaries of narrators, there began the compilation of those of particular categories of them. The most important of these are: (a) those containing the biographies of the Companions; (b) those containing the biographies of the narrators who lived in or visited any particular town or province; and (c) those containing the biographies of the narrators who belonged to individual schools of law.

6.2a BIOGRAPHICAL DICTIONARIES OF COMPANIONS

These constitute the vital core of the asmd' literature. It appears however, that no independent book of this type was written before the third century, when al-Bukhari compiled a work+' which must for the most part have been based on the Siral Maghiizi literature, the numerous monographs relating to important events in early Muslim history,traditions containing information about Companions, and the earlier, more general works on asmd'.

Bukhari was followed by a great number of authors. These included Abu Ya'la Ahmad ibn 'Ali (201/816-~o7/9I9), Abu'I-Qasim 'Abd Allah alBaghawi (2I3/828-317/929), Abu Hafs 'Umar ibn Ahmad (known as Ibn Shahin, 297/90~-38S199S),4' Abu 'Abd Allah Muhammad ibn Yal}ya ibn Manda (d.301/913),46 Abu Ni.'aym Ahmad ibn 'Abd Allah (3361947-4031 I0I2),47 Ibn 'Abd aI-Barr (3681978-463/r070) (of Cordoba and Lisbon, the greatest traditionist of his time in the WI- t),48 Abu Miisa Muhammad ibn

AbiBakr (501/1 107-581/1185), and many others. -

On the basis of the works of Ibn Manda, Abu Nu'aym, Abu Musa and Ibn 'Abd ai-Barr, the historian and traditionist 'Izz al-Din Ibn al-Athir (5551 1160-630/1 2~<)), compiled his Usd al-Ghdba, a dictionary of Companions in which the sources are compared and used with discrimination.t? In his introduction, Ibn al-Athir define- the term sahdbi; provides a short sketch of the life of the Prophet, and then sets out in alphabetical order the biographies

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THE BIOGRAPHICAL DICTIONARIES

of 7,554 Companions. In each article, he tries to give the Companion's name, kunya, genealogy, and certain biographical facts. When he differs from his predecessors, he discusses the matter at length, gives reasons for his position, and explains the reasons for his predecessors' mistakes. Despite its many repetitions, the Usd is widely appreciated as a solid authority on the subject, and has been summarised by several 'ulamd'; including al-Nawawj, al-Dhahabi, and al-Suyuti.!?

Ibn al-Arhir's work was followed in the ninth century of the hiira by a more comprehensive work, al-lsdba fi tamyiz al-Sabdba, by Shihab ai-Din Abu'I-Fa~1 ibn 'Ali ibn Hajar al-'Asqalani (77311371-85211448))' Born in Old Cairo, he lost both parents when still an infant, and was brought up by one of his relatives, who worked as a merchant. Despite great disadvantages, the orphan excelled in his studies, and soon acquired a knowledge of history, Sufism, doctrine, and tafsir, devoting particular attention to baditb, For ten years he sat at the feet of the great traditionist Zayn al-Din al-Traq] (7251I 351-806/14°4), who had reintroduced the old system of imld' (dictation) of badiths.": Ibn Hajar in time served as professor at a number of educational institutions, and worked as a judge--a post he accepted after refusing it several times.

He left behind him some 150 books, some of which are incomplete. The Fath al-Bari, a great commentary on ~al?iI? al-Bukbdri, is sometimes described as the work by which the Muslims scholars repaid the accumulated debt they owed to Imam Bukhari, In his lsiiba, Ibn Hajar assembles the results of the labours of all his distinguished predecessors in the field of biographies of the Companions, criticising them in certain cases, and adding to them the results of his own research. He divides his book into four parts, including 12,267 people, of whom 1,522 were women: 53

Part I. Persons directly or indirectly cited as Companions in any tradition, sound, good or weak.

Part II. Persons still young when the Prophet died, but who were born during his lifetime in the family of a Companion, who may hence be considered Companions themselves.

Part Ill. Persons known to have lived both before and after the advent of Islam, but who are not known ever to have met the Prophet. These are not classified as Companions, but are included because they were their contemporaries.

Part IV. Persons wrongly cited as Companions in other dictionaries.

I i

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103

6.2b BIOGRAPHICAL DICTIONARIES OF THE NARRATORS OF A TOWN OR PROVINCE

Another sizeable genre of biographical dictionaries of hadith narrators consists of works written according to places or provinces where they lived or which they visited.r+ Not only almost all the provinces, but almost every important town, had several biographers who collected the lives of every important traditionist or literary figure who was associated with it. Mecca, Medina, Basra, Kufa, Wasi!, Damascus, Antioch, Alexandria, Qayrawan, Cordoba, Mawsil, Aleppo, Baghdad, Isfahan, jurjan, Bukhara, Merv, and other places: all had their local historians and biographers of their men of letters. 55

Many of these provincial historians dealt with the political history of their regions. Many others treated the lives of their literary figures. Still others wrote supplements to earlier regional works, bringing them up to date; some works of this type extend into modern times.

6.2C THE HISTORY OF BAGHDAD BY AL-KHATIB AL-BAGHDADI

One of the most important works in this class is al-Khatib al-Baghdadi's Tiirikh Baghdad, which is also the earliest biographical dictionary of literary figures, mainly traditionists, who either belonged to, or delivered lectures in, the great capital. 56

Al-Khatib al-Baghdadi (392/1002-463/1071), whose full name was Abu Bakr Ahmad ibn 'Ali, was the son of a preacher in a village near Baghdad. He began the study of hadith at the age of eleven, and in due course travelled to acquire it in Syria, the Hijaz, and Iran, soon becoming an authority on both asma' and haditb. He lectured on these fields in Damascus, Baghdad and elsewhere, until some of his own teachers, recognising his merit, became his pupils. Finally he settled and taught in Baghdad, where his authority on ~adrth was recognised by the caliph al-Qa'im, and his minister Ibn Maslama, who ordered that no preacher should include in his sermon any hadith that Was not approved by al-Khatib al-Baghdadi,

His life in the metropolis was not uneventful. During the revolt of al-Ba~a~lrl (450/1058), when Ibn Maslama was killed, he was forced to leave the city and wander in Syria for several months; and when after the eXecution of the rebel he returned to Baghdad in 45 I, he found himself Persecuted by the Hanbalites on account of his having deserted their

104 THE BIOGRAPHICAL DICTIONARIES teachings and joining the Shafi'ites, which led him to more liberal views towards the Ash'arites and the scholastic theologians. Many treatises against him by Hanbalites are mentioned by tJaji Khalifa. Al-Khatib, however, had been fortunate in having attained all his great hopes, namely, to read out his great History of Baghdad to his students in that city, and to be buried by the side of the great Sufi, Bishr al-Hafi, 57

Al-Kharib compiled fifty-six books and treatises, a list of which is provided by Yaqut,ss The Tlirlkh Baghdad is without question the most important of these. In this monumental work, which he read out to his students in 46I1I068, he gives the topography of Baghdad, al-Rusafa and al-Mada'in (Ctesiphon), and then provides biographies for 7,83 I eminent men and women, mostly hadith specialists, who were either born in the city, or came there from elsewhere and taught. He gives names, kunyas, death dates, and some other biographical details, together with opinions of other important traditionists about their reliability. The book begins with the Companions, followed by those individuals who bore the auspicious name of Muhammad, with the remaining articles being arranged alphabetically. 59 Al-Khatib always tries to give the source of his information, and often adds notes in which he discusses the reliability of the traditions quoted, and of the reports received by him, attempting to discern the facts without partialiry.v' He is regarded as the greatest traditionist of his time in the East, rivalled in the West only by Ibn 'Abd aI-Barr.

Al-Khatib brought his dictionary down to the year 450AH. A number of successors continued the work after him, and their contributions are also of value. Al-Sarn'ani (506/1113-56uIl67), al-Dubaythi (558/I163-6371 1239), Ibn al-Najjar (578/II83-643/1245) and others wrote supplements (sing. dhay~ to his book, including the eminent men and women who had lived in the city until their own times.?'

6.2d THE HISTORY OF DAMASCUS BY IBN cASAKIR

The plan of al-Khatib's work was followed by Ibn 'Asakir in his huge biographical dictionary of the eminent persons of Damascus, in eighty volumes, which continues to earn the admiration of scholars.

Ibn 'Asakir, whose full name was Abu'l-Qasim 'Ali ibn al-Hasan, was born to a respectable and literary family of Damascus in 4991II05. His father, and other members of his family, are all described by al-Subki as traditionists of some eminence. Some of his predecessors seem to have taken part in the campaign against the Crusaders, and from this it appears that his title Ibn 'Asakir ('son of soldiers') is drawn.

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Having studied as a child under his father and other scholars of Damascus, Ibn 'Asakir travelled widely and visited all the important centres of hadith learning, a long list of which is given by al-Subki in his Tabaqdt. He sat at the feet of more than 1,300 teachers of hadith (of whom over eighty were women). At last he returned to settle in Damascus, where he devoted himself to the service of hadith and related fields, compiling books, and delivering lectures in a college founded for him by the great general and jurist Niir aI-Din Muhammad al-Zanji. He died in 571/1175.

His keen intellect, sharp and retentive memory, vast knowledge of traditions, sinceriry and abstemiousness, and his devotion to the science of tradition, were acknowledged by all his contemporaries. A long list of his works is given by Yaqut;'? many of these are still preserved in the world's libraries.

The most important of these is the Tiirtkh Dimashq. Begun relatively early in his career at the urging of a friend, it languished for many years, until Nur al-Din al-Zanji encouraged the author to complete it during his old age.6} In this book, after offering a brief history of Syria in general, and Damascus in particular, and describing the prophets who lie buried there,64 and its famous monasteries, Ibn 'Asakir presents the biographies of the eminent men and women of various categories (mostly hadith experts), who lived in or visited Damascus. The biographical section commences with those whose names are Ahmad, which are introduced by a short biography of the Prophet of Islam. In the arrangement of the remaining articles, alphabetical order is observed. Finally we are given articles on men whose names are not conventionally known according to the alphabetic order of the kunyas, followed by alphabetically-arranged notices on distinguished women.

No complete edition of the History yet exists. It is usually consulted in the abbreviated version of 'Abd al-Qadir Badran, Tahdbib Tiirikh Dimashq (Damascus, 1329), which omits isndds and repetitions.

6.2e OTHER LOCAL COLLECTIONS

Like al-Khatib and Ibn 'Asakir, many other traditionists and historians collected together biographies of men of letters who dwelt in specific towns. The best-known of these dictionaries include:

(i) Tdrikh Wiisit, by Abu'l-Hasan Aslam ibn Sahl Bahshal al-Wasi~i (d.288/90I).65

(ii) Mukhta~ar Tabaqat 'Ulamd' Ifriqiya tea-Tunis. by Abu'I-'Arab Muhammad ibn Ahmad al-Qayrawani (d. 3 3 3/944).66

(iii) Tdrikh al-Raqqa, by Muhammad ibn Sa'id al-Qushayri (d.334/ 945).67

106 THE B lOG RAP HIe A L DIe T ION A R I E s (iv) Akhbar lsfabdn, by Abu Nu'aym Ahmad ibn 'Abd Allah al-I~fahanl (d·4301I039).68

(v) Tdrikh [uridn, by Abu'l-Qasim Harnza ibn Yusuf al-Sahrni (d'42.7i J036).69

Ibn Manda (d·30I/91 I) of Isfahan likewise collected material on his fellowcitizens."? Al-Hakim (321/933-405/1014) compiled a highly-regarded list of narrators of Nisabur, 71 Abu'l-Qasim 'Urnar ibn Ahmad al- 'Uqayl;, generally known as Ibn al-'Adim (588/1191-660/12.62) collected the biographies of eminent persons of Aleppo, in thirty volumes, which was later added to by his successors.?- Abu Sa'id al-Sarn'ani (506/III3-S62/II67J compiled a twenty-volume biographical dictionary mainly dealing with the traditionists of Merv."! The traditionists of Wasi!, of Kiifa, of Basra, of Herar, of Qazwin, and many other towns, found able biographers in Ibn al-Dubaythf> (d.S S81I 1 62.-637iI 239), lbn aJ-Najjar,75}bn Shabba.> (17]1 789-263/876), Ibn al- Bazzaz, 77 and al- Rafi'p8 respectively.

Provinces as well as towns were treated in this way. Ibn al-Fardi, Ibn Bashkuwal, al-Humaydi, and others, are among the more outstanding exponents of this genre.

7

THE DISCIPLINES OF

FORMAL CRITICISM

integral component of the IJadith literature is the genre which escribes and develops the techniques of hadit}: criticism. This traditionally roots itself in the Qur'an itself, which contains clear evidence that information is not to be accepted unless its reporters are demonstrably reliable and its likelihood evident. In verse XLIX, 6, it states: '0 you who believe! If an unrighteous person comes to you with a report, ascertain it carefully!' Similarly, the accusation directed against 'A'isha is denounced by the Qur'an as an evident falsehood' because her character was above all suspicion. The Qur'an similarly rejects as both unreasonable and unfounded the theory of the divine begetting of Jesus."

After the Prophet's death, when people began to try and recall his words, several Companions were critical of some of the reporters, and rejected some of their reports. 'Ali thus refused to accept a lJadlth told by Ma'qil ibn Sinan.? 'Arnrnar ibn Yasir once reported a hadith of the Prophet with regard to the tayammum ablution, in a gathering of the Companions, and 'Umar ibn al-Khartab spoke up and said: 'Fear God!'4-thereby indicating his disagreement with what 'Ammar had reported. The fjalJtl? of Muslim contains a report in which Ibn 'Abbas criticises several judgements of 'All ibn Abi Talib.5 When Mahrnud ibn al-Rabl' reported in an assembly of the Companions that the Prophet had said that no-one who professed that there was no god but God would be Sent to hellfire, Abu Ayyiib al-Ansari remarked that he did not think that the Prophet had ever said such a thing." Many other instances of the criticism of Companion-Narrators by their contemporaries (particularly 'kisha, 'Umar, and Ibn 'Aboas), may be easily discovered in works on qadlth and asmd', These criticisms show that the Companions themselves

I!

I

108

THE DISCIPLINES OF FORMAL CRITICISM

were not above criticism. In fact, according to the principles accepted by most of the Sunni Muslim scholars, no one except a Prophet is infallible (ma'~um); and even Prophets may commit errors in matters which do not concern religion.

The Companions' practice of badith criticism was emulated by people such as Shu'ba ibn al-Hajjaj, Yahya ibn Sa'id al-Qarran, 'All ibn al-Madl-; and Ahmad ibn Hanbal, who laid the groundwork for the science of the principles of hadith criticism. Thus developed two major branches of literature: 'ilm riu/dyat al-haditb, also called mustalah al-hadith (the science of hadith narration, or technical hadith vocabulary), and 'ilm ai-jar" uia'l-tadil (the science of criticism of the reporters). In the present chapter, we will deal with each of these in turn.

7.1 'ILM RIWAYAT AL-J:lADITH

The earliest written work connected with this is the Risdla (Treatise) of Imam al-Shafi'i (150/767-204/820), later regarded as the tounder of the Shafi'i madhhab. It was followed by the works of Abu Muhammad al-Ramhurrnuzi (d. ca. 350/961), al-Hakim (d.403iJ0I2),7 Abu Nu'aym (d.430iI038), and al-Khatib al-Baghdadi (463-1071), who systematised the material outlined by his predecessor in his Kitdb al-Kifdya. 8 He was followed by al-Qadi 'Iyad (d.544iI 149), author of al-llmd :? After them, Ibn al-Salah (d.64 3/1245) compiled his Kitdb 'Ulum al-Hadith, in which he added his own observations to the material gathered by earlier aurhors.!" Other scholars to have written on the field include Ibn Karhir (d.774-1372), Zayn al-Din al-Traqi, and others." (Traqi's thousand-line poem, al-Alfiya, which deals with mustalah al-haditb, is often memorised today, and studied with the commentary of al-Sakhawi, the Path al-Mughith).12. There is also Suyuti's Tadrib al-Rawi,13 an exhaustive commentary on the Taqrib of al-Nawawi, and the commentary of al-Zurqani (d.r 12211710) on alBayqiini's didactic poem on hadith criticism.

Al-Shafi'i, followed by others, defined the qualifications necessary for a

transmitter of haditb as follows:

The transmitter must be of firm faith, and well-known for his truthfulness in what he reports. He should understand its content, and should know well how the change in expression affects the ideas expressed therein. He should report verbatim what he learnt from his teachers, and not narrate in his own words the sense of what he had learnt. He must possess a retentive memory, and should remember his book well, if he reports from it. He

11m al-Jarl;1 wa'l-Ta'dll should be free of making a report on the authority of those whom

he met of something he did not learn from them. His report must stand in agreement with what has been reported by those who are recognised to have' memories of quality, if they also have

•

transmitted these reports. 14

Shafi'i is here articulating the view of all the main hadith authorities, jurists as well as traditionists, to the effect that a transmitter, in order to be acceptable, must be of firm faith, mature age and proven integrity, and po~~ess a good memory. He must be well-versed in the method of learning, preserving and transmitting the traditions. He must also be thoroughly conversant with the names, careers and characters of the earlier reporters of traditions, as well as with their various classes, and their weaknesses and special characteristics. According to most writers, traditions are to be divided into three main classes, on the basis of their reliability on account of the quality of isndd, the nature of the matn, and their acceptance or rejection by the Companions, the Followers and the Successors.

These three classes are: (i) ~a~i~, or 'sound'; (ii) Hasan, or 'fair'; and (iii) Qa'i(, or 'weaj(;.15 ]be latter class is further subdivided according to the extent of the deficiency of its reporters, or in the texts of the reports themselves. Subcategories include: the muallaq ('suspended'), the maqtic ('interrupted'), th'f: munqati ('broken'), the mursal ('incomplete'),16 the mu~a~~af(containing a mistake either in the isndd or the matn), the shiidhdb ('rare': a tradition with a reliable isndd but whose matn is contrary to another similarly attested tradition), the maw4i£ (,forged'), and so on. These and other categories of haditb are explained in great detail in the works on usul al-haditb. But the authorities on the subject differ from one another in their interpretation of some of these technical terms. Such differences are analysed in the abovementioned works of Sakhawi and Suyiiti.

The writers on 'uliim al-hadith also describe the methods of learning, preserving, teaching, and writing down the traditions in book form. They have also described methods of collating manuscripts with their original copies, as well as other philological and technical issues.

109

7.2 'ILM AL-JARl;I WA'L-TA'DIL

This, the 'science of criticising the reporters of haditb', forms an important sub-discipline of the field of asmd', which has been more generally dealt with on PP.91-I06 above. A short but complete description of its origins and evolution may be found in the work of al-jaza'iri, 17

•

110

THE DISCIPLINES OF FORMAL CRITICIS~

A further categorisation of hadiths distinguishes (i) those that have been narrated by aU their transmitters verbatim, and (ii) those traditions the contents of which have been reported by their transmitters in their OWn words.

Another, and important, subdivision of traditions relates to the parallel authentication of isniids during the first three generations. Three such types are identified: mutau/dtir, mashhiir, and ii/Jiid.

A Mutawatir tradition is one which has been 'transmitted throughout the first three generations of Muslims by such a large number of narrators that the possibility of fabrication must be entirely discarded. 1 8 Opinions differ on the number of transmitters necessary for taiodtur to be attained during each of the three generations: some authorities fix it at seven, some at forty, some at seventy, 19 and others at still higher nurnbers.t? Very few of the traditions received by us belong to this category. They have been collected by several scholars, including al-Suyiiri, in his al-Azbdr al-Mutandthira fi'I-Akhhar al-Mutawatira,2.1 and al-Zabidi, in his al-Durar al-Mutaniithira fi'I-A/Jadith al-Mutaiodtira.":

A Mashhur badith is one which, although transmitted originally in the first generation by two, three or four transmitters, was later transmitted, on their authority, by a large number in the subsequent two generations.t> To this class, sometimes also known as al-mustafid, belong a large number of traditions which are included in all the collections of badiths and constitute the main foundations of Islamic law.

The A/Jiid are traditions which were transmitted during the first three generations of Muslims by one (or two, three or four) narrators only.v'

7.3 THE LEGAL SIGNIFICANCE OF TRADITIONS

The legal importance of these three degrees of haditbs are abundantly discussed in the works of Islamic jurisprudence (U?ul al-fiqh). The first two classes are recognised by all the important Sunni jurists as the second source of Islamic law, after the Qur'an. The a/Jad (also known as khabar al-wa/Jid) are accepted as taking precedence over qiyds (analogical induction) by all Sunni schools with the exception of that of Imam Malik, who gives priority to qiyds.

Acceptance of haditb as a source of Islamic law is advocated in the Qur'an: 'Whatever the Messenger gives you, take; and whatever he forbids, abstain from.'2.5 The Prophet also emphasised the authoritative status of the /Jadlth;-6 and his policy of using knowledge of haditb as a criterion when appointing government officers was followed by his immediate successors.

The Legal Significance of Traditions

III

According to al-Darimi, whenever any legal case came before Abu Bakr, he looked into the Qur'an, and decided the case on its basis. If he found no ayplicable judgement in the Qur'an he referred to the usage of the Prophet. If he failed to find it there, he asked the other Companions, and if they informed him of any decision of the Prophet in the matter, he thanked God and decided the case accordingly. But if the Companions were unable to cite any Prophetic precedent, he gathered the leaders of the people; and after they arrived at an agreed decision, he judged accordingly.t?

1bis was also the practice of 'Urnar. Confronted with a legal case in which a woman had miscarried following an attack from another woman, he asked an assembly of the Companions to relate to him any badith which might furnish guidance on the subject. AI-Mughira ibn Shu'ba was able to do this; but 'Umar asked him to produce a witness to support his narration. Muhammad ibn Maslama stepped forwards and concurred that the hadith was genuine; and 'Umar thus accepted the haditb, and gave his judgement on the case." A large number of similar cases are mentioned in the badith works, which relate to controversies as diverse as the fixing of the number of takbirs in the [andza prayer, the levying. of the jizya tax on Zoroastrians;"? and the use of tayammum in cases of night pollution.t? In all these cases, baditbs were sought and laws were established on their authority.

Cases also arose which were decided by the Companions according to their own opinion (ra'y), on account of the absence of any haditbs on the subject.> ' They did, of course, amend their decisions whenever a haditb came to light. There are cases reponed in which Companions such as Abu'l-Darda' and Abu Sa'id al-Khudri migrated from a place because some of the people living there preferred their own opinions to the traditions which were related to them.V

There were, however, cases in which 'Umar and some other Companions, on being told of a badith on any given subject, did not follow it, and gave their judgement against its obvious sense and according to their own views (ra'y). During the caliphate of 'Umar, for instance, there arose the important problem of the right to the fifth-pan of booty for the relatives of the Prophet. The Prophet's practice was in favour of this. It was discussed for several days in an assembly of the Companions, and after a long discussion 'Urnar decided against the recorded practice of the Prophet.t? Several other cases of this type are recorded in the hadith works. A close scrutiny, however, of all these cases shows that the hadith of the Prophet was not rejected tout court; it was either differently interpreted in the light of circumstances and other ~adiths, or the memory and understanding of those who reponed it were the SUbject of doubt among those present.

•

II2 THE DISCIPLINES OF FORMAL CRITICIS~

A related issue, that of the basic nature and character of the Propheti words and example, is also investigated by the scholars, many of whom hol~ that every one of his actions and words is of a religiously significant character, and must be literally followed by every Muslim. Others draw a distinction between what he said or did as a Prophet, and what he said and did as an 'ordinary mortal', the latter having, according to them, no sacred character and hence no consequent duty of obedience. The Prophet himself had said: 'I am a human being. When I command you to do anything concerning your religion, then accept it; while when I command you to do anything on account of my personal opinion, then you should know that I am also a human being;'H i.e., that the latter recommendation mayor may not be regarded as a model. These personal actions and preferences of the Prophet are also divided into two classes: firstly, matters restricted to him alone on account of his position as a prophet (such as certain additional prayers at night); and secondly, those which are applicable to the Muslim community as a whole.

All the orthodox jurists, however, hold that every tradition of the Prophet which is proved to be reliable according to their canons, and is of a religious character, is of a legislative weight second only to the Qur'an itself.35 On this point there is no dispute between the rradirionists and those early jurists, particularly of Iraq, who were known as ahl al-ra'y (the scholars who placed some reliance on independant Judgement). All important jurists of the first three generations preferred traditions to qiyds; there were even some who refused to express their own opinion on legal matters in cases in which no tradition was known to them.36 The practices followed by the Companions were also accepted as a legal authority by the Muslims of the following two generations because they reasonably presumed that they must have been based on the traditions and practices of the Prophet, which had informed the lives of those who were by his side. This view dictated the legal position of Imam Malik, who accepted the practices of the Companions, and by extension the inhabitants of the Prophetic city, as a pre-eminent legal authority.

The jurists did, however, differ among themselves over the legal significance of those traditions on the reliability of which they were uncertain, particularly the iilJiid. Imam Abu Hanifa and Imam Malik did not consider alllJadiths of this class as superior to qiyds. Imam Malik preferred qiyiis to all iilJiid traditions which were not backed by the practices of the Companions and the Followers. Imam Abu Hanifa accepted some of them, and rejected others, on the basis of his own criteria; following in this the practice of 'Umar ibn al-Khajtab.t" He accepted them in connection with ordinary

Techniques of Matn Analysis and Criticism 113 matters, if he was satisfied about the legal acumen and instinct of the reporter; while in cases of intricate legal problems he rejected them unless they were supported by circumstantial evidence and fundamental Islamic princi?les. Imam al-Shafi'I, however, p~efer~e~ t~e al?iid trad.i~ons over qiyiis In every case. He endeavours to JUStify this In his works by cmng a large number of haditb« in which the reports of single individuals were accepted by th~ Prophet himself, and; after him, by many of the Companions. It is thus evident that the difference of opinion between the various orthodox schools of Islamic law does not relate to the acceptance of hadith in general, but to a particular class of itY

7.4 TECHNIQUES OF MATN ANALYSIS AND CRITICISM Much of the attention of the traditional hadith scholar focuses on the chain of authorities (isnad) by which it is attested. He or she will also, however, pay attention to the transmitted text (matn) itself.!? The mere formal soundness of an isndd is not considered definitive proof of the actual genuineness of the text of the traditions to which they are attached. According to the tradirionists, even if the isndd is completely without fault, the text should still be analysed before the genuiness of its attribution can be established. According to a well-known principle: 'If you encounter a badith contrary to reason, or to what has been established as correctly reported, or against the accepted principles, then you should know that it is forged. '40 Abu Bakr ibn al- Tayyib is reported to have remarked that it is a proof of the forged character of a tradition that it be against reason or common experience; or that it conflict with the explicit text of the Qur'an and the Mutawatir tradition, or the consensus (ijma'"); or that it contains the report of an important event taking place in the presence of a large number of people (when it is related by a single individual); or that it lays down severe punishment for minor faults, or promises high rewards for insignificant good deeds+' Al-Hakim gives several examples of forged and weak hadiths having sound isndds:":

A1-Suyiip remarks that such baditbs are encountered frequently." In fact, the only sure guidance in the determination of the genuineness of a tradition is, as remarked by Ibn al-Mahdi and Abu Zar'a, a faculty that a traditionist deVelops through a long, continuous study of the hadiths, and as a result of continuous discussion of them with other scholars.v' All such research, of course, must be reconciled with a historical awareness of the circumstances (asbab al-iourud; in which a given Tradition was generated, for many ~adtths were relevant only to the early period of the Prophet's ministry, and Were later abrogated by other teachings." 5

I AJ -91

II4 THE DISCIPLINES OF FORMAL CRITICIS~

On the basis of the above mentioned understanding, the following general principles for the criticism of the texts of the traditions have been laid down:

(a) A tradition must nut be contrary to the other traditions which have already been accepted by the authorities on the subject as authentic and reliable.s" Nor should it contradict the text of the Qur'an.s? a MutaWatir baditb, the absolute consensus of the community (i;mii' qa(i), or the accepted basic principles of Islam.s"

(b) A tradition should not be against the dictates of reason, the laws of nature, or common experience. 49

(c) Traditions establishing a disproportionately high reward for insignificant good deeds, or disproportionately severe punishments for ordinary sins, must be rejected.5°

(d) Traditions describing the excellent properties of certain sections of the Qur'an may not be authentic.

(e) Traditions mentioning the superior virtue of persons, tribes, and particular places should be generally rejected. 51

(f) Traditions which contain detailed prophecies of future events, equipped with dates, should be rejected. 52-

(g) Traditions containing such remarks of the Prophet as may not be a part of his prophetic vocation, or such expressions as are clearly unsuitable for him, should be rejected.v

(h) A matn should not violate the basic rules of Arabic grammar and style. 54

It is on account of these principles that a large number of traditions which are included in some 'sound' hadith collections have been rejected by the compilers of the standard collections of Tradition. Much material of this type has been identified and included in special anthologies of weak or forged traditions, like those of Ibn al-jawzi.t! Mulla (All al-Qari,56 al-Shawkani.t? and others.58 Shawkani's collection is perhaps the most judicious, drawing on the researches of earlier writers, and giving the names of the baditb works in which the badiths in question are to be found. Moreover, in many cases, he has identified the narrators who were responsible for the forgeries.

Even in the standard collections of hadith, despite the great care of their compilers, a few weak or forged traditions may still be encountered, These are discussed by the commentators on these works. Some examples of this follow:

Techniques of Matn Analysis and Criticism

lIS

(a) The haditb, reported by al-Bukhari, to the effect that Adam's height was sixty cubits, has been criticised by Ibn Hajar on the basis of archaeological measurements of the homesteads of some ancient peoples, which show that their inhabitants were not of an abnormal height. 59

(b) The hadith, also reported by al-Bukhari that the verse of the Qur'an (XLIX, 9) which runs: 'And if two parties of the believers fall to fighting, then make peace between them' refers to the conflict between the sincere Companions and the followers of 'Abd Allah ibn Ubayy, has been criticised by Ibn Banal, who points out that the verse refers to a quarrel between two groupS of Muslims, whereas Ibn Ubayy had not accepted Islam even outwardly at the time the verse was revealed.r?

(c) The hadith that if the Prophet's son Ibrahim had lived, he would have been a prophet, has been severely criticised by al-Nawawi, Ibn 'Abd ai-Barr and Ibn al-Athir; while al-Shawkani has included it on his list of forged traditions."

(d) The hadiths reported by Ibn Maja on the excellence of his home city Qazwin have been declared forged by the traditionists.

(e) The traditions narrated by some traditionists to the effect that 'he who loves, keeps chaste, and dies, dies as a martyr', is declared by Ibn al-Qayyim as forged and baseless. He comments that even if the isndd of this hadith were as bright as the sun, it would not cease to be wrong and fictitious/"

(f) The hadith reported by al-Bukhari that Abraham will pray to God on Doomsday, saying '0 Lord, Thou hast promised me that Thou wilt not humiliate me on the Day of Judgement' is criticised and rejected by al-Isma'ili, whose judgement is reported by Ibn J:Iajar.63

(g) Most of the traditions concerning the advent of the Dajjal and the Mahdi towards the end of time, are declared by the traditionists to be spurious, and are included in the mawtjii'iit works .

..

Such, then, are the broad outlines of the Muslim science of badith criticism. Without question one of the most sophisticated scholarly enterprises ever undertaken, it remains today an essential underpinning for the religion of Islam, and the lives of those who try to live by it. Taught in the ancient universities of the Muslim world, such as al-Azhar in Cairo, al-Qarawiyyin in Fez, and Deoband in India, it continues to be a lively and popular academic field. And with the arrival of the contemporary Islamic awakening, which has been accompanied by a sizeable increase in the number of texts made available, both ancient and modem, it seems likely to playa central

II6

THE DISCIPLINES OF FORMAL CRITICISM

role in the elaboration of the legal codes of the modern Islamic world, as the Muslims move away from the European legal systems bequeathed by the former colonial powers, and seek.to develop a code which allows them to live in the modern world while remaining faithful to their own distinctive

and sacred identity. .

APPENDIX I

WOMEN SCHOLARS OF lfADITH

HIS TOR Y records few scholarly enterprises, at least before modem times, in which women have played an important and active role side by side with men. The science of hadith forms an outstanding exception in this respect. Islam, a religion which (unlike Christianity) refused to attribute gender to the Godhead, I and never appointed a male priestly elite to serve as an intermediary between creature and Creator, started life with the assurance that while men and women are equipped by nature for complementary rather than identical roles, no spiritual superiority inheres in the masculine principle.' As a result, the Muslim community was happy to entrust matters of the greatest religious responsibility to women, who, as 'sisters to men', were of equal worth in God's sight. Only this can explain why, uniquely among the classical Western religions, Islam produced a large number of outstanding female scholars, on whose testimony and sound judgement much of the edifice of Islam depends.

Since Islam's earliest days, women had been taking a prominent part in the preservation and cultivation of hadith, and this function continued down the centuries. At every period in Muslim history, there lived numerous eminent women-traditionists, treated by their brethren with reverence and respect. Biographical notices on very large numbers of them are to be found in the

biographical dictionaries. ."

During the lifetime of the Prophet, many women had been not only the instance for the evolution of many traditions, but had also been their transmitters to their sisters and brethren in faith.' After the Prophet'S death, many women Companions, particularly his wives, were looked upon as vital custodians of knowledge, and were approached for instruction by the other Companions, to whom they readily dispensed the rich store which they had gathered in the Prophet's company. The names of Hafsa, Umm Habiba, Mayrniina, Umm Salama, and 'A'isha, are familiar to every student of haditb as being among its earliest and most distinguished transmitters+ In particular, 'A'isha is one of the most important figures in the whole history of lJadith

b

1I8 APPENDIX I literature---not only as one of the earliest reporters of the largest number of haditb, but also as one of their most careful interpreters.

In the period of the Successors, too, women held important positions as traditionists. Hafsa, the daughter of Ibn Sirin,' Umm al-Darda' the Younger (d.8I/700), and 'Amra bint 'Abd al-Rahrnan, are only a few of the key women traditionists of this period. Umm al-Darda' was held by Iyas ibn Mu'awiya, an important traditionist of the time and a judge of undisputed ability and merit, to be superior to all the other traditionists of the period, including the celebrated masters of hadith like al-Hasan al-Basri and Ibn Sirin." 'Amra was considered a great authority on traditions related by 'A'isha. Among her students, Abu Bakr ibn Hazrn, the celebrated judge of Medina, was ordered by the caliph 'Umar ibn 'Abd al- 'Aziz to write down all the traditions known on her authority. 7

After them, 'Abida al-Madaniyya, 'Abda bint Bishr, Umm 'Umar alThaqafiyya, Zaynab the granddaughter of 'Ali ibn 'Abd Allah ibn 'Abbas, Nafisa bint al-Hasan ibn Ziyad, Khadija Umm Muhammad, 'Abda bint 'Abd al-Rahrnan, and many other members of the fair sex excelled in delivering public lectures on hadith. These devout women came from the most diverse backgrounds, indicating that neither class nor gender were obstacles to rising through the ranks of Islamic scholarship. For example, cAb ida, who started life as a slave owned by Muhammad ibn Yazid, learnt a large number of hadith« with the teachers in Medina. She was given by her master to Habib Dahhiin, the great traditionist of Spain, when he visited the holy city on his way to the Hajj. Dahhun was so impressed by her learning that he freed her, married her, and brought her to Andalusia. It is said that she related ten thousand traditions on the authority of her Medinan teachers. 8

Zaynab bint Sulayman (d.I4U759), by contrast, was a princess by birth.

Her father was a cousin of al-Saffah, the founder of the Abbasid dynasty, and had been a governor of Basra, Oman and Bahrayn during the caliphate of al-Mansur.? Zaynab, who received a fine education, acquired a mastery of hadith, gained a reputation as one of the most distinguished womentraditionists of the time, and counted many important men among her pupils."?

This partnership of women with men in the cultivation of the Prophetic Tradition continued in the period when the great anthologies of hadith were compiled. A survey of the texts reveals that all the important compilers of traditions from the earliest period received many of them from women shuyiikh: every major hadith collection gives the names of many women as the immediate authorities of the author. And when these works had been

Women Scholars of Hadith

II9

compiled, the women traditionists themselves mastered them, and delivered lectures to large classes of pupils, to whom they would issue their own ijiizas.

In the fourth century, we find Fatima bint 'Abd al-Rahman (d.312l924), known as al-Sufiyya on account of her great piety; Fatima (granddaughter of Abu Daud of Sunan fame); Amat al-Wahid (d.377/987), the daughter of the distinguished jurist al-Muhamili; Umm al-Fath Amat al-Salarn (d.390/999), the daughter of the judge Abu Bakr Ahmad (d.350/96I); Jumu'a bint Ahmad, and many other women, whose classes were always well-attended by reverential audiences. ' ,

The Islamic tradition of female badith scholarship continued in the fifth and sixth centuries of the hijra. Fatima bint al-Hasan ibn 'Ali ibn al-Daqqaq (d.48o/Io87), who married the famous mystic and traditionist Abu'l-Qasim al-Qushayri, was celebrated not only for her piety and her mastery of calligraphy, but also for her knowledge of hadith and the quality of the isndds she knew." Even more distinguished was Karima al-Marwaziyya (d.463IIo70), who was considered the best authority on the ~a"i1? of al-Bukhari in her time. Abu Dharr of Herar, one of the leading scholars of the period, attached such great importance to her authority that he advised his students to study the -5alJtlJ under no one else, because of the quality of her scholarship. She thus figures as a central point in the transmission of this seminal text of Islam.'3 'As a matter of fact,' writes Goldziher, 'her name occurs with extraordinary frequency in the ijdzas for narrating the text of this book."? Among her students were al-Khatib al-Baghdadi'" and al-Humaydi (428/I036-488ho95).,6

Aside from Karima, a number of other women traditionists 'occupy an eminent place in the history of the transmission of the text of the ~alJtlJ."7 Among these, one might mention in particular Fatima bint Muhammad (d.539/II44); Shuhda 'the Writer' (d.574/1I78), and Sitt al-Wuzara' bint 'Urnar (d.716h316).'8 Farirna narrated the book on the authority of the great rraditionist Sa'id al-Ayyar; and she received from the hadith specialists the proud title of Musnida Isfahan (the great haditb authority of Isfahan), Shuhda was a famous calligrapher and a traditionist of great repute; the biographers describe her as 'the calligrapher, the great authority on lJadlth, and the pride of womanhood'. Her great-grandfather had been a dealer in needles, and thus acquired the soubriquet 'al-Ibri'. But her father, Abu Nasr (d.yoe/r r 12) had acquired a passion for haditb, and managed to study it with several masters of the subject. '9 In obedience to the sunna, he ~ave his daughter a sound academic education, ensuring that she studied under many traditionists of accepted reputation.

She married 'Ali ibn Muhammad, an important figure with some literary

b

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APPENDIX I

interests, who later became a boon companion of the caliph al-Muqtafi, and founded a college and a Sufi lodge, which he endowed most generously. His wife, however, was better-known: she gained her reputation in the field of hadith scholarship, and was noted for the quality of her isndds. 20 Her lectures on ~al?i1? al-Bukhiiri and other baditb collections were attended by large crowds of students; and on account of her great reputation, some people even falsely claimed to have been her disciples. 21

Also known as an authority on Bukhari was Sitt al- Wuzara', who, besides her acclaimed mastery of Islamic law, was knor, as 'the musnida of her time', and delivered lectures on the ~al?i1? and other works in Damascus and Egypt. H Classes on the ~al?i1? were likewise given by Umm al-Khayr Amat al-Khaliq (SI III 40S-9I III 505), who is regarded as the last great hadith scholarofthe Hijaz. 23 Still another authority onJ3ukhartwas 'A'isha bint'Abd al-Hadi.t!

Apart from these women, who seem to have specialised in the great ~al?i1? of Imam al-Bukhari, there were others, whose expertise was centred on other texts. Umm al-Khayr Fatima bint 'All (d.532/II37), and Fatima alShahraziiriyya, delivered lectures on the ~al?i1? of Muslim."! Fatima aljawzdaniyya (d.524III29) narrated to her students the three Mu'jams of al-Tabarani.t" Zaynab of Harran (d.6S8/I289), whose lectures attracted a large crowd of students, taught them the Musnad of Ahmad ibn Hanbal, the largest known collection of hadiths."" Juwayriya bint 'Urnar (d.7831I3Sr), and Zaynab bint Ahmad ibn 'Umar (d. 72211 3 22), who had travelled widely in pursuit of haditb and delivered lectures in Egypt as well as Medina, narrated to her students the collections of al-Darimi and 'Abd ibn Humayd; and we are told that students travelled from far and wide to attend her discourses." Zaynab bint Ahmad (d. 7 40/ 1339), usually known as Bint al- Kamal, acquired 'a camel-load' of diplomas; she delivered lectures on the Musnad of Abu Hanifa, the Shamii'il of al-Tirmidhi, and the Sharb Ma'ant al-Athar of al-T 1Qawt, the last of which she had read with another woman traditionist, 'Ajiba bint Ab, Bakr (d'740/r339).1.9 'On her authority is based,' says Goldziher, 'the authenticity of the Gotha codex ... in the same isndd a large number of learned women are cited who had occupied themselves with this work.P? With her, and various other women, the great traveller Ibn Batnita studied traditions during his stay at Damascus.r' The famous historian of Damascus, Ibn 'Asakir, who tells us that he had studied under more than 1,200 men and 80 women, obtained the ijdza of Zaynab bint 'Abd al-Rahman for the Muu/atta' of Imam Malik.V jalal al-Din al-Suyuti studied the Risdla of Imam al-Shafi'j with Hajar bint Muhamrnad.t! 'Afif al-Din Junayd, a traditionist of the ninth century AH, read the Sunan of al-Darimi with Fatima bint Ahmad ibn Qasirn. 34

Women Scholars of Hadith

121

Other important traditionists included Zaynab bint al-Sha'ri (524-615/ 1129-1218). She studied hadith under several important traditionists, and in tum lectured to many students--some of who gained great repute-including Ibn Khallikan, author of the well-known biographical dictionary Wafayiit al-A'yiin.35 Another was Karima the Syrian (d.641/1 21 8), described by the biographers as the greatest authority on hadith in Syria of her day. She delivered lectures on many works of badith on the authority of numerous reachers.t"

In his work al-Durar al-Kdmina.t? Ibn Hajar gives short biographical notices of about 170 prominent women of the eighth century, most of whom are traditionists, and under many of whom the author himself had srudied.t" Some of these women were acknowledged as the best traditionists of the period. For instance, Juwayriya bint Ahmad, to whom we have already referred, studied a range of works on traditions, under scholars both male and female, who taught at the great colleges of the time, and then proceeded to give famous lectures on the Islamic disciplines. 'Some of my own teachers,' says Ibn Hajar, 'and many of my contemporaries, attended her discourses.' 39 'A'isha bint 'Abd al-Hadi (72.3-816), also mentioned above, who for a considerable time was one of Ibn Hajar's teachers, was considered to be the finest traditionist of her time, and many students undertook long journeys in order to sit at her feet and study the truths of religion."? Sitt al- 'Arab (d.760/I3S8) had been the teacher of the well-known traditionist al-Traqi (d.742.1I341), and of many others who derived a good proportion of their knowledge from her.:" Daqiqa bint Murshid (d. 7461I 34 5), another celebrated woman traditionist, received instruction from a whole range of other women.

Information on women traditionists of the ninth century is given in a work by Muhammad ibn 'Abd al-Rahrnan al-Sakhawi (830-897/1427-1429), called al-Dau/ al-Ldmi', which is a biographical dictionary of eminent persons of the ninth century. 4~ A further source is the Mu'jam al-Shuyukh of 'Abd al-'Aziz ibn 'Umar ibn Fahd (812-871/1409-1466), compiled in 861 AH and devoted to the biographical notices of more than 1,100 of the author's teachers, including over 130 women scholars under whom he had studied.O Some of these women were acclaimed as among the most precise and scholarly traditionists of their time, and trained many of the great scholars of the following generation. Umm Hani Maryam (778-87 III 376- 1466), for instance, learnt the Qur'an by heart when still a child, acquired all the Islamic sciences then being taught, including theology, law, history, and grammar, and then travelled to pursue badith with the best traditionists of her time in Cairo and Mecca. She was also celebrated for her mastery of

122 A P PEN 0 I X I calligraphy, her command of the Arabic language, and her natural aptitude for poetry, as also her strict observance of the duties of religion (she performed the lJajj no fewer than thirteen times). Her son, who became a noted scholar of the tenth century, showed the greatest veneration for her and constantly waited on her towards the end of her life. She pursued a~ intensive programme of lecturing in the great colleges of Cairo, giving ijazas to many scholars. Ibn Fahd himself studied several technical works on hadith under her.v'

Her Syrian contemporary, Bal Khanin (d.864h4S9), having studied traditions with Abu Bakr al-Mizzi and numerous other traditionists, and having secured the ijazas of a large number of masters of hadith, both men and women, delivered lectures on the subject in Syria and Cairo. We are told that she took especial delight in teaching.s ' 'A'isha bint Ibrahim (76olI 35 8- 842/1438), known in academic circles as Ibnat al-Shara'ihi, also studied traditions in Damascus and Cairo (and elsewhere), and delivered lectures which the eminent scholars of the day spared no efforts to attend.r" Umm al-Khayr Sa'ida of Mecca (d.8 soh 446) received instruction in hadith from numerous traditionists in different cities, gaining an equally enviable reputation as a scholar.t?

So far as may be gathered from the sources, the involvement of women in haditb scholarship, and in the Islamic disciplines generally, seems to have declined considerably from the tenth century of the hijra. Books such as al-Nur al-Sdfir of al- 'Aydanis, the Khuldsat al-Akhbiir of al-Muhibbi, and the al-Suhub al- W abila of Muhammad ibn 'Abd Allah (which are biographical dictionaries of eminent persons of the tenth, eleventh and twelfth centuries of the hijra respectively) contain the names of barely a dozen eminent women traditionists. But it would be wrong to conclude from this that after the tenth century, women lost interest in the subject. Some women traditionists, who gained good reputations in the ninth century, lived well into the tenth, and continued their services to the sunna. Asma' bint Kamal al-Din (d.904iI498) wielded great influence with the sultans and their officials, to whom she often made recommendations--which, we are told, they always accepted. She lectured on badith, and trained women in various Islamic sciences.s" 'A'isha bint Muhammad (d.906iI 500), who married the famous judge Muslih al-Din, taught traditions to many students, and was appointed professor at the Salihiyya College in Damascus.t? Fatima hint Yiisuf of Aleppo (870/I46S-92SiISI9), was known as one of the excellent scholars of her time.>" Umm al-Khayr granted an ijdza to a pilgrim at Mecca in the year 93811 53 IY

The last woman traditionist of the first rank who is known to us was

Women Scholars of Hadith 123 fapma al-Fudayliya, also known as al-Shaykha al-Fudayliya. She was born before the end of the twelfth Islamic century, and soon excelled in the art of calligraphy and the various Islamic sciences. She had a special interest in hadith, read a good deal on the subject, received the diplomas of a good ~any scholars, and acquired a reputation as an important traditionist in her own right. Towards the end of her life, she settled at Mecca, where she founded a rich public library. In the Holy City she was attended by many eminent traditionists, who attended her lectures and received certificates from her. Among them, one could mention in particular Shaykh 'Umar al-J:Ianafi and Shaykh Muhammad ?alil;l. She died in 1247/1831.52

Throughout the history of feminine scholarship in Islam it is clear that the women involved did not confine their study to a personal interest in traditions, or to the private coaching of a few individuals, but took their seats as students as well as teachers in public educational institutions, side by side with their brothers in faith. The colophons of many manuscripts show them both as students attending large general classes, and also as teachers, delivering regular courses of lectures. For instance, the certificate on folios 238-40 of the al-Masbikhat rna' al- Takhrij of Ibn al-Bukhari, shows that numerous women attended a regular course of eleven lectures which was delivered before a class consisting of more than five hundred students in the 'Urnar Mosque at Damascus in the year 687h 288. Another certificate, on folio 40 of the same manuscript, shows that many female students, whose names are specified, attended another course of six lectures on the book, which was delivered by Ibn ai-Sayrafi to a class of more than two hundred students at Aleppo in the year 736/ 1336. And on folio 250, we discover that a famous woman traditionist, Umm 'Abd Allah, delivered a course of five lectures on the book to a mixed class of more than fifty students, at Damascus in the year 837/1433.53

Various notes on the manuscript of the Kitab al-Kifaya of al-Khatib al-Baghdadi, and of a collection of various treatises on baditb, show Ni'rna bint 'Ali, Umm Ahmad Zaynab bint al-Makki, and other women traditionists delivering lectures on these two books, sometimes independently, and sometimes jointly with male traditionists, in major colleges such as the 'Aziziyya Madrasa, and the Diya'iyya Madrasa, to regular classes of students. Some of these lectures were attended by Ahmad, son of the famous general ?alab al-Din.v'

APPENDIX II

THE lfADITHS AND

ORIENT ALISM

WE S T ERN scholars have taken an interest in the hadith material for almost two centuries, making a welcome contribution by editing and sometimes translating many of the original Arabic works, and by the diligent preparation of concordances and indices. 1 But while some have accepted the traditional canons of ~adlth criticism as developed by the Muslim scholars themselves, others have offered alternative accounts of the subject." Orienralisrs of this school have raised some fundamental issues with regard to the literature, and attempted to address them according to modern Western canons of literary and historical criticism.

The first scholar to make this attempt was Aloys Sprenger (according to his own claim), who summarised the results of his research into haditb in the introduction to his Das Leben und die Lehre des Muhammad (1869CE). Another nineteenth-century scholar, William Muir, also touched on the subject in his rather hostile and now outclassed biography of the Prophet.

IGNAZ GOLDZIHER

But such attempts were far surpassed in their treatment and criticism by Ignaz Goldziher, an Orientalist who was secretary at the Hebrew Congregation in the Hungarian city of Pees. Goldziher, a brilliant but often choleric man, who studied under the Ottomanist scholar and convert to Islam Arminius Vambery (1832.-1913), spent the year of 1873 travelling in the Middle East, where, sitting with the polite and literate Muslim elite, he seems to have experienced something of a love affair with the Muslim faith. Thanks to 'this year full of honours, full of lustre, full of light', 3 as he later wrote in his diary,

I truly entered into the spirit of Islam to such an extent that

The Hadiths and Orientalism

ultimately I became inwardly convinced that I myself was a Muslim, and judiciously discovered that this was the only religion which, even in its doctrinal and official formulation, can satisfy philosophical minds. My ideal was to elevate Judaism to a similar rational level. 4

Goldziher had seen enough of Islam be convinced of its truth. Yet so total was his conceit, so absolute his academic obsession, that he refused to follow his teacher Vambery into an honest and open declaration of faith; opting instead for this private agenda of reforming the religion which he had inherited. It is perhaps a symptom of the inner pain he experienced from living this kind of reverse hypocrisy, whereby he privately acknowledged the superiority of Islam and yet remained in public a busy synagogue official, that he should have embarked on a policy of attempted demolition of the literary sources of Islam, by borrowing those techniques of academic 'higher criticism' which had already undermined belief in the textual integrity of the Hebrew scriptures. His thesis, that the lJadiths are to a large degree the fraudulent propaganda of rival legal theorists of the early second century, was in many ways a characteristic product of his troubled and instinctively polemical mind."

But despite the attractiveness of this thesis, which, to nineteenth century Europeans, seemed to offer a way of pulling the carpet from beneath Islam," it soon became evident that his theories were at best conjectural, and were lacking in systematic textual evidence. No serious attempt was made to adduce the missing body of proof until the time of Joseph Schacht, half a century later.

Goldziher's main claims, as expounded in the second volume of his Muslim Studies, may be summarised as follows:

I. The hadith literature is largely based on mere oral transmission, which lasted for more than a century; and the extant ~adith collections do not refer to any records of haditbs which may have been made at an earlier period.

2.. The number of hadithe in the later collections is far larger than the number of those contained in the earlier anthologies or the early works on Islamic law. This, it is said, shows that many of the baditbe are of questionable authenticity.

3· The hadith« reported by the, younger Companions are far more numerous than those related by the older Companions.

4. The isndd system was applied, arbitrarily, to baditb not earlier than the close of the first Islamic century, and does not furnish a proof of the genuineness of the tradition to which it is attached.

I

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APPENDIX II

5. Many of the J?adiths contradict each other.

6. Definite evidence exists of the large-scale forgery of the isndd as well as of the texts of haditb«.

7. The Muslim critics confined their criticism of the literature to the isnad alone, and never criticised the texts transmitted.

Many of these controversies have been discussed in detail in Chapters 1,6 and 7 of this book. Here, however, it may be useful to provide a summary point-by-point response:

I. Goldziher has himself recognised that more than a dozen ~a~lfas containing Prophetic hadiths were compiled by the Companions and their Successors. As for the lack of reference to them in the later hadith collections, Sprenger has explained that this is due to the fact that the early traditionists referred to the authors of the books from whom they received them through their own teachers, instead of referring to the books themselves, which were liable to suffer interpolation and forgery." He has demonstrated this with reference to the practice followed by Wiiqidi and Ibn Sa'd, and has also collected a good deal of material on the writing down of hadiths, and the existence of Arabic books during the pre-Islamic and early Islamic periods." The more recent publication of one such early document, the !jal;ifa of Harnmam ibn Munabbih by Dr. Hamidullah, and the identification of its contents with those of part of the Musnad of Ibn Hanbal, with very slight variations, strongly supports the theory of Sprenger. Similarly, Abbott, basing herself on early papyrus documents unknown to Goldziher, surveys the very considerable evidence for extensive written records in the first century, and concludes that 'oral and written transmission went hand in hand almost from the start.'?

2. The increase in the number of baditb« included in the later collections (i.e. of the third century CE) is easily fathomed by anyone conversant with the history of the collection of I?adith. The early compilers did not know as many traditions as were known to their successors. For, simultaneously with the expansion of the Islamic empire, the custodians of the I?adiths travelled widely and settled throughout the new dominions, narrating the hadith» known to them to create a provincial corpus. It was only after students of hadith had travelled through all these countries and collected together the traditions known to the specialists living there, and narrated them to their own disciples, that larger and more complete collections of haditbs could be compiled.'°

The Hadiths and Orientalism

127

3. Some European scholars have envisaged a natural course of events in which those who associated with the Prophet for a long period would have reported more traditions about him than those who only knew him for a short while. This, however, was not the case. The younger generations of Companions reported a far larger number of traditions than their older brethren. From this, certain Orienta lists have concluded, many isndds of the younger Companions were forged. This question, however, has already been raised by the classical lJadlth scholars themselves, who point out that since the older Companions passed away not long after the death of the Prophet, they had less time to pass on all the traditions known to them, whereas the younger Companions, such as 'A'isha, Ibn 'Abbas and Abu Hurayra, lived for a far longer period, and were able to disseminate the haditbs known to them much more extensively. J. Hick has pointed out that this in fact supports the veracity of the traditionists; for if all the isndds had been forged by them, they would have tried to produce isndds from the older Companions in larger numbers. I I

4. As the isniid, its origin, development and importance, have been discussed in chapter 5 of this book, and Robson and Abbott have thoroughly dealt with the pertinent views of Muslim and non-Muslim scholars.P readers are referred to the observations contained in those sources.

5. There is no doubt that a large number of badith« contradict one another. But to conclude from this that most are therefore forged is not a logical inference. For it is a natural thing for the leader of a fast-developing movement to change the instructions he issues to his followers, in order to respond to a changing situation. Hence we find that the Prophet at times issued advice or instruaions which superceded those which he had given earlier. An instance of this is furnished by the presence of contradictory lJadiths concerning the admissibility of recording lJadiths in writing: the earlier baditb« prohibit it, while later hadiths regard it as permissible. In some cases of evident contradiction, the clashes can be resolved by pointing out the different circumstances under which the contradictory instructions were given. In various other cases, contradictions have been explained by isolating ideas common to them which were expressed in various ways at different times. This is not to say, of course, that no hadiths were forged, and that forged haditb« did not conflict with sound ones; in fact, the Muslim scholars have already recognised and analysed this point. 13 But one cannot

128 APPENDIX 1J but be surprised to find that some European scholars have cited ~adtths as evidence of contradictions in the literature, when Muslim scholars have for a thousand years dismissed those very haditbs as spurious, or as cases of

abrogation. -

6. The large-scale forgery of isniids as well as the texts of traditions is a historical fact accepted by all the Muslim scholars, and has been described at length in chapter 3 of this book. The development of an extensive and sophisticated literature on the maw4it at (forged narrations discarded by the traditionists) is sure and sufficient proof of this. Here again, one is surprised to find some European scholars citing these baditbs not only to illustrate the vagaries of the sectarian mind in various periods--a wholly legitimate deduction--but also to prove that the literature as a whole is of questionable reliability .

On other occasions, they have cited hadiths traditionally considered authentic as forged. For instance:

6a. Goldziher '" and (following him) Guillaume'S cite the following

hadith from Tirmidhi:

Jbn 'Umar related that Muhammad ordered all dogs to be killed save sheep-dogs and hounds. Abu Hurayra added the words au zar'in (or field dogs). Whereupon Ibn 'Umar makes the remark that Abu Hurayra owned cultivated land. A better illustration of the underlying motive of some badith can hardly be found.t"

Having produced this haditb, Goldziher says that the remark of Ibn 'Umar proves that even the earliest transmitters were not free from selfish and dishonest motives. The Muslim tradirionisrs, however, have explained Ibn 'Urnar's remark as meaning that Abu Hurayra, being possessed of personal experience of the subject-matter of this baditb, was in a better position to know exactly what its wording was. 17

sb. Goldziher " and (following him) Guillaume'? assert that the I?adlth reported by Bukhari: 'Make journey (for pilgrimage) only to three (mosques)--the Inviolable Mosque, the Mosque of the Prophet, and the Mosque of Jerusalem', was forged by Ibn Shihab al-Zuhri in order to help 'Abd ai-Malik against his rival 'Abd Allah ibn al-Zubayr. J. Flick, however, points out that this assertion is chronologically unsound. Ibn al-Zubayr was killed in 73AH, while al-Zuhri was born in 51., or even later. He therefore would have been too young at the time of Ibn al-Zubayr's death to have

The Hadiths and Orienta/ism 12.9 become a widely-accepted authority on tradition; had the caliph really wished to find a ~adlth propagandist, he would probably have chosen someone more venerable and established. Goldziher's theory is further weakened by the fact that al-Zuhri's authority for this hadith (the famous Sa'id ibn al-Musayyib, who died in 94AH) was still alive, which would have made it hard to misuse his name: a propagandist would have chosen someone safely defunct. Again, al-Zuhri is not the only traditionist who reported this hadith from Sacid.20

6c. One further example should suffice to demonstrate the purely speculative nature of many of Goldziher's assertions. He states that once the fabrication of IJadith had become a common and established practice among the traditionists, they attempted to stop it by forging a ~adith which prohibited the practice. The well-known hadith (in which the Prophet is reported to have said that whoever falsely attributed anything to him would be preparing an abode in Hell), together with a set of similar traditions, was, according to Goldziher, fabricated in order to stop the fabrication process." The badith, however, is rnutau/dtir, having been reported by more than seventy Companions and numerous independant chains of authorities. It is found in different forms in 'all the important IJadlth collections, and has been accepted by all the tradirionists as one of the most reliable and extensivelyattested of all traditions. It is hard to conceive how it could have been concocted verbatim and at the same time by a large number of scholars distributed over several provinces.

Fabrications were made in the name of the prophets who came before Muhammad, of which he was aware, and to which reference is made in the Qur'an; similarly, forged traditions were attributed to Muhammad himself during his lifetime. Under such circumstances, it is hardly surprising that the great leader should have warned his followers against this practice. Goldziher was surely well-acquainted with these facts; yet he persisted in asserting that these ~adlths were forged-without offering any proof. And Guillaume has followed him almost verbatim. U

7. It is true that all the musannaf collections of ~adith are arranged into books and chapters according to subject-matter, and contain a short description of the isndd in technical language, without much analysis being presented of the character of the text. Yet in the very extensive exegetic literature, the commentators do of course subject the texts to a close critique, following the principles which we have given in the last chapter of our book. It appears, however, that the function of the collection and formal isndd

IAJ -101

130

APPENDIX It

criticism of the fJadiths was reserved for the collectors, while the function of their material criticism was left for the jurists and the commentators on the various anthologies.

According to the Muslim critics, the isndd provides good evidence, but not an absolute guarantee of the soundness of a haditb text. If such a text is contrary to reason and common experience, or to the explicit text of the Qur'an, or to the text of a mutausitir tradition, or the ijmif, it is considered to have been forged. Goldziher appears to be unaware of the extensive literature on matn criticism. 13

For more on Goldziher's understanding of hadith; reference should be made to the studies of al-Siba'i24 and al-Khatibr'! the more recent criticisms directed at Schacht are also relevant.

ALFRED GUILLAUME

The Traditions of Islam, published in 1924 by Alfred Guillaume, formerly professor of Arabic at London University, gained some currency for a while as the only English-language critique of traditional Muslim lJadith scholarship. It represents, however, little more than a reiteration of Goldziher's work; indeed, accusations of plagiarism dogged the latter years of this author's career.

JOSEPH SCHACHT

Our comments on Goldziher serve also to interpret much of the later work of Joseph Schacht. Schacht's conviction, in some ways even more radical than his predecessor's, was that for the Prophet, 'law as such fell outside the sphere of religion', and that 'the technical aspects of law were a matter 01 indifference to the I early) Muslims'. L6 The I}adith literature which elaborates it, then, despite the efforts of the Muslim scholars to ensure its authenticity, can be dismissed as a monumental fraud.

Partly because of Schacht's habit of making 'all too readily formulated ana at the same time sweeping theories,"? many subsequent Western scholars have expressed grave doubts about his work. Quite apart from the fact that its 'supercilious' approach 'makes heavy reading, and its style seems to rub many readers, Western and Muslim, up the wrong way,' its central thesis, that the Prophet, despite the Qur'an's concern with law, and the example of the Hebraic prophetic tradition in which the Qur'an places him, was not interested in legislation, has seemed improbable. Fifteen years after Schacht's

The Hadiths and Orienta/ism 13 I Origins was published, Samuel Goitein was writing that for the Prophet, 'even strictly legal matters were not irrelevant to religion, but were part and parcel of the divine revelation.v" and that 'the idea of the Shari a was not the result of post-Quranic developments, but was formulated by Muhammad himself.'29 Similar objections to Schacht's opinions are aired by N. J. Coulson, who finds them 'too rigid', and 'not wholly convincing'; 30 while J. Robson!' and N. Abbott= are even more critical. However, the most rigorous articulation of this scepticism comes from M. M. Azami, whose Studies in Early Haditb Literature, and, more recently, On Schacht's Origins of Muhammadan Jurisprudence, can be considered the definitive rebuttal of Schacht's thesis. Readers interested in pursuing the debate further are referred to these texts.

NABlA ABBOTT

This American scholar has given us what is in many ways the most well-written and coherent account of the literature. It has the advantage of being rooted in a series of very early texts whose authenticity is beyond question, taking the form of collections of Arabic papyrus documents, some little more than fragments, acquired by Chicago'S Oriental Institute between 1929 and 1947. Abbott set herself the laborious task of identifying, transcribing and translating these; a work which bore fruit first in a brief preliminary article.r> and then in her monumental Studies in Arabic Literary Papyri. Volume I of this, published in 1957, dealt with historical texts; Volume II (1967) concerned Qur'anic commentary and Tradition; while Volume III (1972) included documents on language and literature. Academic recognition for this achievement culminated in an invitation to contribute the key article on hadith for the Cambridge History of Arabic Literature. 34

In Volume II of her Studies, Abbott presents thirteen very early IJadtth papyri, and discovers that when set beside the matter included in the canonical collections, they 'contain very little, beyond some rather minor textual variants, that was not already available to us in the rich heritage of tafsir and hadith literature'A' A study of the isndds, moreover, reveals a distinction between the often poor isndds attached to material concerning Companions and Successors, which was, according to orthodoxy, of less legal and doctrinal significance, and the good isndds used for the Prophetic badith, This confirms the verdict that 'the special attention to and extra care with Muhammad's badith and sunnah were stressed from the very beginning of the caliphate. '.36

132. APPENDIX II

Although she rarely mentions Schacht or Goldziher, Abbott is dearly targeting their theories when she emphasizes the importance attached to religious law from the earliest days of Islam: the Companions were enthusiastic emulators of the Prophet's exarnple.t? while even relatively profane Umayyad rulers like 'Abd al-Malik, who, according to Schacht, had set little or no store by the I?adith of the Prophet, actually took the trouble to memorise a number of ~aa,thY She similarly adduces detailed evidence for the view, held by Sprenger and Robson as well as the Muslim authorities, that the importance attached to the prophetic hadith was so great that 'Umar II appointed a commission to record it, and ensure its authenticity.t? As we have seen on P.2.4 above, Abbott also presents reasons to believe that the early written records of ~adlth were very substantial. And again, she is clearly targeting Goldziher when she concludes that

Oral and written transmission went hand in hand almost from the start; the traditions of Muhammad as transmitted by his Companions and their Successors were, as a rule, scrupulously scrutinired at each step of the transmission, and that the so-called phenomenal growth of Tradition in the second and third centuries of Islam was not primarily growth of content, so far as the hadith of Muhammad and the hadith of the Companions are concerned, but represents largely the progressive increase of parallel and multiple chains of transmission.'?

JAMES ROBSON

This Scottish clergyman, who became Professor of Arabic at Manchester University, dedicated the later years of his career to an extensive programme of reading in the lJadith literature, which culminated most visibly in his translation of al-Tabrizi's Mishkat al-M~abil?, a work which can be considered the most competent English rendition of a large /Jadith collection." Robson also gave us the first and so far the only translation of a classical manual on lJadith criticism: the Madkhal of al-Hakim alNisabiiri.4:'

10 the introduction to his Mishkat, and also in a series of articles.v' Robson voices a growing dissatisfaction with the Schachtian thesis, which by the early 1960'S had become a kind of Orientalist orthodoxy. Analysing some of Schacht's more sweeping judgements, he became convinced that the traditional Muslim account of lJadith genesis had much to commend it, and had in some ways been misrepresented---or at least misunderstood-by Goldziher and Schacht.w

The l;Iadiths and Orientali;m

133

G.H.A. JUYNBOLL

'Ibis author, in his article 'On the Origins of Arabic Prose',45 and especially in his recent monograph Muslim Tradition: Studies in Chronology, Provenance, and Authorship of Early l:ladlth;,6 expresses regret that Schacht's work has passed almost unnoticed by Muslims, and condescendingly decides that this is perhaps because of its difficult and objectionable language. Juynboll, who announces quite explicitly that he is 'writing for Muslims'v'? articulates his disquiet that the traditional view of badith should still be maintained among Muslims, and his hopes that his book will serve to call this view into question. None the less, while accepting the main thrust of some of Schacht's theories, he adopts a somewhat more moderate position, in holding that 'a judiciously and cautiously formulated overall view of what aU those early reports t ... J collectively point to, may in all likelihood be taken to be not very far from the truth of "what really happened" .'48

A noticeable fault in juynboll's work is his explicit and frequent reliance on his own 'intuition'. At times, readers equipped with the kind of Muslim background which Juynboll lacks find this damagingly misguided. An example of this is his dismissal of Abbott's proof of the rapid growth of ~adlths, a proof which cites reports of-in Juynboll's description-'mass meetings during which certain famous mubadditbiin were alleged to have transmitted traditions to crowds totalling 10,000!' He goes on to remark, 'Visualising sessions such as this with many dozens of mustamlis moving about, shouting the traditions down to the last rows of eager hadith students may lift the reader into the realm of r.oor-night fantasies, but in whatever way you look at it, it is difficult to take accounts like that seriously.t+? The exotic stereotyping here merely serves to confirm the Muslim reader's suspicion of an impairing cultural distance. Hadith classes involving comparable numbers of students are regular events even today in the Muslim world. In I4051r984, the Meccan muhaddith Muhammad Yasin al-Fadani (d.14I1Ir991) visited Indonesia, where he gave open-air classes to crowds well outnumbering the ten thousand which arouses Juynboll's incredulity. 50 It is only in the West that Islamic studies are a small, almost imperceptible activity.

Students of the book likewise complain of apparent contradictions. For instance, Juynboll tells us that before the time of 'Urnar n, 'the Umayyad tulers may have only been vaguely interested in the political possibilities present in the faQii'illmathiilib genres.'51 Only a few pages on, however, the reader discovers that 'it is most probable that another important genre of

, ~adlths originated in those early days immediately following the prophet's

134

APPENDIX II

demise: the fa4d'il genre,"? and is presented with an early text to support this: 'Mu'awiya wrote one and the same letter to his tax collectors after the year of the jama'a in which he said: 'Let the conquered people refrain from mentioning any merit of Abu Turab ['Ali} or his kinsmen [ ... J Make a search for those you can find who were partisans of 'Uthman and those who supported his rule and those who uphold his merits and qualities. Seek their company, gain access to them and honour them. Write down for me everything which everyone of them relates [ ... ]'. In exchange, Mu'awiya sent them presents."! The resultant picture of Umayyad policy towards hadith, which is pivotal to any discussion on the subject, is thus acutely confused.

Another area of the debate, that of the reliability of the asmd' al-riid! literature, is explored in a separate chapter of Juynboll's work.54 Here, too, the Muslim student of I,adith confesses to a certain puzzlement. Juynboll focusses on Ibn Hajar's biographical dictionary, the Tahdbib al- Tahdbib, and offers some general and dismissive comments about it, but without exploring or even showing an awareness of Ibn Hajar's sources. As the title of his book indicates, the Tahdhib al- Tahdhib-'that splendid work', as Arberry describes jtSS-represents one of several condensed versions of the Tahdhib aJ-Kamal of Jamal al-Din al-Mizzi (d.7421IHI), a well-known biographical dictionary which is now in the process of publication. S6 Unaware of the work's origin and hence its nature, Juynboll merely remarks that 'Ibn Hajar must have had sources from which he worked,"? thereby leaving the reader with the impression that Ibn Hajar's material comes from unknown and hence dubious sources.

Finally, acceptance of the book has been handicapped by his uneven prose style, which at times renders the meaning difficult to unravel. Many undergraduates have wrestled unsuccessfully with solecisms such as: 'Now, it must be conceded, first of all that, in my opinion, the common-link theory is a brilliant one.'58 Similar offenses against the rules of grammar, style and logic are scattered thickly throughout the book.

One final remark. The above notes on the most outspoken Western commentators on the Itadtth literature can also, and rewardingly, be read as a commentary on evolving Western instincts towards Islam in general. We do not need Foucault to remind us that academic discourse is a product of power relationships: Goldziher's diary gives us very adequate proof that scholarly theories, especially those which involve the assessment of one culture by a historic rival, can easily be deconstructed into their psychological,

The Hadiths and Orientalism

135

historical and political constituents. The point is often noted, too, that American scholars, whose government has had no direct colonial involvement in Muslim countries, have in the past been somewhat more sympathetic to Islamic culture and its scholarship than their European colleaguesr? (the cases of Abbott and Powers are suggestive in this regard), and it will be interesting to see whether this transatlantic disparity endures. But it is, in any case, not unreasonable to hope that traditional engage scholarship, newly self-conscious following the efforts of Edward Said and others to lay bare its inner metabolism, will, and despite the West's continuing fear of the Islamic world-community, slowly wither away.

"""

APPENDIX III

THE LEIDEN EDITION

IBN 1:1 A YAW A Y H' S recension of the Tabaqdt of Ibn Sa'd was the object of intense study by a host of students of the asmd' for more than three centuries, as is demonstrated by the ijdza and isniid annotations found in the various manuscripts which have come down to us. But from the end of the eighth century AH, on account of its great bulk and the appearance of many handier books on the various branches of asmd'; interest in it began to decline, and copies became increasingly scarce. No complete manuscript of the book is now known to exist. I

Among Western orientalists, Sprenger and Wiistenfeld were the first to realise the great importance of Ibn Sa'd's work. They published articles describing its manuscripts, and drawing the orientalists' attention to its value as a source for early Islamic history, also using it as an important source for their own work. Other Orientalists such as Muir and Noldeke also made extensive use of it. But a thorough and minute study of Ibn Sa'd had to wait for another German scholar, Otto Loth, who in 1869CE published his treatise Das Classenbuch des Ibn Sa'd, ~ together with an article on the origin and meaning of Tabaqat3, describing the Gotha and Berlin manuscripts of the book, the nature of their contents, the origins and history of the tabaqdt type of biographical dictionaries, and the place of Ibn Sa'd's work among them. It was Loth who paved the way for the edition of the book.

Its great size, however, stood in the way of its publication. For eighteen years after the publication of Loth's works, no-one appears to have considered seriously the possibility of preparing a critical edition. It was only in June 1887 that the Prussian Academy of Sciences resolved to publish the book, placing E. Sachau in charge of the undertaking. Within a year, Sachau had discovered five more manuscripts of the book which had escaped Loth's attention. AIl were collected together with the help of scholars, librarians,

The Leiden Edition of Ibn Sdd

137

and government officials, and in 1898 their collation and editing were begun. In ,1904 the eighth and third volumes were published; the others followed, and the text was completed in 1918 with the publication of Volume VII. Three indices followed."

This edition was reprinted in Beirut in 13 76-771I 957-58.

NOTES

NOTES TO CHAPTER ONE

1 al-Bukhari, al-Jiim{ al-Sa~iI? (Cairo, 1309), 10.

1 al-Darimi, al-Sunan (Kanpur, 12.92.-3),46.

3 al-Dhahabi, Tadhkirat al-Ifuffiil. (Hyderabad, 1330),I,~7.

4 al-Qas~allani, al-Mawiihib al-Ladunnryya, with commentary of al-Zurqani (Cairo, 12.91), V, 454·

5 al-Mufa4tfaJiyyiit, ed. Lyall, CJ., (Oxford, 1918-2.ICE),I.XVI.5;CXXIII.16.Cf. Kamali,M. H. Principles of Islamic Jurisprudence (Cambridge, 1991CE), 44-5; Azami, M. M. On Schacht's Origins of M~ammadan Jurisprudence (Riyadh, New York and Chichester, 1985cE), 2.9-30.

6 Azami, Schacht's Origins, 30.

7 al-Khapb, Muhammad, AI-Sunna qabl alTadwin (Cairo, 1383), 14-2.2.; Azami, Schacht's Origins, 19-54. Azami (op. cit., 2.3), quotes a statement of the second Caliph, 'Umar, to demonstrate that although the term sunna was not restricted to the Prophet in early Islam, his sunna had priority: 'Whose sunna deserves more to be observed by you, the sunna of the Prophet or the sunna of 'Umar?' For an extensive summary of the concept of Sunna, see Kamali, Principles, 44-85.

8 Goldziher, I. Muslim Studies, tr. S. Stem (London, 1967CE), II. 2.4-5; Kamali, Principles, 47·

9 Biographies of the Prophet include: Lings, M., Mu~ammad:His Life based on the Earliest Sources (Cambridge, 199ICE); Montgomery Wan, Mu~ammad at Mecca (Oxford, 1953CE), and M~ammad at Medina (Oxford, 19 56cE).

10 Ibn Sa'd, al- Tabaqiit al-Kabir, ed. Sachau,

E.,et. al. (Leiden, 132.2.-5911904-40), IIi, 145.

II Ibid., IIi, 136. 12. Ibid., IIi, 136.

13 Very numerous examples of this are given in Kha!JD, Sunna, 2.9-74; Azami, Schacht's Origins, 10-18.

14 Bukhari, ~iI?, I'ti~m, bab "I-iqti4a' bi-afal al-Nabi (IV, 166).

15 Ibid., Tahajjud, bab ~alat al-Iayl (1,136). 16 Ibid.

17 Ibid.,I'ti~am, bab al-ta'amrnuq (IV, 166). 18 Muslim, al-Sa!?iI? (Delhi, 1309), Birr, bab

tafsir al-birr (II, 3 14).

19 Abu Daud, al-Sunan, ed. 'Abd al-Ahad

(Delhi, I 346),lstighfar (I, I 19). .

2.0 lbid., Takhfif al-ukhrayayn (1,12.4).

2.1 For the various definitions and classes of tiibtun see Khatib, Sunna, J 2.4-2.6.

2.2. Khatib, Sunna, 155, 176-84; ai-Khatib alBaghdadi, ·al.Ri!?1a fi Talab al-Hadith, ed: Nur al-Din 'I1r (Damascus, 1395); d. above.ao-z.

2.3 Bukharj,$a~iI?,IV.62..

2.4 Ibn Sa'd, VIII, 2.34.

2. 5 lbid., VIII, 73-

2.6 Ibid., lVIii, 56.

2.7 Darimi,Sunan,45. 2.8 Ibn Sa'd,IIIii, 12.5. 2.9 Ibid., lVIii, 80.

30 Bukhari, '11m, bab al-tanawub (1,19). 31 ZDMG,X,2..

32. Ibid.

33 al-Tabrizi, Mishkiit al-M~iibil? (Lucknow, 132.6), '11m (32.).

34 Ibid·,35·

35 -Hamrnam ibn Munabbih, $ai?ffa, ed.

HamidulIah, M. (Paris, 1380),9. 36 Ibid.

37 Ibn Sa'd, lIIii, 107. Cf. Kamali, Principles, 45·

38 Von Kremer, The Orient under the Caliphs (Calcutta, 1 92.OCE), 2.60.

39 For the dissemination of hadith, see Azami, Schacht's Origins, 109-1 I.

40 Khatib, Sunna, 164-76.

41 A Companion known as al-Munaydhir is said to have visited Spain. See al-Maqqari, Naf/? al- Tib (Cairo, 1302.),1, 130.

42. See M. Ishaque, India's Contribution to the Study of Hadith Literature (Dacca, 1955cE), chap. J.

43 For the letters of the Prophet, see Serjeant,

R.B., in Cambridge History of Arabic Literature, I (Cambridge, 1983CE), 139-41.; for his treaties, see ibid., 134-39.

44 'Abd al-Khaliq, al-lmdm al-Bukhdri

wa-$aJ_,i1?uh (jedda, 1405),45-52.. •

45 Ibn Sa'd, I1IJi, 2.06; N. Abbott, 'Hadith Literature-II: Collection and Transmission of Haditb', (in Cambridge History of Arabic Literature, I, 289-98), 2.89; 'Abd al-Khaliq, 9<>-1; Khatib, Sunna, 99- 1 05; Abbott, Studies in Arabic Literary Papyri Vol. I, Historical Texts (Chicago, 1 957CE); VoI.I1, Qur'anic Commentary and Tradition (Chicago, 1 967CE); Vol. III, Language and Literature (Chicago, 1 971.CE), I, 7,10. 'Umardid, none the less, effectively disseminate badith in other ways.

46 See Sezgin, F. Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, I (Leiden, 1967CE), 56-7; AbdulRauf, M. 'Haditb Literature-I: The Development of the Science of Haditb', (Cambridge History of Arabic Literature, I, 2.71-88), 2.72.; Abbott, 'Hadith Literature', 2.93-94; Goldziher, Muslim Studies, II, 43.

47 Maqqari, Naf/?, I, J 30.

48 Ibn Sa'd, IIJii, 134; Bukhari, 'JIm, bab alkitaba. For the involvement of women in badith scholarship see Appendix I.

49 Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, Jam{ Boyan al-'Um wa-Fadlib (Cairo, n.d.), I, 76.

50 al-Sakhawi, FatJ_, al-Mugh"ith (Lucknow, n.d·),2.39·

51 As cited in Ibn Hajar aI-' Asqalanl, FatJ_,

al-Bari(Cairo, 131.0), 1,174.

52. Dhahabi, T adhkira, I, 82.. 53 Ibid., I, 95·

54 Ibn al-Nadim, al-Fihrist (Leipzig. 1871-72

CE),225-2.7·

55 IbnSa'd,IlIii,136. 56 Fihrist, 2.2.5-2.7.

57 For the Muwarra' see above, 7. 58 Fihrist, 21.5.

59 Goldziher, Muslim Studies, II, 197-2.04.

The Muwarra' has recently been translated into English by the American Muslim scholar Aisha Bewley: AI-Muwarra' of Imam Malik ibn Anas: the first formulation of Islamic law (London, 1989CE). For the background to the Muwarra', see Abdul Rauf, 2.72-73; Azami, Schacht's Ongins,79-85·

60 Goldziher, Muslim Studies, II, 201.. lima'" is a term denoting the authoritative consensus of scholars.

61 For me primacy of Medina, see Abbott,

HADITH LITERATURE

Studies, II, 81-2..

61. Ibid., II, 2.01.. For these terms see abov~, 109.

63 Dihlawi, Bustdn al-MuJ_,addith"in (Delhi, 1 898cE), 2. 5.

64 Namely, Ya~ya aI-Tamimi, Abii J:ludhayfa and Suwayd ibn Sa'id.

65 Zurqani, SharJ_, Muwarra' Malik (Cairo, 1310),1,8.

66 IbnSa'd, lIlli, 164.

67 Bukhari, $aJ_,i1?, Jihad, bab man ~addatha bi-mashahidihi (II, 97).

68 Ibn 'Abd al-Barr,jaml, II, 2.7.

69 Haji Khalifa, Kashf al-zuniin (Leipzig,

1 835-42.CE), 1,174-75. 70 Ibid., IV, 254ff. 71 Ibid., II, 68.

72 Ibid., VI, 167. This number is based on my

own calculation.

73 Abdul Rauf, 'f:Jadith Literature', 271-72. 74 Goldziher, Muslim Studies, II, 2.2.-4.

75 Sah"ifa Hammdm ibn Munabbih; see Bibliography.

76 Ibn Sa'd, lVIi, 1.61.; Sezgin, I, 84; Goldziher,

Muslim Studies, II, 23.

77 Abbott, Studies, II, 58.

78 Ibid., I, 22; d. also II, 58-9.

79 Dihlawi, Risdla dar Pann-i U~ul-i f:Jadith

(Delhi, J 1. 55), 22.

80 Ibid., J 9-2.0, 22-3. 81 Abdur Rauf, 1.71.-73.

81. For the debate over the definition of the term see al-jaza'irl, Tawjm al-Nazar tu U~ul al-Athar (Cairo, 131.8),66.

83 For a list of Musnad works see J:laji

Khalifa, Kashf, V, 531.-43.

84 Goldziher, Muslim Studies, II, 1.IO. 85 DihIawi, Risdla, 1.I.

86 Dihlawi, Bustdn, 37.

87 J:laji Khalifa, Kashf, V, 534.

88 Goldziher, Muslim Studies, II, 1.11..

89 al-Subki, Tabaqd: al-Shtifi'iyya al-Kubrii (Cairo, 131.4), I, 1.01..

90 Haji Khalifa, Kashf, V, 534.

91 Similar texts arranged in chronological order are termed masbikha. See Catalogue of the Arabic and Persian Manuscripts in the Oriental Public Library at Bankipore (Pama, 191.5), VIii, 41n.

91. Dihlawi,Busttin,56,95·

93 Tabarani's al-Mu'jam al-Kabir has been edited by Hamdi a1-Salafi (and, ed., Baghdad, 1 984-9OCE).

r

Notes to Chapter Two

94 For the structure and function of this important work, see Mahrnud al-T~~an, U~ul al-Takhn; ioa-Dirdsat al-AsJnid (Cairo, n.d.), Z14-1 5; Abdul Rauf, 279·

95 Several English translations exist of this, for instance lzzedine Ibrahim and Denys (Abdul Wadud) Johnson-Davies, An-Naioau/i's Forty Hadith: an anthology of the sayings of the Prophet MuhamnuJd, 14th ed. (Beirut, 1409).

The whole genre is discussed in a1-Qa4i 'Iya~, al-lInuJ-< (i Ma'rifat U~ul al-Riwiiya u/a- Taqyid al-Samd , ed. al-Sayyid Ahmad Saqr, and ed. (Cairo, 1398), u; Abdiilkader Karahan, 'Apercu general sur les "Quaranre hadirhs" dans la littersture islamique', Sf, IV (1955cE), 39-55; L. Pouzer, Une Hermeneutique de la tradition islamique (Beirut, 1982CE).

96 Goldziher, Muslim Studies, II, 2 I 4-16.

NOTES TO CHAPTER TWO

1 Khatib, Sunna, 387-94.

Z For the role of the Companions in hadith transmission see Azami, Studies in Early Hadith Literature (Beirut, 1968CE), 35-59; and the material collected in Khatib, Sunna, 57-65.

3 al-Nawawi, Tahdhib al-Asmd' wa'l-Lugbdt (Gortingen, I 842-7CE), 18; Sakhawi, Fatb, 367-73; Ibn al-~ala~, Muqaddima (Cairo, 1326), 118-19·

4 Ibn al-Salah, Muqaddima, 121.

5 Ibn Hajar al-'Asqalani, al-lsdba (i Tamyiz al-!$alJaba (Calcutta, I 856-58cE), 1,3.

6 Haji Khalifa, Kasbf, V, 534.

7 Ibn al-Jawzi, TalqiIJ Fubian Ahl al-Athar (Delhi, n.d.), 184-97.

8 Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-lsti'ab (i Ma'Tifa! alA~lJab (Hyderabad, 13 IS), I, nO.1 109.

9 Ibn Hajar al-'Asqalani, Tahdbib al-Tabdbib

(Hyderabad, 1326), IV, nO.573. 10 Ibid., NO.4Z5.

II Ibid., XII, nO.I124.

12 Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, fsti'ab, II,

13 Ibn Hajar, Tahdhibal-Tahdhib, V,no.653, Ibn 'Abd ai-Barr, lsti'ab, II, no.2806.

Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib al-Tabdbib, VII, no.

t:;

o. 16 17 18

19 267.

Ibid., III, nO.254.

Ibn 'Abd al-Barr,lsti"ab, I, no.1095. Ibid., II, no.1896.

Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib al-Tahdbib, III, no.

20 Ibid.,no.592.

2J Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, Isti'ab, II, no.2850.

22 Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib al- Tahdhib, II, nO·77 5. 23 Ibid.,IV,no·428.

24 Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, lsti'ab, I, no. J 08 I.

Z5 Ibn Hajar, Tahdhibal-Tahdhib, VI,no.74. 26 Ibn'Abdal-Barr,lsti"ab,I,no.J081.

Z7 IbnJ:lajar, Tahdhibal-Tahdhib, V!,no.74.

28 Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, Isti'ab, II, no.2844.

29 Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib al-Tahdbib, VIII, no.

788. 30Ibid.,II,no.II5·

31 Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, fsti'ab, II, no.24 34.

32 Ibn Hajar, Tahdhibal-Tahdhib,I,no.797. 33 Ibid., VIII, nO.219·

34 Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, lsti'ab, II, nO.2 799. 35 Ibn al-Jawzi, TalqiIJ, 184-86

36 Zurqani,SharlJ Muwarra' Malik, I, 8. 37 Subki, Tabaqdt, I, 202.

38 Ibnal-Jawzi, Talqib, 197-205.

39 Sakhiiwi, FatlJ, 379; Nawawi, Tahdhib, 352·

40 Ibn Sa'd, lVIii, 54ff; Khatib, Sunna, 411-68.

41 F. Wiistenfeld, Genealogische Tabellen der Arabischen Stiimme und Familien (Gornngen, J852-53CE),no.l0.

42 Ibn Sa'd, lVIii, 54.

43 Azami,Schacht's Origins, 110. 44 Ibn Sa'd, 60; Khatib, Sunna, 415. 45 Ibid., 56.

46 Ibid., 58.

47 !ialJifa Hammiim ibn Munabbih, 38-<). 48 !ialJifa Hammdm ibn Munabbih, 36-40. 49 Kha!Jo, Sunna, 446-54·

So Ibn Sa'd, lVIii, 105-137; Azami, Early

Jfadith Literature, 45-6. 5 I lbid., lVIi, 106-25. 52 lbid., lVIi, 124.

53 Nawawi, Tahdbib, 166; Khapo, Sunna, 472-74; Abbott, 'Haditb Literature', 290; Azami, Early Hadith Literature, 49.

54 Dhahabi, Tadhkira, I, 38

55 Dhahabi, T adhkira, I, 38 56 Nawawi, Tahdhib, 167. 57 Dhahabi, Tadhkira, I, 24· 58 Khapo,Sunna,474-76.

142

59 Dhahabi, Tadhkira,I, 24. 60 See for instance above, 19.

61 Bukhari, Maghazi, Badr (III, 5). Numerous other instances of 'A'isha's careful criticism of haditb have been collected by the Indian scholar Sayyid Sulayrnan Nadwi in his book Sirat-i 'A'isha (Lucknow, 1330).

62 Ibn Hajar, Tabdbib al-Tahdbib, XII, no.2841.

63 Ibn al-Arhir, Vsd al-Ghaba fi Ma'rifat al-Sabdba (Cairo, 1280), 111,193.

64 Ibid, III, 195; Khatib, Smma, 476-78; Nawawi, Tahdbib, 351-54.

65 Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib al- Tahdbib, V, nO.474. 66 Ibn Sa'd, ll/ii, 121; d. Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, jiiml, I, 85-6.

67 Abbott, Studies, II, 4.

68 Nawawi, Tahdhw, 351-54; EP, I. 41-1

(L. Veccia Vaglieri).

69 Dhahabi, Tadhkira, I,J 7. 70 Nawawi, Tahdhib, 185.

71 Sezgin, I, 85; Khatib, Sunna, 478-80; Nawawi, Tahdhib, 184-86.

72 Ibn Hajar, Tabdbib al-Tabdbib.ti.no.e», 73 Nawawi, Tabdbib, 723; Khatib, Sunna,

48cr-1.

74 Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, lsti ab, 11,3°8-16. 75 Ibnal-Athir,Vsd,III,2B-.15·

76 lbid.i ct.above.Yo.

77 Sakhawi, Fat~, 379·

78 Kha~ib,Sunna,92-9.

79 Abii Daiid, Sunan, Fara'id, bab al-jadda (II,

45)·

80 Dhahabi, Tadbkira, I, 3.

81 Abii Daud, Sunan, Diyar al-janin (II, 280). 82 Bukhari, Sa~iI?, IV, 58.

83 Tayalisl, no. J 364.

84 Ibn Sa'd, lVIi, 13-4.

85 Dhahabi, Tadhkira, I, 7. For 'Umar's policy

see Khatib, Sunna, 99- I 11. 86 Ibn Sa'd, 1IIIi,39.

87 Abii Daiid, Sunan, I, 2.20. 88 Ibn Sa'd, Ill/i, 102.

89 lbid., 2.10.

90 lbid., I 10.

91 Ibid., 102..

92 Ibn "Abd al-Barr,jiim{, I, 78-9. 93 Darimi, Sunan, 46.

94 Ibid.

95 Ibn Maja, al-Sunan (Delhi, 1333),4.

96 Ibn Sa'd, lIlli, 161; Bukhari,$a~iI?, II, 97. 97 Information on this extensive controversy

HADITH LITERATURE

may be found in 'Iya<;l, Ilnut, 146-61; Khatib, Sunna, 45-114, 2.95-328; Azami, Early Hadith Literature, 22-7.

98 Ibn Sa'd, lVIii, 9. 99 See above, 10.

100 Ibn Hajar, Tahdhw al-Tahdbib, VIII, no.So; Khatib, Sunna, 348-52..

101 Bukhari, Sa~iI?, '11m, bab kitabat al-'ilrn (1,21); Azami, Early Haditb Literature, 47.

102. al-Tirmidhi, al-Jiimt (Delhi, 1315), alYamin mac al-shahid, 1,160.

103 Khatib, Sunna, 352.; Goldziher, Muslim Studies, II, I 5.

104 Ibid.

105 Ibid.; Azarni, Early Hadith Literature, 42-3

106 Dhahabi, Tadhkira, I, 5; Azami, Early

Hadith Literature, 34-5. .

107 Ibn Sa'd, Il/ii, 123; Azami, Early Hadith

Literature, 4cr- 1.

108 Tirmidhi,238.

109 Ibn Sa'd, V, 21 6; Abbott, Studies, I, 23. 110 Qasrallani,Mawiihib.

I I 1 Ibn Hajar, Fath, I, 148.

112 Ibn 'Abd al-Barr,Jiimt, I, 74.

113 Sa~tfa Hammiim ibn Munabbih; d.

Sunnad55-62.

I 14 Tirrnidhi, Sunan, II, 91.

I I 5 Sprenger, A. 'On the Origin and Progress of Writing Down Historical Facts among the Musalrnans' UASB XXV, 303-29, 375-81), 315. 116 Bukhari, Sa~iI?, '11m, bab al-kiraba,

Azarni, Early Hadith Literature, 40 117 Ibid.,52.

I 18 al-Daraqutni, al-Sunan (Delhi, n.d.), 204, 209,485.

119 IbnSa'd,lIii,19.

120 Abii Daiid, Sunan, Zakar al-sa'irna (I, 226). For other such documents see above, 6.

] 21 Azami, Early Hadith Literature, zo-», ]22. Ibn Hanbal, al-Musnad (Cairo, I313), II, 403; III, 13; V, 183; Darimi, Sunan, 64ff; Muslim, Sa~iI?, Zuhd, bah hukm kiraba ... (11,414); Azami, Early Hadith Literature, 22-3, 39.

123 Ibn 'Abd al-Barr,jiim,\ I, 63-8; Sprenger, 'On the Origins', 304-17.

124 Darimi, Sunan, 64; Sprenger, 'On the On· gins', 306.

] 25 Ibn Qutayba, Ta'ioil Mukhtalif al·~!adtth.

Beirut, n.d.

I2.6 Ibn Hajar, Fatb, 471.

127 These are: Abii 'Abs, Ubayy ibn Ka'b,

Notes to Chapter Three

'Abd Allah ibn Rawaha, Aws ibn Khawli, alMundhir ibn 'Arnr, . Usayd and his father al-Hudayr, Sa'd ibn 'Ubada, and Rali' ibn Malik.

128 Ibn Sa'd, III/ii, 9I.

1 29 al-Isfahani, Kitiib al-Aghiinf (Cairo, 132]), XVI, 12I. "The Bedouin,' says Goldziher, 'despises reading and writing even today.' ~Goldziher, Muslim Studies, I, I.)

143

130 Ibn al-Athir, Usd, sv. "Abd Allah ibn Sa'ld

ibnal-'Asi'.

131 Ibn 'Abd a1-Barr,Jiim,<, 472.. 132 Ibn Sa'd, IIlii, 14.

IB Ibid.

134 Ibn Hanbal, Musnad, V, 315.

135 Goldziher, Muslim Studies, II, 22.

NOTES TO CHAPTER THREE

1 Tirrnidhi, jam{, II, 90; d. 'Iya<:l, IIma', '3; Azami, Schacht's Origins, 109.

2 Dhahabi, Tadhkira, I, 22.

Ibn Hanbal, Musnad, V, 328. 4 Ibn Sa'd, Ill/ii, 23.

5 Ibid.

6 Ibid. V, 213.

7 Ibn'Abd al-Barr,jiim,<, 1,45. 8 Sakhawi, FatJ.7.396-97.

9 Ibid.

10 IbnSa'd,V, 140.

II Ibn Khallikan, Wafayat al-A 'yiin (GOttingen, 183 5CE) no. 5 74.

12. Ibn Abdal-Barr,jiim,<'1,97.

13 Yaqut, Mu'jam al-Udabd' (London, 1923-

2.5CE),1,17.

14 Nawawi, Tahdbib, 62.9-30. 15 Dhahabi, Tadhkira, I, 2.90. 16 Nawawi, Tahdhib, 174.

17 Dhahabi, Tadhkira,ld55.

18 Yaqur, Mu'jam al-Udabd', 1,17 .: 19 Ibid.

2.0 Dhahabi, Tadhkira, 1,172.. 2.1 lbid., II, 147.

2.2. Ibn 'Abd al-Barr,jiiml\ I, 98.

2.3 Ibn Hajar al-'Asqalani, Muqaddima FatJ.7

al-Bar,(Delhi, 1302.), 566.

2.4 Ibn "Abd al-Barr,jam{, I, 97-8.

2.5 Suyuti, Tadnoal-Riiwi(Cairo, 1307), 2.79. 2.6 Nawawi, Tahdhib, 719.

2. 7 Ibid., 534.

28 Dhahabi, Tadbkira, I, 290.

29 al-Kharib al-Baghdadi, Tdrikb Baghdad, IX,B·

30 Dhahabi, Tadhkira, I, 291.

3 I Suyuri, Tabaqdt al-lfuf{iiz (Cornngen, 18 HCE), IX, 100; al-Khatib al-Baghdadi, Tarfkh Baghdad (Cairo, 1349), VI, 122. It should be observed here that the vast majority of these students may have been irregular students. Regular students, particularly those entered in a formal

institution, were far fewer. For instance, the number (one thousand) of students who attended the haditb college founded by Abu 'Ali al-Husayni (d.393iJoo3) at Nisabur is remarkably high for an organised institution. See J. Pedersen/G. Makdisi, 'Madrasa' in EI' V, 1126.

32 Azami, Early Hadith Literature, I 88~4;

d. above, 86.

33 Suyiiti, Tabaqdt, IX, 100; al-Kharib alBaghdadi, Tiirfkh Baghdad, VI, 12.2..

34 Nawawi, Tahdhib,532•

35 Kamali, Principles, 65-8; Azami, Schacht's Origins, 2..

36 Muir, W. Life of Mahomet (Edinburgh, '91 2.CE), xxxvi. Cf. Kamali, Principles, 65.

37 Ibn Hazrn, al-Ihkiim fi U~ul al-AJ.7kam

(Cairo, '345-47), II, 2-3, 83-4· 38 Kamali, Principles, 65.

39 See also below, chapter 7.

40 For details on the process of falsification, see Khatib, Sunna, 185-2.92; Kamali, Principles, 65-8.

41 Khatib, Sunna, 206-8; Karnali, Principles, 66-7; al-Hakirn al-Nisaburi, translated by J. Robson, An Introduction to the Science of Tradition (London, 1953CE), 27.

42. Suyuri, Tadrib, 103. 43 Ibid.

44 Yaqur, Mu'jam al-Udabd', I, 2.86.

45 Hakim (Robson), Madkhal, 27-8. For Shi"i badith invention, see Khatib, Sunna, 195-203; for the Khawarij, ibid., 204--6.

46 Goldziher, Muslim Studies, II, 52; d. Ibn Khallikan, nO.764.

47 Yaqut, Mu'jam al-Udabd', VI, 94.

48 Ibn Hajar al-'Asqalani, Lisan al-Mizan

(Hyderabad, 132.9-3 I), V, no. 1136. 49 Suyuti, Tadrib, 103.

50 Ibn Hajar, Lisiin, IV, no. 12.96. 5' Guillaume, Traditions, 73·

52 IbnJ:fajar,Lisiin, V,43I.

144

HADITH LITERATURE.

53 Cf. for instance Ibn al-Jawzi, Maw4itiit, ed. 'Abd al-Rahman 'Uthman (Medina, 1386- 89), passim; Kha!,o, Sunna, 208-10; Kamali, Principles, 67.

54 For their influence on the generation of badith, see Khatib, Sunna, 210-12.; Karnali, Principles, 67. For background to their activities, and a translation of some typical Qu~~a~ tales, see M. L. Swam's edition and translation of Ibn al-Jawzi's Kitiib al-Q~~1i! wa'l-Mudhakkirin (Beirut, 1971CE), especially the editor's introduction,pp 39-80.

55 Considered by al-Darniri to have been the first storyteller in Islam. Goldziher, Muslim Studies,II, I 52..

56 According to Ibn Sa'd, he, rather than al-Dari, was Islam's first 'storyteller'. Ibn Sa'd, V, H·

57 al-Kindi, al-Wuliit wa'I-Quqat (Leiden, '9'2.CE), 303-4 fn; d. Goldziher, Muslim Studies, II, I 5 I .

58 Goldziher, Muslim Studies,lI, I 5"

59 Ibid., II, '5'-52.; I~fahani, Aghiinr, XII, 5. 60 Ibid.

61 al-Tha'alibi, Yatimat al-Dahr (Cairo, 1352.),111, '79·

62 Goldziher, Muslim Studies,lI, 158.

63 al-Tabari, Tiirikh al-Rusul wa'I-Muluk (Leiden, I 888cE), III, 2.13 I.

64 Hakim (Robson), Madkhal, 2.8-9; Khatib, Sunna; 2.I 3-15.

65 al-Dhahabi, Mrziin al-ftidiil fi Naqd alRi;iil (Cairo, 132.5), III, 2.45; SuyU~, Tadrib, 102.;

d. Kamali, Principles, 68.

66 Dhahabi, Mrziin, I, 7-8; d. Kamali, Prin-

ciples, 68.

67 Dhahabi, Mrziin, 67.

68 Ibn Hajar, Lisiin, I, 4'9. 69 Ibid., VI,no.819.

70 Ibid.,no.480;SuyU~, Tadrib, 102. 71 Dhahabi, Mrziin, Lno.yz.r.

72. Ibid., II, '3.

73 Ibid., 2.3.

74 Ibid., Ill, 2.57·

75 Goldziher, Muslim Studies, 11,55· 76 Suyii~, Tadrw, 102..

77 Ibid., 100.

78 Dhahabi, Mlziin, I, no.zz, 79 Ibid., no. 562..

80 Ibid.,no.564·

81 Ibid.cno.aoj.

82 Ibid., no. 2918.

83 Ibid., nO·3641. 84 Ibid., no. 3950.

85 Ibn 'Abd al-Barr,}iimt<, II, 129.

86 Kha!,b,Sunna,2.19-49;seeabove,p. 30. 87 Ibn Abdal-Barr,}iim{, II, 132..

88 Ibid., I, 80.

89 Muslim,$aI?i1?,I, I I. 90 Darirni, Sunan, 61. 91 Muslim,$aI?i1?,1,4·

92 Suyiiri, Tadrib, 183. For some instances of the very early use of isniid, see Khatib, Sunna, 220-26.

93 Muslim, $ai?i1?, I, 12..

94 Darirni, Sunan, 6 I. Criticism of narrators by the first two generations is described in Kharih, Sunna,232.-39·

95 Nawawi, Tahdhw, 531-32.

96 Ibn Abd al-Barr,}iiml, II, 48; Ibn 'Asakir,

Tiirikh Dimasbq (Damascus, 133 2.), IV, 172. 97 al-Shafi'i,al-Risiila (Cairo, 1311.), 57ff. 98 Subki, Tabaqdt, 1,10.

99 Nawawi, Tahdbib, 62.9; Suyu~, Tabaqdt, Vlll,I7·

100 Dhahabi, Mrziin, I, 18; Suyuri, Tabaqdt,

VIII, 110.

101 Subki, Tabaqdt, I, 2.02.-3. 102. Abbott, Studies, II, 83.

103 See above, 132; also Loth, 'Ursprung und Bedeutung der Tabaqat,' ZDMG XXlll, 593; Goldziher, Muslim Studies, II, 56.

104 Muslim,$al?i1?,1,15·

105 Ibid., I, 6. 106 Ibid., I, 13.

107 Nawawi, Tabdbib, 316. 108 Suyuti, Tadrib, 2.62.,

109 These tradirionists included al- A'mash, Shu'ba, Malik, Ma'mar, Hisharn al-Dastuwa'i, al-Awza't, al-Thawri, Ibn al-Majishiin, Hammad ibn Salama, al-Layth ibn Sa'd, and, somewhat later, Hushaym, Ibn al-Mubarak, Abu Is~aq alFazari, al-Mu'afa ibn 'Imran, Bishr ibn alMufaddal, Ibn 'Uyayna, Ibn 'lJIayya, Ibn Wahb and Waki' ibn al-jarrah, (Cited by al-jaza'iri, Taw;"ih,1I4·)

110 Ibn Sa'd, lViii, I I I.

II t Ibn al-Athir, Usd, III, '94. 112. Ibid.,2.J4.

113 Ibn Sa'd, lVii, 161. I 14 Ibid., IIl1ii, 20.

I I 5 Ibid., V, 90ff.

J J 6 Ibid., VIlli, 82.. 117 Ibid., 10 3·

Notes to Chapter Four 145
1I8 Ibid., VIlli, I 19. 140 For the ribla phenomenon, see al-Kharib
1I9 lbid., VI, 52.. al-Baghdadi, al-Ribla fi Talab al-Haditb, ed. Nur
120 Ibid., V, 90, 93, 95-{;· al-Din 'I~ (Damascus, 1395); Khatib, Sunna,
121 Dhahabi, Tadhkira, 1,115. 176-84; Abbott, Studies, II, 4<:r-3.
122 al-Mubarrad, al-Kdmil (Leipzig, 1864CE), 141 Dhahabi, Tadbkira, I, 95.
1,284' 142 Ibn Hajar, Tahdbib al-Tahdbib, IV, no.
123 Ibn Khallikan, nO.560. 145·
124 Nawawi, Tahdbib, 2.87. 143 Dhahabi, Tadhkira, I, 7 I.
125 Ibn Khallikan, no. 304. 144 Ibn 'Abd al-Barr,jam{, I, 95.
126 Ibid., no. 2.70. 145 Dhahabi, Tadbkira, I, 46ft.
127 Ibid., nos.z y r , 2.78. 146 Goldziher, Muslim Studies, II, 166.
128 lbid., no. 1 55. 147 Nawawi, Tabdhib, 646.
129 Dhahabi, Tadhkira, I, I 62-{;4. 148 Dhahabi, Tadbkira, I, 255.
130 Ibn Khallikan, no. 77 5· 149 Nawawi, Tahdhib, 353·
131 Dhahabi, Tadhkira, I, 18 3ff. 150 Suyii!,!, Tabaqdt, VII, 69·
132. Subki, Tabaqat, 1,2.03-16. 151 lbid., V, 45.
133 Dhahabi, Tadhkira, I, 6ff. 152. Yaqut,Mu'jamal-Udaba', V, 140.
134 lbid., 161H. 153 Ibn Sa'd, ll/ii, 131.
135 Suyuri, Tabaqat, VII,62.. 154 Nawawi, Tahdhib,218.
136 Ibn 'Abd al-Barr,jam{,I, 163-86, 155 lbid., 2.10.
137 Ibid., I, 93-4. 156 Dhahabi, T 'adhkira, I, I 53.
138 Ibid., I,} 5 . 157 Dhahabi, Tadbkira, I, 153.
139 Ibid. 158 Ibid, I, I I 1. NOTES TO CHAPTER FOUR

1 Cf. pp.9-IO above. A list of some of the earliest legal texts is given in Azarni, Schacht's Origins, 24-5.

2 For some insights into the change in consciousness, both positive and negative, brought about by mass literacy, see A. K. Coomaraswamy, The Bugbear of Literacy (London, 1948cE).

3 Cf. F. Sezgin, Geschichte des arabiscben Scbrifttums (Leiden, 1967CE).

4 Ibn al-Nadim, Fihrist, 89.

5 R. Nicholson, Literary History of the Arabs (Cambridge, 193OCE), 13. It is surprising that Margoliouth does not even mention the name of this author in his Lectures on Arabic Historians (Calcutta, 1930CE).

6 Ibn al-Nadim, Fihrist, 90.

7 Ibid. For other Arabic medical works of this period, see my Studies in Arabic and Persian Medical Literature (Calcutta, 1959cE).

8 J. Horovitz, 'The Earliest Biographies of the Prophet and their Authors' (i), Ie, 1 (1927), 535-59,536-39·

9 Ibid.

10 lbn Sa'd, V, 133.

11 J:!aji Khalifa, V, 535-6.

I2 Ibid, 54<:r-4 1.

13 A. Harley, 'The Musnad of 'Umar b.

'Abdi'I-'Aziz',jASB, XX, 391-488. 14 Tayalisi, Musnad, title page. 15 J:!aji Khalifa, V, 5 J3.

16 COPL,v/i, 157-{;2.

17 Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib al-Tabdhib, IV, no. 316; Dhahabi, Tadbkira, 1,32.2; 'lya4, limit, 61.

18 The printed text, as well as the Patna MS, appear to be incomplete. The traditions related by al-'Abbas ibn al-Murtalib, al-Fadl ibn 'Abbas, 'Abd Allah ibn Ja'far, Ka'b ibn Malik, Salama ibn al-Akwa", Sahl ibn Sa'd, Mu'awiya, and 'Amr ibn aI-'~, whose badiths are referred to on other pages, are entirely missing from the body of this version. Some of the traditions narrated by 'Umar are likewise misplaced. Cf. Tayalisi, Musnad, 2<:r-I.

19 Students of Tayalisi are greatly assisted by the concordance of aI-Sa'an, Minhat al-M3'bud fi tartib Musnad al-Tayalisi AbU' Daud (Cairo, 1372.)·

20 l;iaji Khalifa, V, 533; d. Sakhawi, Fath, 34· 2.1 All sections of the book are transmitted on his common authoriry.

146

22 Robson, J, 'Standards Applied by Muslim Tradirionisrs,' (Bulletin of the John Rylands Library XLlIl ('96, CE), 4 5 9-79),46 I.

23 Tayiilisi, Musnad, nos.77, 24', 263, 387, 484, 1060, II 58,2179 etc.

24 lbid., nos 1021,etc.

25 Jbid., nos. 393,644,837,886,892,917,

938, etc.

26 For instance, ibid., no 381.

27 For instance, ibid., nos. 4 56, 7 1 8, 2254· 28 For instance, ibid., nos. 5'9, '539·

29 For instance, ibid., no. 794.

30 COPL, Vii, '57--62.

3 I Two later editions of the Musnad have been published in Egvpt: one by al-Banna, and the other by Shakir. The latter (Cairo, vols. 1 -16, 137.,,'1954) is extremely scholarly, and includes a precise and illuminating introduction to the author and his work. Shakir numbers each badith, and adds to each volume several useful indices. Unfortunately, the editor passed away before completing the work; a serious loss to the world of scholarship. The former was reprinted in 1389 in Beirut by al-Maktab al-Islarni and Dar ~adir, together with a useful index of companions.

32 Ibn Hazrn, [amharat Ansdb al-i Arab (MS in

library of M. Z. Siddiqi), 230. 33 Ibid.

34 Ibid.,J 21; Tabari, Tarikh, n, 1358.

35 al-Dinawari, al-Akhbar al-Tiu/dl (Leiden, 1888CE),335·

36 Patron, W. M., Ahmad ibn Hanbal and the Mil?na (Leiden, 1897), 10.

. 37 Ibn Hajar, Tabdbib al-Tabdbib, I, no.126; Wiistenfeld, F. Der Imam el-Schafi i. seine Schuler und Anhiinger bis zum j. 300 d.H. (Gotringen,I890cE),no.'3.

38 Ibid. 39 Ibid.

40 Subki, Tabaqat, I, 203; Parton, 108, 112,

145·

41 Parton, 142.

42 Subkl, Tabaqat, 1,203-4; Patton, 172. 43 Parton, 14, 141, 147·

44 lbid., 150.

45 lbid., 144·

46 Parton, '52.

47 lbn Hajar, Tahdhlbal-Tahdhlb,l,no.I26I;

Nawawi, Tabdbib, 142-45. 48 Patton, 194.

49 Ibn al-Nadim, Fihrist, 229. 50 Subki, Tabaqiit, I, 202.

HADITH LITERATUR.E 51 Ibid. 203.

52 Ibn Hanbal, Musnad, I, 308; IV, 269. 53 Ibn al-Nadirn, Fihrist, 229.

54 Subki, Tabaqat, I, 202; Goldziher, 'Neue Materialen zur Litteratur des Uberlie£erungs. wesens bei den Muhammedaner,' (ZDMG L (1896CE), 465-506), 472fn.

55 Dihlawi, Bustdn, 31.

56 Goldziher, 'Neue Marerialen', 485-86.

57 Cf. Khoury, R. G., 'L'importance d'ibn Lahi'a et de son papyrus conserve a Heidelberg dans la tradition musulmane du deuxierne sicicle de l'hegire,' Arabica, XXII (1975), 6-14; Azarni Early Haditb Literature, 29.

58 Ibn Hanbal, Musnad, ll, 252-53. 59 Ibid., III, 202.

60 Ibid., VI, 101.

61 lbid., III, 20 I . For some other instances of hi, cxactirude.see ibid., I, 308; 1II, 33; V,J 5 2,385.

62 lbid., 11,184; VI, 420.

63 In connection with some traditions, he states, for instance, that he read them with his father (Ibn Hanbal, MU5IIad, II, 157)· Others, he says, he found in his father's manuscript (III, 310), Still others he found in the manuscript and had heard from his father, but had not made a note 01 them (IV, 96).

64 Ibid., 111,182; IV, 96; V, 26.

65 lbid., 1,252; 11,449; III, 3; IV, 225; V,381;

VI,n·

66 lbid., V,J58.

67 lbid., 336; V, 326; VI, 31.6.

68 Ibid., IV, 91. 'Abd Allah's editing has, however, been criticised by an eminent Indian rradirionist of the last century, who claims that he committed many mistakes in the actual arrangement of the work, by including, for instance, the narrations of the Madinans in the musnad of the Syrians, and vice versa. Dihlawi, Bustan, 3 I.

69 Goldziher, 'Neue Marerialen', 466. 70 Haji Khalifa, V, 534-35.

71 Yaqur, Mu';am al-Udabd', VII, 29. 72 Ibn al-Arhir, Usd, I, 9-1 1.

73 SUYlI!!, Tabaqdt, XXIV, no. 1 2. 74 Haji Khalifa, V, 535·

75 Ibid., V, 534-35·

76 Goldziher, 'Neue Materialen', 470. 77 Dihlawi, Bustdn, 31-2.

78 EI, 'Ahmad ibn Muhammad ibn Hanbal 79 GoJdziher, 'Neue Materialen', 467.

80 Published at Hyderabad, 1361.. Sezgin- I. 174·

Notes to Chapter Four

8] Published at Bombay, ] 386--90. Sezgin, I, 108-9.

82. Schacht, j., 'Ibn Rahawayh,' EP, III, 902.; Abbott, Studies, 11,69.

83 Sezgin,I, 10]-2.;Ta~l.lan, Takhrii,4]-2.. 84 Sezgin, I, ]70-1; ed. A. al-A'zarni, Beirut, 1.,00.

85 J:iaji Khalifa, V, 532.-43.

86 For this genre see Tahhan, Takhrii, ] 34-3 5; Abdul Rauf, 'Haditb Literature', 2.72.-73·

117 Ibn Hanbal, Musnad, I, 308.

88 Beirut, 1390-92.; in ]] volumes. Cf. Ibn Hajar, Muqaddima Fatb al-Bari (Delhi, ]302.), 489; Sezgin, I, 99.

89 Ibn Khallikan, nO.409.

90 Ibn al-Nadim, Fihrist, 2.2.8. 9] Haji Khalifa, III, 62.9.

92. Dihlawi, Bustdn, 5 r.

93 al-Sarn'ani, al-Ansdb (Leiden, ]9]2.CE) 355b.

94 Bombay, 1386--90. Cf. Sezgin, I, ]08-9.

95 The best-known study of his life and ~ahtIJ is al-lmdm al-Bukbdri ua-Sabihub by the late 'Abd ai-Ghani 'Abd al-Khaliq, known as Abu'lKamal, formerly Imam of the Sayyida Nafisa mosque complex in Cairo. This book was originally an introduction to 'Abd al-Khaliq's edition of the ~ahtIJ, published in Mecca by the Maktabar al-Nahda in 1376, and was later republished as a separate work, both in jedda and the United States. Here we are using the jedda edition of 1405.

96 For detailed accounts of the life and ~ahllJ of Bukhari, see, in addition to the work of 'Abd al-Khaliq: Sezgin, I, 115-34; TaJ:!~an, Takbrii, I ]0-4; Abdul Rauf, 'Haditb Literature,' 2.74-75.

97 Qastallani, lrsbiid, I, 36.

98 Arberry, A., 'The Teachers of Al-Bukhari', lQ XXXI (]967), 34-49; Sezgin, M. F., BuMri'nin Kaynaklan hakkmda arastirmalar (Istanbul,1956).

99 Ibn Hajar, Muqaddima, 564. 100 Qastallani, Irs had, I, 44f.

101 Ibn Hajar, Muqaddima, 566. 102. Subki, Tabaqat, II, 4·

103 Nawawi, Tahdhib, 90.

104 Subki, Tabaqdt, II, 6.

105 Forthese see Abbott, Studies, 11,52-3. ]06 Qastallani, lrshdd, I, 361£; Ibn Hajar,

Muqaddima, 568ff; Nawawi, Tahdhlb, 87-91. ]07 Subki, Tabaqdt, II, 5.

]08 'Abd al-Khaliq, ]47-54;d.lbn al-Nadirn, Fihrist, 2.30; Ibn Hajar, Muqaddima, 493; Qastallani, lrsbiid, 35. Bukhari's best-known works, apart from the ~al?ih, are: al- Tdrikh alKabir, Hyderabad, 1361, in 8 vols., d., above 100; al- Tarikh al-Sagbir, Allahabad, 132.5; and Raf" al-yadayn, Delhi, ] 2.99.

109 Qastallani, lrsbiid, I, 33ff., 46.

110 Guillaume, A. The Traditions of Islam (Oxford, 192.4CE), 93.

III Nawawi, Tabdbib, 95; Suyiiti, Tadrib, 2.4. For a listing and assessment of the various printed editions, see 'Abd al- Khaliq, 2.45-56.

I 12. Or 300,000, according to another account. Of these, he had 100,000 by heart. Abbott, Studies, II, 69.

1 13 For a detailed analysis of Bukharl's understanding of the term 'sound' (~al?tIJ), see Qasrallani, lrsbad, I, 2.2.ff; 'Abd al-Khaliq, 2.00-1.

I ] 4 Qasrallani, lrsbdd, I, z zff. 1 '5 Ibid.

I 16 Suyiiri, Tadrib, 30

I 17 Ibn Hajar, Muqaddima, 13; Qasrallani, lrsbdd, I, 11-2..

1 18 Ibn Hajar, Muqaddima, 12.f; Qasrallani, lrshdd, I, 2.2f.

119 'Abd al-Khiiliq, 2.30-39. Twenty-eight shorter glosses are also listed in this source (PP.2.3~42.), sixteen epitomes (PP.2.42.-43), and sixteen works on matters relating to its indexing, biographical information, and so forth (pp. 2.4 3- 45). Other lists of commentaries may be consulted in Qastallani, lrshiid, I, 3~42., and J:iiiji Khalifa, 11,52.1-39.

120 J:iajiKhalifa, II, 545.

] 2.J jaza'iri, Taioiih, 9&-1 I 3.

J 2.2. Nawawi, al-Minha; fi Sbarb ~l?tIJ Muslim ibn al-Haijd] (Cairo, 1347),8.

12.3 A. Mingana has published a note on a MS. of some old fragments of the ~al?tIJ of al-Bukharl as 'An Important MS. of Bukhari's ~l?tIJ', jRAS (]936), PP.2.87-92.. He describes the special features of the manuscript, and promises to publish a complete set oJ facsimile reproductions of it (this was apparently never achieved). His suggestion, however, that the book was not composed by al-Bukhari, but by a student of the book one or two generations after the great traditionist, on the grounds that the word akhbarand is used for him, and baddathand for the later narrators, is mistaken. For the strict use of these terms was far from being definitely fixed at the time of al-

148

HADITH LITERATURE

Bukhdri. In the Risdla Taqyid al-tllm of al-Kharib al-Baghdadi, the author is introduced by the term akhbarana, and other narrators by baddathand.

I 24 'al-Bukhari', El, I, 783.

125 For his life and work see Sezgin, I, 136ff;

Abdul Rauf, 'ljadlth Literature', 275. 126 Ibn Hajar, lsaba, I, 752.

127 Ibn !:fazm,Jamhara, f01.288. 128 Ibid.

129 Ibid.

130 Ibn Haiar, Tabdbib al-Tabdbib, X,

no.226.

131 Ibn Khallikan, no. 72 7. 132 Dihlawt, Busta-n, 1 '7.

133 Ibn al-Nadim, Fihrist, 231. Perhaps Muslim's best known work, other than the $a~II?, is his Kitdb al-Tamyiz; ed. M. M. al-A'zarnl, Riyadh, I395iI97S·

134 !:faji Khalifa, II, 541H; d. Nawawi,

Minhiii,I,4·

13 S Nawawi, Minhiij, I, 5· 136 Qastallani, lrshiid, 8-9. 137 Nawawt,Minhiii,5·

138 Muslim, $a~II?, muqaddima, 3ff.

139 The distinctiorf is explained In greater

detail in 'lya4, llmd', 12.2.-34. 140 Nawawi,Minhiii,5. 141 Dihlawi, Busta-n, I 17. 142 Nawawi, Minhiii, 8.

143 Twenty-seven commentaries on the work are listed by Sezgin, I, 136-4°.

'44 Edited by M. M. A '~mi, Beirut, 139 1-97 in four volumes. Cf. T aJ:!~an, Takbrii, 2 I 3.

145 Ibn Hibban's badiths are most usually consulted in the work of al-Haytharni (d.8071 1405), Mawiirid al-~m'iin ilii zatad'id Ibn Ijibbiin. This includes such of Ibn Hibban's ~adIths as are not also recorded by Bukharl and Muslim, numbering 2,647.

146 Tirmidhi's work is more properly a iiim,' collection, including material on all the various topics; but as it has conventionally acquired the title Sunan, it has been included in this chapter for ease of reference.

'47 Nawawi, Tahdhw, 709. Wiistenfeld, Schiif;';, 91, doubts the accuracy of the statement that Abii Daiid had been engaged on his book for this period.

148 Sam'ani, Ansiib, 293; Nawawi, Tahdbib, 709.

149 IbnKhallikan,no.27I.

i 50 ¥aqii!, Mu<;am al-Buldan, III, 44.

lSI Sam<ani,Ansiib,293· 152 Subki, Tabaqiit, II, 48.

153 Yaqut, Mu';am al-Buldan,lII, 44· 154 Nawawi, Tahdbib, 710.

155 An account of many of these teachers may

be found in the works on asmd' al-rijii}. 156 Subki, Tabaqdt, II, 49.

157 Nawawi, Tahdbib, 710.

158 For the Sunan, see Sezgin, I, I 4~52; Abdul Raul, 'ljadith Literature', 276.

159 Goldziher, Muslim Studies, 11,230.

160 See Abii Daiid's Risila ilii ahl Makka

(Beirut, n.d.).

161 Abii Daud, Sunan, 1,4. 162. Ibid., I, 26.

163 Ibid.,J 2-3.

164 Ibid., 133-34.

165 Ibid., 138.

166 Ibid., 162.

167 Ibid., 2.2. I.

168 Nawawi, Tahdbib, 7IJ-I 2.

169 For this work see Sezgin, 1,154-59; Abdul Raul, 'Hadith Literature', 276.

170 It is interesting to record that his tomb, vandaliscd by the Soviets, was restored by the Uzbek authorities in 14 I 01 I 990, and is now once again an important centre for pious visits.

171 Dihlawi,Busta-n, I2.I. 172 Tirmidhi,fiimt<, 1,5. 173 Ibid., I, 13.

174 Ibid., 11,16.

175 Other terms, which need not detain us

here, are occasionally encountered in his work. 176 Ibn al-~ala~, Muqaddima, 14-5.

177 Ibid., I4ff; Suyii!i, Tadrib, 53-4.

178 Subki, Tabaqdt, II, 83-4; Ibn Khallikan,

no. 28.

179 Wiistenfeld, Schiifi'i, 70. 180 Dhahabi, Tadhkira, II, 268.

181 For the Sunan see Sezgin, 167-69; Abdul Rauf, 'lfadith Literature', 276.

182. Subki, Tabaqdt, II, 84. The original Sunan was published in a six-volume facsimile edition in Beirut in I 4 r r/r 99 I.

183 Goldziher, Muslim Studies, 11,232. 184 Dhahabi, Tadhkira, 11,268.

185 !:fiijiKhalila, III, 626-27.

186 ct. Sezgin, I, II 4- IS; Abdul Rauf, 'Haditb Literature', 277. An ancient manuscript copy was brought from Mecca, and lithographed and published in india at the instance of Nawwab Siddiq Hasan Khan of Bhopal, one of the nine-

Notes to Chapter Four

teenth century's great patrons of baditb learning. 187 al-Diyarbakrl, Tiirtkh al-Kbamis (Cairo, 1309l?]),I1,341.

188 Darimi, Sunan, editor's introduction, 6. 189 Samani, Ansab, 218b; Dhahabi, Tadbkira, II, 115-17.

190 Ibn al-Salah, Muqaddima, 15.

19 I Darirni, Sunan, editor's introduction, 7;

Dihlawi, Bustdn, 48.

192 Ibnal-~ala~,Muqaddima, 15.

193 Dihlawi, Muqaddima, introduction. 194 Haji Khalifa, V, 540.

195 For the work see Sezgin, I, 147-48; Abdul Rauf, 'Haditb Literature', 276-77.

196 Dhahabi, Tadhkira,J1,209ff.

197 Dihlawi, Muqaddima, introduction. One might also note the verdict of Ibn al-jawzi to the effect that badiths on the merits of individuals, tribes or towns are usually fraudulent. Ibn alJawzi's work, however (the Maw4u'iit), is generally regarded as exaggerated in its approach; d. al-Zurqani, Sbarb 'alii al·Man~uma al-Bayquniya fi'I-M~!<>lafJ, ed. Nabil al-Sharif (Beirut, 1405/ 1985),94-5.

198 al-Kharib al-Baghdadi, Tdrikh Baghdad,

XII,34-40.

199 See above, 91.

200 Ibn Khallikan, nO.3 2. 201 lbid.i no.s ae.

202 lbid., P.38.

203 Ibid.

204 lbid., nos. 132,445.

205 For a list of these, see Wiistenfeld, Schari, nO.235·

206 For the Sunan, see Sezgin, I, 206--9.

207 al-Baghawi, M~iiblf? al-Sunna (Cairo,

n.d.),2.

208 Dihlawi, Bustiin, 48. 209 Subki, Tabaqiit, Ill, 4.

210 J:!aji Khalifa, III, 627; Abdul Rauf, 'Haditb Literature', 281-82. His best-known work, al-Sunan al-Kubrd, was published in a ten volume edition in Hyderabad, '344'

21 I Subki, Tabaqat, III, 3-5. 212 Sezgin, I, 104.

213 Dhahabi, Tadhkira,II, 5·

214 Ibn Hajar, Tabdhib al-Tahdbib, 1II,

149

no.148.

215 Dhahabi, Tadbkira, II, 5; Dihlawi, Bus-

tan, 51.

216 Sam'ani,Ansab,sub.nom. 21 7 See below. j I.

218 al-Kharib al-Baghdadi, Tiirikh Baghdad,

VI, 122.

219 Dhahabi, Tadhkira,III, 129. 220 Dhahabi, T 'adhkira, III, 129.

221 J:!aji Khalifa, V, 629; Ta~~an, Takhrii, 45·

222 Ta~~an, Takh";;,45-6·

22.3 Tabarani, al-Mu'jam al-Sagbir (Cairo, 1388); for which see Ta~~an, Takbrij, 36. Towards the end of the book, however, two or three traditions with the same isnad are sometimes given. Haditbs included in these three Mu'jams, and in the Musnads of al-Bazzar and Abu Ya'la al-Mawsili, but not found in the Sound Six collections, are 'gathered in the Majma' alZau/d'id u/a-Manba' al-Faiod'id of al-Hayrhami, published in ten volumes in Cairo in 1352. Cf. Tahhan, Takbrii, 120.

224 J:!aji Khalifa, V, 623-30. The best known are the Mu'jam al-Sababa of Ahmad ibn 'Ali ibn Lal (d.398IIoo8), the Mu'jam al-Sahdba of Abu Ya'lii al-Mawsili (d.307/919), cf Tahhan, Takbrii, 46; and the Mu'jam al-$a~iiba of Ibn Qani' (d.35 1/962); d. Sezgin, I, 189.

225 Shah Wali Allah al-Dihlawi, Huiiat Alliih

al-Bdligha (Cairo, 1352),1, 132-4' 226 Ibid.

22.7 Ibn al-Salah, Muqaddima, 8. 22.8 Sakhawi, Fatb, 16.

229 Goldziher, M'uslim Studies, II, 24<r-41. 230 Distinguished badith expert who died in

353/964 in Egypt, and whose M~annaf was recognised a century after his death by Ibn Hazm as one of the finest collections of baditb.

231 Suyuti, T 'adrib, 29· 232 Ibid., 32.

233 Ibid., 56.

234 Cf. Goldziher, Muslim Studies, II, 24<r-41.

235 Goldziher, Muslim Studies, II, 243·

236 Such as, for instance, Dihl~i, Huiia, I, 134-35·

150

NOTES TO CHAPTER FIVE

nADITH LITERATURE

1 For {he isndd system, see 'lyac:l, lIma-<, 194- 98; Azami, Early Haditb Literature, 212-47; idem, Schacht's Origins, 154-2.12.; ]. Robson, 'The lsnad in Muslim Tradition', reprinted from Transactions of the Glasgow Uniucrsity Oriental SOCIety, XV (196SCE), pp.1 5-26.

2 Leone Caetani, Annali dell' Islam (Milan 1905-18; Rome, 192.6cE), I, 30.

3 J. Horovitz, 'Alter und Ursprung des Isn.id', Der Islam, VIII (1917CE),39-47. Cf. Azami, Schacht's Origms, 167.

4 Their conclusions are summarised in A. H.

Harley, 'The Musnad of'Umar ibn 'Abd al-l Aziz', IjASB, New Series, XX (192.4CE), 391-488), 404-5.

5 The falsity of this presupposition has been shown by Abbott, Studies, II, 64, and passim.

6 Lectures 011 Arabic Historians, 2.0.

7 Horovitz,' Alter'. Whether the isn.id svstern really goes hack a long distance towards the Mosaic period is, however, open to doubt; Horovirz has nor proved that these 'isndds' are not later inrerpolanons.

8 Ibn Hazrn, al-Fisal fi'I·Mil,,1 wa'I·AlJU'''' uia'l-mhal (Cairo, 1347), II, 67-70.

9 As far as I am aware, no serious notice of rhis fact has yet been taken. It was pointed out to me for the first time by my late friend Dr. Prabodhchandra Bagchi, the Vice-Chancellor of VisvaBharati University (India).

10 Mahabbarata, Book I, canto I; d.

Wintemit7., History of Indian Literature (Calcutta, 192.7CE),I, 323.

lIT ranslated by A. B. Keith, The Siinkhayana Ara,!yaka, with an appendix on the Mahiil'rata (London, 1908cE), 71-2,

12. Sacred Books of the East, XV, 2.2.4-27.

13 Wintemitz, A History of Indian Literature, II, 34, fn.j.

14 P. Cordier, Catalogue du [ond Tibetain de La Bibliothcque Nationale (Paris, 1915CE), III, 163.

15 Caerani, Annali, I, 3 I. 16 Horovitz, 'Alter" 43-4·

1 7 \'('110, according to Caerani, never used the isniid method.

18 J. Horovitz, 'The Earliest Biographies of the Prophet and their Authors', (lC I (1927CE), 535-59),550--51.

19 Schacht, Joseph- The Origins of Muham-

madan [urisprudence (Oxford, 19 59CE), 37, 163. 20 Ibid., 36.

2.1 For this account, see Khatib, Sunl1a, 2.20; Nawawi, Minhiij, I, 84.

22 Robson, 'Standards,' 460; d. Khatib,

Sunna,2.2.o.

23 Robson, 164, fn. 1.

24 Abbott, Studies, II, 2; d.lI, 5-32.. 25 Qasrallani,Maw3hib, V,454,

2.6 Khatib, Sunna, 22 1.

27 Azami, Schacht's Origins, 1 55. 28 Horovitz,'Alter',47.

29 Suyuri, Tadrib, 2.0--1.

30 Sakhawi, Fatb, 8-10. This isnad has been criticised by Schacht (Origins, 170, 176), on the grounds that Malik was too young at the time of Nafi's death, and therefore could not have heard from the latter. This argument, however, assumes that the reader will not check the facts for himself, for Malik was almost 23 years of age when Niifi' died, and was hence in a perfectly good position to study under him. Cf. Azarni, Schacht's Origins, 171. Coulson, despite his reservations about ccrrain aspects of Schacht's theory, here repeats Schacht's sweeping assertion without comment (Cambridge History of Arabic Literature, I, 319).

31 Nawawi, Tahdbib, 507.

32 Suyuti, Tadrib, 2.2.-3. Another exercise occasionally indulged in was locating the 'weakest isnad', Some thought that this was the isndd Marwan-al-Kalbi-Abu ~ali~-Ibn 'Abbas, Cf. Goldziher, Muslim Studies, II, 247 In.z.

33 There are baditb scholars even today who can recite their baditbs complete with isndds stretching back from themselves to the Prophet without interruption. Such a chain typically contains between twenty and thirty narrators, and is termed al-baditb al-musalsal.

34 al-Munajjid, 'Ijazat al-Sarna' fi alMakhrutar al-Qadima', in Journal of the Institute of Arabic Manuscripts, Ilii (Cairo, 1375h955), 2.32ff.

3 5 Ate~, Corum Fe Yozgat kutuphanelennden bazi muhim Arapca yazmalar (Istanbul, 1959CFi, 3-4·

36 C. H_ Becker, Papyri Schott-Reinhardt I (Heidelberg, 1906cE). I am indebted to Professor Ono Spies for a copy of page 8 of Becker's work. For additional information see J. Horovitz, 'Wahb ibn Munabbih', EI, IV, 1084-85,

Notes to Chapter Six

37 Ibn al-Salah, Muqaddima, 81f; Suyiiti,

Tadrib, I 58;Sakhawi,Fat~, 265. 38 COPt, Vii, nO.24I.

39 lbid., nO.254·

40 lbid., ii, no. 322.

41 lbid., no. 483.

42 Ibid., XII, no.800.

43 W. Ahlwardt, Die Handschriften- Yerzeichnisse dcr Kontglicben Bibliothek zu Berlin (Berlin, J 89 SCE), 1I, no.246.

44 Ibn al-Salah, Muqaddima, 82.

45 A number of Arabic MSS on subjects other than tradition and provided with notes of this type are described by G. Vajda in his Les certificats de lecture et de tr""smission dans les manuscrits arabcs de la Bibiotbeque nationale de Paris (Paris, 19 S6CE). Sec in particular PP.37ff.

46 Margoliouth, Lectures on Arabic HIStorians, 19.

47 al-Khatib al-Baghdadi, al-Kifaya [i tilm alRiU'.iya (Hyderabad, 1368/(949), 171-203.

48 Ibid.'

Ibn al-Salah, Muqaddima, 49; 'Iyad, llmo",

SU),,,!i, Tadrib, 1(;4.

Yaqui, M,,',amal-Udaba', 1,17,26. Suyuu, Tadrib, 164.

Yaqut, Mu',am al-Udaba', IV, 135. 'lyi<;l,lIma, 48.

Ibid., 69-70; Sezgin. 58-<); Robson, 'Stan',470.

'Iyad, lima', 70-<); Sezgin, 59; Robson,

'Standards', 4 70.

57 'Iyad, Ilma"', 88-107; Khatib, Sunna, 311-26; Sezgin, ;9; Robson, 'Standards" 470.

58 'Iyad, lima"', 79-83; Khatib, Sunna, 330-34; Sezgin, 59; Robson, 'Standards', 472-73; Abbott, Studies, T, 25.

59 'Iyad, lima', 83-7; Khatib, Sunna, 314; Sezgin, 59; Robson, 'Standards', 473-74.

60 '1)'3<;1, lima', 107-15; Sezgin, 59.

61 'Iyad, llmd, I I 5-16; Khatib, Sunna, 352-53; Sezgin, 59; Robson, 'Standards', 474:'

62 'lya4,1Ima', 116-17; Sezgin, 59-60; Robson, 'Standards', 474; Abbott, Studies, II, 45-6. For more on these eight categories, see also Ibn al-Salah, Muqaddima, 50-69; Suyuti, Tadrib, 129-50; Sakhawi, Fatb, 170-236.

6~ Suyur], Tadrib, 4-8.

64 Suyuri, Tadrib, 159-70.

65 For all these points, see Ibn al-Salah, Muq.1dd,ma, 70-82; Sakhawi, Fatb, 236-<\8; Suyuti, Tadrib, 15 I-59; Khatib, Sunna, 237-4 I. 66 Goldziher, Muslim Studies, 11, 4 I.

67 Ibn 'Abd al-Barr,jaml\ 1,163-86. 68 Ibid.

69 Coldzrher. Musftm Studies, 11, 46-7·

70 Horovitz. J, 'The Earhcst Biographers of the Prophet and their Authors' (ii) (IC II (I 928CE), 22-50),48.

7 I Ibid., 4 1-2,

72 See above, 47-49. 73 See above, 54.

NOTES TO CHAPTER SIX

1 Suyuri, Tadrib, 9. 2 lbid., 256.

3 Ibid.

4 Cf. Well hansen, J. Reste arabtschen Heiden-

tums (Berlin, I 897CE), 94-101.

5 Ibn al-Salah, Muqaddima, 154. 6 Suyuti, Tadrib, 254.

7 Horovitz, 'The Earliest Biographies', 550, 558; Ibn Sa'd, V, 13}.

8 Ihn 'Adi, al-Kiimil fi f!u'af.i' al-Ritiil (Beirut, 1402). This text has been quoted by jaza'iri, Tau-jib, I 14.

9 Loth, O. 'Ursprung und Bedeutung der

Tabakat', (ZDMG XXIII, 593-<>14),600. 10 Ibn al-Nadirn, Fihrist; 228, 199.

11 Der Islam, VIII, ,po

12 KhaFib,Sunna, 265.

13 Ibn al-Nadirn, Fibrist, 99£.

14 CE. Ibn al-Khayyar, Tarikb, and his Tabaqat (Sezgin, I 10-1 I; Khatib, Sunna, 265).

15 Ibn al-Nadim, Fihrist; 991.

16 lbid., 2}O, 231, 233; f:laji Khalifa.Tl, 14I.

Best-known amongst these are Bukhari, .11- Tarikh al-Kabir (Hyderahad, 1381; d. Sezgm, I, 132-}) and his al-Tdrik]: al-Saghir (Albhabad, 1 .J24; cf Sezgin.}, 133); Muslim. ;;,tal vi- Tumvi; (Sezgin, 1,143); Nasa'i, al-pu'.;/.]· ,;/-SGghlT (Hvderabad. 1325); d. also Ihn Hanhal.' J/ 'Jlal'I".l·.\la'nfat al-Ripi! (ed. Talar KOCYIglt, Ankara, ''jo .leE).

17 Ibn f:lajar,ls.iba,I, cduor 's introducnon, I. 18 Margoliouth, Lectures, 71.

19 Khapo,Sunna,274-5.

20 The best known of which IS al-Dawlabi, al-Kund toa'l-asmd' (Hyderabad, 1322; d. Sezgin,

I

I, 172). For others see Khatib, Sunna, 27~.

21 Leiden, 19I2CE; d. Khatib, Sunna, 280.

For more in this class see ibid., 279-80.

22 See above, 103-5. .

23 Beirut, 1402..

2.4 Ed. Buran al-Dannawi and Kamal al-Hirt.

Beirut, 140 51r 98 5.

2. 5 For some more, see Khatib, Surma,

2.81-87; Tahhan, Takbrii, 2.001f. .

2.6 See above, 136.

2.7 Ibn Sa'd, lilli, editor's introduction.

2.8 al-Kharib al-Baghdadi, Tiirlkh Baghdad, V, 312.f.

2.9 Ibn al-Nadim,Fihrist, 171.

30 Nawawi, Tahdhib, 7; Ibn Khallikan, no.656.

31 al-Kharib al-Baghdadi, Tarikb Bagbddd,

VlII,92.ff.

32. Ibid., V, 160. 33 Ibid., lII, 12.1.

34 For the history of the Sachau edition of the Tabaqdt, see Appendix III.

35 For some important lacunae in this volume see the references given in J. Flick, 'Ibn Sa'd', £1" 111,92.3·

36 Ibn Sa'd, lilli, editor's introduction, xxx et seq.

37 Loth, 'Ursprung', 604-5; Ibn Sa'd, lilli, XXXVII-XXXVIII.

38 Him, P. The Origins of the Islamic State (Columbia, 192.4CE),I, 9.

39 Tabari, Tiir'kh,I, 1113-16. Cf. Ibn Sa'd,

IIi, 2.8, 29.

40 Nawawi, Tahdhib, 7. 4 I Ibn l:Iajar,/~iiba, I, 2..

42 Cf. Khatib, Sunna, 265-66; Abdul Rauf, 'Haditb Literature,' 278-79; Tahhan, Takbrii, 175-77·

43 Tahhan, Takbrii, 177-78. 44 Ibn Hajar, l~iiba,I, I.

45 al-Khatib al-Baghdadi, Tiin"kh Baghdad, X,

111-17·

46 Tahhan, Takhrij, 171.

47 Suyuti, Tabaqiit, Xlii, 62..

48 Ibn Khallikan, no.847. Ibn 'Abd al-Barr's book, al-lsti ab, contained me biographies of only three hundred Companions; a supplement was appended by Ibn Fathun, which contained notices of an approximately equal number. Cf. l:Iaji Khalifa, I, 277; T~~an, Takhri], 170.

49 TaJ:U:!iin, Takhrlj, 170-7I.

SO Suyiip, Tadn0,32;l:IajiKhalifa,I,278f.

HADITH LITERATURE

51 Tahhan, Takhri], 171-73. 52. Ibid.i j zn.

53 Ibid., 172..

54 Ibid., 2.05-6.

55 For the importance of 'theological local historiography' note the following passage, attributed to ~ali~ ibn Ahmad, author of Tabaqs; al-Hamadhanryyin: 'When religious scholarship has been cultivated in a place and scholars lived there in ancient and modern times, the students of traditions there and all those interested in traditions should begin with a thorough study of the haditbs of their own home town. Once the student knows what is sound and what is unsound in their traditions, and is completely acquainted with the baditb scholars of his city and their conditions, he may occupy himself with the traditions of other places, and with travelling in search of traditions.' (Al-Khatib al-Baghdadi, Tiir.kh Baghdad, I, 2.14, cited in F. Rosenthal, History of Muslim Historiography (Lei den, 1952.CE), '44. See also Ibn al-Salah, 100H.)

56 Khatib, Sunna, 2.67. The only previous history of the ciry, by Tayfur Ahmad ibn Abi Tahir (2.°4-2.801819-883), of which only the sixth volume is known (lithographed and translated into German by H. Keller (Leipzig, 1908CE)), deals only with me history of the Caliphs.

5 7 al-Kharib al-Baghdadi, Ki(iiya, appendix, P·5·

58 Yaqut, Mu'iam al-Udabd', I, 2.48-49.

59 Access to me hadith content of me book is facilitated by the separate index of Ahmad alChurnmari: Miftii~ al-Tartib li-A~iidlth Tdrikh al-Kbatib (Cairo, 1372.). Cf. Tahhan, Takbrii, 81-3 for the method of using this index.

60 al-Khatib al-Baghdadi, Tiirlkh Baghdad, I, 2.24; II, 521; IV, 176; VI, 101.

6 I l:Iaji Khalifa,lI, 119f.

62 Yaqut, Mu'iam aJ-Udabii', V, 140-44.

Apart from the History, his best-known work is his Tabyin Kadhib al-Muftan, in which he defends me doctrines of Ash'ari orthodoxy against the anthropomorphism of the neo-Hanbalites,

63 Ibn 'Asakir, Tiin"kh Dimashq, I, IOf.

64 'Syria' (al-Shiim) at this time included present-day Palestine.

65 Ed.Girgis'Awa~,Baghdad,1967CE.

66 Ed. 'Ali al-Shabbi and Na'im Hasan al-Yafi, Tunis, 1968cE.

67 Ed. Tahir al-Na'sani, Hama, n.d, 68 Leiden, 193 ICE.

Notes to Chapter Seven

69 Ed. 'Abd al-Rahrnan al-Mu'allirni, Hyder-

abad, 1369.

70 Ibn Khallikan, nos, 32.,63 I. 71 Ibid., nO.62.6.

72. Haji Khalifa, II, I2.5f. 73 Ibn Khallikiin, nO·406.

153

74 Ibid.,no.672..

75 Yaqut, Mu';am al-Udabd', I, 410; Haii

Khalifa, 11,143.

76 Ibn Khallikan, no. 502.. 77 !:laji Khalifa, II, 157. 78 Ibid., II, 140f.

NOTES TO CHAPTER SEVEN

I Qur'an, XXIV, I2.. 2. Qur'an, IX, 30.

3 Mulla jiwan, Nur ai-Anwar (Calcutta, 1359), 180; al-Mubarakfuri, Tuhfat al-Abu/adhi (Delhi, 1346-53), II, 197. . 4 Muslim, Sa~i1?, bab al-tayammum (I, 6 I).

5 ibid., I, 10.

6 Bukhari, Sa~i1?, I, 14 I.

7 Al-Hakim's work, al-Madkhal us Ma'rifat al-Iklil, is the only book of this type with an English translation: J. Robson, An Introduction to the Science of Tradition (London, 195 3CE).

8 Published Hyderabad, 1357. 9 Published Cairo, 1398.

10 Published Cairo, 1326, another edition

I974CE.

II For a list see Suyuri, Tadrib; 9. 12 Published Lucknow, n.d.

13 Published Cairo, 1307; new edition 1379. 14 Shiifi'i, Risdla, 99.

I 5 For more on this division, see Zurqani, Sbarb, azff, 59; Kamali, Principles, 81-2..

16 'A haditb which a Successor (rab'<i) has directly attributed to the Prophet without mentioning the last link, namely the Companion who might have narrated it from the Prophet' (Karnali, Principles, 79).

17 jaza'iri, Tatojih, 113-18; d. Ta~~an, Takhrij, 156-66.

18. Kamali, Principles, 68-70; 'Abd al-Khaliq,

63-4·

19 Jiwan,Nur,176.

20 Nawawi, Taqrib, 190. 2.I Ibid.,19I.

22 Beirut, 1405.

23 Kamali, Principles, 70-- I.

24 Ibid., 71-8; Khatib,Sunna, 18-20,2.5.

2.5 Qur'an, ux, 7;·d. Azami, Schacht's Ori-

gins, 7-15.

2.6 Darimi, Sunan, 26. 2.7 Ibid.,32.-3·

28 Bukhari, SaI?i1?, II, J 2.4.

2.9 Ibid., 137; Shiifi"i, Risdla, 114.

30 Ibn Sa'd, 1>5 2..

3 I For ra'y see Kamali, Principles, 25 I-52. 32 Shafi'], Risala, 1 18-20.

33 See 'Asqalani's commentary on Bukhari, Sa~i1?, kitab fard al-khumus, bab qisrnat al-imarn. 34 Muslim, SaI?i1?, II, 264; Dihlawi, ifu;/at AILih al-Bdligha, (Lahore edition, 135IAH), I, 2.49-50.

35 Kamali, Principles, 48; Khatib, Sunna, 2.3-7·

36 Darirni, Sunan, 2.6ff; Shafi'I, Risiila, 117-19; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr,Jam,<, II, 3 1-3.

37 Shibli Nu'rnani, al-Farieq, II, 196.

38 Khatib, Sunna, 8-I2.. For more on the legal force of badith, see Kamali, Principles, 48-50.

39 As Abbott notes (Studies, II, 75-6), Orientalist scholarship has generally ignored the phenomenon of matn criticism. Even so late a writer as Coulson ('European Criticism', 317) believes of the badith scholars that 'their test for authenticity was confined to an investigation of the chain of ttansmitters (isniid). There could, by the terms of the religious faith itself, be no questioning of the content of the report; for this was the substance of divine revelation and therefore not susceptible to any form of legal or historical criticism.' A brief inspection of works such as Ibn al-Jawzi's Maw4itiit, together with the contents of the present section, readily corrects this assumption.

40 SUyU\i, Tadrib, 100. 41 lbid., 99.

42. al-Hakim, Ma'rifa 'Ulum al-Hadith (Cairo,

1937CE),58ff.

43 Suyuri, Tadrib, 48. 44 Ibid., 89.

45 Kha~ib,Sunna, 243.

46 Azarni, Schacht's Origins, 114; Karnali, Principles, 59.

47 Khatib, Sunna, 2.44-45. For the techniques of reconciling badith see Kamali, Principles, 356-65·

154

48 Khatib, Sunna, 242; Azami Schacht's Origins, "4.

49 lbid., 247.

50 Khatib, S,mna, 2.08-2.0; Kamali, Prin-

ciples, 66-7.

5' Kha!ib,Sun1la, 244. 52 lbid., 243·

53 Ibid., 242.

54 J/-Mawdu'iit (Medina, 1,86-R9)·

55 al-LJ'j/i al-Ma~nu'a . fi'I-Ah"d1th .1/.

Mau-iJu'a (Beirut, 1408).

56 al-Fau.a'id al-Malmii'a fi bayan al-Abiidith al.Marl"dij'a(Lahore, 12.23 11)2_l?]).

HADITH LITERATURE

57 Ta~~an, Takbrii, 64-71, J48-49; Khatib, Sunna, 282--91.

58 Bukhari, iia~i1?, bab khalq Adam; Ibn Hajar, Fath al-Bari, VI, 230.

59 Bukhari, $ahih, Kirab al-Sulh, bab I; d. Ihn Hajar, Fath,ad.loc.

60 ICf. Ibrahim In] Ihn 'Abd al-Barr, 1st/db; Ibn al-Athir, Usd al-G/,iiba; Shawkani, Fawii',d, 144·

61 Ibn al-Qayyirn, 2Jd al-Ma'iid (Kanpur, 1298),97. Cf. Bell, Laue Theory in Early Hanba-

lite Islam, 26. .

62 Ibn Hajar, Fath al-Bdri, VIII, 354.

NOTES TO APPENDIX I

II I,

I' II

I

I Maura (Y"lcill, Women Speaking, WOI1lCll Listening (Maryknoll, 1990CE), 3 I: 'Muslims do not use a masculine God as either a (onSL"iOU5 or unconscious 1001 in the construction 01 gender roles.'

2. For a general overview of the question of women's status in Islam, see M. Boisard, L'Humanisme de l'lslam (3rd. ed., Paris, 1985CE), 1.04-10.

3 al-Kharib, S,mna, 5 ,-4, 69-70. 4 See above, 18,21.

Ibn Sa'd, VIIl"S5· 6 Suyuri, Tadrih, 21 5. ., lbn Sa'd, VIII.353.

8 Maqqari, Na(h, II, 96.

9 Wustenleld, Genealogiscbe Tabellen, 430. 10 al-Khatib al-Baghdadi, Tiirikh Baghdad,

XIV,434f.

J 1 lbid., XIV, 44 1-44'

12 Ibn al-'Imad, Shadharat al-Dbahab {l Akhbiir rnan Dbahab (Cairo, 1351), V, 48; Ibn Khallikan, nO'4 13·

13 Maqqari, Na(h, I, 876; cited in Goldziher, Muslim Studies, II, 366.

J 4 Goldziher, Muslim Studies, II, J66_ 'It is in lact very common in the i;iiza 01 the transmission of the Bukhari text to find as middle member of the long chain the name 01 Karima alMarwaziyya', (ibid.).

15 Yaqur, A1u',am al-Udabd', I, 247. [6 con, V/i.98f.

17 Coldziher, Muslim Studies, II, 366.

18 Ibn al-Tmad.Ts', 12.3,2.48. Sitt al-Wuzara' was also an eminent jurist. She was once invited to Cairo to give her fatwii on a subject that had perplexed the jurists there.

[9 lbn al-Athir, al-Kamil (Cairo, 130 I), X,

346.

20 Ibn Khallikan,no.295.

21 Coldziher, Muslim Studies, II, ,67. H Ihn al- 'Imad, VI, 40.

2.' lbid., V1II, 14.

24 Ibn Sallln,al·Imdad (Hyderabad, 1.127),_l6. 2.5 Ibn al-Trnad, IV, roo.

26 Ibn Sahrn, 16.

p Ibid .• 281.

28 Ihn al-Tmad, VI, 56.

29 ibid., 126; Ibn Salim, 14, 18; al-'Umari,

Qi!f al- T/w1Iar (Hyderabad, 132.8),73· 30 Goldziher, Muslim Studies, II, 407. 3 I Ibn Barruta, Rihla, 253.

}l Yaqut;M""laI~al-Buldiin, V, 140f. 33 Yaqur, Mu';amal-Udahii', 17f.

34 COPL,Vli,175!.

35 Ibn Khallikan, nO.250·

36 Ibn al-Tmad, Y, 21 2., 404.

37 Various manuscripts of this work have been preserved in libraries, and it has been published in Hyderabad in 1348-50. Volume Viol Ibn al-Tmad's Shadhardt al-Dbabab, a large biographical dictionary of prominent Muslim scholars from the first to the tenth centuries 01 the hiira, is largely based on this work.

38 Goldziher, accustomed to the exclusively male environmenr 01 ninercenth-cenrury European universities, was taken aback by the scene depicted by Ibn Hajar. CI. Goldziher, Mus/rm Studies, II, 367' '\X'hen reading the great biographical work of Ibn Haiar 31-' Asqalani on the scholars of the eighth century, we may marvel at the number of women to whom the author has to dedicate articles.'

r

Notes to Appendix II

39 Ibn Hajar, al-Durar al-Kamina' (i A'yan al-Mi'a al- Thiimina (Hyderabad, 1348-50), I, no. 1472.

40 Ibn al- 'Imad, VII, 120f.

41 Ibid., VI, 2.08. We are told that al-Traqi (the best-known authority on the hadiths of Ghazali's Ihya' 'Ulion al-Dini ensured that his son also studied under her.

42 A summary by 'Abd al-Salarn and 'Umar ibn al-Shamma' exists (c. Brockelmann, Gesrhichte der arabischen Litteratur, second ed, (Leiden, 1943-49CE), II, 34), and a defective manuscript of the work of the latter is preserved in the 0.1'. Library at Parna (COPL, XII, nO.727).

43 Ibid.

44 Sakhawi, al-Dau/' al-Lami li-Ahl al-{_Jam al-Tas{ (Cairo, Il5 .3-5 5), XII, nO.980.

155

45 Ibid., nO·58. 46 Ibid., nO.450. 47 lbid., nO·90I.

48 al- 'Avdarus, al-Niir al-Sa{ir (Baghdad,

1353),49.

49 Ibn Abi Tahir, See COP L, XII, no.66 5 If. 50 Ibid.

S 1 Goldziher, Muslim Studies, II, 407.

52 al-Subub al-Wahila, see COPI., XII, nO.785·

53 con, Viii, 54.

54 Ibid., Viii, 155-9, 180-208. For some particularly instructive annotated manuscripts preserved at the Zahiriya Library at Damascus, see the article of 'Abd al-'Aziz al-Maymanl in alMahal!ith al-'//mi)'ya (Hyderabad: Da'irat al-Maarif, 1358), 1-14.

NOTES TO APPENDIX II

1 Pre-cminenr among such undertakings was the preparation of the Concordance and Indices of Musilln Tradition (Leiden, 1936-88CFI, which utilises the six canonical collections, together with the Sunan of al-Darirni, the Muwatta' of Imam Malik and the Musnad of Ahmad ibn Hanbal. Originally planned by Wensinck, Horovitz and certain other orientalists, It was patronised by the Royal Academy-of Amsterdam, and assisted by more than a dozen academies of research III Hoiland and elsewhere. The work was continued by de Haas, and assisted by Muhammad Fu'ad 'Abd al-Baqi and others. Preparation began in 1916, and the first volume was published in 1936, the eighth and final volume (pertaining to proper names) appearing in 1988. The work Iisrs all the important expressions occurring in the works mentioned above, in alphabetical order, the personal and place names being listed in the last volume. But although this monumental work is of considerable value, and has underpinned much recent research, it contains an unacceptably large proportion of errors (d. Tahhan, Takbrii, 92-1°5). For this reason, a number of institutions such as al-Azhar in Cairo are now preparing computer-based substitutes, cross-checked by Some of the world's greatest specialists in this field.

2 The best-known Orientalist names in this area are: A. Sprenger, E. E. Salisbury, O. V. Houdas, L. Krehl, I. Goldziher, T. W. Juynboll, .f. Horowitz, A. J. Wensinck, and, more recently, 1-

Schacht, J. Robson, N. Abbott, W. M. Watt, and G. H. A. Juynboll. The British scholar 1- Robson and the American N. Abbott provide examples of Orienta lists who are inclined to accept the traditional picture of badith genesis, while Goldziher and Schacht represent a more scepncal approach. For an account of the early development of baditb scholarship in the West, see D. G. Pfannrnuller, Handbucb der Islam literatur (Berlin and leipzig, 1 92.,C£); for more recent works see von Denffer, Ahmad, Literature on lJadith in European Languages (Leicester, 1981C£).

3 Cited in R. Patai, lgnaz Goldziber and his Oriental Diary (Detroit, 1 987CE), 29. This book represents the first English publication of Goldziher's travel diary, and offers a fascinating insight into the psychological makeup of a certain type of Orientalist scholar.

4 Cited in Patai, 20.

5 Reading his bilious and xenophobic diaries gives one a clue to understanding why this dismissive and contemptuous theory should have appealed to his brain. He decides, for instance, that Wallachia can be dismissed as 'the primal home of all physical and moral dirt, of all bodily and psychic imperfection' (cited in Patai, 87). Istanbul is 'the great Jew-town of the Muslims' (Patai, 96; he appears to have intended this as an insult); while the American missionary efforts in Syria were 'an insolence of which only Christianiry, the most abominable of all religions, is capable' (Patai, 2I).

6 Among the most enthusiastic proponents of Goldziher's theories were Protestant missionaries like Samuel Zwemer and Temple Gairdner.

7 Sprenger, 'Notes on Alfred von Kremer's edition of Wakidi's Campaigns,' UASB XXV, 53-74), 62. Proof of this contention has been supplied more recently by Abbott, Studies, 1,24.

8 Sprenger, 'On the Origins,' 303-29 and 375-81.

9 Abbott, Studies, II, 2.

10 Ibid; Azami, Early Haditb Literature, 3°'-5·

I I J. Fiick, 'Die Rolle des Traditionismus im Islam', (ZDMG XCIII (1939),1-32), 17; d. Robson, The lsndd in Muslim Tradition (reprinted from Transactions of the Glasgow University Oriental Society XV (1965), '5-26),26.

12. Ibid.; Abbott, Studies, II, 5-32.

13 Cf. for instance, the famous Ta'unl Mukhtalif al-Hadith (Interpretation of Variant Hadiths'; by Ibn Qutayba (d.276/889). (Beirut, n.d.)

'4 Goldziher, Muslim Studies, 11,56.

'5 Guillaume, Traditions, 78. 16 Tirmidhi,jamz<, I, 281.

17 Tirmidh',jam{ (with Tuhfa), II, 350. 18 Goldziher, Muslim Studies, II, 44.

19 Guillaume, Tradttions.wr-S

20 Fiick, 'Rolle', 2.3f. Cf. Khatib, Sunna, 502-16, for some aspects of Goldziher's position here.

21 Goldziher, Muslim Studies, II. 127. 22 Guillaume, Traditions, 78f.

2. 3 See above, 113-5.

2.4 Siba'i, al-Sunna ura-Makanatuhii; 365-

420.

25 al-Kharib, Sunna, 249-54. 26 Schacht, Introduction, 19. 27 juynboll,J-4·

28 S. D. Goitein, Studies in Islamic History and Institutions (Leiden, 196 5CE), 129-30.

29 Ibid., 133. For all this, see Azami, On Schacht's Origins, 15-18.

30 Coulson, 'European Criticism', 319; see also his History of Islamic Law (Edinburgh, I 964cE), 64-5.

3 I Robson, 'Standards Applied by Muslim T raditionists,' 460; d. also above, 132.

32 See in particular her objections to Schacht's views on 'family isndds': Studies, II, 36-9.

33 'An Arabic Papyrus in the Oriental Institute: Stories of the Prophets,' journal of Near Eastern Studies V (1946cE), 169-80.

HADITH LITERATURE

34 'Hadith Literature-II: Collection and Transmission of Haditb', Cambridge History of Arabic Literature I (Cambridge, 1983CE), 289-98.

35 Abbott, Studies, II, I. 36 Ibid., II, 77-8.

37 Ibid., I, 6-7; 1,26. 38 Ibid., I, 16.

39 Ibid., I, 18, 19; II, 22-32. 40 Ibid., II, 2; d.lI, 64,

41 Lahore: 1960-5.

41. An Introduction to the Science of Tradi. tion, being AI-Madkhal .u ma'rifat al-IkliI by AI-l;Iakim Abu 'Abdallah Mu~ammad b. 'Abdalldh al-Naisdbiai. (London, 1953cE).

43 'Ibn Ishaq's Use of Isnad', Bull~tin of the john Rylands Library, XXXVIII: 1. (March 1965), 449-65; 'Muslim Traditions-the Question of Authenticity,' Memoirs and Proceedings, Manchester Literary and Philosophical Society, XCIII (1951), nO.7; 'The lsnad in Muslim Tradition:

Transactions of the Glasgow University Oriental Society, XV (1965), pp. 15-1.6; 'Standards Applied by Muslim Traditionists,' Bulletin of the john Rylands Library XLIII:>. (1961),459-79.

44 Cf. for instance, 'Standards Applied" 460. 45 In G. H. A. juynboll (ed.), Papers on Islamic History. Studies on the first century of Islamic society (Carbondale, I 981.CE), 161-75.

46 Cambridge.j cxycr,

47 J uynboll, 8. 48 Ibid., 7.

49 Ibid., 6; d. Abbott, II, 69. This scepticism is not shared by G. Makdisi in his updated and enlarged version of J. Pedersen's EI article 'Madrasa': he accepts the existence of classes of this size without comment (EI" V, 1133).

50 Some of Shaykh Fadani's public sarna- sessions, delivered complete with musalsal isndds, were recorded on videotape. Copies of this are in the possession of many of his students in Mecca.

51 Ibid. 5. Faeja'il and matbdlib are Iiteraty accounts describing respectively the virtues or vices of a given individual, tribe or place.

52 Ibid. 11..

53 Ibid., '3·

54 Chapter Four.

55 Arberry, 'TIle Teachers of Al-Bukhari,' 35· 56 The Tahdhib al-Kamdl is itself an epitome

of an enormous book called al-Kamdl fi As"w' al-Riuil by 'Abd ai-Ghani ibn 'Abd al-Wa~id al-Maqdisi (d.6oo11204), whose sources are

r

Notes to Appendix III

meticulously specified; Ibn Hajar, after noting this relationship, also mentions his indebtedness to the Ikmal Tabdbib al-Kamal of 'Ala' al-Din MUghlarai (d.762.11360), who had augmented Mizzi's work with material from his own sources iTahdhib al- Tahdhib, I, 8). For the relationship between these and other works deriving from the Kamal, with a detailed description of al-Mizzi's book, see Tahhan, Takhrii, 181-98. Clearly, it is not Ibn Hajar's abbreviation which is 'the most complete list of haditb transmitters' (Juynboll,

157

135), but the earlier work of al-Maqdisi. Cf. also Khapo,Sunna, 270-1, 272-73.

57 Ibid., IJ 5·

58 Ibid., 207.

59 The School of Oriental and African Studies, a faculty of London University, still displays the Baconian motto 'Knowledge is Power' on its publications--a faded imperial conceit which until recently would have seemed out of place at Princeton or Chicago.

I Loth, 'Ursprung,' 61 1 2 Leipzig, 1869CE.

NOTES TO APPENDIX III

Loth, 'Ursprung,' 593-614 4 See above, 99.

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•••••••••• .""i11l1

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INDEX

Aban ibn Abi 'Ayyash, 35, 43 al-'Abbas ibn 'Abd al-Murtalib, 16,33 al-'Abb"s ibn al-Mughira:S 5

Abbasid dynasty, 90, I 18

Abbott, N_, 80, 12.6, 13 ]-2., ] 55

'Abd Allah ibn Abi Awfa, 17,2.4

'Abd Allah ibn Ahmad ibn Hanbal, 49, 50 'Abd Allah ibn 'Amr ibn al-'A~, 4, ]0, ]8,

2.2.-3,2.4,2.6,39,90

'Abd Allah ibn Ayyub, 35 'Abd Allah ibn Bishr, ]7 'Abd Allah ibn Buhayna, 16 'Abd Allah ibn Ja'far, 16 "Abd Allah ibn jarrad, 15 'Abd Allah ibn Maslama, 59

'Abd Allah ibn Mas'ud, 9,18,2.2.,2.3,2.5 'Abd Allah ibn Mughfil, 16

'Abd Allah ibn Muhammad al-Baghawi, 38,

70,101

'Abd Allah ibn Sa'Id, 2.6 'Abd Allah ibn Salam, 16

'Abd Allah ibn 'Umar, 18, 19,2.0,2.1,2.4,2.5,

38, 39, 84, 90, 12.8

'Abd Allah ibn Unays, 16,40 "Abd Allah ibn Zayd, 17

'Abd Allah ibn al-Zubayr, 16, 128 'Abd al-Ghani 'Abd al-Khaht.!, 147

'Abd aI-Ghani ibn 'Abd al-Wa~id al-Maqdisi,

156

'Abd aI-Ghani, al-Hafiz, 9, 70, 74 'Abd al-Hamid ibn Hurnayd, 52. 'Abd al-Haqq Dihlawi, 8

'Abd ibn Humayd, 74

'Abd al-Karim ibn Abi'l-Awja', 33 'Abd aI-Malik ibn Marwan, 132.

'Abd aI-Malik ibn "Abd al-'Aziz ibn Jurayj, 7,

52

'Abd al-Rahman ibn 'Awf, 17, 2.4 'Abd al-Rahman ibn Mahdi, 93, ] r.; 'Abd al-Razzaq, 52, 74

'Abda binr 'Abd al-Rahrnan, 118 'Abda bint Bishr, I 18

'Abid ibn Sharya, 43

'Abida al-Madaniya, 2.5, ] 18 Abraham, 115

Abrogation, 2.5

Abu 'Abd al-Rahman, 11, 15 Abu Ahmad al-Muwaffaq, 6>Abu 'Ali al-Ghassani, 58 Abu'I-'Aliya, 37, 39

Abu 'A~im al-Nabil, 7>-

Abu 'Awana, 52., 71, 72.

Abu'l-Ayna' Muhammad ibn al-Qasirn, 33 Abu Ayyub al-Ansari, 18,40,80, 107

Abu Bakr, 4,2.0,2.1,2.3,32., III

Abu Bakr A~mad, I 19

Abu Bakr ibn Malik, 52

Abu Bakr al-Mizzi, ] 2.2, 157

Abu Bakr ibn Muhammad ibn' Abd Allah, 5 I Abu Bakr ibn Muhammad ibn Hazrn, 6, 118 Abu Bakr al-Siddiq, 17

Abu Bakra Nufay', 17

Abu Barza, 17

Abu'l-Darda', 18, 2.3, 2.8, 40, III

Abu Daud al-Sijistani, 35, 38,61-3,64,71,73 Abu Dharr al-Ghifari, 18, 39

Abu Dharr al-Harawi, I 19

Abu ldris, 2.8

Abu ls~aq al-Sabi'I, 41 Abu Ju~ayfa, 17

Abu Hanifa, 2.9, 36, 44, I I .. Abu Hatirn al-Razi, 30

Abu Hazim, 40

Abu Hurnayd al-Sa'idi, 16

Abu Hurayra, I, 4, 9,18,19-2.0,2.4,30,38,

65,80,12.8 Abu'I-Kamal,147 Abu Khaythama, I I Abu Lahab, 3

Abu Malik al-Ash'ari, 16

Abu Mas'ud al-Anssrl, 17, 2.3 Abu Mas'ud al-Dimashqi, 58 Abii Mu'awiya, So Abu'l-Mulayh al-Hudhali, 16 Abu Musa al-Ash'ari, 18, 2.3, 2.5

Abu Musa Muhammadibn Abi Bakr, 101 Abu Muslim al-Kashshi, 71-2.

Abu Nu'aym al-Isfahanl, 6, 12.,41, 70, 91, 106,108, J 19

Abu Qarada, 18

168

Abii Qilaba, 7

Abii Ra!i', 17,2.4,2.5

Abii Sa'Id al-Khudri, 3, 18,22,25, I I I Abu Sa'id ibn Ja'far, 36

Abu Shah, 25, 27

Abii Shurayh al-Kabi, 15 Abii Talha al-Ansar], 16

Abu Tha-'Iaba al-Khushani, 16 Abii Urnama al-Bah iii, 18

Abii Usayd al-Sa'idi, 16

Abii Waqid al-Layrhi, 16

Abii Ya'la, II, 52, 101, 149

Abu Zar'a al-Razi, 15,53,60,69, II 3 Abii Zinad, 30, 36, 37

Academic procedures, 84-9

'Adi ibn Harim, 17

''Afif al-Din Junayd, 120 Al?iid, 110, 113

Ahiidith al-ahkam, 9, 12.

Ahmad ibn 'Abd Allah al-jubari, 36 Ahmad ibn Abi Du'ad, 48

Ahmad ibn Harb, 35

A~mad ibn Ma'riif al-Khashshab, 97 Ahmad al-Marwazi, 36

A~mad ibn Muhammad al-Bahili, 3S Ahmad ibn Qays, 39

Ahmad al-Qaysi, 36

Adam, 115

'Ajiba bint Abi Bakr, 120 Akhbaranii,60,67,87,147

'A'isha, 6, 9,18,19,20,28,33,65,66,107,

117

'A'isha bint'Abd al-Hadi, 120, 121 'A'isha bint Ibrahim, 122

'A'isha bint Mu~ammad, 122.

'Ala' al-Din Mughlatai, 157 Aleppo, 106

'Ali ibn AbiTalib, I, 18,23,24,25,26,46,67,

80,107

'Ali ibn 'Asim, 30, 31

'Ali ibn al-Madini, 45, 48, 55,66,81,95, 108 'Ali ibn Muhammad, 119-20

'Alqama ib~ Qays, -25

al-A'mash, 40, 93,144

Amatal-Wahid,1I9

'Ammar ibn Yasir, 17, 107

'Amr ibn al-'As, 16

'Amr ibn 'Aba~a, 16

'Amribn'Awf,17

'Amr ibn Sa'id, 39

'Amr ibn Shu'ayb, 24

'Amr ibn Umayya al-Damri, 15,2.3

Index

'Amr ibn Zirara, 41

'Amra hint 'Abd al-Rahman, 6, 118

Anas ibn Malik, 18, 20-1, 28, 39,63,71,93 Arba'iniyiil, 1>-, 13

Afl?iib al-$uffa, 5, 22, 26

Ash'aris, 104, 152

Asbiib al-ururisd, I 13

Asma' bint Abi Bakr, 17

Asma' bint Kamal al-Din, J 22

Asma' hint 'Umays, 17

Asmii' al-rijiil, 4, 1.9, 50, 92.-106 al-Asrna'I, 85

Alba' al- Tiib{in, 29

'Awana ibn al-Hakarn, 33, 90 Aws ibn Aws, 16

al-Awza'i, 7,25,40,65, 1.44 al-'Aydariis, 122

al-'Ayni, 56, 58

Azami, M_M., x, 80, 131

Baccalaureate, xii

al-Baghandi 44 Baghdad,31,35,47,6I-2.,70,72.,95,96,

103

Bahrayn, 19, 20

Sa'i Khatiin, 12 2 al-Balsdhun, 97,100 Balj ibn Bishr, 59 at-Bars' ibn 'Azib, 4, 18 al-Barqani.rro al-Basasir], 103

Ibn Bashkuwal, 106

Basra, 5, 7, 1.0, 54, 55,61,61.,84,96, 103,

106, 118 al-Bawarti, 5 I al-Bayhaqi,71 al-Bayqiini, 108 al-Bazzar, 149

Bayyan ibn Sam'an, 33 Bewley, Aisha, 140 Bible,~

Bilal al-Habashi, 17 Bint al-Kamal, 120 al-Bira,59

Bishr al-Hafi, 104

Bishr ibn al-Mufaddal, 144 Buddhist literature, 79 Bukharii,53

al-Bukhari, ~a~j~, 8, II, 11., 18, 1. I, 30, 38, 53-8,59,60,64,66,73,90,115,119; Tan1kh,95,96, 100, 151

Burayda ibn al-Hasib, 18

Index

Caerani, L., 77, 79

Calendar, 92.

Christians, 78,117,155

Chronological method, 81, 92.-3 Companions, 3,4,5,6,14-2.7, II 1,115,

117-8, 12.6, 131; definition, 14; number of, 14-5; narrators among, 15-2. 3; scrupulousness of, '23-4,107

Crusaders, 104

al-Dahhak ibn Qays, 25 l)a',f, 66, 109

Daijdl, I I 5

Damascus, 5, 28,67,103,104-5,122.,12.3 Daqiqa binr Murshid, 12.1

al-Daraqutni, 58,70-1

al-Darimi, I 1,68-9, I I I, 155

al-Dawlabi, 151

al-Dhahabi, 46, 95, 96,102. Dhu'l-Rumma.z.s

Diwiin,92.

Doctorate, xii

al-Dubathi, 104

Egypt, 6, 67, 70 Emesa,2.8

Fabrication of hadiths, 20, 31-6, 38, 84, 109,

114, 12.6

al-Fadani, Muhammad Yasin, 133 al-Fadl ibn 'Abbiis, 16

Fasting, 3

Fatima bint 'Abd al-Rahman, 119 Fatima bint Ahmad, I 2.~

Fa~ma al-Fudayliya, 12. 3

Fatima binr al-Hasan, 119 Fatima al-jawzdaniya, 12.0 Fatima bint Muhammad, 119 Fatima bint Qays, 16

Fa~ma al-Shahraziiriya, 12.0 Fiqh, 9, 10,44, 57

Fitan,lo

Fitna, 79-80

al-Fudavl ibn 'lyii4, 37, 83 Fus!a!,5

Geography, 5, 103 al-Ghiifiqi, 8 Gharib,66

Ghiyath ibn Ibrahim, 33 al-Ghummari, 152. Goitein, 5., 131

,

Golden Chain, 8 I

Goldziher, 1.,7, 12.4-30, 132. Guillaume, A., 130

J::Iabib Dahhun, 118 /faddarhanii,60,67,87,147 /fiifi~, 87

J::Iaf~ ibn Ghiyarh, 83,92.

J::Iaf~a bint Muhammad ibn Sirin, I 18 Hafsa Umm al-Mu'rninin, 17,2.0,2.6, 117 Hiij~r binr Muhammad, 12.0, 134

Hiikim ibn Hizarn, 16

al-Hakim al:Nisabiiri, 12., 2.9, 61, 70, 71, 91,

106,108,113,132.

Hamala ibn Yahya, 59

Hammiid ibn S~lama, 7, 37, 85, 144 Hammad ibn Zayd, 33, 37,41

Hammiim ibn Munabbih, 10,2.4-5,43, ] 2.6 Harim ibn J::Iayyan, 34

Harun al-Rashid, 33

Hasan, 66-67,1°9

al-Hasan al-Basri, 10,4°,90, 118 al-Hasan ibn Yasar, 39

Hassan ibn Ziyad, 92.

Haytham ibn 'Adi, 94 al-Haythami, 51, 148, 149 J::Iayyiin al-'Anar, 47

al-Hazimi, 56, 73

Hiira (migration), 3

Hisham ibn 'Abd Allah, 41 Hisham ibn Isrna'Il, 39

Hisham ibn 'Ubayd Allah, 30 Historiography, 5, 10 Horovitz,j.,77

al-J::Iudaybiya, 14

J::Iudhayfa, 2.8

huddiith, I

Bumayd ibn 'Amr, 59 J::Iumaid al-Tawil, 10 al-Humaydi, 52., 106, I I 9 J::Iusayn ibn Fahm, 97 Husayn al-Shaybani, 46 Hushaym ibn Bashir, 36

Ibn 'Abbas, 1,9,18,21-2.,2.4,2.5,2.6,39,39,

90,93,96,107

Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, 8,9,2.4,101,104,115 Ibn Abi Dhi'b, 30

Ibn Abi Khaythama, 95, 96 Ibn Abi Layla, 36

Ibn AbiShayba, II,sz., 53. 55. 74.95 Ibn Abi Usiima, 97

170

Ibn 'Adi, 39, 93 Ibn al-'Adim, 106

Ibn 'Asakir, 41, 95, 96,104,110 Ibn al-Athir, 8, 51, 100, 101, I I 5 Ibn 'Awn, 38

Ibn Bartal, I I 5

Ibn Barrura, 12.0

Ibn al-Bazzaz, 106

Ibn al-Dubaythi, 106

Ibn Fahd, 122

Ibn al-Fardi, 106

Ibn Fathun, 152.

Ibn Hajar, 10, 1], 51,95, 100, 101, I I S. 121, 154

Ibn Hanbal, II, 18,3 1,34, 38,45,46-52., 53,

55,59,65,66,67,71,81,108,15 I Ibn al-Hayrharn, 46

Ibn J:iayawayh, 136

Ibn Hazrn, 73,77-8, 149 Ibn Hibban, 60

Ibn Hinzaba, 70

Ibn al-Tmad, 154

Ibn lshaq, 44. 79

Ibn al-jawzi, 15, II 4. 149 Ibn al-jazari, 74

Ibn Jurayj, 7, 41,51,63 Ibn Khaldiin, 74

Ibn Khalliksn, 12.1

Ibn al- Kharrat, 73

Ibn al-Khayyar, 94, 95 Ibn Khuzayma, 60

Ibn Lal, '49

Ibn Lahta, 50

Ibn Maja, 8, 69, 73, 74, 115 Ibn al-Majishun, 144

Ibn Manda, 101, 106

Ibn Maslama, 103

Ibn Mas'iid, 9.18, 11, 13, 15

Ibn al-Mubarak, 30, 37,41,84,94,144 Ibn al-Mulaqqin, 5 I

Ibn al-Musayyib, 39,41,90,93 Ibn al-Mu'tamir, 15

Ibn al-Nadirn, 7

Ibn al-Najjar, I I, 74,104,106 Ibn Qani', r z, 149

Ibn al-Qarran, 11,73

Ibn al-Qayyim, I I 5

Ibn Qurayba, 15

Ibn Rahawayh, 52., 55, 56, 59, 65 Ibn Rustarn, 30

Ibn Sa'd, 7, 9, 19, 94, 96-100, 134~5 Ibn al-~aia~, 56,74,91,108

Index

Ibn Salldm, 81 Ibn Sayqal, 74

Ibn al-Sayrafi, 113 Ibn Shabba, 106

Ibn Sirin, 15, 30, 36, 39, 79, 80, 84, 90, 93,

Il8

Ibn Shahin, 101

Ibn Shihab al-Zuhri, 6,10,30,37,41,83,12.8 Ibn Taymiya, Majd al-Din, 9

Ibn al- Tayyib, I I 3

Ibn Ubayy, 115

Ibn 'Ulayya, 41, 47,144 Ibn 'Umar, 3

Ibn 'Uyayna, 38,144 Ibn Wahb, 2.4, 144

Ibn al-Zubayr, 39 lbnar al-Shara'ihi, 111 Ibrahim ibn Ism~'il, 12.

Ibrahim ibn Muhammad al-Nabi, I I 5 Ibrahim al-Nakha'i, 2.5, 38

Ibrahim ibn Sa'Id, 38

Ibrahim al-Taymi, 66

lidza, 82., 86, I 19, 136

lima', 8, 113, "4, 130

['lam aI-Raw., 86

'Llm Riwayatal-lfad.th, 108 Imams, 5

t-as; 3 1,86

'Imran ibn al-Husayn, 18 India, 6, 78-9. 8 I, 95 Iraq, 1 I 2.

al-'Iraqi, 56, 108, 121, 155 al- 'Irba~ ibn Sariya, 16 Isfahan, 71., 103, 106 lsrna'tl 'Aqiili, 5

isndd, xiii, 4, 8,37,57,63,65,76-84,91,109,

II3, II5, 131

'Itban ibn Malik al-An~ari, 2.5 'Iya~ ibn Himar/Hammad, 16 'Iya~ al-Yahsubl, al-Qa4J, 85, 108 Iyas ibn Mu'awiya, 1 18

jabir ibn 'Abd Allah, 18, 2.1, 2.4, 2.8,40 jabir ibn Samura, 17

al-jarb wa'/-ta'dil, 109-10

jarir ibn 'Abd Allah, 17

jam,\ 10, 12.,59,64

JanaZIJ, 1 I I

al-Jawhari,98

Jerusalem, 12.8

Jesus, 107

Jews, 77, 81, 114-5