Crito, and Phaedo of Socrates, by Plato 1

Crito, and Phaedo of Socrates, by Plato 1
Crito, and Phaedo of Socrates, by

Plato
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Title: Apology, Crito, and Phaedo of Socrates
Author: Plato
Release Date: October 12, 2004 [EBook #13726]
Language: English
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PLATO'S
APOLOGY, CRITO AND PHÆDO OF SOCRATES.
Literally Translated By
HENRY CARY, M.A., Worcester College, Oxford
With An Introduction By
EDWARD BROOKS, JR.
CONTENTS.
INTRODUCTION
THE APOLOGY OF SOCRATES
INTRODUCTION TO THE CRITO
CRITO; OR, THE DUTY OF A CITIZEN
INTRODUCTION TO THE PHÆDO
PHÆDO; OR, THE IMMORTALITY OF THE SOUL
INTRODUCTION.
Of all writers of speculative philosophy, both ancient and modern, there is

probably no one who has attained so eminent a position as Plato. What
Homer was to Epic poetry, what Cicero and Demosthenes were to oratory,
and what Shakespeare was to the drama of England, Plato was to ancient
philosophy, not unapproachable nor unapproached, but possessing an
inexplicable but unquestioned supremacy.
The authentic records of his life are meagre, and much that has been written
concerning him is of a speculative nature. He was born at Athens in the
year 427 B.C. His father's name was Ariston, and his mother's family,
which claimed its descent from Solon, included among its members many
Athenian notables, among whom was Oritias, one of the thirty tyrants.
In his early youth Plato applied himself to poetry and painting, both of
which pursuits he relinquished to become the disciple and follower of
Socrates. It is said that his name was originally Aristocles, but that it was
changed to Plato on account of the breadth of his shoulders and forehead.
He is also said to have been an expert wrestler and to have taken part in
several important battles.
He was the devoted friend and pupil of Socrates, and during the
imprisonment of his master he attended him constantly, and committed to
writing his last discourses on the immortality of the soul.
After the death of Socrates it is supposed that Plato took refuge with
Euclides in Megara, and subsequently extended his travels into Magna
Graecia and Egypt.
Upon his return to Athens he taught those who came to him for instruction
in the grove named Academus, near the Cephisus, and thus founded the
first great philosophical school, over which he continued to preside until
the day of his death. Above the entrance to this grove was inscribed the
legend: "Let no one ignorant of geometry enter here." Here he was attended
by persons of every description, among the more illustrious of whom were
Aristotle, Lycurgus, Demosthenes and Isocrates.
There is a story to the effect that Plato three times visited Sicily, once upon
the invitation of the elder Dionysius, and twice at the earnest solicitations
of the younger. The former he is said to have so seriously offended as to
cause the tyrant to have him seized on his return home and sold as a slave,
from which state of bondage he was, however, released by Anicerius of
Cyrene.
The people of his time thought more of him than they did of all their other
philosophers, and called him the Divine Plato. So great was the regard and
veneration for him that it was considered better to err with Plato than be
right with any one else.
The writings of Plato are numerous, and most of them are in the form of
dialogues. The following pages contain translations of three of his works,
viz.: "The Apologia," "The Crito" and "The Phædo," all of which have
reference to the trial, imprisonment and death of Socrates.
"The Apologia" represents Socrates on trial for his life, undertaking his
own defence, though unaccustomed to the language of the courts, the
occasion being, as he says, the first time he has ever been before a court of
justice, though seventy years of age. Plato was present at the trial, and no
doubt gives us the very arguments used by the accused. Two charges were
brought against Socrates--one that he did not believe in the gods recognized
by the State, the other that he had corrupted the Athenian youth by his
teachings. Socrates does not have recourse to the ordinary methods adopted
by orators on similar occasions. He prefers to stand upon his own integrity
and innocence, uninfluenced by the fear of that imaginary evil, death. He,
therefore, does not firmly grapple with either of the charges preferred
against him. He neither denies nor confesses the first accusation, but shows
that in several instances he conformed to the religious customs of his
country, and that he believes in God more than he fears man. The second
charge he meets by a cross-examination of his accuser, Melitus, whom he
reduces to the dilemma of charging him with corrupting the youth
designedly, which would be absurd, or with doing so undesignedly, for
which he could not be liable to punishment.
His defence, however, avails him nothing, and he is condemned by the

judges to die by drinking the poisonous hemlock. In the closing part of
"The Apologia" Socrates is represented as commenting upon the sentence
which has been passed upon him, and as expressing his belief that in going
to his death he is only passing to a better and a happier life.
In "The Crito" Socrates is represented in conversation with a friend of his

named Crito, who had been present at his trial, and who had offered to
assist Socrates in paying a fine, had a fine been the sentence imposed. Crito
visits Socrates in his confinement to bring to him the intelligence that the
ship, the arrival of which was to be the signal for his death upon the
following day, would arrive forthwith, and to urge him to adopt the means
of escape which had already been prepared. Socrates promises to follow the
advice of Crito if, upon a full discussion of the matter, it seems right to do
so. In the conversation which ensues Socrates argues that it is wrong to
return evil for evil and that the obligations which a citizen owes to his State
are more binding than those which a child owes his parents or a slave his
master, and, therefore, it is his duty to submit to the laws of Athens at
whatever cost to himself. Crito has no answer to make to this argument, and
Socrates thereupon decides to submit to his fate.
Plato is said to have had two objects in writing this dialogue: First, to acquit
Socrates of the charge of corrupting the Athenian youth; and, second, to
establish the fact that it is necessary under all circumstances to submit to
the established laws of his country.
"The Phædo" relates the manner in which Socrates spent the last day of his
life and the circumstances attending his death. He is visited by a number of
his friends, among whom are Phædo, Simmias and Crito. When his friends
arrive they find him sitting upon a bed rubbing his legs, which have just
been released from bonds. He remarks upon the unaccountable connection
between pleasure and pain, and from this the conversation gradually turns
to a consideration of the question of the immortality of the soul. He
convinces his listeners of the pre-existence of the soul; but they are still
skeptical as to its immortality, urging that its pre-existence and the fact that
it is more durable than the body does not preclude the possibility of its
being mortal. Socrates, however, argues that contraries cannot exist in the
same thing at the same time, as, for example, the same object cannot
partake of both magnitude and littleness at the same time. In like manner,
heat while it is heat can never admit the idea of cold. Life and death are
contraries and can never coexist; but wherever there is life there is soul, so
that the soul contains that which is contrary to death and can never admit
death; consequently the soul is immortal.
Having convinced his listeners, Socrates bathes and takes leave of his
children and the women of his family. Thereupon the officer appears and
tells him it is time for him to drink the poison. At this his friends
commence to weep and are rebuked by Socrates for their weakness. He
drinks the poison calmly and without hesitation, and then begins to walk
about, still conversing with his friends. His limbs soon grow stiff and heavy
and he lays himself down upon his back. His last words are: "Crito, we owe
a cock to Æsculapius; pay it, therefore, and do not neglect it."
THE APOLOGY OF SOCRATES.
I know not, O Athenians! how far you have been influenced by my accusers
for my part, in listening to them I almost forgot myself, so plausible were
their arguments however, so to speak, they have said nothing true. But of
the many falsehoods which they uttered I wondered at one of them
especially, that in which they said that you ought to be on your guard lest
you should be deceived by me, as being eloquent in speech. For that they
are not ashamed of being forthwith convicted by me in fact, when I shall
show that I am not by any means eloquent, this seemed to me the most
shameless thing in them, unless indeed they call him eloquent who speaks
the truth. For, if they mean this, then I would allow that I am an orator, but
not after their fashion for they, as I affirm, have said nothing true, but from
me you shall hear the whole truth. Not indeed, Athenians, arguments highly
wrought, as theirs were, with choice phrases and expressions, nor adorned,
but you shall hear a speech uttered without premeditation in such words as
first present themselves. For I am confident that what I say will be just, and
let none of you expect otherwise, for surely it would not become my time
of life to come before you like a youth with a got up speech. Above all
things, therefore, I beg and implore this of you, O Athenians! if you hear
me defending myself in the same language as that in which I am
accustomed to speak both in the forum at the counters, where many of you
have heard me, and elsewhere, not to be surprised or disturbed on this
account. For the case is this: I now for the first time come before a court of
justice, though more than seventy years old; I am therefore utterly a
stranger to the language here. As, then, if I were really a stranger, you
would have pardoned me if I spoke in the language and the manner in
which I had been educated, so now I ask this of you as an act of justice, as
it appears to me, to disregard the manner of my speech, for perhaps it may
be somewhat worse, and perhaps better, and to consider this only, and to
give your attention to this, whether I speak what is just or not; for this is the
virtue of a judge, but of an orator to speak the truth.
2. First, then, O Athenians! I am right in defending myself against the first

false accusations alleged against me, and my first accusers, and then against
the latest accusations, and the latest accusers. For many have been accusers
of me to you, and for many years, who have asserted nothing true, of whom
I am more afraid than of Anytus and his party, although they too are
formidable; but those are still more formidable, Athenians, who, laying
hold of many of you from childhood, have persuaded you, and accused me
of what is not true: "that there is one Socrates, a wise man, who occupies
himself about celestial matters, and has explored every thing under the
earth, and makes the worse appear the better reason." Those, O Athenians!
who have spread abroad this report are my formidable accusers; for they
who hear them think that such as search into these things do not believe
that there are gods. In the next place, these accusers are numerous, and have
accused me now for a long time; moreover, they said these things to you at
that time of life in which you were most credulous, when you were boys
and some of you youths, and they accused me altogether in my absence,
when there was no one to defend me. But the most unreasonable thing of all
is, that it is not possible to learn and mention their names, except that one
of them happens to be a comic poet.[1] Such, however, as, influenced by
envy and calumny, have persuaded you, and those who, being themselves
persuaded, have persuaded others, all these are most difficult to deal with;
for it is not possible to bring any of them forward here, nor to confute any;
but it is altogether necessary to fight, as it were with a shadow, in making

my defense, and to convict when there is no one to answer. Consider,
therefore, as I have said, that my accusers are twofold, some who have
lately accused me, and others long since, whom I have made mention of;
and believe that I ought to defend myself against these first; for you heard
them accusing me first, and much more than these last.
Well. I must make my defense, then, O Athenians! and endeavor in this so

short a space of time to remove from your minds the calumny which you
have long entertained. I wish, indeed, it might be so, if it were at all better
both for you and me, and that in making my defense I could effect
something more advantageous still: I think, however, that it will be
difficult, and I am not entirely ignorant what the difficulty is. Nevertheless,
let this turn out as may be pleasing to God, I must obey the law and make
my defense.
3. Let us, then, repeat from the beginning what the accusation is from
which the calumny against me has arisen, and relying on which Melitus has
preferred this indictment against me. Well. What, then, do they who charge
me say in their charge? For it is necessary to read their deposition as of
public accusers. "Socrates acts wickedly, and is criminally curious in
searching into things under the earth, and in the heavens, and in making the
worse appear the better cause, and in teaching these same things to others."
Such is the accusation: for such things you have yourselves seen in the
comedy of Aristophanes, one Socrates there carried about, saying that he
walks in the air, and acting many other buffooneries, of which I understand
nothing whatever. Nor do I say this as disparaging such a science, if there
be any one skilled in such things, only let me not be prosecuted by Melitus
on a charge of this kind; but I say it, O Athenians! because I have nothing
to do with such matters. And I call upon most of you as witnesses of this,
and require you to inform and tell each other, as many of you as have ever
heard me conversing; and there are many such among you. Therefore tell
each other, if any one of you has ever heard me conversing little or much
on such subjects. And from this you will know that other things also, which
the multitude assert of me, are of a similar nature.
4. However not one of these things is true; nor, if you have heard from any
one that I attempt to teach men, and require payment, is this true. Though
this, indeed, appears to me to be an honorable thing, if one should be able
to instruct men, like Gorgias the Leontine, Prodicus the Cean, and Hippias
the Elean. For each of these, O Athenians! is able, by going through the
several cities, to persuade the young men, who can attach themselves
gratuitously to such of their own fellow-citizens as they please, to abandon
their fellow-citizens and associate with them, giving them money and
thanks besides. There is also another wise man here, a Parian, who, I hear,
is staying in the city. For I happened to visit a person who spends more
money on the sophists than all others together: I mean Callias, son of
Hipponicus. I therefore asked him, for he has two sons, "Callias," I said, "if
your two sons were colts or calves, we should have had to choose a master
for them, and hire a person who would make them excel in such qualities as
belong to their nature; and he would have been a groom or an agricultural
laborer. But now, since your sons are men, what master do you intend to
choose for them? Who is there skilled in the qualities that become a man
and a citizen? For I suppose you must have considered this, since you have
sons. Is there any one," I said, "or not?" "Certainly," he answered. "Who is
he?" said I, "and whence does he come? and on what terms does he teach?"
He replied, "Evenus the Parian, Socrates, for five minae." And I deemed
Evenus happy, if he really possesses this art, and teaches admirably. And I
too should think highly of myself, and be very proud, if I possessed this
knowledge, but I possess it not, O Athenians.
5. Perhaps, one of you may now object: "But, Socrates, what have you
done, then? Whence have these calumnies against you arisen? For surely if
you had not busied yourself more than others, such a report and story
would never have got abroad, unless you had done something different
from what most men do. Tell us, therefore, what it is, that we may not pass
a hasty judgment on you." He who speaks thus appears to me to speak
justly, and I will endeavor to show you what it is that has occasioned me
this character and imputation. Listen, then: to some of you perhaps I shall
appear to jest, yet be assured that I shall tell you the whole truth. For I, O
Athenians! have acquired this character through nothing else than a certain
wisdom. Of what kind, then, is this wisdom? Perhaps it is merely human
wisdom. For in this, in truth, I appear to be wise. They probably, whom I

have just now mentioned, possessed a wisdom more than human, otherwise
I know not what to say about it; for I am not acquainted with it, and
whosoever says I am, speaks falsely, and for the purpose of calumniating
me. But, O Athenians! do not cry out against me, even though I should
seem to you to speak somewhat arrogantly. For the account which I am
going to give you is not my own; but I shall refer to an authority whom you
will deem worthy of credit. For I shall adduce to you the god at Delphi as a
witness of my wisdom, if I have any, and of what it is. You doubtless know
Chærepho: he was my associate from youth, and the associate of most of
you; he accompanied you in your late exile, and returned with you. You
know, then, what kind of a man Chærepho was, how earnest in whatever he
undertook. Having once gone to Delphi, he ventured to make the following
inquiry of the oracle (and, as I said, O Athenians! do not cry out), for he
asked if there was any one wiser than I. The Pythian thereupon answered
that there was not one wiser; and of this, his brother here will give you
proofs, since he himself is dead.
6. Consider, then, why I mention these things: it is because I am going to

show you whence the calumny against me arose. For when I heard this, I
reasoned thus with myself, What does the god mean? What enigma is this?
For I am not conscious to myself that I am wise, either much or little. What,
then, does he mean by saying that I am the wisest? For assuredly he does
not speak falsely: that he could not do. And for a long time I was in doubt
what he meant; afterward, with considerable difficulty, I had recourse to the
following method of searching out his meaning. I went to one of those who
have the character of being wise, thinking that there, if anywhere, I should
confute the oracle, and show in answer to the response that This man is
wiser than I, though you affirmed that I was the wisest. Having, then,
examined this man (for there is no occasion to mention his name; he was,
however, one of our great politicians, in examining whom I felt as I
proceed to describe, O Athenians!), having fallen into conversation with
him, this man appeared to be wise in the opinion of most other men, and
especially in his own opinion, though in fact he was not so. I thereupon
endeavored to show him that he fancied himself to be wise, but really was
not. Hence I became odious, both to him and to many others who were
present. When I left him, I reasoned thus with myself: I am wiser than this
man, for neither of us appears to know anything great and good; but he
fancies he knows something, although he knows nothing; whereas I, as I do
not know anything, so I do not fancy I do. In this trifling particular, then, I
appear to be wiser than he, because I do not fancy I know what I do not
know. After that I went to another who was thought to be wiser than the
former, and formed the very same opinion. Hence I became odious to him
and to many others.
7. After this I went to others in turn, perceiving indeed, and grieving and
alarmed, that I was making myself odious; however, it appeared necessary
to regard the oracle of the god as of the greatest moment, and that, in order
to discover its meaning, I must go to all who had the reputation of
possessing any knowledge. And by the dog, O Athenians! for I must tell
you the truth, I came to some such conclusion as this: those who bore the
highest reputation appeared to me to be most deficient, in my researches in
obedience to the god, and others who were considered inferior more nearly
approaching to the possession of understanding. But I must relate to you
my wandering, and the labors which I underwent, in order that the oracle
might prove incontrovertible. For after the politicians I went to the poets, as
well the tragic as the dithyrambic and others, expecting that here I should in
very fact find myself more ignorant than they. Taking up, therefore, some
of their poems, which appeared to me most elaborately finished, I
questioned them as to their meaning, that at the same time I might learn
something from them. I am ashamed, O Athenians! to tell you the truth;
however, it must be told. For, in a word, almost all who were present could
have given a better account of them than those by whom they had been
composed. I soon discovered this, therefore, with regard to the poets, that
they do not effect their object by wisdom, but by a certain natural
inspiration, and under the influence of enthusiasm, like prophets and seers;
for these also say many fine things, but they understand nothing that they
say. The poets appeared to me to be affected in a similar manner; and at the
same time I perceived that they considered themselves, on account of their
poetry, to be the wisest of men in other things, in which they were not. I left
them, therefore, under the persuasion that I was superior to them, in the
same way that I was to the politicians.
8. At last, therefore, I went to the artisans. For I was conscious to myself

that I knew scarcely anything, but I was sure that I should find them
possessed of much beautiful knowledge. And in this I was not deceived; for
they knew things which I did not, and in this respect they were wiser than I.
But, O Athenians! even the best workmen appeared to me to have fallen
into the same error as the poets; for each, because he excelled in the
practice of his art, thought that he was very wise in other most important
matters, and this mistake of theirs obscured the wisdom that they really
possessed. I therefore asked myself, in behalf of the oracle, whether I
should prefer to continue as I am, possessing none, either of their wisdom
or their ignorance, or to have both as they have. I answered, therefore, to
myself and to the oracle, that it was better for me to continue as I am.
9. From this investigation, then, O Athenians! many enmities have arisen

against me, and those the most grievous and severe, so that many calumnies
have sprung from them, and among them this appellation of being wise; for
those who are from time to time present think that I am wise in those
things, with respect to which I expose the ignorance of others. The god,
however, O Athenians! appears to be really wise, and to mean this by his
oracle: that human wisdom is worth little or nothing; and it is clear that he
did not say this to Socrates, but made use of my name, putting me forward
as an example, as if he had said, that man is the wisest among you, who,
like Socrates, knows that he is in reality worth nothing with respect to
wisdom. Still, therefore, I go about and search and inquire into these things,
in obedience to the god, both among citizens and strangers, if I think any
one of them is wise; and when he appears to me not to be so, I take the part
of the god, and show that he is not wise. And, in consequence of this
occupation, I have no leisure to attend in any considerable degree to the
affairs of the state or my own; but I am in the greatest poverty through my
devotion to the service of the god.
10. In addition to this, young men, who have much leisure and belong to
the wealthiest families, following me of their own accord, take great delight
in hearing men put to the test, and often imitate me, and themselves attempt
to put others to the test; and then, I think, they find a great abundance of
men who fancy they know something, although they know little or nothing.
Hence those who are put to the test by them are angry with me, and not
with them, and say that "there is one Socrates, a most pestilent fellow, who
corrupts the youth." And when any one asks them by doing or teaching
what, they have nothing to say, for they do not know; but, that they may not
seem to be at a loss, they say such things as are ready at hand against all
philosophers; "that he searches into things in heaven and things under the
earth, that he does not believe there are gods, and that he makes the worse
appear the better reason." For they would not, I think, be willing to tell the
truth that they have been detected in pretending to possess knowledge,
whereas they know nothing. Therefore, I think, being ambitions and
vehement and numerous, and speaking systematically and persuasively
about me, they have filled your ears, for a long time and diligently
calumniating me. From among these, Melitus, Anytus and Lycon have
attacked me; Melitus being angry on account of the poets, Anytus on
account of the artisans and politicians, and Lycon on account of the
rhetoricians. So that, as I said in the beginning, I should wonder if I were
able in so short a time to remove from your minds a calumny that has
prevailed so long. This, O Athenians! is the truth; and I speak it without
concealing or disguising anything from you, much or little; though I very
well know that by so doing I shall expose myself to odium. This, however,
is a proof that I speak the truth, and that this is the nature of the calumny
against me, and that these are its causes. And if you will investigate the
matter, either now or hereafter, you will find it to be so.
11. With respect, then, to the charges which my first accusers have alleged
against me, let this be a sufficient apology to you. To Melitus, that good
and patriotic man, as he says, and to my later accusers, I will next endeavor
to give an answer; and here, again, as there are different accusers, let us
take up their deposition. It is pretty much as follows: "Socrates," it says,
"acts unjustly in corrupting the youth, and in not believing in those gods in
whom the city believes, but in other strange divinities." Such is the
accusation; let us examine each particular of it. It says that I act unjustly in
corrupting the youth. But I, O Athenians! say that Melitus acts unjustly,
because he jests on serious subjects, rashly putting men upon trial, under
pretense of being zealous and solicitous about things in which he never at
any time took any concern. But that this is the case I will endeavor to prove
to you.
12. Come, then, Melitus, tell me, do you not consider it of the greatest
importance that the youth should be made as virtuous as possible?
Mel. I do.
Socr. Well, now, tell the judges who it is that makes them better, for it is
evident that you know, since it concerns you so much; for, having detected
me in corrupting them, as you say, you have cited me here, and accused
me: come, then, say, and inform the judges who it is that makes them
better. Do you see, Melitus, that you are silent, and have nothing to say?
But does it not appear to you to be disgraceful, and a sufficient proof of
what I say, that you never took any concern about the matter? But tell me,
friend, who makes them better?
Mel. The laws.
Socr. I do not ask this, most excellent sir, but what man, who surely must
first know this very thing, the laws?
Mel. These, Socrates, the judges.
Socr. How say you, Melitus? Are these able to instruct the youth, and make
them better?
Mel. Certainly.
Socr. Whether all, or some of them, and others not?
Mel. All.
Socr. You say well, by Juno! and have found a great abundance of those
that confer benefit. But what further? Can these hearers make them better,
or not?
Mel. They, too, can.
Socr. And what of the senators?
Mel. The senators, also.
Socr. But, Melitus, do those who attend the public assemblies corrupt the
younger men? or do they all make them better?
Mel. They too.
Socr. All the Athenians, therefore, as it seems, make them honorable and
good, except me; but I alone corrupt them. Do you say so?
Mel. I do assert this very thing.
Socr. You charge me with great ill-fortune. But answer me: does it appear
to you to be the same, with respect to horses? Do all men make them better,
and is there only some one that spoils them? or does quite the contrary of
this take place? Is there some one person who can make them better, or
very few; that is, the trainers? But if the generality of men should meddle
with and make use of horses, do they spoil them? Is not this the case,
Melitus, both with respect to horses and all other animals? It certainly is so,
whether you and Anytus deny it or not. For it would be a great
good-fortune for the youth if only one person corrupted, and the rest
benefited them. However, Melitus, you have sufficiently shown that you
never bestowed any care upon youth; and you clearly evince your own
negligence, in that you have never paid any attention to the things with
respect to which you accuse me.
13. Tell us further, Melitus, in the name of Jupiter, whether is it better to

dwell with good or bad citizens? Answer, my friend; for I ask you nothing
difficult. Do not the bad work some evil to those that are continually near
them, but the good some good?
Mel. Certainly.
Socr. Is there any one that wishes to be injured rather than benefited by his
associates? Answer, good man; for the law requires you to answer. Is there
any one who wishes to be injured?
Mel. No, surely.
Socr. Come, then, whether do you accuse me here, as one that corrupts the
youth, and makes them more depraved, designedly or undesignedly?
Mel. Designedly, I say.
Socr. What, then, Melitus, are you at your time of life so much wiser than I
at my time of life, as to know that the evil are always working some evil to
those that are most near to them, and the good some good; but I have
arrived at such a pitch of ignorance as not to know that if I make any one of
my associates depraved, I shall be in danger of receiving some evil from
him; and yet I designedly bring about this so great evil, as you say? In this I
can not believe you, Melitus, nor do I think would any other man in the
world. But either I do not corrupt the youth, or, if I do corrupt them, I do it
undesignedly: so that in both cases you speak falsely. But if I corrupt them
undesignedly, for such involuntary offenses it is not usual to accuse one
here, but to take one apart, and teach and admonish one. For it is evident
that if I am taught, I shall cease doing what I do undesignedly. But you
shunned me, and were not willing to associate with and instruct me; but
you accuse me here, where it is usual to accuse those who need
punishment, and not instruction.
14. Thus, then, O Athenians! this now is clear that I have said; that Melitus
never paid any attention to these matters, much or little. However, tell us,
Melitus, how you say I corrupt the youth? Is it not evidently, according to
the indictment which you have preferred, by teaching them not to believe in
the gods in whom the city believes, but in other strange deities? Do you not
say that, by teaching these things, I corrupt the youth?
Mel. Certainly I do say so.

Socr. By those very gods, therefore, Melitus, of whom the discussion now
is, speak still more clearly both to me and to these men. For I can not
understand whether you say that I teach them to believe that there are
certain gods (and in that case I do believe that there are gods, and am not
altogether an atheist, nor in this respect to blame), not, however, those
which the city believes in, but others; and this it is that you accuse me of,
that I introduce others. Or do you say outright that I do not myself believe
that there are gods, and that I teach others the same?
Mel. I say this: that you do not believe in any gods at all.
Socr. O wonderful Melitus, how come you to say this? Do I not, then, like
the rest of mankind, believe that the sun and moon are gods?
Mel. No, by Jupiter, O judges! for he says that the sun is a stone, and the
moon an earth.
Socr. You fancy that you are accusing Anaxagoras, my dear Melitus, and
thus you put a slight on these men, and suppose them to be so illiterate as
not to know that the books of Anaxagoras of Clazomene are full of such
assertions. And the young, moreover, learn these things from me, which
they might purchase for a drachma, at most, in the orchestra, and so ridicule
Socrates, if he pretended they were his own, especially since they are so
absurd? I ask then, by Jupiter, do I appear to you to believe that there is no
god?
Mel. No, by Jupiter, none whatever.
Socr. You say what is incredible, Melitus, and that, as appears to me, even
to yourself. For this man, O Athenians! appears to me to be very insolent
and intemperate and to have preferred this indictment through downright
insolence, intemperance, and wantonness. For he seems, as it were, to have
composed an enigma for the purpose of making an experiment. Whether
will Socrates the wise know that I am jesting, and contradict myself, or
shall I deceive him and all who hear me? For, in my opinion, he clearly
contradicts himself in the indictment, as if he should say, Socrates is guilty
of wrong in not believing that there are gods, and in believing that there are
gods. And this, surely, is the act of one who is trifling.
15. Consider with me now, Athenians, in what respect he appears to me to

say so. And do you, Melitus, answer me; and do ye, as I besought you at
the outset, remember not to make an uproar if I speak after my usual
manner.
Is there any man, Melitus, who believes that there are human affairs, but
does not believe that there are men? Let him answer, judges, and not make
so much noise. Is there any one who does not believe that there are horses,
but that there are things pertaining to horses? or who does not believe that
there are pipers, but that there are things pertaining to pipes? There is not,
O best of men! for since you are not willing to answer, I say it to you and to
all here present. But answer to this at least: is there any one who believes
that there are things relating to demons, but does not believe that there are
demons?
Mel. There is not.
Socr. How obliging you are in having hardly answered; though compelled
by these judges! You assert, then, that I do believe and teach things relating
to demons, whether they be new or old; therefore, according to your
admission, I do believe in things relating to demons, and this you have
sworn in the bill of indictment. If, then, I believe in things relating to
demons, there is surely an absolute necessity that I should believe that there
are demons. Is it not so? It is. For I suppose you to assent, since you do not
answer. But with respect to demons, do we not allow that they are gods, or
the children of gods? Do you admit this or not?
Mel. Certainly.
Socr. Since, then, I allow that there are demons, as you admit, if demons
are a kind of gods, this is the point in which I say you speak enigmatically
and divert yourself in saying that I do not allow there are gods, and again
that I do allow there are, since I allow that there are demons? But if demons
are the children of gods, spurious ones, either from nymphs or any others,
of whom they are reported to be, what man can think that there are sons of
gods, and yet that there are not gods? For it would be just as absurd as if
any one should think that there are mules, the offspring of horses and asses,
but should not think there are horses and asses. However, Melitus, it can
not be otherwise than that you have preferred this indictment for the
purpose of trying me, or because you were at a loss what real crime to
allege against me; for that you should persuade any man who has the
smallest degree of sense that the same person can think that there are things
relating to demons and to gods, and yet that there are neither demons, nor
gods, not heroes, is utterly impossible.
16. That I am not guilty, then, O Athenians! according to the indictment of

Melitus, appears to me not to require a lengthened defense; but what I have
said is sufficient. And as to what I said at the beginning, that there is a great
enmity toward me among the multitude, be assured it is true. And this it is
which will condemn me, if I am condemned, not Melitus, nor Anytus, but
the calumny and envy of the multitude, which have already condemned
many others, and those good men, and will, I think, condemn others also;
for there is no danger that it will stop with me.
Perhaps, however, some one may say, "Are you not ashamed, Socrates, to
have pursued a study from which you are now in danger of dying?" To such
a person I should answer with good reason, You do not say well, friend, if
you think that a man, who is even of the least value, ought to take into the
account the risk of life or death, and ought not to consider that alone when
be performs any action, whether he is acting justly or unjustly, and the part
of a good man or bad man. For, according to your reasoning, all those
demi-gods that died at Troy would be vile characters, as well all the rest as
the son of Thetis, who so far despised danger in comparison of submitting
to disgrace, that when his mother, who was a goddess, spoke to him, in his
impatience to kill Hector, something to this effect, as I think,[2] "My son, if
you revenge the death of your friend Patroclus, and slay Hector, you will
yourself die, for," she said, "death awaits you immediately after Hector;"
but he, on hearing this, despised death and danger, and dreading much more
to live as a coward, and not avenge his friend, said, "May I die immediately
when I have inflicted punishment on the guilty, that I may not stay here an
object of ridicule, by the curved ships, a burden to the ground?"--do you
think that he cared for death and danger? For thus it is, O Athenians! in
truth: wherever any one has posted himself, either thinking it to be better,
or has been posted by his chief, there, as it appears to me, he ought to
remain and meet danger, taking no account either of death or anything else
in comparison with disgrace.
17. I then should be acting strangely, O Athenians! if, when the generals
whom you chose to command me assigned me my post at Potidæa, at
Amphipolis, and at Delium, I then remained where they posted me, like any
other person, and encountered the danger of death; but when the deity, as I
thought and believed, assigned it as my duty to pass my life in the study of
philosophy, and examining myself and others, I should on that occasion,
through fear of death or any thing else whatsoever, desert my post, strange
indeed would it be; and then, in truth, any one might justly bring me to
trial, and accuse me of not believing in the gods, from disobeying the
oracle, fearing death, and thinking myself to be wise when I am not. For to
fear death, O Athenians! is nothing else than to appear to be wise, without
being so; for it is to appear to know what one does not know. For no one
knows but that death is the greatest of all good to man; but men fear it, as if
they well knew that it is the greatest of evils. And how is not this the most
reprehensible ignorance, to think that one knows what one does not know?
But I, O Athenians! in this, perhaps, differ from most men; and if I should
say that I am in any thing wiser than another, it would be in this, that not
having a competent knowledge of the things in Hades, I also think that I
have not such knowledge. But to act unjustly, and to disobey my superior,
whether God or man, I know is evil and base. I shall never, therefore, fear
or shun things which, for aught I know, maybe good, before evils which I
know to be evils. So that, even if you should now dismiss me, not yielding
to the instances of Anytus, who said that either I should not[3] appear here
at all, or that, if I did appear, it was impossible not to put me to death,
telling you that if I escaped, your sons, studying what Socrates teaches,
would all be utterly corrupted; if you should address me thus, "Socrates, we
shall not now yield to Anytus, but dismiss you, on this condition, however,
that you no longer persevere in your researches nor study philosophy; and
if hereafter you are detected in so doing, you shall die"--if, as I said, you
should dismiss, me on these terms, I should say to you, "O Athenians! I
honor and love you; but I shall obey God rather than you; and so long as I
breathe and am able, I shall not cease studying philosophy, and exhorting
you and warning any one of you I may happen to meet, saying, as I have
been accustomed to do: 'O best of men! seeing you are an Athenian, of a
city the most powerful and most renowned for wisdom and strength, are
you not ashamed of being careful for riches, how you may acquire them in
greatest abundance, and for glory, and honor, but care not nor take any
thought for wisdom and truth, and for your soul, how it maybe made most
perfect?'" And if any one of you should question my assertion, and affirm
that he does care for these things, I shall not at once let him go, nor depart,
but I shall question him, sift and prove him. And if he should appear to me
not to possess virtue, but to pretend that he does, I shall reproach him for
that he sets the least value on things of the greatest worth, but the highest
on things that are worthless. Thus I shall act to all whom I meet, both
young and old, stranger and citizen, but rather to you, my fellow-citizens,
because ye are more nearly allied to me. For be well assured, this the deity
commands. And I think that no greater good has ever befallen you in the
city than my zeal for the service of the god. For I go about doing nothing
else than persuading you, both young and old, to take no care either for the
body, or for riches, prior to or so much as for the soul, how it may be made
most perfect, telling you that virtue does not spring from riches, but riches
and all other human blessings, both private and public, from virtue. If, then,
by saying these things, I corrupt the youth, these things must be
mischievous; but if any one says that I speak other things than these, he
misleads you.[4] Therefore I must say, O Athenians! either yield to Anytus,
or do not, either dismiss me or not, since I shall not act otherwise, even
though I must die many deaths.
18. Murmur not, O Athenians! but continue to attend to my request, not to

murmur at what I say, but to listen, for, as I think, you will derive benefit
from listening. For I am going to say other things to you, at which, perhaps,
you will raise a clamor; but on no account do so. Be well assured, then, if
you put me to death, being such a man as I say I am, you will not injure me
more than yourselves. For neither will Melitus nor Anytus harm me; nor
have they the power; for I do not think that it is possible for a better man to
be injured by a worse. He may perhaps have me condemned to death, or
banished, or deprived of civil rights; and he or others may perhaps consider
these as mighty evils; I, how ever, do not consider them so, but that it is
much more so to do what he is now doing, to endeavor to put a man to
death unjustly. Now, therefore, O Athenians! I am far from making a
defense on my behalf, as any one might think, but I do so on your own
behalf, lest by condemning me you should offend at all with respect to the
gift of the deity to you. For, if you should put me to death, you will not
easily find such another, though it may be ridiculous to say so, altogether
attached by the deity to this city as to a powerful and generous horse,
somewhat sluggish from his size, and requiring to be roused by a gad-fly;
so the deity appears to have united me, being such a person as I am, to the
city, that I may rouse you, and persuade and reprove every one of you, nor
ever cease besetting you throughout the whole day. Such another man, O
Athenians! will not easily be found; therefore, if you will take my advice,
you will spare me. But you, perhaps, being irritated like drowsy persons
who are roused from sleep, will strike me, and, yielding to Anytus, will
unthinkingly condemn me to death; and then you will pass the rest of your
life in sleep, unless the deity, caring for you, should send some one else to
you. But that I am a person who has been given by the deity to this city,
you may discern from hence; for it is not like the ordinary conduct of men,
that I should have neglected all my own affairs, and suffered my private
interest to be neglected for so many years, and that I should constantly
attend to your concerns, addressing myself to each of you separately, like a
father, or elder brother, persuading you to the pursuit of virtue. And if I had
derived any profit from this course, and had received pay for my
exhortations, there would have been some reason for my conduct; but now
you see yourselves that my accusers, who have so shamelessly calumniated
me in everything else, have not had the impudence to charge me with this,
and to bring witnesses to prove that I ever either exacted or demanded any
reward. And I think I produce a sufficient proof that I speak the truth,
namely, my poverty.
19. Perhaps, however, it may appear absurd that I, going about, thus advise
you in private and make myself busy, but never venture to present myself
in public before your assemblies and give advice to the city. The cause of
this is that which you have often and in many places heard me mention;
because I am moved by a certain divine and spiritual influence, which also
Melitus, through mockery, has set out in the indictment. This began with
me from childhood, being a kind of voice which, when present, always
diverts me from what I am about to do, but never urges me on. This it is
which opposed my meddling in public politics; and it appears to me to have
opposed me very properly. For be well assured, O Athenians! if I had long
since attempted to intermeddle with politics, I should have perished long
ago, and should not have at all benefited you or myself. And be not angry
with me for speaking the truth. For it is not possible that any man should be
safe who sincerely opposes either you, or any other multitude, and who
prevents many unjust and illegal actions from being committed in a city;
but it is necessary that he who in earnest contends for justice, if he will be
safe for but a short time, should live privately, and take no part in public
affairs.
20. I will give you strong proofs of this, not words, but what you value,
facts. Hear, then, what has happened to me, that you may know that I
would not yield to any one contrary to what is just, through fear of death, at
the same time by not yielding I must perish. I shall tell you what will be
displeasing and wearisome,[5] yet true. For I, O Athenians! never bore any
other magisterial office in the city, but have been a senator: and our
Antiochean tribe happened to supply the Prytanes when you chose to
condemn in a body the ten generals who had not taken off those that
perished in the sea-fight, in violation of the law, as you afterward all
thought. At that time I alone of the Prytanes opposed your doing anything
contrary to the laws, and I voted against you; and when the orators were
ready to denounce me, and to carry me before a magistrate, and you urged
and cheered them on, I thought I ought rather to meet the danger with law
and justice on my side, than through fear of imprisonment or death, to take
part with you in your unjust designs. And this happened while the city was
governed by a democracy. But when it became an oligarchy, the Thirty,
having sent for me with four others to the Tholus, ordered us to bring Leon
the Salaminian from Salamis, that he might be put to death; and they gave
many similar orders to many others, wishing to involve as many as they
could in guilt. Then, however, I showed, not in word but in deed, that I did
not care for death, if the expression be not too rude, in the smallest degree;
but that all my care was to do nothing unjust or unholy. For that
government, strong as it was, did not so overawe me as to make me commit
an unjust action; but when we came out from the Tholus, the four went to
Salamis, and brought back Leon; but I went away home. And perhaps for
this I should have been put to death, if that government had not been
speedily broken up. And of this you can have many witnesses.
21. Do you think, then, that I should have survived so many years if I had
engaged in public affairs, and, acting as becomes a good man, had aided the
cause of justice, and, as I ought, had deemed this of the highest
importance? Far from it, O Athenians! nor would any other man have done
so. But I, through the whole of my life, if I have done anything in public,
shall be found to be a man, and the very same in private, who has never
made a concession to any one contrary to justice, neither to any other, nor
to any one of these whom my calumniators say are my disciples. I,
however, was never the preceptor of any one; but if any one desired to hear
me speaking, and to see me busied about my own mission, whether he were
young or old, I never refused him. Nor do I discourse when I receive
money, and not when I do not receive any, but I allow both rich and poor
alike to question me, and, if any one wishes it, to answer me and hear what
I have to say. And for these, whether any one proves to be a good man or
not, I cannot justly be responsible, because I never either promised them
any instruction or taught them at all. But if any one says that he has ever
learned or heard anything from me in private which all others have not, be
well assured that he does not speak the truth.
22. But why do some delight to spend so long a time with me? Ye have
heard, O Athenians! I have told you the whole truth, that they delight to
hear those closely questioned who think that they are wise but are not; for
this is by no means disagreeable. But this duty, as I say, has been enjoined
me by the deity, by oracles, by dreams, and by every mode by which any
other divine decree has ever enjoined anything to man to do. These things,
O Athenians! are both true, and easily confuted if not true. For if I am now
corrupting some of the youths, and have already corrupted others, it were
fitting, surely, that if any of them, having become advanced in life, had
discovered that I gave them bad advice when they were young, they should
now rise up against me, accuse me, and have me punished; or if they were
themselves unwilling to do this, some of their kindred, their fathers, or
brothers, or other relatives, if their kinsman have ever sustained any
damage from me, should now call it to mind. Many of them, however, are
here present, whom I see: first, Crito, my contemporary and
fellow-burgher, father of this Critobulus; then Lysanias of Sphettus, father
of this Æschines; again, Antiphon of Cephisus, father of Epigenes. There
are those others, too, whose brothers maintained the same intimacy with
me, namely, Nicostratus, son of Theodotus, brother of
Theodotus--Theodotus indeed is dead, so that he could not deprecate his
brother's proceedings--and Paralus here, son of Demodocus, whose brother
was Theages; and Adimantus, son of Ariston, whose brother is this Plato;
and Æantodorus, whose brother is this Apollodorus. I could also mention
many others to you, some one of whom certainly Melitus ought to have
adduced in his speech as a witness. If, however, he then forgot to do so, let
him now adduce them; I give him leave to do so, and let him say it, if he
has anything of the kind to allege. But, quite contrary to this, you will find,
O Athenians! all ready to assist me, who have corrupted and injured their
relatives, as Melitus and Anytus say. For those who have been themselves
corrupted might perhaps have some reason for assisting me; but those who
have not been corrupted, men now advanced in life, their relatives, what
other reason can they have for assisting me, except that right and just one,
that they know that Melitus speaks falsely, and that I speak the truth.
23. Well, then, Athenians, these are pretty much the things I have to say in
my defense, and others perhaps of the same kind. Perhaps, however, some
among you will be indignant on recollecting his own case, if he, when
engaged in a cause far less than this, implored and besought the judges with
many tears, bringing forward his children in order that he might excite their
utmost compassion, and many others of his relatives and friends, whereas I
do none of these things, although I may appear to be incurring the
extremity of danger. Perhaps, therefore, some one, taking notice of this,
may become more determined against me, and, being enraged at this very
conduct of mine, may give his vote under the influence of anger. If, then,
any one of you is thus affected--I do not, however, suppose that there
is--but if there should be, I think I may reasonably say to him: "I, too, O
best of men, have relatives; for, to make use of that saying of Homer, I am
not sprung from an oak, nor from a rock, but from men, so that I, too, O
Athenians! have relatives, and three sons, one now grown up, and two
boys: I shall not, however, bring any one of them forward and implore you
to acquit me." Why, then, shall I not do this? Not from contumacy, O
Athenians! nor disrespect toward you. Whether or not I am undaunted at
the prospect of death is another question; but, out of regard to my own
character, and yours, and that of the whole city, it does not appear to me to
be honorable that I should do any thing of this kind at my age, and with the
reputation I have, whether true or false. For it is commonly agreed that
Socrates in some respects excels the generality of men. If, then, those
among you who appear to excel either in wisdom, or fortitude, or any other
virtue whatsoever, should act in such a manner as I have often seen some
when they have been brought to trial, it would be shameful, who appearing
indeed to be something, have conducted themselves in a surprising manner,
as thinking they should suffer something dreadful by dying, and as if they
would be immortal if you did not put them to death. Such men appear to me
to bring disgrace on the city, so that any stranger might suppose that such
of the Athenians as excel in virtue, and whom they themselves choose in
preference to themselves for magistracies and other honors, are in no
respect superior to women. For these things, O Athenians! neither ought we
to do who have attained to any height of reputation, nor, should we do
them, ought you to suffer us; but you should make this manifest, that you
will much rather condemn him who introduces these piteous dramas, and
makes the city ridiculous, than him who quietly awaits your decision.
24. But, reputation apart, O Athenians! it does not appear to me to be right

to entreat a judge, or to escape by entreaty; but one ought to inform and
persuade him. For a judge does not sit for the purpose of administering
justice out of favor, but that he may judge rightly, and he is sworn not to
show favor to whom he pleases, but that he will decide according to the
laws. It is, therefore, right that neither should we accustom you, nor should
you accustom yourselves, to violate your oaths; for in so doing neither of us
would act righteously. Think not then, O Athenians! that I ought to adopt
such a course toward you as I neither consider honorable, nor just, nor holy,
as well, by Jupiter! on any other occasion, and now especially when I am
accused of impiety by this Melitus. For clearly, if I should persuade you,
and by my entreaties should put a constraint on you who are bound by an
oath, I should teach you to think that there are no gods, and in reality, while
making my defense, should accuse myself of not believing in the gods.
This, however, is far from being the case; for I believe, O Athenians! as
none of my accusers do, and I leave it to you and to the deity to judge
concerning me in such way as will be best both for me and for you.
[Socrates here concludes his defense, and, the votes being taken, he is
declared guilty by a majority of voices. He thereupon resumes his address.]
25. That I should not be grieved, O Athenians! at what has

happened--namely, that you have condemned me--as well many other
circumstances concur in bringing to pass; and, moreover this, that what has
happened has not happened contrary to my expectation; but I much rather
wonder at the number of votes on either side. For I did not expect that I
should be condemned by so small a number, but by a large majority; but
now, as it seems, if only three more votes had changed sides, I should have
been acquitted. So far as Melitus is concerned, as it appears to me, I have
been already acquitted; and not only have I been acquitted, but it is clear to
every one that had not Anytus and Lycon come forward to accuse me, he
would have been fined a thousand drachmas, for not having obtained a fifth
part of the votes.
26. The man, then, awards me the penalty of death. Well. But what shall I,
on my part, O Athenians! award myself? Is it not clear that it will be such
as I deserve? What, then, is that? Do I deserve to suffer, or to pay a fine?
for that I have purposely during my life not remained quiet, but neglecting
what most men seek after, money-making, domestic concerns, military
command, popular oratory, and, moreover, all the magistracies,
conspiracies, and cabals that are met with in the city, thinking that I was in
reality too upright a man to be safe if I took part in such things, I therefore
did not apply myself to those pursuits, by attending to which I should have
been of no service either to you or to myself; but in order to confer the
greatest benefit on each of you privately, as I affirm, I thereupon applied

myself to that object, endeavoring to persuade every one of you not to take
any care of his own affairs before he had taken care of himself in what way
he may become the best and wisest, nor of the affairs of the city before he
took care of the city itself; and that he should attend to other things in the
same manner. What treatment, then, do I deserve, seeing I am such a man?
Some reward, O Athenians! if, at least, I am to be estimated according to
my real deserts; and, moreover, such a reward as would be suitable to me.
What, then, is suitable to a poor man, a benefactor, and who has need of
leisure in order to give you good advice? There is nothing so suitable, O
Athenians! as that such a man should be maintained in the Prytaneum, and
this much more than if one of you had been victorious at the Olympic
games in a horserace, or in the two or four horsed chariot race: for such a
one makes you appear to be happy, but I, to be so; and he does not need
support, but I do. If, therefore, I must award a sentence according to my
just deserts, I award this, maintenance in the Prytaneum.
27. Perhaps, however, in speaking to you thus, I appear to you to speak in

the same presumptuous manner as I did respecting commiseration and
entreaties; but such is not the case, O Athenians! it is rather this: I am
persuaded that I never designedly injured any man, though I can not
persuade you of this, for we have conversed with each other but for a short
time. For if there were the same law with you as with other men, that in
capital cases the trial should list not only one day, but many, I think you
would be persuaded; but it is not easy in a short time to do away with, great
calumnies. Being persuaded, then, that I have injured no one, I am far from
intending to injure myself, and of pronouncing against myself that I am
deserving of punishment, and from awarding myself any thing of the kind.
Through fear of what? lest I should suffer that which Melitus awards me, of
which I say I know not whether it he good or evil? Instead of this, shall I
choose what I well know to be evil, and award that? Shall I choose
imprisonment? And why should I live in prison, a slave to the established
magistracy, the Eleven? Shall I choose a fine, and to be imprisoned until I
have paid it? But this is the same as that which I just now mentioned, for I
have not money to pay it. Shall I, then, award myself exile? For perhaps
you would consent to this award. I should indeed be very fond of life, O
Athenians! if I were so devoid of reason as not to be able to reflect that you,

who are my fellow-citizens, have been unable to endure my manner of life
and discourses, but they have become so burdensome and odious to you
that you now seek to be rid of them: others, however, will easily bear them.
Far from it, O Athenians! A fine life it would be for me at my age to go out
wandering, and driven from city to city, and so to live. For I well know
that, wherever I may go, the youth will listen to me when I speak, as they
do here. And if I repulse them, they will themselves drive me out,
persuading the elders; and if I do not repulse them, their fathers and kindred
will banish me on their account.
28. Perhaps, however, some one will say, Can you not, Socrates, when you
have gone from us, live a silent and quiet life? This is the most difficult
thing of all to persuade some of you. For if I say that that would be to
disobey the deity, and that, therefore, it is impossible for me to live quietly,
you would not believe me, thinking I spoke ironically. If, on the other hand,
I say that this is the greatest good to man, to discourse daily on virtue, and
other things which you have heard me discussing, examining both myself
and others, but that a life without investigation is not worth living for, still
less would you believe me if I said this. Such, however, is the case, as I
affirm, O Athenians! though it is not easy to persuade you. And at the same
time I am not accustomed to think myself deserving of any ill. If, indeed, I
were rich, I would amerce myself in such a sum as I should be able to pay;
for then I should have suffered no harm, but now--for I can not, unless you
are willing to amerce me in such a sum as I am able to pay. But perhaps I
could pay you a mina of silver: in that sum, then, I amerce myself. But
Plato here, O Athenians! and Crito Critobulus, and Apollodorus bid me
amerce myself in thirty minae, and they offer to be sureties. I amerce
myself, then, to you in that sum; and they will be sufficient sureties for the
money.
[The judges now proceeded to pass the sentence, and condemned Socrates
to death; whereupon he continued:]
29. For the sake of no long space of time, O Athenians! you will incur the
character and reproach at the hands of those who wish to defame the city,
of having put that wise man, Socrates, to death. For those who wish to
defame you will assert that I am wise, though I am not. If, then, you had
waited for a short time, this would have happened of its own accord; for
observe my age, that it is far advanced in life, and near death. But I say this
not to you all, but to those only who have condemned me to die. And I say
this, too, to the same persons. Perhaps you think, O Athenians! that I have
been convicted through the want of arguments, by which I might have
persuaded you, had I thought it right to do and say any thing, so that I
might escape punishment. Far otherwise: I have been convicted through
want indeed, yet not of arguments, but of audacity and impudence, and of
the inclination to say such things to you as would have been most agreeable
for you to hear, had I lamented and bewailed and done and said many other
things unworthy of me, as I affirm, but such as you are accustomed to hear
from others. But neither did I then think that I ought, for the sake of
avoiding danger, to do any thing unworthy of a freeman, nor do I now
repent of having so defended myself; but I should much rather choose to
die, having so defended myself, than to live in that way. For neither in a
trial nor in battle is it right that I or any one else should employ every
possible means whereby he may avoid death; for in battle it is frequently
evident that a man might escape death by laying down his arms, and
throwing himself on the mercy of his pursuers. And there are many other
devices in every danger, by which to avoid death, if a man dares to do and
say every thing. But this is not difficult, O Athenians! to escape death; but
it is much more difficult to avoid depravity, for it runs swifter than death.
And now I, being slow and aged, am overtaken by the slower of the two;
but my accusers, being strong and active, have been overtaken by the
swifter, wickedness. And now I depart, condemned by you to death; but
they condemned by truth, as guilty of iniquity and injustice: and I abide my
sentence, and so do they. These things, perhaps, ought so to be, and I think
that they are for the best.
30. In the next place, I desire to predict to you who have condemned me,
what will be your fate; for I am now in that condition in which men most
frequently prophesy--namely, when they are about to die. I say, then, to
you, O Athenians! who have condemned me to death, that immediately
after my death a punishment will overtake you, far more severe, by Jupiter!
than that which you have inflicted on me. For you have done this, thinking
you should be freed from the necessity of giving an account of your lives.
The very contrary, however, as I affirm, will happen to you. Your accusers
will be more numerous, whom I have now restrained, though you did not
perceive it; and they will be more severe, inasmuch as they are younger,
and you will be more indignant. For if you think that by putting men to
death you will restrain any one from upbraiding you because you do not
live well, you are much mistaken; for this method of escape is neither
possible nor honorable; but that other is most honorable and most easy, not
to put a check upon others, but for a man to take heed to himself how he
may be most perfect. Having predicted thus much to those of you who have
condemned me, I take my leave of you.
31. But with you who have voted for my acquittal I would gladly hold
converse on what has now taken place, while the magistrates are busy, and
I am not yet carried to the place where I must die. Stay with me, then, so
long, O Athenians! for nothing hinders our conversing with each other,
while we are permitted to do so; for I wish to make known to you, as being
my friends, the meaning of that which has just now befallen me. To me,
then, O my judges! and in calling you judges I call you rightly--a strange
thing has happened. For the wonted prophetic voice of my guardian deity
on every former occasion, even in the most trifling affairs, opposed me if I
was about to do any thing wrong; but now that has befallen me which ye
yourselves behold, and which any one would think, and which is supposed
to be the extremity of evil; yet neither when I departed from home in the
morning did the warning of the god oppose me, nor when I came up here to
the place of trial, nor in my address when I was about to say any thing; yet
on other occasions it has frequently restrained me in the midst of speaking.
But now it has never, throughout this proceeding, opposed me, either in
what I did or said. What, then, do I suppose to be the cause of this? I will
tell you: what has befallen me appears to be a blessing; and it is impossible
that we think rightly who suppose that death is an evil. A great proof of this
to me is the fact that it is impossible but that the accustomed signal should
have opposed me, unless I had been about to meet with some good.
32. Moreover, we may hence conclude that there is great hope that death is
a blessing. For to die is one of two things: for either the dead may be
annihilated, and have no sensation of any thing whatever; or, as it is said,
there are a certain change and passage of the soul from one place to
another. And if it is a privation of all sensation, as it were a sleep in which
the sleeper has no dream, death would be a wonderful gain. For I think that
if any one, having selected a night in which he slept so soundly as not to
have had a dream, and having compared this night with all the other nights
and days of his life, should be required, on consideration, to say how many
days and nights he had passed better and more pleasantly than this night
throughout his life, I think that not only a private person, but even the great
king himself, would find them easy to number, in comparison with other
days and nights. If, therefore, death is a thing of this kind, I say it is a gain;
for thus all futurity appears to be nothing more than one night. But if, on
the other hand, death is a removal from hence to another place, and what is
said be true, that all the dead are there, what greater blessing can there be
than this, my judges? For if, on arriving at Hades, released from these who
pretend to be judges, one shall find those who are true judges, and who are
said to judge there, Minos and Rhadamanthus, Æacus and Triptolemus, and
such others of the demi-gods as were just during their own life, would this
be a sad removal? At what price would you not estimate a conference with
Orpheus and Musæus, Hesiod and Homer? I indeed should be willing to die
often, if this be true. For to me the sojourn there would be admirable, when
I should meet with Palamedes, and Ajax, son of Telamon, and any other of
the ancients who has died by an unjust sentence. The comparing my
sufferings with theirs would, I think, be no unpleasing occupation. But the
greatest pleasure would be to spend my time in questioning and examining
the people there as I have done those here, and discovering who among
them is wise, and who fancies himself to be so, but is not. At what price,
my judges, would not any one estimate the opportunity of questioning him
who led that mighty army against Troy, or Ulysses, or Sisyphus, or ten
thousand others whom one might mention both men and women--with
whom to converse and associate, and to question them, would be an
inconceivable happiness? Surely for that the judges there do not condemn
to death; for in other respects those who live there are more happy than
those who are here, and are henceforth immortal, if, at least, what is said be
true.
33. You, therefore, O my judges! ought to entertain good hopes with

respect to death, and to meditate on this one truth, that to a good man
nothing is evil, neither while living nor when dead, nor are his concerns
neglected by the gods. And what has befallen me is not the effect of
chance; but this is clear to me, that now to die, and be freed from my cares
is better for me On this account the warning in no way turned me aside; and
I bear no resentment toward those who condemned me, or against my
accusers, although they did not condemn and accuse me with this intention,
but thinking to injure me: in this they deserve to be blamed.
Thus much, however, I beg of them. Punish my sons when they grow up, O
judges! paining them as I have pained you, if they appear to you to care for
riches or anything else before virtue; and if they think themselves to be
something when they are nothing, reproach them as I have done you, for
not attending to what they ought, and for conceiving themselves to be
something when they are worth nothing. If ye do this, both I and my sons
shall have met with just treatment at your hands.
But it is now time to depart--for me to die, for you to live. But which of us
is going to a better state is unknown to every one but God.
FOOTNOTES
[1] Aristophanes.
[2] "Iliad," lib. xviii. ver. 94, etc.
[3] See the "Crito," sec. 5.
[4] ouden legei, literally, "he says nothing:" on se trompe, ou l'on vous
impose, Cousin.
[5] But for the authority of Stallbaum, I should have translated dikanika
"forensic;" that is, such arguments as an advocate would use in a court of
justice.
INTRODUCTION TO THE CRITO.
It has been remarked by Stallbaum that Plato had a twofold design in this
dialogue--one, and that the primary one, to free Socrates from the
imputation of having attempted to corrupt the Athenian youth; the other, to
establish the principle that under all circumstances it is the duty of a good
citizen to obey the laws of his country. These two points, however, are so
closely interwoven with each other, that the general principle appears only
to be illustrated by the example of Socrates.
Crito was one of those friends of Socrates who had been present at his trial,
and had offered to assist in paying a fine, had a fine been imposed instead
of the sentence of death. He appears to have frequently visited his friend in
prison after his condemnation; and now, having obtained access to his cell
very early in the morning, finds him composed in a quiet sleep. He brings
intelligence that the ship, the arrival of which would be the signal for his
death on the following day, is expected to arrive forthwith, and takes
occasion to entreat Socrates to make his escape, the means of which were
already prepared. Socrates thereupon, having promised to follow the advice
of Crito if, after the matter had been fully discussed, it should appear to be
right to do so, proposes to consider the duty of a citizen toward his country;
and having established the divine principle that it is wrong to return evil for
evil, goes on to show that the obligations of a citizen to his country are
even more binding than those of a child to its parent, or a slave to his
master, and that therefore it is his duty to obey the established laws, at
whatever cost to himself.
At length Crito admits that he has no answer to make, and Socrates resolves
to submit himself to the will of Providence.
CRITO; OR, THE DUTY OF A CITIZEN.
SOCRATES, CRITO.
Socr. Why have you come at this hour, Crito? Is it not very early?
Cri. It is.
Socr. About what time?
Cri. Scarce day-break.
Socr. I wonder how the keeper of the prison came to admit you.
Cri. He is familiar with me, Socrates, from my having frequently come

hither; and he is under some obligations to me.
Socr. Have you just now come, or some time since?
Cri. A considerable time since.
Socr. Why, then, did you not wake me at once, instead of sitting down by
me in silence?
Cri. By Jupiter! Socrates, I should not myself like to be so long awake, and
in such affliction. But I have been for some time wondering at you,
perceiving how sweetly you slept; and I purposely did not awake you, that
you might pass your time as pleasantly as possible. And, indeed, I have
often before throughout your whole life considered you happy in your
disposition, but far more so in the present calamity, seeing how easily and
meekly you bear it.
Socr. However, Crito, it would be disconsonant for a man at my time of life

to repine because he must needs die.
Cri. But others, Socrates, at your age have been involved in similar
calamities, yet their age has not hindered their repining at their present
fortune.
Socr. So it is. But why did you come so early?

Cri. Bringing sad tidings, Socrates, not sad to you, as it appears, but to me,
and all your friends, sad and heavy, and which I, I think, shall bear worst of
all.
Socr. What tidings? Has the ship[6] arrived from Delos, on the arrival of
which I must die?
Cri. It has not yet arrived, but it appears to me that it will come to-day,
from what certain persons report who have come from Sunium,[7] and left
it there. It is clear, therefore, from these messengers, that it will come to
day, and consequently it will be necessary, Socrates, for you to die
to-morrow.
2. Socr. But with good fortune, Crito, and if so it please the gods, so be it. I
do not think, however, that it will come to day.
Cri. Whence do you form this conjecture?
Socr. I will tell you. I must die on the day after that on which the ship
arrives.
Cri. So they say[8] who have the control of these things.
Socr. I do not think, then, that it will come to-day, but to-morrow. I
conjecture this from a dream which I had this very night, not long ago, and
you seem very opportunely to have refrained from waking me.
Cri. But what was this dream?
Socr. A beautiful and majestic woman, clad in white garments seemed to

approach me, and to call to me and say, "Socrates, three days hence you
will reach fertile Pythia"[9].
Cri. What a strange dream, Socrates!
Socr. Very clear, however, as it appears to me, Crito.

3. Cri. Very much so, as it seems. But, my dear Socrates, even now be
persuaded by me, and save yourself. For if you die, not only a single
calamity will befall me, but, besides being deprived of such a friend as I
shall never meet with again, I shall also appear to many who do not know
you and me well, when I might have saved you had I been willing to spend
my money, to have neglected to do so. And what character can be more
disgraceful than this--to appear to value one's riches more than one's
friends? For the generality of men will not be persuaded that you were
unwilling to depart hence, when we urged you to it.
Socr. But why, my dear Crito, should we care so much for the opinion of
the many? For the most worthy men, whom we ought rather to regard, will
think that matters have transpired as they really have.
Cri. Yet you see, Socrates, that it is necessary to attend to the opinion of the
many. For the very circumstances of the present case show that the
multitude are able to effect not only the smallest evils, but even the
greatest, if any one is calumniated to them.
Socr. Would, O Crito that the multitude could effect the greatest evils, that
they might also effect the greatest good, for then it would be well. But now
they can do neither; for they can make a man neither wise nor foolish; but
they do whatever chances.
4. Cri. So let it be, then. But answer me this, Socrates: are you not anxious
for me and other friends, lest, if you should escape from hence, informers
should give us trouble, as having secretly carried you off, and so we should
be compelled either to lose all our property, or a very large sum, or to suffer
something else besides this? For, if you fear any thing of the kind, dismiss
your fears; for we are justified in running the risk to save you--and, if need
be, even a greater risk than this. But be persuaded by me, and do not refuse.
Socr. I am anxious about this, Crito, and about many other things.
Cri. Do not fear this, however; for the sum is not large on receipt of which
certain persons are willing to save you, and take you hence. In the next
place, do you not see how cheap these informers are, so that there would be
no need of a large sum for them? My fortune is at your service, sufficient, I
think, for the purpose; then if, out of regard to me, you do not think right to
spend my money, these strangers here are ready to spend theirs. One of
them, Simmias the Theban, has brought with him a sufficient sum for the
very purpose. Cebes, too, is ready, and very many others. So that, as I said,
do not, through fears of this kind, hesitate to save yourself, nor let what you
said in court give you any trouble, that if you went from hence you would
not know what to do with yourself. For in many places, and wherever you
go, men will love you; and if you are disposed to go to Thessaly, I have
friends there who will esteem you very highly, and will insure your safety,
so that no one in Thessaly will molest you.
5. Moreover, Socrates, you do not appear to me to pursue a just course in

giving yourself up when you might be saved; and you press on the very
results with respect to yourself which your enemies would press, and have
pressed, in their anxiety to destroy you. Besides this, too, you appear to me
to betray your own sons, whom, when it is in your power to rear and
educate them, you will abandon, and, so far as you are concerned, they will
meet with such a fate as chance brings them, and, as is probable, they will
meet with such things as orphans are wont to experience in a state of
orphanage. Surely one ought not to have children, or one should go through
the toil of rearing and instructing them. But you appear to me to have
chosen the most indolent course; though you ought to have chosen such a
course as a good and brave man would have done, since you profess to
have made virtue your study through the whole of your life; so that I am
ashamed both for you and for us who are your friends, lest this whole affair
of yours should seem to be the effect of cowardice on our part--your
appearing to stand your trial in the court, since you appeared when it was in
your power not to have done so, the very manner in which the trial was
conducted, and this last circumstance, as it were, a ridiculous
consummation of the whole business; your appearing to have escaped from
us through our indolence and cowardice, who did not save you; nor did you
save yourself, when it was practicable and possible, had we but exerted
ourselves a little. Think of these things, therefore, Socrates, and beware,
lest, besides the evil that will result, they be disgraceful both to you and to
us; advise, then, with yourself; though, indeed, there is no longer time for
advising--your resolve should be already made. And there is but one plan;
for in the following night the whole must be accomplished. If we delay, it
will be impossible and no longer practicable. By all means, therefore,
Socrates, be persuaded by me, and on no account refuse.
6. Socr. My dear Crito, your zeal would be very commendable were it

united with right principle; otherwise, by how much the more earnest it is,
by so much is it the more sad. We must consider, therefore, whether this
plan should be adopted or not. For I not now only, but always, am a person
who will obey nothing within me but reason, according as it appears to me
on mature deliberation to be best. And the reasons which I formerly
professed I can not now reject, because this misfortune has befallen me; but
they appear to me in much the same light, and I respect and honor them as
before; so that if we are unable to adduce any better at the present time, be
assured that I shall not give in to you, even though the power of the
multitude should endeavor to terrify us like children, by threatening more
than it does now, bonds and death, and confiscation of property. How,
therefore, may we consider the matter most conveniently? First of all, if we
recur to the argument which you used about opinions, whether on former
occasions it was rightly resolved or not, that we ought to pay attention to
some opinions, and to others not; or whether, before it was necessary that I
should die, it was rightly resolved; but now it has become clear that it was
said idly for argument's sake, though in reality it was merely jest and
trifling. I desire then, Crito, to consider, in common with you, whether it
will appear to me in a different light, now that I am in this condition, or the
same, and whether we shall give it up or yield to it. It was said, I think, on
former occasions, by those who were thought to speak seriously, as I just
now observed, that of the opinions which men entertain some should be
very highly esteemed and others not. By the gods! Crito, does not this
appear to you to be well said? For you, in all human probability, are out of
all danger of dying to-morrow, and the present calamity will not lead your
judgment astray. Consider, then; does it not appear to you to have been
rightly settled that we ought not to respect all the opinions of men, but
some we should, and others not? Nor yet the opinions of all men, but of
some we should, and of others not? What say you? Is not this rightly
resolved?
Cri. It is.
Socr. Therefore we should respect the good, but not the bad?
Cri. Yes.
Socr. And are not the good those of the wise, and the bad those of the
foolish?
Cri. How can it be otherwise?
7. Socr. Come, then: how, again, were the following points settled? Does a
man who practices gymnastic exercises and applies himself to them, pay
attention to the praise and censure and opinion of every one, or of that one
man only who happens to be a physician, or teacher of the exercises?
Cri. Of that one only.
Socr. He ought, therefore, to fear the censures and covet the praises of that
one, but not those of the multitude.
Cri. Clearly.
Socr. He ought, therefore, so to practice and exercise himself, and to eat

and drink, as seems fitting to the one who presides and knows, rather than
to all others together.
Cri. It is so.
Socr. Well, then, if he disobeys the one, and disregards his opinion and
praise, but respects that of the multitude and of those who know nothing,
will he not suffer some evil?
Cri. How should he not?

Socr. But what is this evil? Whither does it tend, and on what part of him
that disobeys will it fall?
Cri. Clearly on his body, for this it ruins.
Socr. You say well. The case is the same, too, Crito, with all other things,
not to go through them all. With respect then, to things just and unjust, base
and honorable, good and evil, about which we are now consulting, ought
we to follow the opinion of the multitude, and to respect it, or that of one, if
there is any one who understands, whom we ought to reverence and respect
rather than all others together? And if we do not obey him, shall we not
corrupt and injure that part of ourselves which becomes better by justice,
but is ruined by injustice? Or is this nothing?
Cri. I agree with you, Socrates.
8. Socr. Come, then, if we destroy that which becomes better by what is

wholesome, but is impaired by what is unwholesome, through being
persuaded by those who do not understand, can we enjoy life when that is
impaired? And this is the body we are speaking of, is it not?
Cri. Yes.
Socr. Can we, then, enjoy life with a diseased and impaired body?
Cri. By no means.
Socr. But can we enjoy life when that is impaired which injustice ruins but
justice benefits? Or do we think that to be of less value than the body,
whatever part of us it may be, about which injustice and justice are
concerned'
Cri. By no means.
Socr. But of more value?

Cri. Much more.
Socr. We must not then, my excellent friend, so much regard what the
multitude will say of us, but what he will say who understands the just and
the unjust, the one, even truth itself. So that at first you did not set out with
a right principle, when you laid it down that we ought to regard the opinion
of the multitude with respect to things just and honorable and good, and
their contraries. How ever, some one may say, are not the multitude able to
put us to death?
Cri. This, too, is clear, Socrates, any one might say so.
Socr. You say truly. But, my admirable friend, this principle which we have
just discussed appears to me to be the same as it was before[10]. And
consider this, moreover, whether it still holds good with us or not, that we
are not to be anxious about living but about living well.
Cri. It does hold good.
Socr. And does this hold good or not, that to live well and Honorable and
justly are the same thing?
Cri. It does.
9. Socr. From what has been admitted, then, this consideration arises,
whether it is just or not that I should endeavor to leave this place without
the permission of the Athenians. And should it appear to be just, we will
make the attempt, but if not, we will give it up. But as to the considerations
which you mention, of an outlay of money, reputation, and the education of
children, beware, Crito, lest such considerations as these in reality belong
to these multitudes, who rashly put one to death, and would restore one to
life, if they could do so, without any reason at all. But we, since reason so
requires, must consider nothing else than what we just now mentioned,
whether we shall act justly in paying money and contracting obligations to
those who will lead me hence, as well they who lead me as we who are led
hence, or whether, in truth, we shall not act unjustly in doing all these
things. And if we should appear in so doing to be acting unjustly, observe

that we must not consider whether from remaining here and continuing
quiet we must needs die, or suffer any thing else, rather than whether we
shall be acting unjustly.
Cri. You appear to me to speak wisely, Socrates, but see what we are to do.
Socr. Let us consider the matter together, my friend, and if you have any
thing to object to what I say, make good your objection, and I will yield to
you, but if not, cease, my excellent friend, to urge upon me the same thing
so often, that I ought to depart hence against the will of the Athenians. For I
highly esteem your endeavors to persuade me thus to act, so long as it is not
against my will Consider, then, the beginning of our inquiry, whether it is
stated to your entire satisfaction, and endeavor to answer the question put to
you exactly as you think right.
Cri. I will endeavor to do so.
10. Socr. Say we, then, that we should on no account deliberately commit
injustice, or may we commit injustice under certain circumstances, under
others not? Or is it on no account either good or honorable to commit
injustice, as we have often agreed on former occasions, and as we just now
said? Or have all those our former admissions been dissipated in these few
days, and have we, Crito, old men as we are, been for a long time seriously
conversing with each other without knowing that we in no respect differ
from children? Or does the case, beyond all question, stand as we then
determined? Whether the multitude allow it or not, and whether we must
suffer a more severe or a milder punishment than this, still is injustice on
every account both evil and disgraceful to him who commits it? Do we
admit this, or not?
Cri. We do admit it.
Socr. On no account, therefore, ought we to act unjustly.
Cri. Surely not.

Socr. Neither ought one who is injured to return the injury, as the multitude
think, since it is on no account right to act unjustly.
Cri. It appears not.
Socr. What, then? Is it right to do evil, Crito, or not?
Cri. Surely it is not right, Socrates.
Socr. But what? To do evil in return when one has been evil-entreated, is
that right, or not?
Cri. By no means.
Socr. For to do evil to men differs in no respect from committing injustice.
Cri. You say truly.
Socr. It is not right, therefore, to return an injury, or to do evil to any man,

however one may have suffered from him. But take care, Crito, that in
allowing these things you do not allow them contrary to your opinion, for I
know that to some few only these things both do appear, and will appear, to
be true. They, then, to whom these things appear true, and they to whom
they do not, have no sentiment in common, and must needs despise each
other, while they look to each other's opinions. Consider well, then,
whether you coincide and think with me, and whether we can begin our
deliberations from this point--that it is never right either to do an injury or
to return an injury, or when one has been evil-entreated, to revenge one's
self by doing evil in return, or do you dissent from, and not coincide in this
principle? For so it appears to me, both long since and now, but if you in
any respect think otherwise, say so and inform me. But if you persist in
your former opinions, hear what follows.
Cri. I do persist in them, and think with you. Speak on, then.
Socr. I say next, then, or rather I ask; whether when a man has promised to
do things that are just he ought to do them, or evade his promise?
Cri. He ought to do them.
11. Socr. Observe, then, what follows. By departing hence without the
leave of the city, are we not doing evil to some, and that to those to whom
we ought least of all to do it, or not? And do we abide by what we agreed
on as being just, or do we not?
Cri. I am unable to answer your question, Socrates; for I do not understand

it.
Socr. Then, consider it thus. If, while we were preparing to run away, or by
whatever name we should call it, the laws and commonwealth should come,
and, presenting themselves before us, should say, "Tell me, Socrates, what
do you purpose doing? Do you design any thing else by this proceeding in
which you are engaged than to destroy us, the laws, and the whole city, so
far as you are able? Or do you think it possible for that city any longer to
subsist, and not be subverted, in which judgments that are passed have no
force, but are set aside and destroyed by private persons?"--what should we
say, Crito, to these and similar remonstrances? For any one, especially an
orator, would have much to say on the violation of the law, which enjoins
that judgments passed shall be enforced. Shall we say to them that the city
has done us an injustice, and not passed a right sentence? Shall we say this,
or what else?
Cri. This, by Jupiter! Socrates.
12. Socr. What, then, if the laws should say, "Socrates, was it not agreed
between us that you should abide by the judgments which the city should
pronounce?" And if we should wonder at their speaking thus, perhaps they
would say, "Wonder not, Socrates, at what we say, but answer, since you
are accustomed to make use of questions and answers. For, come, what
charge have you against us and the city, that you attempt to destroy us? Did
we not first give you being? and did not your father, through us, take your
mother to wife and beget you? Say, then, do you find fault with those laws
among us that relate to marriage as being bad?" I should say, "I do not find
fault with them." "Do you with those that relate to your nurture when born,
and the education with which you were instructed? Or did not the laws,
ordained on this point, enjoin rightly, in requiring your father to instruct
you in music and gymnastic exercises?" I should say, rightly. Well, then,
since you were born, nurtured, and educated through our means, can you
say, first of all, that you are not both our offspring and our slave, as well
you as your ancestors? And if this be so, do you think that there are equal
rights between us? and whatever we attempt to do to you, do you think you
may justly do to us in turn? Or had you not equal rights with your father, or
master, if you happened to have one, so as to return what you suffered,
neither to retort when found fault with, nor, when stricken, to strike again,
nor many other things of the kind; but that with your country and the laws
you may do so; so that if we attempt to destroy you, thinking it to be just,
you also should endeavor, so far as you are able, in return, to destroy us, the
laws, and your country; and in doing this will you say that you act
justly--you who, in reality, make virtue your chief object? Or are you so
wise as not to know that one's country is more honorable, venerable, and
sacred, and more highly prized both by gods, and men possessed of
understanding, than mother and father, and all other progenitors; and that
one ought to reverence, submit to, and appease one's country, when angry,
rather than one's father; and either persuade it or do what it orders, and to
suffer quietly if it bids one suffer, whether to be beaten, or put in bonds; or
if it sends one out to battle there to be wounded or slain, this must be done;
for justice so requires, and one must not give way, or retreat, or leave one's
post; but that both in war and in a court of justice, and everywhere one
must do what one's city and country enjoin, or persuade it in such manner
as justice allows; but that to offer violence either to one's mother or father
is not holy, much less to one's country? What shall we say to these things,
Crito? That the laws speak the truth, or not?
Cri. It seems so to me.
13. Socr. "Consider, then, Socrates," the laws perhaps might say, "whether
we say truly that in what you are now attempting you are attempting to do
what is not just toward us. For we, having given you birth, nurtured,
instructed you, and having imparted to you and all other citizens all the
good in our power, still proclaim, by giving the power to every Athenian
who pleases, when he has arrived at years of discretion, and become
acquainted with the business of the state, and us, the laws, that any one who
is not satisfied with us may take his property, and go wherever he pleases.
And if any one of you wishes to go to a colony, if he is not satisfied with us
and the city, or to migrate and settle in another country, none of us, the
laws, hinder or forbid him going whithersoever he pleases, taking with him
all his property. But whoever continues with us after he has seen the
manner in which we administer justice, and in other respects govern the
city, we now say that he has in fact entered into a compact with us to do
what we order; and we affirm that he who does not obey is in three respects
guilty of injustice--because he does not obey us who gave him being, and
because he does not obey us who nurtured him, and because, having made a
compact that he would obey us, he neither does so, nor does he persuade us
if we do any thing wrongly; though we propose for his consideration, and
do not rigidly command him to do what we order, but leave him the choice
of one of two things, either to persuade us, or to do what we require, and
yet he does neither of these."
14. "And we say that you, O Socrates! will be subject to these charges if
you accomplish your design, and that not least of the Athenians, but most
so of all." And if I should ask, "For what reason?" they would probably
justly retort on me by saying that, among all the Athenians, I especially
made this compact with them. For they would say, "Socrates, we have
strong proof of this, that you were satisfied both with us and the city; for, of
all the Athenians, you especially would never have dwelt in it if it had not
been especially agreeable to you; for you never went out of the city to any
of the public spectacles, except once to the Isthmian games, nor anywhere
else, except on military service, nor have you ever gone abroad as other
men do, nor had you ever had any desire to become acquainted with any
other city or other laws, but we and our city were sufficient for you; so
strongly were you attached to us, and so far did you consent to submit to
our government, both in other respects and in begetting children in this city,
in consequence of your being satisfied with it. Moreover, in your very trial,
it was in your power to have imposed on yourself a sentence of exile, if you

pleased, and might then have done, with the consent of the city, what you
now attempt against its consent. Then, indeed, you boasted yourself as not
being grieved if you must needs die; but you preferred, as you said, death to
exile. Now, however, you are neither ashamed of those professions, nor do
you revere us, the laws, since you endeavor to destroy us, and you act as
the vilest slave would act, by endeavoring to make your escape contrary to
the conventions and the compacts by which you engaged to submit to our
government. First, then, therefore, answer us this, whether we speak the
truth or not in affirming that you agreed to be governed by us in deed,
though not in word?" What shall we say to this, Crito? Can we do otherwise
than assent?
Cri. We must needs do so, Socrates.
Socr. "What else, then," they will say, "are you doing but violating the
conventions and compacts which you made with us, though you did not
enter into them from compulsion or through deception, or from being
compelled to determine in a short time but during the space of seventy
years, in which you might have departed if you had been dissatisfied with
us, and the compacts had not appeared to you to be just? You, however,
preferred neither Lacedæmon nor Crete, which you several times said are
governed by good laws, nor any other of the Grecian or barbarian cities; but
you have been less out of Athens than the lame and the blind, and other
maimed persons. So much, it is evident, were you satisfied with the city
and us, the laws, beyond the rest of the Athenians; for who can be satisfied
with a city without laws? But now will you not abide by your compacts?
You will, if you are persuaded by us, Socrates, and will not make yourself
ridiculous by leaving the city."
15. "For consider, by violating these compacts and offending against any of
them, what good you will do to yourself or your friends. For that your
friends will run the risk of being themselves banished, and deprived of the
rights of citizenship, or of forfeiting their property, is pretty clear. And as
for yourself, if you should go to one of the neighboring cities, either Thebes
or Megara, for both are governed by good laws, you will go there, Socrates,
as an enemy to their polity; and such as have any regard for their country
will look upon you with suspicion, regarding you as a corrupter of the laws;
and you will confirm the opinion of the judges, so that they will appear to
have condemned you rightly, for whose is a corrupter of the laws will
appear in all likelihood to be a corrupter of youths and weak-minded men.
Will you, then, avoid these well-governed cities, and the best-ordered men?
And should you do so, will it be worth your while to live? Or will you
approach them, and have the effrontery to converse with them, Socrates, on
subjects the same as you did here--that virtue and justice, legal institutions
and laws, should be most highly valued by men? And do you not think that
this conduct of Socrates would be very indecorous? You must think so. But
you will keep clear of these places, and go to Thessaly, to Crito's friends,
for there are the greatest disorder and licentiousness; and perhaps they will
gladly hear you relating how drolly you escaped from prison, clad in some
dress or covered with a skin, or in some other disguise such as fugitives are
wont to dress themselves in, having so changed your usual appearance. And
will no one say that you, though an old man, with but a short time to live, in
all probability, have dared to have such a base desire of life as to violate the
most sacred laws? Perhaps not, should you not offend any one. But if you
should, you will hear, Socrates, many things utterly unworthy of you. You
will live, too, in a state of abject dependence on all men, and as their slave.
But what will you do in Thessaly besides feasting, as if you had gone to
Thessaly to a banquet? And what will become of those discourses about
justice and all other virtues? But do you wish to live for the sake of your
children, that you may rear and educate them? What then? Will you take
them to Thessaly, and there rear and educate them, making them aliens to
their country, that they may owe you this obligation too? Or, if not so,
being reared here, will they be better reared and educated while you are
living, though not with them, for your friends will take care of them?
Whether, if you go to Thessaly, will they take care of them, but if you go to
Hades will they not take care of them? If, however, any advantage is to be
derived from those that say they are your friends, we must think they will."
16. "Then, O Socrates! be persuaded by us who have nurtured you, and do

not set a higher value on your children, or on life, or on any thing else than
justice, that, when you arrive in Hades, you may have all this to say in your
defense before those who have dominion there. For neither here in this life,
if you do what is proposed, does it appear to be better, or more just, or more
holy to yourself, or any of your friends; nor will it be better for you when
you arrive there. But now you depart, if you do depart, unjustly treated, not
by us, the laws, but by men; but should you escape, having thus
disgracefully returned injury for injury, and evil for evil, having violated
your own compacts and conventions which you made with us, and having
done evil to those to whom you least of all should have done it--namely,
yourself, your friends, your country, and us--both we shall be indignant
with you as long as you live, and there our brothers, the laws in Hades, will
not receive you favorably knowing that you attempted, so far as you were
able, to destroy us. Let not Crito, then, persuade you to do what he advises,
rather than we."
17. These things, my dear friend Crito, be assured, I seem to hear as the
votaries of Cybele[11] seem to hear the flutes. And the sound of these
words booms in my ear, and makes me incapable of hearing any thing else.
Be sure, then, so long as I retain my present opinions, if you should say any
thing contrary to these, you will speak in vain. If, however, you think that
you can prevail at all, say on.
Cri. But, Socrates, I have nothing to say.
Socr. Desist, then, Crito, and let us pursue this course, since this way the
deity leads us.
FOOTNOTES
[6] See the Phædo sec 1.
[7] A promontory at the southern extremity of Attica
[8] The Eleven
[9] See Homer's "Iliad," 1 IX, v 363

[10] That is to say, the principle which we had laid down in former
discussions that no regard is to be had to popular opinion, is still found to
hold good.
[11] The Corybantes, priests of Cybele, who in their solemn festivals made
such a noise with flutes that the hearers could hear no other sound.
INTRODUCTION TO THE PHÆDO.
This dialogue presents us with an account of the manner In which Socrates

spent the last day of his, life, and how he met his death. The main subject is
that of the soul's immortality, which Socrates takes upon himself to prove
with as much certainty as it is possible for the human mind to arrive at. The
question itself, though none could be better suited to the occasion, arises
simply and naturally from the general conversation that precedes it.
When his friends visit him in the morning for the purpose of spending this
his last day with him, they find him sitting up in bed, and rubbing his leg,
which had just been freed from bonds. He remarks on the unaccountable
alternation and connection between pleasure and pain, and adds that Æsop,
had he observed it, would have made a fable from it. This remark reminds
Cebes of Socrates's having put some of Æsop's fables into metre since his
imprisonment, and he asks, for the satisfaction of the poet Evenus, what has
induced him to do so. Socrates explains his reason, and concludes by
bidding him tell Evenus to follow him as soon as he can. Simmias
expresses his surprise at this message, on which Socrates asks, "Is not
Evenus a philosopher?" and on the question being answered in the
affirmative, he says that he or any philosopher would be willing to die,
though perhaps he would not commit violence on himself. This, again,
seems a contradiction to Simmias; but Socrates explains it by showing that
our souls are placed in the body by God, and may not leave it without his
permission. Whereupon Cebes objects that in that case foolish men only
would wish to die, and quit the service of the best of masters, to which
Simmias agrees. Socrates, therefore, proposes to plead his cause before
them, and to show that there is a great probability that after this life he shall
go into the presence of God and good men, and be happy in proportion to
the purity of his own mind.
He begins[12] by stating that philosophy itself is nothing else than a

preparation for and meditation on death. Death and philosophy have this in
common: death separates the soul from the body; philosophy draws off the
mind from bodily things to the contemplation of truth and virtue: for he is
not a true philosopher who is led away by bodily pleasures, since the senses
are the source of ignorance and all evil. The mind, therefore, is entirely
occupied in meditating on death, and freeing itself as much as possible
from the body. How, then, can such a man be afraid of death? He who
grieves at the approach of death can not be a true lover of wisdom, but is a
lover of his body. And, indeed, most men are temperate through
intemperance; that is to say, they abstain from some pleasures that they
may the more easily and permanently enjoy others. They embrace only a
shadow of virtue, not virtue itself, since they estimate the value of all things
by the pleasures they afford. Whereas the philosopher purifies his mind
from all such things, and pursues virtue and wisdom for their own sakes.
This course Socrates himself has pursued to the utmost of his ability, with
what success he should shortly know; and on these grounds he did not
repine at leaving his friends in this world, being persuaded that in another
he should meet with good masters and good friends.
Upon this Cebes[13] says that he agrees with all else that had been said, but
can not help entertaining doubts of what will become of the soul when
separated from the body, for the common opinion is that it is dispersed and
vanishes like breath or smoke, and no longer exists anywhere. Socrates,
therefore, proposes to inquire into the probability of the case, a fit
employment for him under his present circumstances.
His first argument[14] is drawn from the ancient belief prevalent among
men, that souls departing hence exist in Hades, and are produced again
from the dead. If this be true, it must follow that our souls are there, for
they could not be produced again if they did not exist; and its truth is
confirmed by this, that it is a general law of nature that contraries are
produced from contraries--the greater from the less, strong from weak, slow
from swift, heat from cold, and in like manner life from death, and vice
versa. To explain this more clearly, he proceeds to show that what is

changed passes from one state to another, and so undergoes three different
states--first, the actual state; then the transition; and, thirdly, the new state;
as from a state of sleep, by awaking to being awake. In like manner birth is
a transition from a state of death to life, and dying from life to death; so that
the soul, by the act of dying, only passes to another state. If it were not so,
all nature would in time become dead, just as if people did not awake out of
sleep all would at last be buried in eternal sleep. Whence the conclusion is
that the souls of men are not annihilated by death.
Cebes[15] agrees to this reasoning, and adds that he is further convinced, of

its truth by calling to mind an argument used by Socrates on former
occasions, that knowledge is nothing but reminiscence; and if this is so, the
soul must have existed, and had knowledge, before it became united to the
body.
But in case Simmias should not yet be satisfied, Socrates[16] proceeds to

enlarge on this, his second argument, drawn from reminiscence. We daily
find that we are carried from the knowledge of one thing to another. Things
perceived by the eyes, ears, and other senses bring up the thought of other
things; thus the sight of a lyre or a garment reminds us of a friend, and not
only are we thus reminded of sensible objects, but of things which are
comprehended by the mind alone, and have no sensitive existence. For we
have formed in our minds an idea of abstract equality, of the beautiful, the
just, the good; in short, of every thing which we say exists without the aid
of the senses, for we use them only in the perception of individual things;
whence it follows that the mind did not acquire this knowledge in this life,
but must have had it before, and therefore the soul must have existed
before.
Simmias and Cebes[17] both agree in admitting that Socrates has proved
the pre-existence of the soul, but insist that he has not shown it to be
immortal, for that nothing hinders but that, according to the popular
opinion, it may be dispersed at the dissolution of the body. To which
Socrates replies, that if their former admissions are joined to his last
argument, the immortality, as well as the pre-existence, of the soul has been
sufficiently proved. For if it is true that any thing living is produced from
that which is dead, then the soul must exist after death, otherwise it could
not be produced again.
However, to remove the apprehension that the soul may be dispersed by a

wind, as it were, Socrates proceeds, in his third argument,[18] to examine
that doubt more thoroughly. What, then, is meant by being dispersed but
being dissolved into its parts? In order, therefore, to a thing being capable
of dispersion it must be compounded of parts. Now, there are two kinds of
things--one compounded, the other simple The former kind is subject to
change, the latter not, and can be comprehended by the mind alone. The
one is visible, the other invisible; and the soul, which is invisible, when it
employs the bodily senses, wanders and is confused, but when it abstracts
itself from the body it attains to the knowledge of that which is eternal,
immortal, and unchangeable. The soul, therefore, being uncompounded and
invisible, must be indissoluble; that is to say, immortal.
Still Simmias and Cebes[19] are unconvinced. The former objects that the
soul, according to Socrates's own showing, is nothing but a harmony
resulting from a combination of the parts of the body, and so may perish
with the body, as the harmony of a lyre does when the lyre itself is broken.
And Cebes, though he admits that the soul is more durable than the body,
yet objects that it is not, therefore, of necessity immortal, but may in time
wear out; and it is by no means clear that this is not its last period.
These objections produce a powerful effect on the rest of the company; but
Socrates, undismayed, exhorts them not to suffer themselves to be deterred
from seeking the truth by any difficulties they may meet with; and then
proceeds[20] to show, in a moment, the fallacy of Simmias's objection. It
was before admitted, he says, that the soul existed before the body; but
harmony is produced after the lyre is formed, so that the two cases are
totally different. And, further, there are various degrees of harmony, but
every soul is as much a soul as any other. But, then, what will a person who
holds this doctrine, that the soul is harmony, say of virtue and vice in the
soul? Will he call them another kind of harmony and discord? If so, he will
contradict himself; for it is admitted that one soul is not more or less a soul
than another, and therefore one can not he more or less harmonized than
another, and one could not admit of a greater degree of virtue or vice than
another; and indeed a soul, being harmony, could not partake of vice at all,
which is discord.
Socrates, having thus satisfactorily answered the argument adduced by

Simmias, goes on to rebut that of Cebes,[21] who objected that the soul
might in time wear out. In order to do this, he relates that, when a young
man, he attempted to investigate the causes of all things, why they exist and
why they perish; and in the course of his researches, finding the futility of
attributing the existence of things to what are called natural causes, he
resolved on endeavoring to find out the reasons of things. He therefore
assumed that there are a certain abstract beauty and goodness and
magnitude, and so of all other things; the truth of which being granted, he
thinks he shall be able to prove that the soul is immortal.
This, then, being conceded by Cebes, Socrates[22] argues that every thing
that is beautiful is so from partaking of abstract beauty, and great from
partaking of magnitude, and little from partaking of littleness. Now, it is
impossible, he argues, that contraries can exist in the same thing at the
same time; for instance, the same thing can not possess both magnitude and
littleness, but one will withdraw at the approach of the other; and not only
so, but things which, though not contrary to each other, yet always contain
contraries within themselves, can not co-exist; for instance, the number
three has no contrary, yet it contains within itself the idea of odd, which is
the contrary of even, and so three never can become even; in like manner,
heat while it is heat can never admit the idea of its contrary, cold. Now, if
this method of reasoning is applied to the soul, it will be found to be
immortal; for life and death are contraries, and never can co-exist; but
wherever the soul is, there is life: so that it contains within itself that which
is contrary to death, and consequently can never admit of death; therefore it
is immortal.
With this he closes his arguments in support of the soul's immortality.

Cebes owns himself convinced, but Simmias, though he is unable to make
any objection to the soundness of Socrates's reasoning, can not help still
entertaining doubts on the subject. If, however, the soul is immortal,

Socrates proceeds,[23] great need is there in this life to endeavor to become
as wise and good as possible. For if death were a deliverance from every
thing, it would be a great gain for the wicked; but since the soul appears to
be immortal, it must go to the place suited to its nature. For it is said that
each person's demon conducts him to a place where he receives sentence
according to his deserts.
He then[24] draws a fanciful picture of the various regions of the earth, to

which the good and the bad will respectively go after death, and exhorts his
friends to use every endeavor to acquire virtue and wisdom in this life,
"for," he adds, "the reward is noble, and the hope great."
Having thus brought his subject to a conclusion, Socrates proposes to bathe

himself, in order not to trouble others to wash his dead body. Crito
thereupon asks if he has any commands to give, and especially how he
would be buried, to which he, with his usual cheerfulness, makes answer,
"Just as you please, if only you can catch me;" and then, smiling, he
reminds them that after death he shall be no longer with them, and begs the
others of the party to be sureties to Crito for his absence from the body, as
they had been before bound for his presence before his judges.
After he had bathed, and taken leave of his children and the women of his
family the officer of the Eleven comes in to intimate to him that it is now
time to drink the poison. Crito urges a little delay, as the sun had not yet
set; but Socrates refuses to make himself ridiculous by showing such a
fondness for life. The man who is to administer the poison is therefore sent
for; and on his holding out the cup, Socrates, neither trembling nor
changing color or countenance at all, but, as he was wont, looking
steadfastly at the man, asked if he might make a libation to any one; and
being told that no more poison than enough had been mixed, he simply
prayed that his departure from this to another world might be happy, and
then drank off the poison, readily and calmly. His friends, who had hitherto
with difficulty restrained themselves, could no longer control the outward
expressions of grief, to which Socrates said, "What are you doing, my
friends? I, for this reason, chiefly, sent away the women, that they might
not commit any folly of this kind; for I have heard that it is right to die with
good omens. Be quiet, therefore, and bear up."
When he had walked about for a while his legs began to grow heavy, so he
lay down on his back; and his body, from the feet upward, gradually grew
cold and stiff. His last words were, "Crito, we owe a cock to Æsculapius;
pay it, therefore, and do not neglect it."
"This," concludes Phædo, "was the end of our friend--a man, as we may
say, the best of all his time, that we have known, and, moreover, the most
wise and just."
FOOTNOTES
[12] Sec. 21-39.
[13] Sec. 39, 40.
[14] Sec. 40-46.
[15] Sec. 47.
[16] Sec. 48-57.
[17] Sec. 55-59.
[18] Sec. 61-75.
[19] Sec. 76-84.
[20] Sec. 93-99.
[21] Sec. 100-112.
[22] Sec. 112-128.

[23] Sec. 129-131.
[24] Sec. 132-145.
PHÆDO; OR, THE IMMORTALITY OF THE SOUL.
FIRST ECHECRATES, PHÆDO. THEN SOCRATES, APOLLODORUS,

CEBES, SIMMIAS, AND CRITO.
Ech. Were you personally present, Phædo, with Socrates on that day when
he drank the poison in prison, or did you hear an account of it from some
one else?
Phæd. I was there myself, Echecrates.
Ech. What, then, did he say before his death, and how did he die? for I
should be glad to hear: for scarcely any citizen of Phlius[25] ever visits
Athens now, nor has any stranger for a long time come from thence who
was able to give us a clear account of the particulars, except that he had
died from drinking poison; but he was unable to tell us any thing more.
2. Phæd. And did you not hear about the trial--how it went off?
Ech. Yes; some one told me this; and I wondered that, as it took place so
long ago, he appears to have died long afterward. What was the reason of
this, Phædo?
Phæd. An accidental circumstance happened in his favor, Echecrates; for

the poop of the ship which the Athenians send to Delos chanced to be
crowned on the day before the trial.
Ech. But what is this ship?
Phæd. It is the ship, as the Athenians say, in which Theseus formerly

conveyed the fourteen boys and girls to Crete, and saved both them and
himself. They, therefore, made a vow to Apollo on that occasion, as it is
said, that if they were saved they would every year dispatch a solemn
embassy to Delos; which, from that time to the present, they send yearly to
the god. 3. When they begin the preparations for this solemn embassy, they
have a law that the city shall be purified during this period, and that no
public execution shall take place until the ship has reached Delos, and
returned to Athens; and this occasionally takes a long time, when the winds
happen to impede their passage. The commencement of the embassy is
when the priest of Apollo has crowned the poop of the ship. And this was
done, as I said, on the day before the trial: on this account Socrates had a
long interval in prison between the trial and his death.
4. Ech. And what, Phædo, were the circumstances of his death? What was
said and done? and who of his friends were with him? or would not the
magistrates allow them to be present, but did he die destitute of friends?
Phæd. By no means; but some, indeed several, were present.
Ech. Take the trouble, then, to relate to me all the particulars as clearly as
you can, unless you have any pressing business.
Phæd. I am at leisure, and will endeavor to give you a full account; for to
call Socrates to mind, whether speaking myself or listening to some one
else, is always most delightful to me.
5. Ech. And indeed, Phædo, you have others to listen to you who are of the
same mind. However, endeavor to relate every thing as accurately as you
can.
Phæd. I was, indeed, wonderfully affected by being present, for I was not
impressed with a feeling of pity, like one present at the death of a friend;
for the man appeared to me to be happy, Echecrates, both from his manner
and discourse, so fearlessly and nobly did he meet his death: so much so,
that it occurred to me that in going to Hades he was not going without a
divine destiny, but that when he arrived there he would be happy, if any
one ever was. For this reason I was entirely uninfluenced by any feeling of
pity, as would seem likely to be the case with one present on so mournful
an occasion; nor was I affected by pleasure from being engaged in

philosophical discussions, as was our custom; for our conversation was of
that kind. But an altogether unaccountable feeling possessed me, a kind of
unusual mixture compounded of pleasure and pain together, when I
considered that he was immediately about to die. And all of us who were
present were affected in much the same manner, at one time laughing, at
another weeping--one of us especially, Apollodorus, for you know the man
and his manner.
Ech. How should I not?
6. Phæd. He, then, was entirely overcome by these emotions; and I, too,
was troubled, as well as the others.
Ech. But who were present, Phædo?
Phæd. Of his fellow-countrymen, this Apollodorus was present, and

Critobulus, and his father, Crito; moreover, Hermogenes, Epigenes,
Æschines and Antisthenes; Ctesippus the Pæanian, Menexenus, and some
others of his countrymen, were also there: Plato, I think, was sick.
Ech. Were any strangers present?
Phæd. Yes; Simmias, the Theban, Cebes and Phædondes; and from
Megara, Euclides and Terpsion.
7. Ech. But what! were not Aristippus and Cleombrotus present?
Phæd. No, for they were said to be at Ægina.
Ech. Was any one else there?
Phæd. I think that these were nearly all who were present.
Ech. Well, now, what do you say was the subject of conversation?
Phæd. I will endeavor to relate the whole to you from the beginning. On the
preceding days I and the others were constantly in the habit of visiting
Socrates, meeting early in the morning at the court house where the trial
took place, for it was near the prison. 8. Here, then, we waited every day till
the prison was opened, conversing with each other, for it was not opened
very early; but as soon as it was opened we went in to Socrates, and usually
spent the day with him. On that occasion, however, we met earlier than
usual; for on the preceding day, when we left the prison in the evening, we
heard that the ship had arrived from Delos. We therefore urged each other
to come as early as possible to the accustomed place. Accordingly we
came; and the porter, who used to admit us, coming out, told us to wait, and
not to enter until he had called us. "For," he said, "the Eleven are now
freeing Socrates from his bonds, and announcing to him that he must die
to-day." But in no long time he returned, and bade us enter.
9. When we entered, we found Socrates just freed from his bonds, and
Xantippe, you know her, holding his little boy, and sitting by him. As soon
as Xantippe saw us she wept aloud, and said such things as women usually
do on such occasions--as, "Socrates, your friends will now converse with
you for the last time, and you with them." But Socrates, looking towards
Crito, said: "Crito, let some one take her home." Upon which some of
Crito's attendants led her away, wailing and beating herself.
But Socrates, sitting up in bed, drew up his leg, and rubbed it with his hand,
and as he rubbed it, said: "What an unaccountable thing, my friends, that
seems to be, which men call pleasure! and how wonderfully is it related
toward that which appears to be its contrary, pain, in that they will not both
be present to a man at the same time! Yet if any one pursues and attains the
one, he is almost always compelled to receive the other, as if they were
both united together from one head."
10. "And it seems tome," he said, "that if Æsop had observed this he would
have made a fable from it, how the deity, wishing to reconcile these
warring principles, when he could not do so, united their heads together,
and from hence whomsoever the one visits the other attends immediately
after; as appears to be the case with me, since I suffered pain in my leg
before from the chain, but now pleasure seems to have succeeded."
Hereupon Cebes, interrupting him, said: "By Jupiter! Socrates, you have
done well in reminding me; with respect to the poems which you made, by
putting into metre those Fables of Æsop and the hymn to Apollo, several
other persons asked me, and especially Evenus recently, with what design
you made them after you came here, whereas before you had never made
any. 11. If therefore, you care at all that I should be able to answer Evenus,
when he asks me again--for I am sure he will do so--tell me what I must say
to him."
"Tell him the truth, then, Cebes," he replied, "that I did not make them from
a wish to compete with him, or his poems, for I knew that this would be no
easy matter; but that I might discover the meaning of certain dreams, and
discharge my conscience, if this should happen to be the music which they
have often ordered me to apply myself to. For they were to the following
purport: often in my past life the same dream visited me, appearing at
different times in different forms, yet always saying the same
thing--'Socrates,' it said, 'apply yourself to and practice music.' 12. And I
formerly supposed that it exhorted and encouraged me to continue the
pursuit I was engaged in, as those who cheer on racers, so that the dream
encouraged me to continue the pursuit I was engaged in--namely, to apply
myself to music, since philosophy is the highest music, and I was devoted
to it. But now since my trial took place, and the festival of the god retarded
my death, it appeared to me that if by chance the dream so frequently
enjoined me to apply myself to popular music, I ought not to disobey it, but
do so, for that it would be safer for me not to depart hence before I had
discharged my conscience by making some poems in obedience to the
dream. Thus, then, I first of all composed a hymn to the god whose festival
was present; and after the god, considering that a poet, if he means to be a
poet, ought to make fables, and not discourses, and knowing that I was not
skilled in making fables, I therefore put into verse those Fables of Æsop,
which were at hand, and were known to me, and which first occurred to
me."
13. "Tell this, then, to Evenus, Cebes, and bid him farewell, and if he is
wise, to follow me as soon as he can. But I depart, as it seems, to-day; for
so the Athenians order."
To this Simmias said, "What is this, Socrates, which you exhort Evenus to
do? for I often meet with him; and, from what I know of him, I am pretty
certain that he will not at all be willing to comply with your advice."
"What, then," said he, "is not Evenus a philosopher?"
"To me he seems to be so," said Simmias.
"Then he will be willing," rejoined Socrates, "and so will every one who
worthily engages in this study. Perhaps, indeed, he will not commit
violence on himself; for that, they say, is not allowable." And as he said this
he let down his leg from the bed on the ground, and in this posture
continued during the remainder of the discussion.
Cebes then asked him, "What do you mean, Socrates, by saying that it is
not lawful to commit violence on one's self, but that a philosopher should
be willing to follow one who is dying?"
14. "What, Cebes! have not you and Simmias, who have conversed
familiarly with Philolaus[26] on this subject, heard?"
"Nothing very clearly, Socrates."
"I, however, speak only from hearsay; what, then, I have heard I have no
scruple in telling. And perhaps it is most becoming for one who is about to
travel there to inquire and speculate about the journey thither, what kind we
think it is. What else can one do in the interval before sunset?"
"Why, then, Socrates, do they say that it is not allowable to kill one's self?
for I, as you asked just now, have heard both Philolaus, when he lived with
us, and several others, say that it was not right to do this; but I never heard
any thing clear upon the subject from any one."
15. "Then, you should consider it attentively," said Socrates, "for perhaps
you may hear. Probably, however, it will appear wonderful to you, if this
alone, of all other things, is a universal truth,[27] and it never happens to a
man, as is the case in all other things, that at some times and to some
persons only it is better to die than to live; yet that these men for whom it is
better to die--this probably will appear wonderful to you--may not without
impiety do this good to themselves, but must await another benefactor."
16. Then Cebes, gently smiling, said, speaking in his own dialect,[28] "Jove
be witness!"
"And, indeed," said Socrates, "it would appear to be unreasonable; yet still,
perhaps, it has some reason on its side. The maxim, indeed, given on this
subject in the mystical doctrines,[29] that we men are in a kind of prison,
and that we ought not to free ourselves from it and escape, appears to me
difficult to be understood, and not easy to penetrate. This, however, appears
to me, Cebes, to be well said: that the gods take care of us, and that we men
are one of their possessions. Does it not seem so to you?"
"It does," replied Cebes.
"Therefore," said he, "if one of your slaves were to kill himself, without
your having intimated that you wished him to die, should you not be angry
with him, and should you not punish him if you could?"
"Certainly," he replied.
"Perhaps, then, in this point of view, it is not unreasonable to assert that a

man ought not to kill himself before the deity lays him under a necessity of
doing so, such as that now laid on me."
17. "This, indeed," said Cebes, "appears to be probable. But what you said
just now, Socrates, that philosophers should be very willing to die, appears
to be an absurdity, if what we said just now is agreeable to reason--that it is
God who takes care of us, and that we are his property. For that the wisest
men should not be grieved at leaving that service in which they govern
them who are the best of all masters--namely, the gods--is not consistent
with reason; for surely he can not think that he will take better care of
himself when he has become free. But a foolish man might perhaps think
thus, that he should fly from his master, and would not reflect that he ought
not to fly from a good one, but should cling to him as much as possible;
therefore he would fly against all reason; but a man of sense would desire
to be constantly with one better than himself. Thus, Socrates, the contrary
of what you just now said is likely to be the case; for it becomes the wise to
be grieved at dying, but the foolish to rejoice."
18. Socrates, on hearing this, appeared to me to be pleased with the

pertinacity of Cebes, and, looking toward us, said, "Cebes, you see, always
searches out arguments, and is not at all willing to admit at once any thing
one has said."
Whereupon Simmias replied, "But, indeed, Socrates, Cebes appears to me

now to say something to the purpose; for with what design should men
really wise fly from masters who are better than themselves, and so readily
leave them? And Cebes appears to me to direct his argument against you,
because you so easily endure to abandon both us and those good rulers, as
you yourself confess, the gods."
"You speak justly," said Socrates, "for I think you mean that I ought to
make my defense to this charge, as if I were in a court of justice."
"Certainly," replied Simmias.
19. "Come, then," said he, "I will endeavor to defend myself more
successfully before you than before the judges. For," he proceeded,
"Simmias and Cebes, if I did not think that I should go, first of all, among
other deities who are both wise and good, and, next, among men who have
departed this life, better than any here, I should be wrong in not grieving at
death; but now, be assured, I hope to go among good men, though I would
not positively assert it. That, however, I shall go among gods who are
perfectly good masters, be assured I can positively assert this, if I can any
thing of the kind. So that, on this account, I am not so much troubled, but I
entertain a good hope that something awaits those who die, and that, as was
said long since, it will be far better for the good than the evil."
20. "What, then, Socrates," said Simmias, "would you go away keeping this
persuasion to yourself, or would you impart it to us? For this good appears
to me to be also common to us; and at the same time it will be an apology
for you, if you can persuade us to believe what you say."
"I will endeavor to do so," he said. "But first let us attend to Crito here, and
see what it is he seems to have for some time wished to say."
"What else, Socrates," said Crito, "but what he who is to give you the
poison told me some time ago, that I should tell you to speak as little as
possible? For he says that men become too much heated by speaking, and
that nothing of this kind ought to interfere with the poison; and that,
otherwise, those who did so were sometimes compelled to drink two or
three times."
To which Socrates replied, "Let him alone, and let him attend to his own
business, and prepare to give it me twice, or, if occasion require, even
thrice."
21. "I was almost certain what you would say," answered Crito, "but he has
been some time pestering me."
"Never mind him," he rejoined.
"But now I wish to render an account to you, my judges, of the reason why
a man who has really devoted his life to philosophy, when he is about to
die, appears to me, on good grounds, to have confidence, and to entertain a
firm hope that the greatest good will befall him in the other world when he
has departed this life. How, then, this comes to pass, Simmias and Cebes, I
will endeavor to explain."
"For as many as rightly apply themselves to philosophy seem to have left

all others in ignorance, that they aim at nothing else than to die and be
dead. If this, then, is true, it would surely be absurd to be anxious about

nothing else than this during their whole life, but, when it arrives, to be
grieved at what they have been long anxious about and aimed at."
22. Upon this, Simmias, smiling, said, "By Jupiter! Socrates, though I am
not now at all inclined to smile, you have made me do so; for I think that
the multitude, if they heard this, would think it was very well said in
reference to philosophers, and that our countrymen particularly would agree
with you, that true philosophers do desire death, and that they are by no
means ignorant that they deserve to suffer it."
"And, indeed, Simmias, they would speak the truth, except in asserting that
they are not ignorant; for they are ignorant of the sense in which true
philosophers desire to die, and in what sense they deserve death, and what
kind of death. But," he said, "let us take leave of them, and speak to one
another. Do we think that death is any thing?"
"Certainly," replied Simmias.
23. "Is it any thing else than the separation of the soul from the body? And
is not this to die, for the body to be apart by itself separated from the soul,
and for the soul to subsist apart by itself separated from the body? Is death
any thing else than this?"
"No, but this," he replied.
"Consider, then, my good friend, whether you are of the same opinion as I;
for thus, I think, we shall understand better the subject we are considering.
Does it appear to you to be becoming in a philosopher to be anxious about
pleasures, as they are called, such as meats and drinks?"
"By no means, Socrates," said Simmias.
"But what? about the pleasures of love?"
"Not at all."
24. "What, then? Does such a man appear to you to think other bodily
indulgences of value? For instance, does he seem to you to value or despise
the possession of magnificent garments and sandals, and other ornaments of
the body except so far as necessity compels him to use them?"
"The true philosopher," he answered, "appears to me to despise them."
"Does not, then," he continued, "the whole employment of such a man

appear to you to be, not about the body, but to separate himself from it as
much as possible, and be occupied about his soul?"
"It does."
"First of all, then, in such matters, does not the philosopher, above all other
men, evidently free his soul as much as he can from communion with the
body?"
"It appears so."
25. "And it appears, Simmias, to the generality of men, that he who takes
no pleasure in such things, and who does not use them, does not deserve to
live; but that he nearly approaches to death who cares nothing for the
pleasures that subsist through the body."
"You speak very truly."
"But what with respect to the acquisition of wisdom? Is the body an

impediment, or not, if any one takes it with him as a partner in the search?
What I mean is this: Do sight and hearing convey any truth to men, or are
they such as the poets constantly sing, who say that we neither hear nor see
any thing with accuracy? If, however, these bodily senses are neither
accurate nor clear, much less can the others be so; for they are all far
inferior to these. Do they not seem so to you?"
26. "When, then," said he, "does the soul light on the truth? for when it
attempts to consider any thing in conjunction with the body, it is plain that
it is then led astray by it."
"You say truly."
"Must it not, then, be by reasoning, if at all, that any of the things that really
are become known to it?"
"Yes."
"And surely the soul then reasons best when none of these things disturb
it--neither hearing, nor sight, nor pain, nor pleasure of any kind; but it
retires as much as possible within itself, taking leave of the body; and, so
far as it can, not communicating or being in contact with it, it aims at the
discovery of that which is."
"Such is the case."
"Does not, then, the soul of the philosopher, in these cases, despise the
body, and flee from it, and seek to retire within itself?"
"It appears so."
27. "But what as to such things as these, Simmias? Do we say that justice
itself is something or nothing?"
"We say it is something, by Jupiter!"
"And that beauty and goodness are something?"
"How not?"
"Now, then, have you ever seen any thing of this kind with your eyes?"
"By no means," he replied.

"Did you ever lay hold of them by any other bodily sense? But I speak
generally, as of magnitude, health, strength and, in a word, of the essence
of every thing; that is to say, what each is. Is, then, the exact truth of these
perceived by means of the body, or is it thus, whoever among us habituates
himself to reflect most deeply and accurately on each several thing about
which he is considering, he will make the nearest approach to the
knowledge of it?"
"Certainly."
28. "Would not he, then, do this with the utmost purity, who should in the
highest degree approach each subject by means of the mere mental
faculties, neither employing the sight in conjunction with the reflective
faculty, nor introducing any other sense together with reasoning; but who,
using pure reflection by itself, should attempt to search out each essence
purely by itself, freed as much as possible from the eyes and ears, and, in a
word, from the whole body, as disturbing the soul, and not suffering it to
acquire truth and wisdom, when it is in communion with it. Is not he the
person, Simmias, if any one can, who will arrive at the knowledge of that
which is?"
29. "You speak with wonderful truth, Socrates," replied Simmias.
"Wherefore," he said, "it necessarily follows from all this that some such
opinion as this should be entertained by genuine philosophers, so that they
should speak among themselves as follows: 'A by-path, as it were, seems to
lead us on in our researches undertaken by reason,' because so long as we
are encumbered with the body, and our soul is contaminated with such an
evil, we can never fully attain to what we desire; and this, we say, is truth.
For the body subjects us to innumerable hinderances on account of its
necessary support; and, moreover, if any diseases befall us, they impede us
in our search after that which is; and it fills us with longings, desires, fears,
all kinds of fancies, and a multitude of absurdities, so that, as it is said in
real truth, by reason of the body it is never possible for us to make any
advances in wisdom. 30. For nothing else than the body and its desires
occasion wars, seditions, and contests; for all wars among us arise on
account of our desire to acquire wealth: and we are compelled to acquire

wealth on account of the body, being enslaved to its service; and
consequently on all these accounts we are hindered in the pursuit of
philosophy. But the worst of all is, that if it leaves us any leisure, and we
apply ourselves to the consideration of any subject, it constantly obtrudes
itself in the midst of our researches, and occasions trouble and disturbance,
and confounds us so that we are not able, by reason of it, to discern the
truth. It has, then, in reality been demonstrated to us that if we are ever to
know any thing purely, we must be separated from the body, and
contemplate the things themselves by the mere soul; and then, as it seems,
we shall obtain that which we desire, and which we profess ourselves to be
lovers of--wisdom--when we are dead, as reason shows, but not while we
are alive. 31. For if it is not possible to know any thing purely in
conjunction with the body, one of these two things must follow, either that
we can never acquire knowledge, or only after we are dead; for then the
soul will subsist apart by itself, separate from the body, but not before. And
while we live we shall thus, as it seems, approach nearest to knowledge, if
we hold no intercourse or communion at all with the body, except what
absolute necessity requires, nor suffer ourselves to be polluted by its nature,
but purify ourselves from it, until God himself shall release us. And thus
being pure, and freed from the folly of body, we shall in all likelihood be
with others like ourselves, and shall of ourselves know the whole real
essence, and that probably is truth; for it is not allowable for the impure to
attain to the pure. Such things, I think, Simmias, all true lovers of wisdom
must both think and say to one another. Does it not seem so to you?"
"Most assuredly, Socrates."
32. "If this, then," said Socrates, "is true, my friend, there is great hope for
one who arrives where I am going, there, if anywhere, to acquire that in
perfection for the sake of which we have taken so much pains during our
past life; so that the journey now appointed me is set out upon with good
hope, and will be so by any other man who thinks that his mind has been,
as it were, purified."
"Certainly," said Simmias.

"But does not purification consist in this, as was said in a former part of our
discourse, in separating as much as possible the soul from the body, and in
accustoming it to gather and collect itself by itself on all sides apart from
the body, and to dwell, so far as it can, both now and hereafter, alone by
itself, delivered, as it were, from the shackles of the body?"
33. "Is this, then, called death, this deliverance and separation of the soul
from the body?"
"Assuredly," he answered.
"But, as we affirmed, those who pursue philosophy rightly are especially

and alone desirous to deliver it; and this is the very study of philosophers,
the deliverance and separation of the soul from the body, is it not?"
"It appears so."
"Then, as I said at first, would it not be ridiculous for a man who has
endeavored throughout his life to live as near as possible to death, then,
when death arrives, to grieve? would not this be ridiculous?"
"How should it not?"
"In reality, then, Simmias," he continued, "those who pursue philosophy

rightly, study to die; and to them, of all men, death is least formidable.
Judge from this. Since they altogether hate the body and desire to keep the
soul by itself, would it not be irrational if, when this comes to pass, they
should be afraid and grieve, and not be glad to go to that place where, on
their arrival, they may hope to obtain that which they longed for throughout
life? But they longed for wisdom, and to be freed from association with that
which they hated. 34. Have many of their own accord wished to descend
into Hades, on account of human objects of affection, their wives and sons,
induced by this very hope of their seeing and being with those whom they
have loved? and shall one who really loves wisdom, and firmly cherishes
this very hope, that he shall nowhere else attain it in a manner worthy of the
name, except in Hades, be grieved at dying, and not gladly go there? We
must think that he would gladly go, my friend, if he be in truth a
philosopher; for he will be firmly persuaded of this, that he will nowhere
else than there attain wisdom in its purity; and if this be so, would it not be
very irrational, as I just now said, if such a man were to be afraid of death?"
"Very much so, by Jupiter!" he replied.
35. "Would not this, then," he resumed, "be a sufficient proof to you with
respect to a man whom you should see grieved when about to die, that he
was not a lover of wisdom, but a lover of his body? And this same person is
probably a lover of riches and a lover of honor, one or both of these."
"It certainly is as you say," he replied.
"Does not, then," he said, "that which is called fortitude, Simmias,

eminently belong to philosophers?"
"By all means," he answered.
"And temperance, also, which even the multitude call temperance, and
which consists in not being carried away by the passions, but in holding
them in contempt, and keeping them in subjection, does not this belong to
those only who most despise the body, and live in the study of
philosophy?"
"Necessarily so," he replied.
36. "For," he continued, "if you will consider the fortitude and temperance
of others, they will appear to you to be absurd."
"How so, Socrates?"
"Do you know," he said, "that all others consider death among the great
evils?"
"They do indeed," he answered.
"Then, do the brave among them endure death when they do endure it,
through dread of greater evils?"
"It is so."
"All men, therefore, except philosophers, are brave through being afraid
and fear; though it is absurd that any one should be brave through fear and
cowardice."
"Certainly."
"But what, are not those among them who keep their passions in subjection
affected in the same way? and are they not temperate through a kind of
intemperance? And although we may say, perhaps, that this is impossible,
nevertheless the manner in which they are affected with respect to this silly
temperance resembles this, for, fearing to be deprived of other pleasures,
and desiring them, they abstain from some, being mastered by others. And
though they call intemperance the being governed by pleasures, yet it
happens to them that, by being mastered by some pleasures, they master
others, and this is similar to what was just now said, that in a certain
manner they become temperate through intemperance."
"So it seems,"
37. "My dear Simmias, consider that this is not a right exchange for virtue,
to barter pleasures for pleasures, pains for pains, fear for fear, and the
greater for the lesser, like pieces of money, but that that alone is the right
coin, for which we ought to barter all these things, wisdom, and for this and
with this everything is in reality bought and sold Fortitude, temperance and
justice, and, in a word true virtue, subsist with wisdom, whether pleasures
and fears, and everything else of the kind, are present or absent, but when
separated from wisdom and changed one for another, consider whether
such virtue is not a mere outline and in reality servile, possessing neither
soundness nor truth. But the really true virtue is a purification from all such
things, and temperance, justice, fortitude and wisdom itself, are a kind of
initiatory purification 38. And those who instituted the mysteries for us
appear to have been by no means contemptible, but in reality to have
intimated long since that whoever shall arrive in Hades unexpiated and
uninitiated shall lie in mud, but he that arrives there purified and initiated
shall dwell with the gods 'For there are,' say those who preside at the
mysteries, 'many wand-bearers, but few inspired'. These last, in my
opinion, are no other than those who have pursued philosophy rightly that I
might be of their number. I have to the utmost of my ability left no means
untried, but have endeavored to the utmost of my power. But whether I
have endeavored rightly, and have in any respect succeeded, on arriving
there I shall know clearly, if it please God--very shortly, as it appears to
me."
39. "Such, then, Simmias and Cebes," he added, "is the defense I make, for
that I, on good grounds, do not repine or grieve at leaving you and my
masters here, being persuaded that there, no less than here, I shall meet
with good masters and friends. But to the multitude this is incredible If,
however, I have succeeded better with you in my defense than I did with
the Athenian judges, it is well."
When Socrates had thus spoken, Cebes, taking up the discussion, said
"Socrates, all the rest appears to me to be said rightly, but what you have
said respecting the soul will occasion much incredulity in many from the
apprehension that when it is separated from the body it no longer exists
anywhere, but is destroyed and perishes on the very day in which a man
dies, and that immediately it is separated and goes out from the body it is
dispersed, and vanishes like breath or smoke, and is no longer anywhere,
since if it remained anywhere united in itself, and freed from those evils
which you have just now enumerated, there would be an abundant and good
hope, Socrates, that what you say is true 40. But this probably needs no
little persuasion and proof, that the soul of a man who dies exists, and
possesses activity and intelligence."
"You say truly, Cebes," said Socrates, "but what shall we do? Are you
willing that we should converse on these points, whether such is probably
the case or not?"
"Indeed," replied Cebes, "I should gladly hear your opinion on these
matters."
"I do not think," said Socrates, "that any one who should now hear us, even
though he were a comic poet, would say that I am talking idly, or
discoursing on subjects that do not concern me. If you please, then, we will
examine into it. Let us consider it in this point of view, whether the souls of
men who are dead exist in Hades, or not. This is an ancient saying, which
we now call to mind, that souls departing hence exist there, and return
hither again, and are produced from the dead. 41. And if this is so, that the
living are produced again from the dead, can there be any other
consequence than that our souls are there? for surely they could not be
produced again if they did not exist; and this would be sufficient proof that
these things are so, if it should in reality be evident that the living are
produced from no other source than the dead. But if this is not the case,
there will be need of other arguments."
"Certainly," said Cebes.
"You must not, then," he continued, "consider this only with respect to
men, if you wish to ascertain it with greater certainty, but also with respect
to all animals and plants, and, in a word, with respect to every thing that is
subject to generation. Let us see whether they are not all so produced, no
otherwise than contraries from contraries, wherever they have any such
quality; as, for instance, the honorable is contrary to the base, and the just
to the unjust, and so with ten thousand other things. 42. Let us consider
this, then, whether it is necessary that all things which have a contrary
should be produced from nothing else than their contrary. As, for instance,
when any thing becomes greater, is it not necessary that, from being
previously smaller, it afterward became greater?"
"Yes."
"And if it becomes smaller, will it not, from being previously greater,

afterward become smaller?"
"It is so," he replied.
"And from stronger, weaker? and from slower, swifter?"
"Certainly."
"What, then? If any thing becomes worse, must it not become so from
better? and if more just, from more unjust?"
"We have then," he said, "sufficiently determined this, that all things are
thus produced, contraries from contraries?"
"Certainly."
"What next? Is there also something of this kind in them; for instance,
between all two contraries a mutual twofold production, from one to the
other, and from that other back again? for between a greater thing and a
smaller there are increase and decrease, and do we not accordingly call the
one to increase, the other to decrease?"
"Yes," he replied.
43. "And must not to be separated and commingled, to grow cold and to
grow warm, and every thing in the same manner, even though sometimes
we have not names to designate them, yet in fact be everywhere thus
circumstanced, of necessity, as to be produced from each other, and be
subject to a reciprocal generation?"
"What, then?" said Socrates, "has life any contrary, as waking has its
contrary, sleeping?"
"Certainly," he answered.
"What?"
"Death," he replied.
"Are not these, then, produced from each other, since they are contraries;
and are not the modes by which they are produced two-fold intervening
between these two?"
"How should it be otherwise?"
"I then," continued Socrates, "will describe to you one pair of the contraries
which I have just now mentioned, both what it is and its mode of
production: and do you describe to me the other. I say that one is to sleep,
the other to awake; and from sleeping awaking is produced, and from
awaking sleeping, and that the modes of their production are, the one to fall
asleep, the other to be roused. 44. Have I sufficiently explained this to you
or not?"
"Certainly."
"Do you, then," he said, "describe to me in the same manner with respect to
life and death? Do you not say that life is contrary to death?"
"I do."
"And that they are produced from each other?"
"Yes."
"What, then, is produced from life?"

"Death," he replied.
"What, then," said he "is produced from death?"
"I must needs confess," he replied, "that life is."
"From the dead, then, O Cebes! living things and living men are produced."
"It appears so," he said.
"Our souls, therefore," said Socrates, "exist in Hades."
"So it seems."
"With respect, then, to their mode of production, is not one of them very
clear? for to die surely is clear, is it not?"
"What, then, shall we do?" he continued; "shall we not find a corresponding

contrary mode of production, or will nature be defective in this? Or must
we discover a contrary mode of production to dying?"
"By all means," he said.
"What is this?"
"To revive."
"Therefore," he proceeded, "if there is such a thing as to revive, will not

this reviving be a mode of production from the dead to the living?"
"Certainly."
"Thus, then, we have agreed that the living are produced from the dead, no
less than the dead from the living; but, this being the case, there appears to
me sufficient proof that the souls of the dead must necessarily exist
somewhere, from whence they are again produced."
45. "It appears to me, Socrates," he said "that this must necessarily follow
from what has been admitted."
"See now, O Cebes!" he said, "that we have not agreed on these things
improperly, as it appears to me; for if one class of things were not
constantly given back in the place of another, revolving, as it were, in a
circle, but generation were direct from one thing alone into its opposite, and
did not turn round again to the other, or retrace its course, do you know that
all things would at length have the same form, be in the same state, and
cease to be produced?"
"How say you?" he asked.
"It is by no means difficult," he replied, "to understand what I mean; if, for
instance, there should be such a thing as falling asleep, but no reciprocal
waking again produced from a state of sleep, you know that at length all
things would show the fable of Endymion to be a jest, and it would be
thought nothing at all of, because everything else would be in the same
state as he--namely, asleep. And if all things were mingled together, but
never separated, that doctrine of Anaxagoras would soon be verified, 'all
things would be together.' 46. Likewise, my dear Cebes, if all things that
partake of life should die, and after they are dead should remain in this state
of death, and not revive again, would it not necessarily follow that at length
all things should be dead, and nothing alive? For if living beings are
produced from other things, and living beings die, what could prevent their
being all absorbed in death?"
"Nothing whatever, I think, Socrates," replied Cebes; "but you appear to me

to speak the exact truth."
"For, Cebes," he continued, "as it seems to me, such undoubtedly is the

case, and we have not admitted these things under a delusion, for it is in
reality true that there is a reviving again, that the living are produced from
the dead, that the souls of the dead exist, and that the condition of the good
is better, and of the evil worse."
47. "And, indeed," said Cebes, interrupting him, "according to that

doctrine, Socrates, which you are frequently in the habit of advancing, if it
is true, that our learning is nothing else than reminiscence, according to this
it is surely necessary that we must at some former time have learned what
we now remember. But this is impossible, unless our soul existed
somewhere before it came into this human form; so that from hence, also,
the soul appears to be something immortal."
"But, Cebes," said Simmias, interrupting him, "what proofs are there of
these things? Remind me of them, for I do not very well remember them at
present."
48. "It is proved," said Cebes, "by one argument, and that a most beautiful
one, that men, when questioned (if one questions them properly) of
themselves, describe all things as they are, however, if they had not innate
knowledge and right reason, they would never be able to do this. Moreover,
if one leads them to diagrams, or any thing else of the kind, it is then most
clearly apparent that this is the case."
"But if you are not persuaded in this way, Simmias," said Socrates, "see if
you will agree with us in considering the matter thus. For do you doubt how
that which is called learning is reminiscence?"
"I do not doubt," said Simmias; "but I require this very thing of which we
are speaking, to be reminded; and, indeed, from what Cebes has begun to
say, I almost now remember, and am persuaded; nevertheless, however, I
should like to hear now how you would attempt to prove it."
"I do it thus" he replied: "we admit, surely, that if any one be reminded of
any thing, he must needs have known that thing at some time or other
before."
"Certainly," he said.
49. "Do we, then, admit this also, that when knowledge comes in a certain
manner it is reminiscence? But the manner I mean is this: if any one, upon
seeing or hearing, or perceiving through the medium of any other sense,
some particular thing, should not only know that, but also form an idea of
something else, of which the knowledge is not the same, but different,
should we not justly say that he remembered that of which he received the
idea?"
"How mean you?"
"For instance, the knowledge of a man is different from that of a lyre."
"How not?"
"Do you not know, then, that lovers when they see a lyre, or a garment, or
any thing else which their favorite is accustomed to use, are thus affected;
they both recognize the lyre, and receive in their minds the form of the
person to whom the lyre belonged? This is reminiscence: just as any one,
seeing Simmias, is often reminded of Cebes, and so in an infinite number of
similar instances."
"An infinite number, indeed, by Jupiter!" said Simmias.
"Is not, then," he said, "something of this sort a kind of reminiscence,

especially when one is thus affected with respect to things which, from
lapse of time, and not thinking of them, one has now forgotten?"
50. "But what?" he continued. "Does it happen that when one sees a painted
horse or a painted lyre one is reminded of a man, and that when one sees a
picture of Simmias one is reminded of Cebes?"
"Certainly."
"And does it not also happen that on seeing a picture of Simmias one is
reminded of Simmias himself?"
"It does, indeed," he replied.
"Does it not happen, then, according to all this, that reminiscence arises
partly from things like, and partly from things unlike?"
"It does."
"But when one is reminded by things like, is it not necessary that one
should be thus further affected, so as to perceive whether, as regards
likeness, this falls short or not of the thing of which one has been
reminded?"
"It is necessary," he replied.
"Consider, then," said Socrates, "if the case is thus. Do we allow that there
is such a thing as equality? I do not mean of one log with another, nor one
stone with another, nor any thing else of this kind, but something altogether
different from all these--abstract equality; do we allow that there is any
such thing, or not?"
"By Jupiter! we most assuredly do allow it," replied Simmias.
51. "And do we know what it is itself?"
"Whence have we derived the knowledge of it? Is it not from the things we
have just now mentioned, and that from seeing logs, or stones, or other
things of the kind, equal, we have from these formed an idea of that which
is different from these--for does it not appear to you to be different?
Consider the matter thus. Do not stones that are equal, and logs sometimes
that are the same, appear at one time equal, and at another not?"
"Certainly."
"But what? Does abstract equality ever appear to you unequal? or equality
inequality?"
"Never, Socrates, at any time."
"These equal things, then," he said, "and abstract equality, are not the
same?"
"By no means, Socrates, as it appears."
"However, from these equal things," he said, "which are different from that
abstract equality, have you not formed your idea and derived your
knowledge of it?"
"You speak most truly," he replied.
"Is it not, therefore, from its being like or unlike them?"
"Certainly."
"But it makes no difference," he said. "When, therefore, on seeing one

thing, you form, from the sight of it, the notion of another, whether like or
unlike, this," he said, "must necessarily be reminiscence."
"Certainly."
52. "What, then, as to this?" he continued. "Are we affected in any such

way with regard to logs and the equal things we have just now spoken of?
And do they appear to us to be equal in the same manner as abstract
equality itself is, or do they fall short in some degree, or not at all, of being
such as equality itself is?"
"They fall far short," he replied.

"Do we admit, then, that when one, on beholding some particular thing,
perceives that it aims, as that which I now see, at being like something else
that exists, but falls short of it, and can not become such as that is, but is
inferior to it--do we admit that he who perceives this must necessarily have
had a previous knowledge of that which he says it resembles, though
imperfectly?"
"It is necessary."
"What, then? Are we affected in some such way, or not, with respect to
things equal and abstract equality itself?"
"Assuredly."
"It is necessary, therefore, that we must have known abstract equality

before the time when, on first seeing equal things, we perceived that they
all aimed at resembling equality, but failed in doing so."
"Such is the case."
53. "Moreover, we admit this too, that we perceived this, and could not
possibly perceive it by any other means than the sight, or touch, or some
other of the senses, for I say the same of them all."
"For they are the same, Socrates, so far as, our argument is concerned."
"However, we must perceive, by means of the senses, that all things which
come under the senses aim at that abstract equality, and yet fall short of it;
or how shall we say it is?"
"Even so."
"Before, then, we began to see, and hear, and use our other senses, we must
have had a knowledge of equality itself--what it is, if we were to refer to it
those equal things that come under the senses, and observe that all such
things aim at resembling that, but fall far short of it."
"This necessarily follows, Socrates, from what has been already said."
"But did we not, as soon as we were born, see and hear, and possess our
other senses?"
"Certainly."
"But, we have said, before we possessed these, we must have had a

knowledge of abstract equality?"
"Yes."
"We must have had it, then, as it seems, before we were born."
"It seems so."
54. "If, therefore, having this before we were born, we were born
possessing it, we knew, both before we were born and as soon as we were
born, not only the equal and the greater and smaller, but all things of the
kind; for our present discussion is not more respecting equality than the
beautiful itself, the good, the just, and the holy, and, in one word,
respecting every thing which we mark with the seal of existence, both in
the questions we ask and the answers we give. So that we must necessarily
have had a knowledge of all these before we were born."
"Such is the case."
"And if, having once had it, we did not constantly forget it, we should
always be born with this knowledge, and should always retain it through
life. For to know is this, when one has got a knowledge of any thing, to
retain and not lose it; for do we not call this oblivion, Simmias, the loss of
knowledge?"
"Assuredly, Socrates," he replied.

55. "But if, having had it before we were born, we lose it at our birth, and
afterward, through exercising the senses about these things, we recover the
knowledge which we once before possessed, would not that which we call
learning be a recovery of our own knowledge? And in saying that this is to
remember, should we not say rightly?"
"Certainly."
"For this appeared to be possible, for one having perceived any thing, either
by seeing or hearing, or employing any other sense, to form an idea of
something different from this, which he had forgotten, and with which this
was connected by being unlike or like. So that, as I said, one of these two
things must follow: either we are all born with this knowledge, and we
retain it through life, or those whom we say learn afterward do nothing else
than remember, and this learning will be reminiscence."
"Such, certainly, is the case, Socrates."
56. "Which, then, do you choose, Simmias: that we are born with
knowledge, or that we afterward remember what we had formerly known?"
"At present, Socrates, I am unable to choose."
"But what? Are you able to choose in this case, and what do you think
about it? Can a man who possesses knowledge give a reason for the things
that he knows, or not?"
"He needs must be able to do so, Socrates," he replied.
"And do all men appear to you to be able to give a reason for the things of
which we have just now been speaking?"
"I wish they could," said Simmias; "but I am much more afraid that at this
time to-morrow there will no longer be any one able to do this properly."
"Do not all men, then, Simmias," he said, "seem to you to know these
things?"
"By no means."
"Do they remember, then, what they once learned?"
"Necessarily so."
"When did our souls receive this knowledge? Not surely, since we were
born into the world."
"Assuredly not."
"Before, then?"
"Yes."
"Our souls, therefore, Simmias, existed before they were in a human form,
separate from bodies, and possessed intelligence."
57. "Unless, Socrates, we receive this knowledge at our birth, for this
period yet remains."
"Be it so, my friend. But at what other time do we lose it? for we are not
born with it, as we have just now admitted. Do we lose it, then, at the very
time in which we receive it? Or can you mention any other time?"
"By no means, Socrates; I was not aware that I was saying nothing to the
purpose."
"Does the case then stand thus with us, Simmias?" he proceeded: "If those
things which we are continually talking about really exist, the beautiful, the
good, and every such essence, and to this we refer all things that come
under the senses, as finding it to have a prior existence, and to be our own,
and if we compare these things to it, it necessarily follows, that as these
exist, so likewise our soul exists even before we are born; but if these do
not exist, this discussion will have been undertaken in vain, is it not so?
And is there not an equal necessity both that these things should exist, and
our souls also, before we are born; and if not the former, neither the latter?"
58. "Most assuredly, Socrates," said Simmias, "there appears to me to be

the same necessity; and the argument admirably tends to prove that our
souls exist before we are born, just as that essence does which you have
now mentioned. For I hold nothing so clear to me as this, that all such
things most certainly exist, as the beautiful, the good, and all the rest that
you just now spoke of; and, so far as I am concerned, the case is
sufficiently demonstrated."
"But how does it appear to Cebes?" said Socrates; "for it is necessary to

persuade Cebes too."
"He is sufficiently persuaded, I think," said Simmias, "although he is the

most pertinacious of men in distrusting arguments. Yet I think he is
sufficiently persuaded of this, that our soul existed before we were born.
But whether, when we are dead, it will still exist does not appear to me to
have been demonstrated, Socrates," he continued; "but that popular doubt,
which Cebes just now mentioned, still stands in our way, whether, when a
man dies, the soul is not dispersed, and this is the end of its existence. 59.
For what hinders it being born, and formed from some other source, and
existing before it came into a human body, and yet, when it has come, and
is separated from this body, its then also dying itself, and being destroyed?"
"You say well, Simmias," said Cebes; "for it appears that only one half of
what is necessary has been demonstrated--namely, that our soul existed
before we were born; but it is necessary to demonstrate further, that when
we are dead it will exist no less than before we were born, if the
demonstration is to be made complete."
"This has been even now demonstrated, Simmias and Cebes," said
Socrates, "if you will only connect this last argument with that which we
before assented to, that every thing living is produced from that which is
dead. For if the soul exists before, and it is necessary for it when it enters
into life, and is born, to be produced from nothing else than death, and from
being dead, how is it not necessary for it also to exist after death, since it
must needs be produced again? 60. What you require, then, has been
already demonstrated. However, both you and Simmias appear to me as if
you wished to sift this argument more thoroughly, and to be afraid, like
children, lest, on the soul's departure from the body, the winds should blow
it away and disperse it, especially if one should happen to die, not in a
calm, but in a violent storm."
Upon this Cebes, smiling, said, "Endeavor to teach us better, Socrates, as if

we were afraid, or rather not as if we were afraid, though perhaps there is
some boy[30] within us who has such a dread. Let us, then, endeavor to
persuade him not to be afraid of death, as of hobgoblins."
"But you must charm him every day," said Socrates, "until you have
quieted his fears."
"But whence, Socrates," he said, "can we procure a skillful charmer for

such a case, now that you are about to leave us?"
61. "Greece is wide, Cebes," he replied, "and in it surely there are skillful
men. There are also many barbarous nations, all of which you should
search through, seeking such a charmer, sparing neither money nor toil, as
there is nothing on which you can more seasonably spend your money. You
should also seek for him among yourselves; for perhaps you could not
easily find any more competent than yourselves to do this."
"This shall be done," said Cebes; "but, if it is agreeable to you, let us return
to the point from whence we digressed."
"It will be agreeable to me, for how should it not?"
"You say well," rejoined Cebes.

"We ought, then," said Socrates, "to ask ourselves some such question as
this: to what kind of thing it appertains to be thus affected--namely, to be
dispersed--and for what we ought to fear, lest it should be so affected, and
for what not. And after this we should consider which of the two the soul is,
and in the result should either be confident or fearful for our soul."
"You speak truly," said he.
62. "Does it not, then, appertain to that which is formed by composition,

and is naturally compounded, to be thus affected, to be dissolved in the
same manner as that in which it was compounded; and if there is any thing
not compounded, does it not appertain to this alone, if to any thing, not to
be thus affected?"
"It appears to me to be so," said Cebes.
"Is it not most probable, then, that things which are always the same, and in
the same state, are uncompounded, but that things which are constantly
changing, and are never in the same state, are compounded?"
"To me it appears so."
"Let us return, then," he said, "to the subjects on which we before

discoursed. Whether is essence itself, of which we gave this account that it
exists, both in our questions and answers, always the same, or does it
sometimes change? Does equality itself, the beautiful itself, and each
several thing which is, ever undergo any change, however small? Or does
each of them which exists, being an unmixed essence by itself, continue
always the same, and in the same state, and never undergo any variation at
all under any circumstances?"
"They must of necessity continue the same and in the same state, Socrates,"
said Cebes.
63. "But what shall we say of the many beautiful things, such as men,
horses, garments, or other things of the kind, whether equal or beautiful, or
of all things synonymous with them? Do they continue the same, or, quite
contrary to the former, are they never at any time, so to say, the same,
either with respect to themselves or one another?"
"These, on the other hand," replied Cebes, "never continue the same."
"These, then, you can touch, or see, or perceive by the other senses; but
those that continue the same, you can not apprehend in any other way than
by the exercise of thought; for such things are invisible, and are not seen?"
"You say what is strictly true," replied Cebes.
64. "We may assume, then, if you please," he continued, "that there are two
species of things; the one visible, the other invisible?"
"We may," he said.
"And the invisible always continuing the same, but the visible never the
same?"
"This, too," he said, "we may assume."
"Come, then," he asked, "is there anything else belonging to us than, on the
one hand, body, and, on the other, soul?"
"Nothing else," he replied.
"To which species, then, shall we say the body is more like, and more
nearly allied?"
"It is clear to everyone," he said, "that it is to the visible."
"But what of the soul? Is it visible or invisible?"
"It is not visible to men, Socrates," he replied.

"But we speak of things which are visible, or not so, to the nature of men;
or to some other nature, think you?"
"To that of men."
"What, then, shall we say of the soul--that it is visible, or not visible?"
"Not visible."
"Is it, then, invisible?"
"Yes."
"The soul, then, is more like the invisible than the body; and the body, the
visible?"
"It must needs be so, Socrates."
65. "And did we not, some time since, say this too, that the soul, when it
employs the body to examine any thing, either by means of the sight or
hearing, or any other sense (for to examine any thing by means of the body
is to do so by the senses), is then drawn by the body to things that never
continue the same, and wanders and is confused, and reels as if intoxicated,
through coming into contact with things of this kind?"
"Certainly."
"But when it examines anything by itself, does it approach that which is

pure, eternal, immortal, and unchangeable, and, as being allied to it,
continue constantly with it, so long as it subsists by itself, and has the
power, and does it cease from its wandering, and constantly continue the
same with respect to those things, through coming into contact with things
of this kind? And is this affection of the soul called wisdom?"
"You speak," he said, "in every respect, well and truly, Socrates."
"To which species of the two, then, both from what was before and now
said, does the soul appear to you to be more like and more nearly allied?"
66. "Every one, I think, would allow, Socrates," he replied, "even the
dullest person, from this method of reasoning, that the soul is in every
respect more like that which continues constantly the same than that which
does not so."
"But what as to the body?"
"It is more like the other."
"Consider it also thus, that, when soul and body are together, nature enjoins
the latter to be subservient and obey, the former to rule and exercise
dominion. And, in this way, which of the two appears to you to be like the
divine, and which the mortal? Does it not appear to you to be natural that
the divine should rule and command, but the mortal obey and be
subservient?"
"To me it does so."
"Which, then, does the soul resemble?"
"It is clear, Socrates, that the soul resembles the divine; but the body, the
mortal."
"Consider, then, Cebes," said he, "whether, from all that has been said,
these conclusions follow, that the soul is most like that which is divine,
immortal, intelligent, uniform, indissoluble, and which always continues in
the same state; but that the body, on the other hand, is most like that which
is human, mortal, unintelligent, multiform, dissoluble, and which never
continues in the same state. Can we say any thing against this, my dear
Cebes, to show that it is not so?"
"We can not."

67. "What, then? Since these things are so, does it not appertain to the body
to be quickly dissolved, but to the soul, on the contrary, to be altogether
indissoluble or nearly so?"
"How not?"
"You perceive, however," he said, "that when a man dies, the visible part of
him, the body, which is exposed to sight, and which we call a corpse, to
which it appertains to be dissolved, to fall asunder and be dispersed, does
not immediately undergo any of these affections, but remains for a
considerable time, and especially so if any one should die with his body in
full vigor, and at a corresponding age;[31] for when the body has collapsed
and been embalmed, as those that are embalmed in Egypt, it remains almost
entire for an incredible length of time; and some parts of the body, even
though it does decay, such as the bones and nerves, and every thing of that
kind, are, nevertheless, as one may say, immortal. Is it not so?"
"Yes."
68. "Can the soul, then, which is invisible, and which goes to another place
like itself, excellent, pure and invisible, and therefore truly called the
invisible world,[32] to the presence of a good and wise God (whither, if
God will, my soul also must shortly go)--can this soul of ours, I ask, being
such and of such a nature, when separated from the body, be immediately
dispersed and destroyed, as most men assert? Far from it, my dear Cebes
and Simmias. But the case is much rather thus: if it is separated in a pure
state, taking nothing of the body with it, as not having willingly
communicated with it in the present life, but having shunned it, and
gathered itself within itself, as constantly studying this (but this is nothing
else than to pursue philosophy aright, and in reality to study how to die
easily), would not this be to study how to die?"
"Most assuredly."
"Does not the soul, then, when in this state, depart to that which resembles
itself, the invisible, the divine, immortal and wise? And on its arrival there,
is it not its lot to be happy, free from error, ignorance, fears, wild passions,
and all the other evils to which human nature is subject; and, as is said of
the initiated, does it not in truth pass the rest of its time with the gods? Must
we affirm that it is so, Cebes, or otherwise?"
"So, by Jupiter!" said Cebes.
69. "But, I think, if it departs from the body polluted and impure, as having
constantly held communion with the body, and having served and loved it,
and been bewitched by it, through desires and pleasures, so as to think that
there is nothing real except what is corporeal, which one can touch and see,
and drink and eat, and employ for sensual purposes; but what is dark and
invisible to the eyes, which is intellectual and apprehended by philosophy,
having been accustomed to hate, fear, and shun this, do you think that a
soul thus affected can depart from the body by itself, and uncontaminated?"
"By no means whatever," he replied.
"But I think it will be impressed with that which is corporeal, which the
intercourse and communion of the body, through constant association and
great attention, have made natural to it."
"Certainly."
"We must think, my dear Cebes, that this is ponderous and heavy, earthly
and visible, by possessing which such a soul is weighed down, and drawn
again into the visible world through dread of the invisible and of Hades,
wandering, as it is said, among monuments and tombs, about which,
indeed, certain shadowy phantoms of souls have been seen, being such
images as those souls produced which have not departed pure from the
body, but which partake of the visible; on which account, also, they are
visible."
"That is probable, Socrates."

70. "Probable indeed, Cebes; and not that these are the souls of the good,
but of the wicked, which are compelled to wander about such places,
paying the penalty of their former conduct, which was evil; and they
wander about so long until, through the desire of the corporeal nature that
accompanies them, they are again united to a body; and they are united, as
is probable, to animals having the same habits as those they have given
themselves up to during life."
"But what do you say these are, Socrates?"
"For instance, those who have given themselves up to gluttony, wantonness

and drinking, and have put no restraint on themselves, will probably be
clothed in the form of asses and brutes of that kind. Do you not think so?"
"You say what is very probable."
"And that such as have set great value on injustice, tyranny and rapine, will
be clothed in the species of wolves, hawks and kites! Where else can we
say such souls go?"
"Without doubt," said Cebes, "into such as these."
"Is it not, then, evident," he continued, "as to the rest, whither each will go,
according to the resemblances of their several pursuits?"
71. "It is evident," he replied. "How not?"
"Of these, then," he said, "are not they the most happy, and do they not go
to the best place, who have practiced that social and civilized virtue which
they call temperance and justice, and which is produced from habit and
exercise, without philosophy and reflection?"
"In what respect are these the most happy?"
"Because it is probable that these should again migrate into a corresponding

civilized and peaceable kind of animals, such as bees perhaps, or wasps, or
ants, or even into the same human species again, and from these become
moderate men."
"It is probable."
"But it is not lawful for any one who has not studied philosophy, and
departed this life perfectly pure, to pass into the rank of gods, but only for
the true lover of wisdom. And on this account, my friends Simmias and
Cebes, those who philosophize rightly, abstain from all bodily desires, and
persevere in doing so, and do not give themselves up to them, not fearing
the loss of property and poverty, as the generality of men and the lovers of
wealth; nor, again, dreading disgrace and ignominy, like those who are
lovers of power and honor, do they then abstain from them."
"For it would not become them to do so, Socrates," says Cebes.
72. "It would not, by Jupiter!" he rejoined. "Wherefore, Cebes, they who
care at all for their soul, and do not spend their lives in the culture of their
bodies, despising all these, proceed not in the same way with them, as
being ignorant whither they are going, but, being convinced that they ought
not to act contrary to philosophy, but in accordance with the freedom and
purification she affords, they give themselves up to her direction, following
her wherever she leads."
"How, Socrates?"
"I will tell you," he replied. "The lovers of wisdom know that philosophy,
receiving their soul plainly bound and glued to the body, and compelled to
view things through this, as through a prison, and not directly by herself,
and sunk in utter ignorance, and perceiving, too, the strength of the prison,
that it arises from desire, so that he who is bound as much as possible
assists in binding himself. 73. I say, then, the lovers of wisdom know that
philosophy, receiving their soul in this state, gently exhorts it, and
endeavors to free it, by showing that the view of things by means of the
eyes is full of deception, as also is that through the ears and the other
senses; persuading an abandonment of these so far as it is not absolutely
necessary to use them, and advising the soul to be collected and

concentrated within itself, and to believe nothing else than herself, with
respect to what she herself understands of things that have a real
subsistence; and to consider nothing true which she views through the
medium of others, and which differ under different aspects;[32] for that a
thing of this kind is sensible and visible, but that what she herself perceives
is intelligible and invisible. The soul of the true philosopher, therefore,
thinking that she ought not to oppose this deliverance, accordingly abstains
as much as possible from pleasures and desires, griefs and fears,
considering that when any one is exceedingly delighted or alarmed, grieved
or influenced by desire, he does not merely suffer such evil from these
things as one might suppose, such as either being sick or wasting his
property through indulging his desires; but that which is the greatest evil,
and the worst of all, this he suffers, and is not conscious of it."
"But what is this evil, Socrates?" said Cebes.
74. "That the soul of every man is compelled to be either vehemently

delighted or grieved about some particular thing, and, at the same time, to
consider that the thing about which it is thus strongly affected is most real
and most true, though it is not so. But these are chiefly visible objects, are
they not?"
"Certainly."
"In this state of affection, then, is not the soul especially shackled by the
body?"
"How so?"
"Because each pleasure and pain, having a nail, as it were, nails the soul to
the body, and fastens it to it, and causes it to become corporeal, deeming
those things to be true whatever the body asserts to be so. For, in
consequence of its forming the same opinions with the body, and delighting
in the same things, it is compelled, I think, to possess similar manners, and
to be similarly nourished; so that it can never pass into Hades in a pure
state, but must ever depart polluted by the body, and so quickly falls again
into another body, and grows up as if it were sown, and consequently is
deprived of all association with that which is divine, and pure, and
uniform."
"You speak most truly, Socrates," said Cebes.
75. "For these reasons, therefore, Cebes, those who are truly lovers of
wisdom are moderate and resolute, and not for the reasons that most people
say. Do you think as they do?"
"Assuredly not."
"No, truly. But the soul of a philosopher would reason thus, and would not
think that philosophy ought to set it free, and that when it is freed it should
give itself up again to pleasures and pains, to bind it down again, and make
her work void, weaving a kind of Penelope's web the reverse way. On the
contrary, effecting a calm of the passions, and following the guidance of
reason, and being always intent on this, contemplating that which is true
and divine, and not subject to opinion; and being nourished by it, it thinks
that it ought to live in this manner as long as it does live, and that when it
dies it shall go to a kindred essence, and one like itself, and shall be free
from human evils. From such a regimen as this the soul has no occasion to
fear, Simmias and Cebes, while it strictly attends to these things, lest, being
torn to pieces at its departure from the body, it should be blown about and
dissipated by the winds, and no longer have an existence anywhere."
76. When Socrates had thus spoken, a long silence ensued; and Socrates
himself was pondering upon what had been said, as he appeared, and so did
most of us; but Cebes and Simmias were conversing a little while with each
other. At length Socrates, perceiving them, said, "What think you of what
has been said? Does it appear to you to have been proved sufficiently? for
many doubts and objections still remain if any one will examine them
thoroughly. If, then, you are considering some other subject, I have nothing
to say; but if you are doubting about this, do not hesitate both yourselves to
speak and express your opinion, if it appears to you in any respect that it
might have been argued better, and to call me in again to your assistance, if
you think you can be at all benefited by my help."
Upon this Simmias said, "Indeed, Socrates, I will tell you the truth: for
some time each of us, being in doubt, has been urging and exhorting the
other to question you, from a desire to hear our doubts solved; but we were
afraid of giving you trouble, lest it should be disagreeable to you in your
present circumstances."
77. But he, upon hearing this, gently smiled, and said, "Bless me, Simmias;
with difficulty, indeed, could I persuade other men that I do not consider
my present condition a calamity, since I am not able to persuade even you;
but you are afraid lest I should be more morose now than during the former
part of my life. And, as it seems, I appear to you to be inferior to swans
with respect to divination, who, when they perceive that they must needs
die, though they have been used to sing before, sing then more than ever,
rejoicing that they are about to depart to that deity whose servants they are.
But men, through their own fear of death, belie the swans too, and say that
they, lamenting their death, sing their last song through grief; and they do
not consider that no bird sings when it is hungry or cold, or is afflicted with
any other pain, not even the nightingale, or swallow, or the hoopoes, which,
they say, sing lamenting through grief. But neither do these birds appear to
me to sing through sorrow, nor yet do swans; but, in my opinion, belonging
to Apollo, they are prophetic, and, foreseeing the blessings of Hades, they
sing and rejoice on that day more excellently than at any preceding time.
78. But I, too, consider myself to be a fellow-servant of the swans, and
sacred to the same god; and that I have received the power of divination
from our common master no less than they, and that I do not depart from
this life with less spirits than they. On this account, therefore, it is right that
you should both speak and ask whatever you please, so long as the
Athenian Eleven permit."
"You say well," said Simmias, "and both I will tell you what are my doubts,
and he, in turn, how far he does not assent to what has been said. For it
appears to me, Socrates, probably as it does to you with respect to these
matters, that to know them clearly in the present life is either impossible or
very difficult: on the other hand, however, not to test what has been said of
them in every possible way, so as not to desist until, on examining them in
every point of view, one has exhausted every effort, is the part of a very
weak man. For we ought, with respect to these things, either to learn from
others how they stand or to discover them for one's self; or, if both these are
impossible, then, taking the best of human reasonings and that which is the
most difficult to be confuted, and embarking on this, as one who risks
himself on a raft, so to sail through life, unless one could be carried more
safely, and with less risk, on a surer conveyance, or some divine reason. 79.
I, therefore, shall not now be ashamed to question you, since you bid me do
so, nor shall I blame myself hereafter for not having now told you what I
think; for to me, Socrates, when I consider the matter, both with myself and
with Cebes, what has been said does not appear to have been sufficiently
proved."
Then said Socrates, "Perhaps, my friend, you have the truth on your side;
but tell me in what respect it was not sufficiently proved."
"In this," he answered, "because any one might use the same argument with
respect to harmony, and a lyre, and its chords, that harmony is something
invisible and incorporeal, very beautiful and divine, in a well-modulated
lyre; but the lyre and its chords are bodies, and of corporeal form,
compounded and earthly, and akin to that which is mortal. When any one,
then, has either broken the lyre, or cut or burst the chords, he might
maintain from the same reasoning as yours that it is necessary the harmony
should still exist and not be destroyed; for there could be no possibility that
the lyre should subsist any longer when the chords are burst; and that the
chords, which are of a mortal nature, should subsist, but that the harmony,
which is of the same nature and akin to that which is divine and immortal,
should become extinct, and perish before that which is mortal; but he might
say that the harmony must needs subsist somewhere, and that the wood and
chords must decay before it can undergo any change. 80. For I think,
Socrates, that you yourself have arrived at this conclusion, that we consider
the soul to be pretty much of this kind--namely, that our body being
compacted and held together by heat and cold, dryness and moisture, and
other such qualities, our soul is the fusion and harmony of these, when they
are well and duly combined with each other. If, then, the soul is a kind of
harmony, it is evident that when our bodies are unduly relaxed or strained,
through diseases and other maladies, the soul must, of necessity,
immediately perish, although it is most divine, just as other harmonies
which subsist in sounds or in the various works of artisans; but that the
remains of the body of each person last for a long time, till they are either
burned or decayed. Consider, then, what we shall say to this reasoning, if
any one should maintain that the soul, being a fusion of the several qualities
in the body, perishes first in that which is called death."
81. Socrates, therefore, looking steadfastly at us, as he was generally

accustomed to do, and smiling, said, "Simmias indeed speaks justly. If,
then, any one of you is more prompt than I am, why does he not answer, for
he seems to have handled my argument not badly? It appears to me,
however, that before we make our reply we should first hear from Cebes,
what he, too, objects to our argument, in order that, some time intervening,
we may consider what we shall say, and then when we have heard them, we
may give up to them, if they appear to speak agreeably to truth; or, if not,
we may then uphold our own argument. Come, then, Cebes," he continued,
"say what it is that disturbs you, so as to cause your unbelief."
"I will tell you," said Cebes; "the argument seems to me to rest where it
was, and to be liable to the same objection that we mentioned before. For,
that our soul existed even before It came into this present form, I do not
deny has been very elegantly, and, if it is not too much to say so, very fully,
demonstrated; but that it still exists anywhere when we are dead does not
appear to me to have been clearly proved; nor do I give in to the objection
of Simmias, that the soul is not stronger and more durable than the body,
for it appears to me to excel very far all things of this kind. 82. 'Why, then,'
reason might say, 'do you still disbelieve? for, since you see that when a
man dies his weaker part still exists, does it not appear to you to be
necessary that the more durable part should still be preserved during this
period?' Consider, then, whether I say any thing to the purpose in reply to
this. For I, too, as well as Simmias, as it seems, stand in need of an
illustration; for the argument appears to me to have been put thus, as if any
one should advance this argument about an aged weaver who had died, that
the man has not yet perished, but perhaps still exists somewhere; and, as a
proof, should exhibit the garment which he wore and had woven himself,
that it is entire and has not perished; and if any one should disbelieve him,
he would ask, which of the two is the more durable, the species of a man or
of a garment, that is constantly in use and being worn; then, should any one
answer that the species of man is much more durable, he would think it
demonstrated that, beyond all question, the man is preserved, since that
which is less durable has not perished. 83. But I do not think, Simmias, that
this is the case, and do you consider what I say, for every one must think
that he who argues thus argues, foolishly. For this weaver, having worn and
woven many such garments, perished after almost all of them, but before
the last, I suppose; and yet it does not on this account follow any the more
that a man is inferior to or weaker than a garment. And I think, the soul
might admit this same illustration with respect to the body, and he who
should say the same things concerning them would appear to me to speak
correctly, that the soul is more durable, but the body weaker and less
durable; for he would say that each soul wears out many bodies, especially
if it lives many years; for if the body wastes and is dissolved while the man
still lives, but the soul continually weaves anew what is worn out, it must
necessarily follow that when the soul is dissolved it must then have on its
last garment, and perish before this alone; but when the soul has perished
the body would show the weakness of its nature, and quickly rot and
vanish. 84. So that it is not by any means right to place implicit reliance on
this argument, and to believe that when we die our soul still exists
somewhere. For, if any one should concede to him who admits even more
than you do, and should grant to him that not only did our soul exist before
we were born, but that even when we die nothing hinders the souls of some
of us from still existing, and continuing to exist hereafter, and from being
often born, and dying again--for so strong is it by nature, that it can hold
out against repeated births--if he granted this, he would not yet concede that
it does not exhaust itself in its many births, and at length perish altogether
in some one of the deaths. But he would say that no one knows this death
and dissolution of the body, which brings destruction to the soul; for it is
impossible for any one of us to perceive it. If, however, this be the case, it
follows that every one who is confident at the approach of death is foolishly
confident, unless he is able to prove that the soul is absolutely immortal and
imperishable; otherwise it necessarily follows that he who is about to die

must be alarmed for his soul, lest in its present disunion from the body it
should entirely perish."
85. Upon this, all of us who had heard them speaking were disagreeably
affected, as we afterward mentioned to each other; because, after we had
been fully persuaded by the former arguments, they seemed to disturb us
anew, and to cast us into a distrust, not only of the arguments already
adduced, but of such as might afterward be urged, for fear lest we should
not be fit judges of anything, or lest the things themselves should be
incredible.
Echec. By the gods! Phædo, I can readily excuse you; for, while I am now
hearing you, it occurs to me to ask myself some such question as this: What
arguments can we any longer believe? since the argument which Socrates
advanced, and which was exceedingly credible, has now fallen into
discredit. For this argument, that our soul is a kind of harmony, produces a
wonderful impression on me, both now and always, and in being
mentioned, it has reminded me, as it were, that I, too, was formerly of the
same opinion; so that I stand in need again, as if from the very beginning,
of some other argument which may persuade me that the soul of one who
dies does not die with the body. Tell me, therefore, by Jupiter! how
Socrates followed up the argument; and whether he, too, as you confess
was the case with yourselves, seemed disconcerted at all, or not, but calmly
maintained his position; and maintained it sufficiently or defectively.
Relate everything to me as accurately as you can.
86. Phæd. Indeed, Echecrates, though I have often admired Socrates, I was
never more delighted than at being with him on that occasion. That he
should be able to say something is perhaps not at all surprising; but I
especially admired this in him--first of all, that he listened to the argument
of the young men so sweetly, affably, and approvingly; in the next place,
that he so quickly perceived how we were affected by their arguments; and,
lastly, that he cured us so well and recalled us, when we were put to flight,
as it were, and vanquished, and encouraged us to accompany him, and
consider the argument with him.
Echec. How was that?
Phæd. I will tell you: I happened to be sitting at his right hand, near the
bed, upon a low seat, but he himself sat much higher than I. Stroking my
head, then, and laying hold of the hair that hung on my neck--for he used,
often, to play with my hairs--"To-morrow," he said, "perhaps, Phædo, you
will cut off these beautiful locks?"
"It seems likely, Socrates," said I.
87. "Not if you are persuaded by me."
"Why so?" I asked.
"To-day," he replied, "both I ought to cut off mine and you yours, if our
argument must die, and we are unable to revive it. And I, if I were you, and
the arguments were to escape me, would take an oath, as the Argives do,
not to suffer my hair to grow until I had renewed the contest, and
vanquished the arguments of Simmias and Cebes."
"But," I said, "even Hercules himself is said not to have been a match for
two."
"Call upon me, then," he said, "as your Iolaus, while it is yet day."
"I do call on you, then," I said, "not as Hercules upon Iolaus, but as Iolaus
upon Hercules."
"It will make no difference," he replied. "But, first of all, we must beware
lest we meet with some mischance."
"What?" I asked.
"That we do not become," he answered, "haters of reasoning, as some

become haters of men; for no greater evil can happen to any one than to
hate reasoning. 88. But hatred of reasoning and hatred of mankind both
spring from the same source. For hatred of mankind is produced in us from
having placed too great reliance on some one without sufficient knowledge
of him, and from having considered him to be a man altogether true,
sincere, and faithful, and then, after a little while, finding him depraved and
unfaithful, and after him another. And when a man has often experienced
this, and especially from those whom he considered his most intimate and
best friends, at length, having frequently stumbled, he hates all men, and
thinks that there is no soundness at all in any of them. Have you not
perceived that this happens so?"
"Certainly," I replied.
"Is it not a shame?" he said "And is it not evident that such a one attempts
to deal with men without sufficient knowledge of human affairs? For if he
had dealt with them with competent knowledge, as the case really is, so he
would have considered that the good and the bad are each very few in
number, and that those between both are most numerous."
89. "How say you?" I asked.
"In the same manner," he replied, "as with things very little and very large
Do you think that any thing is more rare than to find a very large on a very
little man, or dog, or any thing else? and, again, swift or slow, beautiful or
ugly, white or black? Do you not perceive that of all such things the
extremes are rare and few, but that the intermediate are abundant and
numerous?"
"Certainly," I replied.
"Do you not think, then," he continued, "that if a contest in wickedness

were proposed, even here very few would be found pre-eminent?"
"It is probable," I said.
"It is so," he said, "but in this respect reasonings do not resemble men, for I
was just now following you as my leader, but in this they do resemble
them, when any one believes in any argument as true without being skilled
in the art of reasoning, and then shortly afterward it appears to him to be
false, at one time being so and at another time not, and so on with one after
another,[34] and especially they who devote themselves to controversial
arguments, you are aware, at length think they have become very wise and
have alone discovered that there is nothing sound and stable either in things
or reasonings but that all things that exist, as is the case with the Euripus,
are in a constant state of flux and reflux, and never continue in any one
condition for any length of time."
"You speak perfectly true," I said.
90. "Would it not, then, Phædo" he said "be a sad thing if, when there is a
true and sound reasoning, and such as one can understand, one should then,
through lighting upon such arguments as appear to be at one time true and
at another false, not blame one's self and one's own want of skill, but at
length, through grief, should anxiously transfer the blame from one's self to
the arguments, and thereupon pass the rest of one's life in hating and
reviling arguments and so be depraved of the truth and knowledge of things
that exist?"
"By Jupiter!" I said, "it would be sad, indeed."
"In the first place, then," he said, "let us beware of this, and let us not admit
into our souls the notion that there appears to be nothing sound in
reasoning, but much rather that we are not yet in a sound condition, and
that we ought vigorously and strenuously to endeavor to become sound,
you and the others, on account of your whole future life, but I, on account
of my death, since I am in danger, at the present time, of not behaving as
becomes a philosopher with respect to this very subject, but as a wrangler,
like those who are utterly uninformed 91. For they, when they dispute
about any thing, care nothing at all for the subject about which the
discussion is, but are anxious about this, that what they have themselves
advanced shall appear true to the persons present. And I seem to myself on
the present occasion to differ from them only in this respect, for I shall not
be anxious to make what I say appear true to those who are present, except
that may happen by the way, but that it may appear certainly to be so to
myself. For I thus reason, my dear friend, and observe how interestedly. If
what I say be true, it is well to be persuaded of it, but if nothing remains to
one that is dead, I shall, at least, during the interval before death be less
disagreeable to those present by my lamentations. But this ignorance of
mine will not continue long, for that would be bad, but will shortly be put
an end to. Thus prepared, then, Simmias and Cebes," he continued, "I now
proceed to my argument. Do you, however, if you will be persuaded by me,
pay little attention to Socrates, but much more to the truth, and if I appear
to you to say any thing true, assent to it, but if not, oppose me with all your
might, taking good care that in my zeal I do not deceive both myself and
you, and, like a bee, depart leaving my sting behind."
92. "But let us proceed," he said "First of all, remind me of what you said,
if I should appear to have forgotten it For Simmias, as I think, is in doubt,
and fears lest the soul, though more divine and beautiful than the body,
should perish before it, as being a species of harmony. But Cebes appeared
to me to grant me this, that the soul is more durable than the body, but he
argued that it is uncertain to every one, whether when the soul has worn out
many bodies and that repeatedly, it does not, on leaving the last body, itself
also perish, so that this very thing is death, the destruction of the soul, since
the body never ceases decaying Are not these the things, Simmias and
Cebes, which we have to inquire into?"
They both agreed that they were.
"Whether, then," he continued "do you reject all our former arguments, or
some of them only, and not others?"
"Some we do," they replied, "and others not."
"What, then," he proceeded, "do you say about that argument in which we
asserted that knowledge is reminiscence, and that, this being the case, our
soul must necessarily have existed somewhere before it was inclosed in the
body?"
93. "I, indeed," replied Cebes "was both then wonderfully persuaded by it,
and now persist in it, as in no other argument."
"And I, too," said Simmias, "am of the same mind, and should very much
wonder if I should ever think otherwise on that point."
"Then," Socrates said, "you must needs think otherwise, my Theban friend,
if this opinion holds good, that harmony is something compounded, and
that the soul is a kind of harmony that results from the parts compacted
together in the body. For surely you will not allow yourself to say that
harmony was composed prior to the things from which it required to be
composed Would you allow this?"
"By no means, Socrates" he replied.
"Do you perceive, then," he said, "that this result from what you say, when
you assert that the soul existed before it came into a human form and body,
but that it was composed from things that did not yet exist? For harmony is
not such as that to which you compare it, but first the lyre, and the chords,
and the sounds yet unharmonized, exist, and, last of all, harmony is
produced, and first perishes. How, then, will this argument accord with
that?"
"Not at all," said Simmias.
94. "And yet," he said, "if in any argument, there ought to be an accordance
in one respecting harmony."
"There ought," said Simmias.
"This of yours, however," he said, "is not in accordance. Consider, then,

which of these two statements do you prefer--that knowledge is
reminiscence, or the soul harmony?"
"The former by far, Socrates," he replied; "for the latter occurred to me

without demonstration, through a certain probability and speciousness
whence most men derive their opinions. But I am well aware that
arguments which draw their demonstrations from probabilities are idle;
and, unless one is on one's guard against them, they are very deceptive,
both in geometry and all other subjects. But the argument respecting
reminiscence and knowledge may be said to have been demonstrated by a
satisfactory hypothesis. For in this way it was said that our soul existed
before it came into the body, because the essence that bears the appellation
of 'that which is' belongs to it. But of this, as I persuade myself, I am fully
and rightly convinced. It is therefore necessary, as it seems, that I should
neither allow myself nor any one else to maintain that the soul is harmony."
95. "But what, Simmias," said he, "if you consider it thus? Does it appear to
you to appertain to harmony, or to any other composition, to subsist in any
other way than the very things do of which it is composed?"
"By no means."
"And indeed, as I think, neither to do any thing, nor suffer any thing else,
besides what they do or suffer."
He agreed.
"It does not, therefore, appertain to harmony to take the lead of the things
of which it is composed, but to follow them."
He assented.
"It is, then, far from being the case that harmony is moved or sends forth
sounds contrariwise, or is in any other respect opposed to its parts?"
"Far, indeed," he said.
"What, then? Is not every harmony naturally harmony, so far as it has been
made to accord?"
"I do not understand you," he replied.

"Whether," he said, "if it should be in a greater degree and more fully made
to accord, supposing that were possible, would the harmony be greater and
more full; but if in a less degree and less fully, then would it be inferior and
less full?"
"Certainly."
"Is this, then, the case with the soul that, even in the smallest extent, one
soul is more fully and in a greater degree, or less fully and in a less degree,
this very thing, a soul, than another?"
"In no respect whatever," he replied.
96. "Well, then," he said, "by Jupiter! is one soul said to possess
intelligence and virtue, and to be good, and another folly and vice, and to
be bad? and is this said with truth?"
"With truth, certainly."
"Of those, then, who maintain that the soul is harmony, what will any one
say that these things are in the soul, virtue and vice? Will he call them
another kind of harmony and discord, and say that the one, the good soul, is
harmonized, and, being harmony, contains within itself another harmony,
but that the other is discordant, and does not contain within itself another
harmony?"
"I am unable to say," replied Simmias; "but it is clear that he who maintains
that opinion would say something of the kind."
"But it has been already granted," said he, "that one soul is not more or less
a soul than another; and this is an admission that one harmony is not to a
greater degree or more fully, or to a less degree or less fully, a harmony,
than another; is it not so?"
"Certainly."
"And that that which is neither more or less harmony is neither more nor
less harmonized: is it so?"
"It is."
"But does that which is neither more or less harmonized partake of more or
less harmony, or an equal amount?"
"An equal amount."
97. "A soul, therefore, since it is not more or less this very thing, a soul,
than another, is not more or less harmonized?"
"Even so."
"Such, then, being its condition, it can not partake of a greater degree of
discord or harmony?"
"Certainly not."
"And, again, such being its condition, can one soul partake of a greater
degree of vice or virtue than another, if vice be discord, and virtue
harmony?"
"It can not."
"Or rather, surely, Simmias, according to right reason, no soul will partake
of vice, if it is harmony; for doubtless harmony, which is perfectly such,
can never partake of discord?"
"Certainly not."
"Neither, therefore, can a soul which is perfectly a soul partake of vice."
"How can it, from what has been already said?"

"From this reasoning, then, all souls of all animals will be equally good, if,
at least, they are by nature equally this very thing, souls?"
"It appears so to me, Socrates," he said.
"And does it appear to you," he said, "to have been thus rightly argued, and
that the argument would lead to this result, if the hypothesis were correct,
that the soul is harmony?"
98. "On no account whatever," he replied.
"But what," said he, "of all the things that are in man? Is there any thing
else that you say bears rule except the soul, especially if it be wise?"
"I should say not."
"Whether by yielding to the passions in the body, or by opposing them? My

meaning is this: for instance, when heat and thirst are present, by drawing it
the contrary way, so as to hinder it from drinking; and when hunger is
present, by hindering it from eating; and in ten thousand other instances we
see the soul opposing the desires of the body. Do we not?"
"Certainly."
"But have we not before allowed that if the soul were harmony, it would
never utter a sound contrary to the tension, relaxation, vibration, or any
other affection to which its component parts are subject, but would follow,
and never govern them?"
"We did allow it," he replied, "for how could we do otherwise?"
"What, then? Does not the soul now appear to act quite the contrary, ruling
over all the parts from which any one might say it subsists, and resisting
almost all of them through the whole of life, and exercising dominion over
them in all manner of ways; punishing some more severely even with pain,
both by gymnastics and medicine, and others more mildly; partly
threatening, and partly admonishing the desires, angers and fears, as if,
being itself of a different nature, it were conversing with something quite
different? 99. Just as Homer has done in the Odyssey,[35] where he speaks
of Ulysses--'Having struck his breast, he chid his heart in the following
words: Bear up, my heart; ere this thou hast borne far worse.' Do you think
that he composed this in the belief that the soul was harmony, and capable
of being led by the passions of the body, and not rather that it was able to
lead and govern them, as being something much more divine than to be
compared with harmony?"
"By Jupiter! Socrates, it appears so to me."
"Therefore, my excellent friend, it is on no account correct for us to say that

the soul is a kind of harmony; for, as it appears, we should neither agree
with Homer, that divine poet, nor with ourselves."
"Such is the case," he replied.
"Be it so, then," said Socrates, "we have already, as it seems, sufficiently
appeased this Theban harmony. But how, Cebes, and by what arguments,
shall we appease this Cadmus?"[36]
100. "You appear to me," replied Cebes, "to be likely to find out; for you
have made out this argument against harmony wonderfully beyond my
expectation. For when Simmias was saying what his doubts were, I
wondered very much whether any one would be able to answer his
reasoning. It, therefore, appeared to me unaccountable that he did not
withstand the very first onset of your argument. I should not, therefore, be
surprised if the arguments of Cadmus met with the same fate."
"My good friend," said Socrates, "do not speak so boastfully, lest some
envious power should overthrow the argument that is about to be urged.
These things, however, will be cared for by the deity; but let us, meeting
hand to hand, in the manner of Homer, try whether you say any thing to the
purpose. This, then, is the sum of what you inquire you require it to be
proved that our soul is imperishable and immortal; if a philosopher that is
about to die, full of confidence and hope that after death he shall be far
happier than if he had died after leading a different kind of life, shall not
entertain this confidence foolishly and vainly. 101. But to show that the
soul is something strong and divine, and that it existed before we men were
born, you say not at all hinders, but that all these things may evince, not its
immortality, but that the soul is durable, and existed an immense space of
time before, and knew and did many things. But that, for all this, it was not
at all the more immortal, but that its very entrance into the body of a man
was the beginning of its destruction, as if it were a disease; so that it passes
through this life in wretchedness, and at last perishes in that which is called
death. But you say that it is of no consequence whether it comes into a
body once or often, with respect to our occasion of fear; for it is right he
should be afraid, unless he is foolish, who does not know, and can not give
a reason to prove, that the soul is immortal. Such, I think, Cebes, is the sum
of what you say; and I purposely repeat it often, that nothing may escape
us, and, if you please, you may add to or take from it."
Cebes replied, "I do not wish at present either to take from or add to it; that
is what I mean."
102. Socrates, then having paused for some time, and considered something
within himself, said, "You inquire into no easy matter, Cebes; for it is
absolutely necessary to discuss the whole question of generation and
corruption. If you please, then, I will relate to you what happened to me
with reference to them; and afterward, if any thing that I shall say shall
appear to you useful toward producing conviction on the subject you are
now treating of, make use of it."
"I do indeed wish it," replied Cebes.
"Hear my relation, then. When I was a young man, Cebes, I was

wonderfully desirous of that wisdom which they call a history of nature; for
it appeared to me to be a very sublime thing to know the causes of every
thing--why each thing is generated, why it perishes, and why it exists. And
I often tossed myself upward and downward, considering first such things
as these, whether when heat and cold have undergone a certain corruption,
as some say, then animals are formed; and whether the blood is that by
means of which we think, or air, or fire, or none of these, but that it is the
brain that produces the perceptions of hearing, seeing, and smelling; and
that from these come memory and opinion; and from memory and opinion,
when in a state of rest, in the same way knowledge is produced. 103. And,
again, considering the corruptions of these, and the affections incidental to
the heavens and the earth, I at length appeared to myself so unskillful in
these speculations that nothing could be more so. But I will give you a
sufficient proof of this; for I then became, by these very speculations, so
very blind with respect to things which I knew clearly before, as it appeared
to myself and others, that I unlearned even the things which I thought I
knew before, both on many other subjects and also this, why a man grows.
For, before, I thought this was evident to every one--that it proceeds from
eating and drinking; for that, when, from the food, flesh is added to flesh,
bone to bone, and so on in the same proportion, what is proper to them is
added to the several other parts, then the bulk which was small becomes
afterward large, and thus that a little man becomes a big one. Such was my
opinion at that time. Does it appear to you correct?"
"To me it does," said Cebes.
104. "Consider this further. I thought that I had formed a right opinion,
when, on seeing a tall man standing by a short one, I judged that he was
taller by the head, and in like manner, one horse than another; and, still
more clearly than this, ten appeared to me to be more than eight by two
being added to them, and that two cubits are greater than one cubit by
exceeding it a half."
"But now," said Cebes, "what think you of these matters?"
"By Jupiter!" said he, "I am far from thinking that I know the cause of
these, for that I can not even persuade myself of this: when a person has
added one to one, whether the one to which the addition has been made has
become two, or whether that which has been added, and that to which the
addition has been made, have become two by the addition of the one to the
other. For I wonder if, when each of these was separate from the other, each
was one, and they were not yet two; but when they have approached nearer
each other this should be the cause of their becoming two--namely, the
union by which they have been placed nearer one another. 105. Nor yet, if
any person should divide one, am I able to persuade myself that this, their
division, is the cause of its becoming two. For this cause is the contrary to
the former one of their becoming two; for then it was because they were
brought nearer to each other, and the one was added to the other; but now it
is because one is removed and separated from the other. Nor do I yet
persuade myself that I know why one is one, nor, in a word, why any thing
else is produced, or perishes, or exists, according to this method of
proceeding; but I mix up another method of my own at random, for this I
can on no account give in to."
"But, having once heard a person reading from a book, written, as he said,
by Anaxagoras, and which said that it is intelligence that sets in order and is
the cause of all things, I was delighted with this cause, and it appeared to
me in a manner to be well that intelligence should be the cause of all things,
and I considered with myself, if this is so, that the regulating intelligence
orders all things, and disposes each in such way as will be best for it. 106.
If any one, then, should desire to discover the cause of every thing, in what
way it is produced, or perishes, or exists, he must discover this respecting
it--in what way it is best for it either to exist, or to suffer, or do any thing
else. From this mode of reasoning, then, it is proper that a man should
consider nothing else, both with respect to himself and others, than what is
most excellent and best; and it necessarily follows that this same person
must also know that which is worst, for that the knowledge of both of them
is the same. Thus reasoning with myself, I was delighted to think I had
found in Anaxagoras a preceptor who would instruct me in the causes of
things, agreeably to my own mind, and that he would inform me, first,
whether the earth is flat or round, and, when he had informed me, would,
moreover, explain the cause and necessity of its being so, arguing on the
principle of the better, and showing that it is better for it to be such as it is;
and if he should say that it is in the middle, that he would, moreover,
explain how it is better for it to be in the middle; and if he should make all
this clear to me, I was prepared no longer to require any other species of
cause. 107. I was in like manner prepared to inquire respecting the sun and
moon and the other stars, with respect to their velocities in reference to
each other, and their revolutions and other conditions, in what way it is
better for both to act and be affected as it does and is. For I never thought
that after he had said that these things were set in order by intelligence, he
would introduce any other cause for them than that it is best for them to be
as they are. Hence, I thought, that in assigning the cause to each of them,
and to all in common, he would explain that which is best for each, and the
common good of all. And I would not have given up my hopes for a good
deal; but, having taken up his books with great eagerness, I read through
them as quickly as I could, that I might as soon as possible know the best
and the worst."
108. "From this wonderful hope, however, my friend, I was speedily

thrown down, when, as I advance and read over his works, I meet with a
man who makes no use of intelligence, nor assigns any causes for the
ordering of all things, but makes the causes to consist of air, ether, and
water, and many other things equally absurd. And he appeared to me to be
very like one who should say that whatever Socrates does he does by
intelligence, and then, attempting to describe the causes of each particular
action, should say, first of all, that for this reason I am now sitting here,
because my body is composed of bones and sinews and that the bones are
hard, and have joints separate from each other, but that the sinews, being
capable of tension and contraction, cover the bones, together with the flesh
and skin which contain them. The bones, therefore, being suspended in
their sockets, the nerves, relaxing and tightening, enable me to bend my
limbs as I now do, and from this cause I sit here bent up. 109. And if, again,
he should assign other similar causes for my conversing with you,
assigning as causes voice, and air, and hearing, and ten thousand other
things of the kind, omitting to mention the real causes, that since it
appeared better to the Athenians to condemn me, I therefore thought it
better to sit here, and more just to remain and submit to the punishment
which they have ordered; for, by the dog! I think these sinews and bones
would have been long ago either in Megara or Boeotia, borne thither by an
opinion of that which is best, if I had not thought it more just and honorable
to submit to whatever sentence the city might order than to flee and run
stealthily away. But to call such things causes is too absurd. But if any one
should say that without possessing such things as bones and sinews, and
whatever else I have, I could not do what I pleased, he would speak the
truth; but to say that I do as I do through them, and that I act thus by
intelligence, and not from the choice of what is best, would be a great and
extreme disregard of reason. 110. For this would be not to be able to
distinguish that the real cause is one thing, and that another, without which
a cause could not be a cause; which, indeed, the generality of men appear to
me to do, fumbling, as it were, in the dark, and making use of strange
names, so as to denominate them as the very cause. Wherefore one
encompassing the earth with a vortex from heaven makes the earth remain
fixed; but another, as if it were a broad trough, rests it upon the air as its
base; but the power by which these things are now so disposed that they
may be placed in the best manner possible, this they neither inquire into,
nor do they think that it requires any superhuman strength; but they think
they will some time or other find out an Atlas stronger and more immortal
than this, and more capable of containing all things; and in reality, the
good, and that which ought to hold them together and contain them, they
take no account of at all. I, then, should most gladly have become the
disciple of any one who would teach me of such a cause, in what way it is.
But when I was disappointed of this, and was neither able to discover it
myself, nor to learn it from another, do you wish, Cebes, that I should show
you in what way I set out upon a second voyage in search of the cause?"
111. "I wish it exceedingly," he replied.
"It appeared to me, then," said he, "after this, when I was wearied with
considering things that exist, that I ought to beware lest I should suffer in
the same way as they do who look at and examine an eclipse of the sun, for
some lose the sight of their eyes, unless they behold its image in water, or
some similar medium. And I was affected with a similar feeling, and was
afraid lest I should be utterly blinded in my soul through beholding things
with the eyes, and endeavoring to grasp them by means of the several
senses. It seemed to me, therefore, that I ought to have recourse to reasons,
and to consider in them the truth of things. Perhaps, however, this
similitude of mine may in some respect be incorrect; for I do not altogether
admit that he who considers things in their reasons considers them in their
images, more than he does who views them in their effects. However, I
proceeded thus, and on each occasion laying down the reason, which I
deem to be the strongest, whatever things appear to me to accord with this I
regard as true, both with respect to the cause and every thing else; but such
as do not accord I regard as not true. 112. But I wish to explain my
meaning to you in a clearer manner; for I think that you do not yet
understand me."
"No, by Jupiter!" said Cebes, "not well."
"However," continued he, "I am now saying nothing new, but what I have
always at other times, and in a former part of this discussion, never ceased
to say. I proceed, then, to attempt to explain to you that species of cause
which I have busied myself about, and return again to those well-known
subjects, and set out from them, laying down as an hypothesis, that there is
a certain abstract beauty, and goodness, and magnitude, and so of all other
things; which if you grant me, and allow that they do exist, I hope that I
shall be able from these to explain the cause to you, and to discover that the
soul is immortal."
"But," said Cebes, "since I grant you this, you may draw your conclusion at
once."
"But consider," he said, "what follows from thence, and see if you can
agree with me. For it appears to me that if there is any thing else beautiful
besides beauty itself, it is not beautiful for any other reason than because it
partakes of that abstract beauty; and I say the same of every thing. Do you
admit such a cause?"
"I do admit it," he replied.
113. "I do not yet understand," he continued, "nor am I able to conceive,

those other wise causes; but if any one should tell me why any thing is
beautiful, either because it has a blooming florid color, or figure, or any
thing else of the kind, I dismiss all other reasons, for I am confounded by
them all; but I simply, wholly, and perhaps foolishly, confine myself to
this, that nothing else causes it to be beautiful except either the presence or
communication of that abstract beauty, by whatever means and in whatever
way communicated; for I can not yet affirm this with certainty, but only
that by means of beauty all beautiful things become beautiful. For this
appears to me the safest answer to give both to myself and others; and
adhering to this, I think that I shall never fall, but that it is a safe answer
both for me and any one else to give--that by means of beauty beautiful
things become beautiful. Does it not also seem so to you?"
"It does."
"And that by magnitude great things become great, and greater things,
greater; and by littleness less things become less?"
"Yes."
114. "You would not, then, approve of it, if any one said that one person is
greater than another by the head, and that the less is less by the very same
thing; but you would maintain that you mean nothing else than that every
thing that is greater than another is greater by nothing else than magnitude,
and that it is greater on this account--that is, on account of magnitude; and
that the less is less by nothing else than littleness, and on this account
less--that is, on account of littleness; being afraid, I think, lest some
opposite argument should meet you if you should say that any one is
greater and less by the head; as, first, that the greater is greater, and the less
less, by the very same thing; and, next, that the greater is greater by the
head, which is small; and that it is monstrous to suppose that any one is
great through something small. Should you not be afraid of this?"
To which said Cebes, smilingly, "Indeed, I should."
"Should you not, then," he continued, "be afraid to say that ten is more than
eight by two, and for this cause exceeds it, and not by number, and on
account of number? and that two cubits are greater than one cubit by half,
and not by magnitude (for the fear is surely the same)?"
115. "What, then? When one has been added to one, would you not beware
of saying that the addition is the cause of its being two, or division when it
has been divided; and would you not loudly assert that you know no other
way in which each thing subsists, than by partaking of the peculiar essence
of each of which it partakes, and that in these cases you can assign no other
cause of its becoming two than its partaking of duality; and that such things
as are to become two must needs partake of this, and what is to become
one, of unity; but these divisions and additions, and other such subtleties,
you would dismiss, leaving them to be given as answers by persons wiser
than yourself; whereas you, fearing, as it is said, your own shadow and
inexperience, would adhere to this safe hypothesis, and answer
accordingly? But if any one should assail this hypothesis of yours, would
you not dismiss him, and refrain from answering him till you had
considered the consequences resulting from it, whether in your opinion they
agree with or differ from each other? But when it should be necessary for
you to give a reason for it, would you give one in a similar way, by again
laying down another hypothesis, which should appear the best of higher
principles, until you arrived at something satisfactory; but, at the same
time, you would avoid making confusion, as disputants do, in treating of
the first principle and the results arising from it, if you really desire to
arrive at the truth of things? 116. For they, perhaps, make no account at all
of this, nor pay any attention to it; for they are able, through their wisdom,
to mingle all things together, and at the same time please themselves. But
you, if you are a philosopher, would act, I think, as I now describe."
"You speak most truly," said Simmias and Cebes together.
Echec. By Jupiter! Phædo, they said so with good reason; for he appears to
me to have explained these things with wonderful clearness, even to one
endued with a small degree of intelligence.
Phæd. Certainly, Echecrates, and so it appeared to all who were present.

Echec. And so it appears to me, who was absent, and now hear it related.
But what was said after this?
As well as I remember, when these things had been granted him, and it was
allowed that each several idea exists of itself,[37] and that other things
partaking of them receive their denomination from them, he next asked: "If,
then," he said, "you admit that things are so, whether, when you say that
Simmias is greater than Socrates, but less than Phædo, do you not then say
that magnitude and littleness are both in Simmias?"
"I do."
117. "And yet," he said, "you must confess that Simmias's exceeding
Socrates is not actually true in the manner in which the words express it;
for Simmias does not naturally exceed Socrates in that he is Simmias, but
in consequence of the magnitude which he happens to have; nor, again,
does he exceed Socrates because Socrates is Socrates, but because Socrates
possesses littleness in comparison with his magnitude?"
"True."
"Nor, again, is Simmias exceeded by Phædo, because Phædo is Phædo, but

because Phædo possesses magnitude in comparison with Simmias's
littleness?"
"It is so."
"Thus, then, Simmias has the appellation of being both little and great,
being between both, by exceeding the littleness of one through his own
magnitude, and to the other yielding a magnitude that exceeds his own
littleness." And at the same time, smiling, he said, "I seem to speak with the
precision of a short-hand writer; however, it is as I say."
He allowed it.
118. "But I say it for this reason, wishing you to be of the same opinion as
myself. For it appears to me, not only that magnitude itself is never
disposed to be at the same time great and little, but that magnitude in us
never admits the little nor is disposed to be exceeded, but one of two things,
either to flee and withdraw when its contrary, the little, approaches it, or,
when it has actually come, to perish; but that it is not disposed, by
sustaining and receiving littleness, to be different from what it was. Just as
I, having received and sustained littleness, and still continuing the person
that I am, am this same little person; but that, while it is great, never
endures to be little. And, in like manner, the little that is in us is not
disposed at any time to become or to be great, nor is any thing else among
contraries, while it continues what it was, at the same time disposed to
become and to be its contrary; but in this contingency it either departs or
perishes."
119. "It appears so to me," said Cebes, "in every respect."
But some one of those present, on hearing this, I do not clearly remember
who he was, said, "By the gods! was not the very contrary of what is now
asserted admitted in the former part of our discussion, that the greater is
produced from the less, and the less from the greater, and, in a word, that
the very production of contraries is from contraries? But now it appears to
me to be asserted that this can never be the case."
Upon this Socrates, having leaned his head forward and listened, said, "You
have reminded me in a manly way; you do not, however, perceive the
difference between what is now and what was then asserted. For then it was
said that a contrary thing is produced from a contrary; but now, that a
contrary can never become contrary to itself--neither that which is in us,
nor that which is in nature. For then, my friend, we spoke of things that
have contraries, calling them by the appellation of those things; but now we
are speaking of those very things from the presence of which things so
called receive their appellation, and of these very things we say that they
are never disposed to admit of production from each other." 120. And, at
the same time looking at Cebes, "Has anything that has been said, Cebes,
disturbed you?"
"Indeed," said Cebes, "I am not at all so disposed; however, I by no means

say that there are not many things that disturb me."
"Then," he continued, "we have quite agreed to this, that a contrary can
never be contrary to itself."
"Most certainly," he replied.
"But, further," he said, "consider whether you will agree with me in this
also. Do you call heat and cold any thing?"
"I do."
"The same as snow and fire?"
"By Jupiter! I do not."
"But heat is something different from fire, and cold something different
from snow?"
"Yes."
"But this, I think, is apparent to you--that snow, while it is snow, can never,
when it has admitted heat, as we said before, continue to be what it was,
snow and hot; but, on the approach of heat, it must either withdraw or
perish?"
"Certainly."
"And, again, that fire, when cold approaches it, must either depart or perish;
but that it will never endure, when it has admitted coldness, to continue
what it was, fire and cold?"
121. "You speak truly," he said.

"It happens, then," he continued, "with respect to some of such things, that
not only is the idea itself always thought worthy of the same appellation,
but likewise something else which is not, indeed, that idea itself, but
constantly retains its form so long as it exists. What I mean will perhaps be
clearer in the following examples: the odd in number must always possess
the name by which we now call it, must it not?"
"Certainly."
"Must it alone, of all things--for this I ask--or is there any thing else which
is not the same as the odd, but yet which we must always call odd, together
with its own name, because it is so constituted by nature that it can never be
without the odd? But this, I say, is the case with the number three, and
many others. For consider with respect to the number three: does it not
appear to you that it must always be called by its own name, as well as by
that of the odd, which is not the same as the number three? Yet such is the
nature of the number three, five, and the entire half of number, that though
they are not the same as the odd, yet each of them is always odd. And,
again, two and four, and the whole other series of number, though not the
same as the even, are nevertheless each of them always even: do you admit
this, or not?"
122. "How should I not?" he replied.
"Observe then," said he, "what I wish to prove. It is this--that it appears not
only that these contraries do not admit each other, but that even such things
as are not contrary to each other, and yet always possess contraries, do not
appear to admit that idea which is contrary to the idea that exists in
themselves, but, when it approaches, perish or depart. Shall we not allow
that the number three would first perish, and suffer any thing whatever,
rather than endure, while it is still three, to become even?"
"Most certainly," said Cebes.
"And yet," said he, "the number two is not contrary to three."
"Surely not."
"Not only, then, do ideas that are contrary never allow the approach of each
other, but some other things also do not allow the approach of contraries."
"You say very truly," he replied.
"Do you wish, then," he said, "that, if we are able, we should define what
these things are?"
"Certainly."
"Would they not then, Cebes," he said, "be such things as, whatever they
occupy, compel that thing not only to retain its own idea, but also that of
something which is always a contrary?"
"How do you mean?"
123. "As we just now said. For you know, surely, that whatever things the
idea of three occupies must of necessity not only be three, but also odd?"
"Certainly."
"To such a thing, then, we assert, that the idea contrary to that form which
constitutes this can never come."
"It can not."
"But did the odd make it so?"
"Yes."
"And is the contrary to this the idea of the even?"
"Yes."
"The idea of the even, then, will never come to the three?"
"No, surely."
"Three, then, has no part in the even?"
"None whatever."
"The number three is uneven?"
"Yes."
"What, therefore, I said should be defined--namely, what things they are

which, though not contrary to some particular thing, yet do not admit of the
contrary itself; as, in the present instance, the number three, though not
contrary to the even, does not any the more admit it, for it always brings the
contrary with it, just as the number two does to the odd, fire to cold, and
many other particulars. Consider, then, whether you would thus define, not
only that a contrary does not admit a contrary, but also that that which
brings with it a contrary to that to which it approaches will never admit the
contrary of that which it brings with it. 124. But call it to mind again, for it
will not be useless to hear it often repeated. Five will not admit the idea of
the even, nor ten, its double, that of the odd. This double, then, though it is
itself contrary to something else,[38] yet will not admit the idea of the odd,
nor will half as much again, nor other things of the kind, such as the half
and the third part, admit the idea of the whole, if you follow me, and agree
with me that it is so."
"I entirely agree with you," he said, "and follow you."
"Tell me again, then," he said, "from the beginning; and do not answer me
in the terms in which I put the question, but in different ones, imitating my
example. For I say this because, besides that safe mode of answering which
I mentioned at first,[39] from what has now been said, I see another no less
safe one. For if you should ask me what that is which, if it be in the body,
will cause it to be hot, I should not give you that safe but unlearned answer,
that it is heat, but one more elegant, from what we have just now said, that
it is fire; nor, if you should ask me what that is which, if it be in the body,
will cause it to be diseased, should I say that it is disease, but fever; nor if
you should ask what that is which, if it be in number, will cause it to be
odd, should I say that it is unevenness, but unity; and so with other things.
But consider whether you sufficiently understand what I mean."
125. "Perfectly so," he replied.
"Answer me, then," he said, "what that is which, when it is in the body, the
body will be alive?"
"Soul," he replied.
"Is not this, then, always the case?"
"How should it not be?" said he.
"Does the soul, then, always bring life to whatever it occupies?"
"It does indeed," he replied.
"Whether, then, is there any thing contrary to life or not?"
"There is," he replied.
"What?"
"Death."
"The soul, then, will never admit the contrary of that which it brings with it,
as has been already allowed?"
"Most assuredly," replied Cebes.

"What, then? How do we denominate that which does not admit the idea of
the even?"
"Uneven," he replied.
"And that which does not admit the just, nor the musical?"
"Unmusical," he said, "and unjust."
"Be it so. But what do we call that which does not admit death?"
"Immortal," he replied.
"Therefore, does not the soul admit death?"
"No."
"Is the soul, then, immortal?"
"Immortal."
126. "Be it so," he said. "Shall we say, then, that this has been now
demonstrated? or how think you?"
"Most completely, Socrates."
"What, then," said he, "Cebes, if it were necessary for the uneven to be
imperishable, would the number three be otherwise than imperishable?"
"If, therefore, it were also necessary that what is without heat should be
imperishable, when any one should introduce heat to snow, would not the
snow withdraw itself, safe and unmelted? For it would not perish; nor yet
would it stay and admit the heat."
"You say truly," he replied.
"In like manner, I think, if that which is insusceptible of cold were

imperishable, that when any thing cold approached the fire, it would neither
be extinguished nor perish, but would depart quite safe."
"Of necessity," he said.
"Must we not, then, of necessity," he continued, "speak thus of that which

is immortal? if that which is immortal is imperishable, it is impossible for
the soul to perish, when death approaches it. For, from what has been said
already, it will not admit death, nor will ever be dead; just as we said that
three will never be even, nor, again, will the odd; nor will fire be cold, nor
yet the heat that is in fire. 127. But some one may say, what hinders, though
the odd can never become even by the approach of the even, as we have
allowed, yet, when the odd is destroyed, that the even should succeed in its
place? We could not contend with him who should make this objection that
it is not destroyed, for the uneven is not imperishable; since, if this were
granted us, we might easily have contended that, on the approach of the
even, the odd and the three depart; and we might have contended in the
same way with respect to fire, heat, and the rest, might we not?"
"Certainly."
"Wherefore, with respect to the immortal, if we have allowed that it is

imperishable, the soul, in addition to its being immortal, must also be
imperishable; if not, there will be need of other arguments."
"But there is no need," he said, "so far as that is concerned; for scarcely
could any thing not admit of corruption, if that which is immortal and
eternal is liable to it."
128. "The deity, indeed, I think," said Socrates, "and the idea itself of life,
and if anything else is immortal, must be allowed by all beings to be
incapable of dissolution."
"By Jupiter!" he replied, "by all men, indeed, and still more, as I think, by
the gods."
"Since, then, that which is immortal is also incorruptible, can the soul, since
it is immortal, be any thing else than imperishable?"
"It must, of necessity, be so."
"When, therefore, death approaches a man, the mortal part of him, as it

appears, dies, but the immortal part departs safe and uncorrupted, having
withdrawn itself from death?"
"It appears so."
"The soul, therefore," he said, "Cebes, is most certainly immortal and

imperishable, and our souls will really exist in Hades."
"Therefore, Socrates," he said, "I have nothing further to say against this,
nor any reason for doubting your arguments. But if Simmias here, or any
one else, has any thing to say, it were well for him not to be silent; for I
know not to what other opportunity beyond the present any one can defer it,
who wishes either to speak or hear about these things."
"But, indeed," said Simmias, "neither have I any reason to doubt what has
been urged; yet, from the magnitude of the subject discussed, and from my
low opinion of human weakness, I am compelled still to retain a doubt
within myself with respect to what has been said."
"Not only so, Simmias," said Socrates, "but you say this well; and,
moreover, the first hypotheses, even though they are credible to you, should
nevertheless be examined more carefully; and if you should investigate
them sufficiently, I think you will follow my reasoning as far as it is
possible for man to do so; and if this very point becomes clear, you will
inquire no further."
"You speak truly," he said.

"But it is right, my friends," he said, "that we should consider this--- that if

the soul is immortal, it requires our care not only for the present time,
which we call life, but for all time; and the danger would now appear to be
dreadful if one should neglect it. 130. For if death were a deliverance from
every thing, it would be a great gain for the wicked, when they die, to be
delivered at the same time from the body, and from their vices together
with the soul; but now, since it appears to be immortal, it can have no other
refuge from evils, nor safety, except by becoming as good and wise as
possible. For the soul goes to Hades possessing nothing else than its
discipline and education, which are said to be of the greatest advantage or
detriment to the dead, on the very beginning of his journey thither. For,
thus, it is said that each person's demon who was assigned to him while
living, when he dies conducts him to some place, where they that are
assembled together must receive sentence, and then proceed to Hades with
that guide who has been ordered to conduct them from hence thither. But
there having received their deserts, and having remained the appointed
time, another guide brings them back hither again, after many and long
revolutions of time. The journey, then, is not such as the Telephus of
Æschylus describes it; for he says that a simple path leads to Hades; but it
appears to me to be neither simple nor one, for there would be no need of
guides, nor could any one ever miss the way, if there were but one. But
now it appears to have many divisions and windings; and this I conjecture
from our religious and funeral rites.[40] 131. The well-ordered and wise
soul, then, both follows, and is not ignorant of its present condition; but that
which through passion clings to the body, as I said before, having longingly
fluttered about it for a long time, and about its visible place,[41] after
vehement resistance and great suffering, is forcibly and with great difficulty
led away by its appointed demon. And when it arrives at the place where
the others are, impure and having done any such thing as the committal of
unrighteous murders or other similar actions, which are kindred to these,
and are the deeds of kindred souls, every one shuns it and turns away from
it, and will be neither its fellow-traveler nor guide; but it wanders about,
oppressed with every kind of helplessness, until certain periods have
elapsed; and when these are completed, it is carried, of necessity, to an
abode suitable to it. But the soul which has passed through life with purity
and moderation, having obtained the gods for its fellow-travelers and
guides, settles each in the place suited to it. 132. There are, indeed, many
and wonderful places in the earth, and it is itself neither of such a kind nor
of such a magnitude as is supposed by those who are accustomed to speak
of the earth, as I have been persuaded by a certain person."
Whereupon Simmias said, "How mean you, Socrates? For I, too, have
heard many things about the earth--not, however, those things which have
obtained your belief. I would, therefore, gladly hear them."
"Indeed, Simmias, the art of Glaucus[42] does not seem to me to be

required to relate what these things are. That they are true, however,
appears to me more than the art of Glaucus can prove, and, besides, I
should probably not be able to do it; and even if I did know how, what
remains to me of life, Simmias, seems insufficient for the length of the
subject. However, the form of the earth, such as I am persuaded it is, and
the different places in it, nothing hinders me from telling."
"But that will be enough," said Simmias.
"I am persuaded, then," said he, "in the first place, that, if the earth is in the
middle of the heavens, and is of a spherical form, it has no need of air, nor
of any other similar force, to prevent it from falling; but that the similarity
of the heavens to themselves on every side, and the equilibrium of the earth
itself, are sufficient to support it; for a thing in a state of equilibrium when
placed in the middle of something that presses it equally on all sides can
not incline more or less on any side, but, being equally affected all around,
remains unmoved. 133. In the first place, then," he said, "I am persuaded of
this."
"And very properly so," said Simmias.
"Yet, further," said he, "that it is very large, and that we who inhabit some
small portion of it, from the river Phasis to the pillars of Hercules, dwell
about the sea, like ants or frogs about a marsh; and that many others
elsewhere dwell in many similar places, for that there are everywhere about
the earth many hollows of various forms and sizes into which there is a
confluence of water, mist and air; but that the earth itself, being pure, is
situated in the pure heavens, in which are the stars, and which most persons
who are accustomed to speak about such things call ether; of which these
things are the sediment, and are continually flowing into the hollow parts of
the earth. 134. That we are ignorant, then, that we are dwelling in its
hollows, and imagine that we inhabit the upper parts of the earth, just as if
any one dwelling in the bottom of the sea should think that he dwelt on the
sea, and, beholding the sun and the other stars through the water, should
imagine that the sea was the heavens; but, through sloth and weakness,
should never have reached the surface of the sea; nor, having emerged and
risen up from the sea to this region, have seen how much more pure and
more beautiful it is than the place where he is, nor has heard of it from any
one else who has seen it. This, then, is the very condition in which we are;
for, dwelling in some hollow of the earth, we think that we dwell on the
surface of it, and call the air heaven, as if the stars moved through this,
being heaven itself. But this is because, by reason of our weakness and
sloth, we are unable to reach to the summit of the air. Since, if any one
could arrive at its summit, or, becoming winged, could fly up thither, or,
emerging from hence, he would see--just as with us, fishes, emerging from
the sea, behold what is here, so any one would behold the things there; and
if his nature were able to endure the contemplation, he would know that
that is the true heaven, and the true light, and the true earth. 135. For this
earth and these stones, and the whole region here, are decayed and
corroded, as things in the sea by the saltness; for nothing of any value
grows in the sea, nor, in a word, does it contain any thing perfect; but there
are caverns and sand, and mud in abundance, and filth, in whatever parts of
the sea there is earth, nor are they at all worthy to be compared with the
beautiful things with us. But, on the other hand, those things in the upper
regions of the earth would appear far more to excel the things with us. For,
if we may tell a beautiful fable, it is well worth hearing, Simmias, what
kind the things are on the earth beneath the heavens."
"Indeed, Socrates," said Simmias, "we should be very glad to hear that
fable."
136. "First of all, then, my friend," he continued, "this earth, if any one
should survey it from above, is said to have the appearance of balls covered
with twelve different pieces of leather, variegated and distinguished with
colors, of which the colors found here, and which painters use, are, as it
were, copies. But there the whole earth is composed of such, and far more
brilliant and pure than these; for one part of it is purple, and of wonderful
beauty, part of a golden color, and part of white, more white than chalk or
snow, and, in like manner, composed of other colors, and those more in
number and more beautiful than any we have ever beheld. And those very
hollow parts of the earth, though filled with water and air, exhibit a certain
species of color, shining among the variety of other colors, so that one
continually variegated aspect presents itself to the view. In this earth, being
such, all things that grow, grow in a manner proportioned to its
nature--trees, flowers and fruits; and, again, in like manner, its mountains
and stones possess, in the same proportion, smoothness and transparency,
and more beautiful colors; of which the well-known stones here that are so
highly prized are but fragments, such as sardine-stones, jaspers, and
emeralds, and all of that kind. But there, there is nothing subsists that is not
of this character, and even more beautiful than these. 137. But the reason of
this is, because the stones there are pure, and not eaten up and decayed, like
those here, by rottenness and saltness, which flow down hither together,
and which produce deformity and disease in the stones and the earth, and in
other things, even animals and plants. But that earth is adorned with all
these, and, moreover, with gold and silver, and other things of the kind: for
they are naturally conspicuous, being numerous and large, and in all parts
of the earth; so that to behold it is a sight for the blessed. There are also
many other animals and men upon it, some dwelling in mid-earth, others
about the air, as we do about the sea, and others in islands which the air
flows round, and which are near the continent; and, in one word, what
water and the sea are to us, for our necessities, the air is to them; and what
air is to us, that ether is to them. 138. But their seasons are of such a
temperament that they are free from disease, and live for a much longer
time than those here, and surpass us in sight, hearing, and smelling, and
every thing of this kind, as much as air excels water, and ether air, in purity.
Moreover, they have abodes and temples of the gods, in which gods really
dwell, and voices and oracles, and sensible visions of the gods, and
such-like intercourse with them; the sun, too, and moon, and stars, are seen
by them such as they really are, and their felicity in other respects is
correspondent with these things."
"And, such, indeed, is the nature of the whole earth, and the parts about the
earth; but there are many places all round it throughout its cavities, some
deeper and more open than that in which we dwell; but others that are
deeper have a less chasm than our region, and others are shallower in depth
than it is here, and broader. 139. But all these are in many places perforated
one into another under the earth, some with narrower and some with wider
channels, and have passages through, by which a great quantity of water
flows from one into another, as into basins, and there are immense bulks of
ever-flowing rivers under the earth, both of hot and cold water, and a great
quantity of fire, and mighty rivers of fire, and many of liquid mire, some
purer, and some more miry, as in Sicily there are rivers of mud that flow
before the lava, and the lava itself, and from these the several places are
filled, according as the overflow from time to time happens to come to each
of them. But all these move up and down, as it were, by a certain oscillation
existing in the earth. And this oscillation proceeds from such natural cause
as this; one of the chasms of the earth is exceedingly large, and perforated
through the entire earth, and is that which Homer[43] speaks of, 'very far
off, where is the most profound abyss beneath the earth,' which elsewhere
both he and many other poets have called Tartarus. For into this chasm all
rivers flow together, and from it flow out again; but they severally derive
their character from the earth through which they flow. 140. And the reason
why all streams flow out from thence, and flow into it, is because this
liquid has neither bottom nor base. Therefore, it oscillates and fluctuates up
and down, and the air and the wind around it do the same; for they
accompany it both when it rushes to those parts of the earth, and when to
these. And as in respiration the flowing breath is continually breathed out
and drawn in, so there the wind oscillating with the liquid causes certain
vehement and irresistible winds both as it enters and goes out. When,
therefore, the water rushing in descends to the place which we call the
lower region, it flows through the earth into the streams there, and fills
them, just as men pump up water. But when again it leaves those regions
and rushes hither, it again fills the rivers here; and these, when filled, flow
through channels and through the earth, and, having severally reached the
several places to which they are journeying, they make seas, lakes, rivers,
and fountains. 141. Then, sinking again from thence beneath the earth,
some of them having gone round longer and more numerous places, and
others round fewer and shorter, they again discharge themselves into
Tartarus--some much lower than they were drawn up, others only a little so;
but all of them flow in again beneath the point at which they flowed out.
And some issue out directly opposite the place by which they flow in,
others on the same side. There are also some which, having gone round
altogether in a circle, folding themselves once or several times round the
earth, like serpents, when they have descended as low as possible,
discharge themselves again; and it is possible for them to descend on either
side as far as the middle, but not beyond; for in each direction there is an
acclivity to the streams both ways."
"Now, there are many other large and various streams; but among this great
number there are four certain streams, of which the largest, and that which
flows most outwardly round the earth, is called Ocean; but directly opposite
this, and flowing in a contrary direction, is Acheron, which flows through
other desert places, and, moreover, passing under the earth, reaches the
Acherusian lake, where the souls of most who die arrive; and, having
remained there for certain destined periods, some longer and some shorter,
are again sent forth into the generations of animals. 142. A third river issues
midway between these, and, near its source, falls into a vast region, burning
with abundance of fire, and forms a lake larger than our sea, boiling with
water and mud. From hence it proceeds in a circle, turbulent and muddy,
and, folding itself round it, reaches both other places and the extremity of
the Acherusian lake, but does not mingle with its water; but, folding itself
oftentimes beneath the earth, it discharges itself into the lower parts of
Tartarus. And this is the river which they call Pyriphlegethon, whose
burning streams emit dissevered fragments in whatever part of the earth
they happen to be. Opposite to this, again, the fourth river first falls into a
place dreadful and savage, as it is said, having its whole color like
cyanus:[44] this they call Stygian, and the lake which the river forms by its
discharge, Styx. This river, having fallen in here, and received awful power
in the water, sinking beneath the earth, proceeds, folding itself round, in an
opposite course to Pyriphlegethon, and meets it in the Acherusian lake

from, a contrary direction. Neither does the water of this river mingle with
any other; but it, too, having gone round in a circle, discharges itself into
Tartarus, opposite to Pyriphlegethon. Its name, as the poets say, is
Cocytus."
143. "These things being thus constituted, when the dead arrive at the place
to which their demon leads them severally, first of all they are judged, as
well those who have lived well and piously, as those who have not. And
those who appear to have passed a middle kind of life, proceeding to
Acheron, and embarking in the vessels they have, on these arrive at the
lake, and there dwell; and when they are purified, and have suffered
punishment for the iniquities they may have committed, they are set free,
and each receives the reward of his good deeds, according to his deserts.
But those who appear to be incurable, through the magnitude of their
offenses, either from having committed many and great sacrileges, or many
unjust and lawless murders, or other similar crimes, these a suitable destiny
hurls into Tartarus, whence they never come forth. 144. But those who
appear to have been guilty of curable yet great offenses--such as those who,
through anger, have committed any violence against father or mother, and
have lived the remainder of their life in a state of penitence, or they who
have become homicides in a similar manner--these must, of necessity, fall
into Tartarus. But after they have fallen, and have been there for a year, the
wave casts them forth, the homicides into Cocytus, but the parricides and
matricides into Pyriphlegethon. But when, being borne along, they arrive at
the Acherusian lake, there they cry out to and invoke, some those whom
they slew, others those whom they injured, and, invoking them, they entreat
and implore them to suffer them to go out into the lake, and to receive
them, and if they persuade them, they go out, and are freed from their
sufferings, but if not, they are borne back to Tartarus, and thence again to
the rivers. And they do not cease from suffering this until they have
persuaded those whom they have injured, for this sentence was imposed on
them by the judges. 145. But those who are found to have lived an
eminently holy life, these are they who, being freed and set at large from
these regions in the earth as from a prison, arrive at the pure abode above,
and dwell on the upper parts of the earth. And among these, they who have
sufficiently purified themselves by philosophy shall live without bodies,

throughout all future time, and shall arrive at habitations yet more beautiful
than these which it is neither easy to describe, nor at present is there
sufficient time for the purpose."
"But, for the sake of these things which we have described, we should use
every endeavor, Simmias, so as to acquire virtue and wisdom in this life,
for the reward is noble, and the hope great."
"To affirm positively, indeed, that these things are exactly as I have
described them does not become a man of sense. That, however, either this,
or something of the kind, takes place with respect to our souls and their
habitations--since our soul is certainly immortal--this appears to me most
fitting to be believed, and worthy the hazard for one who trusts in its
reality; for the hazard is noble, and it is right to allure ourselves with such
things, as with enchantments, for which reason I have prolonged my story
to such a length. 146. On account of these things, then, a man ought to be
confident about his soul who, during this life, has disregarded all the
pleasures and ornaments of the body as foreign from his nature, and who,
having thought that they do more harm than good, has zealously applied
himself to the acquirement of knowledge, and who, having adorned his
soul, not with a foreign, but its own proper ornament--temperance, justice,
fortitude, freedom, and truth--thus waits for his passage to Hades, as one
who is ready to depart whenever destiny shall summon him. You, then," he
continued, "Simmias and Cebes, and the rest, will each of you depart at
some future time, but now destiny summons me, as a tragic writer would
say, and it is nearly time for me to betake myself to the bath, for it appears
to me to be better to drink the poison after I have bathed myself, and not to
trouble the women with washing my dead body."
147. When he had thus spoken, Crito said, "So be it, Socrates, but what
commands have you to give to these or to me, either respecting your
children, or any other matter, in attending to which we can most oblige
you?"
"What I always say, Crito," he replied, "nothing new that by taking care of
yourselves you will oblige both me and mine, and yourselves, whatever you
do, though you should not now promise it, and if you neglect yourselves,
and will not live, as it were, in the footsteps of what has been now and
formerly said, even though you should promise much at present, and that
earnestly, you will do no good at all."
"We will endeavor, then, so to do," he said. "But how shall we bury you?"
"Just as you please," he said, "if only you can catch me, and I do not escape
from you." 148. And, at the same time smiling gently, and looking round on
us, he said, "I cannot persuade Crito, my friends, that I am that Socrates
who is now conversing with you, and who methodizes each part of the
discourse; but he thinks that I am he whom he will shortly behold dead, and
asks how he should bury me. But that which I some time since argued at
length, that when I have drunk the poison I shall no longer remain with
you, but shall depart to some happy state of the blessed, this I seem to have
urged to him in vain, though I meant at the same time to console both you
and myself. Be ye, then, my sureties to Crito," he said, "in an obligation
contrary to that which he made to the judges (for he undertook that I should
remain); but do you be sureties that, when I die, I shall not remain, but shall
depart, that Crito may more easily bear it; and, when he sees my body
either burned or buried, may not be afflicted for me, as if I suffered from
some dreadful thing; nor say at my interment that Socrates is laid out, or is
carried out, or is buried. 149. For be well assured," he said, "most excellent
Crito, that to speak improperly is not only culpable as to the thing itself, but
likewise occasions some injury to our souls. You must have a good
courage, then, and say that you bury my body, and bury it in such a manner
as is pleasing to you, and as you think is most agreeable to our laws."
When he had said thus, he rose, and went into a chamber to bathe, and
Crito followed him, but he directed us to wait for him. We waited,
therefore, conversing among ourselves about what had been said, and
considering it again, and sometimes speaking about our calamity, how
severe it would be to us, sincerely thinking that, like those who are
deprived of a father, we should pass the rest of our life as orphans. When he
had bathed, and his children were brought to him (for he had two little sons
and one grown up), and the women belonging to his family were come,
having conversed with them in the presence of Crito, and given them such
injunctions as he wished, he directed the women and children to go away,
and then returned to us. And it was now near sunset; for he spent a
considerable time within. 150. But when he came from bathing he sat
down, and did not speak much afterward; then the officer of the Eleven
came in, and, standing near him, said, "Socrates, I shall not have to find that
fault with you that I do with others, that they are angry with me, and curse
me, when, by order of the archons, I bid them drink the poison. But you, on
all other occasions during the time you have been here, I have found to be
the most noble, meek, and excellent man of all that ever came into this
place; and, therefore, I am now well convinced that you will not be angry
with me (for you know who are to blame), but with them. Now, then (for
you know what I came to announce to you), farewell, and endeavor to bear
what is inevitable as easily as possible." And at the same time, bursting into
tears, he turned away and withdrew.
151. And Socrates, looking after him, said, "And thou, too, farewell. We
will do as you direct." At the same time turning to us, he said, "How
courteous the man is! During the whole time I have been here he has visited
me, and conversed with me sometimes, and proved the worthiest of men;
and now how generously he weeps for me! But come, Crito, let us obey
him, and let some one bring the poison, if it is ready pounded; but if not, let
the man pound it."
Then Crito said, "But I think, Socrates, that the sun is still on the
mountains, and has not yet set. Besides, I know that others have drunk the
poison very late, after it had been announced to them, and have supped and
drunk freely, and some even have enjoyed the objects of their love. Do not
hasten, then, for there is yet time."
Upon this Socrates replied, "These men whom you mention, Crito, do these
things with good reason, for they think they shall gain by so doing; and I,
too, with good reason, shall not do so; for I think I shall gain nothing by
drinking a little later, except to become ridiculous to myself, in being so
fond of life, and sparing of it, when none any longer remains. Go then," he
said, "obey, and do not resist."
152. Crito, having heard this, nodded to the boy that stood near. And the
boy, having gone out and staid for some time, came, bringing with him the
man that was to administer the poison, who brought it ready pounded in a
cup. And Socrates, on seeing the man, said, "Well, my good friend, as you
are skilled in these matters, what must I do?"
"Nothing else," he replied, "than, when you have drunk it, walk about until
there is a heaviness in your legs; then lie down: thus it will do its purpose."
And at the same time he held out the cup to Socrates. And he having
received it very cheerfully, Echecrates neither trembling, nor changing at
all in color or countenance, but, as he was wont, looking steadfastly at the
man, said, "What say you of this potion, with respect to making a libation
to any one, is it lawful or not?"
"We only pound so much, Socrates," he said, "as we think sufficient to

drink."
153. "I understand you," he said; "but it is certainly both lawful and right to
pray to the gods, that my departure hence thither may be happy; which,
therefore, I pray, and so may it be." And as he said this, he drank it off
readily and calmly. Thus far, most of us were with difficulty able to restrain
ourselves from weeping; but when we saw him drinking, and having
finished the draught, we could do so no longer; but, in spite of myself, the
tears came in full torrent, so that, covering my face, I wept for myself; for I
did not weep for him, but for my own fortune, in being deprived of such a
friend. But Crito, even before me, when he could not restrain his tears, had
risen up. 154. But Apollodorus, even before this, had not ceased weeping;
and then, bursting into an agony of grief, weeping and lamenting, he
pierced the heart of every one present, except Socrates himself. But he said,
"What are you doing, my admirable friends? I, indeed, for this reason
chiefly, sent away the women, that they might not commit any folly of this
kind. For I have heard that it is right to die with good omens. Be quiet,
therefore, and bear up."
When we heard this, we were ashamed, and restrained our tears. But he,
having walked about, when he said that his legs were growing heavy, lay
down on his back; for the man had so directed him. And, at the same time,
he who gave the poison taking hold of him, after a short interval, examined
his feet and legs; and then, having pressed his foot hard, he asked if he felt
it: he said that he did not. And after this he pressed his thighs; and, thus
going higher, he showed us that he was growing cold and stiff. Then
Socrates touched himself, and said that when the poison reached his heart
he should then depart. 155. But now the parts around the lower belly were
almost cold; when, uncovering himself, for he had been covered over, he
said (and they were his last words), "Crito, we owe a cock to Aesculapius;
pay it, therefore; and do not neglect it."
"It shall be done," said Crito; "but consider whether you have any thing else
to say."
To this question he gave no reply; but, shortly after, he gave a convulsive

movement, and the man covered him, and his eyes were fixed; and Crito,
perceiving it, closed his mouth and eyes.
This, Echecrates, was the end of our friend,--a man, as we may say, the best
of all of his time that we have known, and, moreover, the most wise and
just.
FOOTNOTES
[25] Phlius, to which Echecrates belonged, was a town of Sicyonia, in

Peloponnesus.
[26] A Pythagorean of Crotona.
[27] Namely, "that it is better to die than to live."
[28] Hitto, Boetian for hioto.
[29] Of Pythagoras.
[30] Some boyish spirit.
[31] That is, at a time of life when the body is in full vigor.
[32] In the original there is a play on the words Haides and haeides, which I
can only attempt to retain by departing from the usual rendering of the
former word.
[33] By this I understand him to mean that the soul alone can perceive the
truth, but the senses, as they are different, receive and convey different
impressions of the same thing; thus, the eye receives one impression of an
object, the ear a totally different one.
[34] kai ahythis eteros kai eteros, that is, "with one argument after another"
Though Cousin translates it et successivement tout different de luimeme and
Ast, et rursus alia atque alia, which may be taken in either sense, yet it
appears to me to mean that, when a man repeatedly discovers the fallacy of
arguments which he before believed to be true, he distrusts reasoning
altogether, just as one who meets with friend after friend who proves
unfaithful becomes a misanthrope.
[35] Lib. xx, v. 7.
[36] Harmony was the wife of Cadmus, the founder of Thebes; Socrates,
therefore, compares his two Theban friends, Simmias and Cebes, with
them, and says that, having overcome Simmias, the advocate of Harmony,
he must now deal with Cebes, who is represented by Cadmus.
[37] einai ti, literally, "is something."
[38] That is, to single.
[39] Sec. 113.
[40] It is difficult to express the distinction between osia and nomima. The
former word seems to have reference to the souls of the dead; the latter, to
their bodies.
[41] Its place of interment.
[42] A proverb meaning "a matter of great difficulty."
[43] "Iliad," lib. viii., v. 14.
[44] A metallic substance of a deep-blue color, frequently mentioned by the

earliest Grecian writers, but of which the nature is unknown.
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Title: Apology, Crito, and Phaedo of Socrates

Release Date: October 12, 2004 [EBook #13726]

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*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK APOLOGY,

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APOLOGY, CRITO AND PHÆDO OF SOCRATES.

HENRY CARY, M.A., Worcester College, Oxford

EDWARD BROOKS, JR.

THE APOLOGY OF SOCRATES

INTRODUCTION TO THE CRITO

CRITO; OR, THE DUTY OF A CITIZEN

INTRODUCTION TO THE PHÆDO

PHÆDO; OR, THE IMMORTALITY OF THE SOUL

Of all writers of speculative philosophy, both ancient and modern, there is

His defence, however, avails him nothing, and he is condemned by the

In "The Crito" Socrates is represented in conversation with a friend of his

THE APOLOGY OF SOCRATES.

2. First, then, O Athenians! I am right in defending myself against the first

but it is altogether necessary to fight, as it were with a shadow, in making

Well. I must make my defense, then, O Athenians! and endeavor in this so

wisdom. For in this, in truth, I appear to be wise. They probably, whom I

6. Consider, then, why I mention these things: it is because I am going to

8. At last, therefore, I went to the artisans. For I was conscious to myself

9. From this investigation, then, O Athenians! many enmities have arisen

Mel. The laws.

Mel. These, Socrates, the judges.

Socr. Whether all, or some of them, and others not?

Mel. They, too, can.

Socr. And what of the senators?

Mel. The senators, also.

Mel. They too.

Mel. I do assert this very thing.

13. Tell us further, Melitus, in the name of Jupiter, whether is it better to

Mel. No, surely.

Mel. Designedly, I say.

Mel. Certainly I do say so.

Mel. No, by Jupiter, none whatever.

15. Consider with me now, Athenians, in what respect he appears to me to

Mel. There is not.

16. That I am not guilty, then, O Athenians! according to the indictment of

18. Murmur not, O Athenians! but continue to attend to my request, not to

24. But, reputation apart, O Athenians! it does not appear to me to be right

25. That I should not be grieved, O Athenians! at what has

greatest benefit on each of you privately, as I affirm, I thereupon applied

27. Perhaps, however, in speaking to you thus, I appear to you to speak in

Athenians! if I were so devoid of reason as not to be able to reflect that you,

33. You, therefore, O my judges! ought to entertain good hopes with

[2] "Iliad," lib. xviii. ver. 94, etc.

[3] See the "Crito," sec. 5.

INTRODUCTION TO THE CRITO.

CRITO; OR, THE DUTY OF A CITIZEN.

Socr. About what time?

Cri. Scarce day-break.

Cri. He is familiar with me, Socrates, from my having frequently come

Socr. Have you just now come, or some time since?

Cri. A considerable time since.

Socr. However, Crito, it would be disconsonant for a man at my time of life