Insight

Feb - Mar 2009 INSIGHT-YOUNG VOICES 1
Editor EXPERIENCE INTROSPECTION EXPRESSION
insight YOUNG
Anoop Kumar
Editorial Collective
Ranjit T, Sandali, G. Novahu,
Philip Peacock, Ratnesh Kumar,
Dr Ajita Rao, Cynthia Stephen
VOICES
Content Advisors FEB-MAR, 2009 VOL. II NO. 1
Rajesh Katulkar, Havovi Wadia,
Arun Kumar, Braj Ranjan Mani
Foreign Head
Inside Insight
Venkat Morjou Cover Story
Business Head On Suicides, Caste and Higher Education K. P. Girija 916
Kishore Chandra
Research
S Venkatesan Voices
Inside Out: On the Scholastic
Students Section Regimes of Our Time Azad 4
Aditi Ranjan
Gyanendra Kumar Experiences
Gaurav Himkar Past, Present and Future Rashmi Ekka 5
Foreign Correspondents Our Icon
Saurav Arya Savitribai Phule Ratnesh Kumar 7
Rashmi Ekka Chengara Land Struggle
Insight Representatives Death of a Dream K. K. Koch 18
Lucknow Yogesh Kumar Struggle for a New Kerala Sunny M. Kapikkad 20
Patna Satyendra Kumar Caste Discrimination in IIT Delhi
Dhanbad Subhash Arya IITs: Doing Manu Proud Anoop Kumar 23
Indore Sevanti
Hyderabad Parthasarathi M.
Interviews
Mysore Ashokan Nambiar
With Prof. Anjan Ghosh
Pune Diksha Neel Centre for Studies in Social Sciences, Kolkata Sandali 3133
Kozhikode Arun A.
With Suresh Kumar Digumarthi
Ahmedabad Taranga Sriraman University of Hyderabad Anoop Kumar 3940
Bhubneshwar Nizni Hans
Bangalore Vijay Kumar
Chennai Sherin Remembering Marichjhapi Massacre, 1979 34
Legal Advisor Arun Vidyarthi Bihar School Text Books
Cover Design & Illustrations Politics of Syllabus Arun Kumar 35
Rajesh Kumar Manual Scavenging and the Legal Discourse
Magazine Design Through the Lens of Pollution Saptarshi Mandal 41
Rajesh Khurana
Office : G1436, Lower Ground Floor,

Reports
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Email : foundation.insight@gmail.com The Caste Ailment Strikes the Calcutta Medical College Hostel 47
Mob. : 0-9313432410, 011-40548382 Celebrating the Birth Anniversary of M C Rajah 48
Website : www.insightyoungvoices.org
Celebrating Dalit History Month: Searching for the Past 49
Printed & Published by : Ranjith T.
on behalf of Insight Foundation
Dalit Leader Files Case Against IIT Madras 51
Editor : Anoop Kumar Courts Verdict on Khairlanji: No Casteism, No Molestation,
No Rapes; Only Killings 52
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10781, Panchsheel Garden, Naveen ISMU, Dhanbad: Jamadars: 2 out of 2,
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2 INSIGHT-YOUNGVOICES Feb - Mar 2009

Editorial
T he year 2008 has been the year of crisis for the country. Right from the unprecedented violence against Christians,
Bihar floods and terror attacks, the country was ravaged both by human-made and natural disasters, losing scores
of lives and suffering huge damage to properties. There were terror attacks in almost all the major cities of the country
and then there was the Mumbai attack that kept the 'whole' country at stand still for almost three days. All these incidents
exposed, in clear terms, the Indian state's insensitivity, inefficiency, and mismanagement during emergency situations. It
also exposed the preferences of Indian elites in qualifying the nature of such incidents. The terror attacks, especially
Mumbai attacks becomes their obsession but not brutal killings and attack on Christians or flood devastation affecting
millions.
However, the New Year brought some good news. Many of our readers might be aware of the case of rustication of
Dalit students from IIT Delhi citing low academic performance as the reason. In the second week of this month, all the
rusticated students were readmitted in IIT Delhi after the court orders. This is one remarkable victory of Dalit students
against one of the most powerful and 'sacred' institutions of the country. Despite suffering for more than six months and
working with very limited resources, the Dalit students were able to hold their grounds and became instrumental in
raising some very important questions regarding the fate of Dalit students in the premier institutions. Recognizing their
struggle and achievement, Insight Editorial Collective is proud to dedicate this issue to all those IIT Dalit students who
chose not to succumb to stereotyping.
Carrying forward the spirit, the cover story of our issue is on the structural tensions faced by Dalit students in Higher
Education- the system that allows the entry of Dalits but takes away all the opportunities to be treated as equal. It is very
unfortunate that to understand this phenomenon, we are forced to map the trajectories of three Dalit students' suicides.
At the risk of being called sensationalist in reading these suicides, we are making some honest efforts to provide a much
more conducive environment in higher education spaces for future Dalit students.
In this issue, we have also covered two stories that reflect on the state's response to demands made by Dalits -
Chengara in Kerala and Marichjhapi in West Bengal. In both the cases, the responses have been swift and clear - the
Dalits of this country are second-class citizens and dispensable. They can live on government doles of welfare measures
but cannot apply their agency and demand decent living. The non-Dalits of Kerala could grab land and later get it
legalized but Dalits of Kerala have no business of demanding a few acres of agricultural land for their living. Similarly, the
West Bengal government would reach out to 'upper' caste refugees but would massacre Dalit refugees asking for the
same treatment. Incidentally, both these responses came from states governed by a communist party that claims to work
for the 'people' and believes that caste is only a superstructure. This is not to say that the earlier governments led by the
Congress (I) were not guilty. In fact, the communists in both the states were taking forward the anti-Dalit policies of the
Congress (I). From both these cases, atleast two things emerge - the state's response differs with the caste of the people
involved - the response being much more brutal in the case of Dalits, with the whole state machinery pitched against
them. On the other hand, the response of the civil society and the media, which maintain complete silence on the state
violence but connive to propagate the justification of the response of the state to the demands made by the Dalits.
The year 2008 was also witness to an event that might have large impact worldwide, in the near future, discounting all
the media hype surrounding that event. One Mr. Barack Hussein Obama got elected to the office of the President of USA
and created enormous curiosity and interest, being the first black to become so. From right before his nomination as
Democratic Party's presidential candidate, till his victory in the elections, the Indian media reported diligently about him
and the US presidential elections. In tune with the strong tendencies of a wannabe superpower, prevalent among certain
sections of the Indian population, parallels were drawn instantly and the search started- who can be India's Obama?!
However, the choices before them were limited to Rahul Gandhi to Narendra Modi, depending on the individual's
ideological leanings. 'Youth' and 'Development' became the sole criterion, as if these were the two qualities that aroused
so much interest in Barack Obama, conveniently forgetting that it was his black skin that was behind this phenomenon.
There were some feeble attempts of reading Obama's victory in the Indian context of the issue of caste. Here, the
dominant tone was that of Obama's effort to distancing himself from his black identity in order to bridge the gap between
the whites and the blacks in America. For us, the message was clear, "In order to join the mainstream, don't raise
uncomfortable questions regarding your identity." Therefore, it was not surprising that the Indian media, while covering
Obama's march, forgot to tell us about the African-Americans' struggle for equal opportunity, about the civil rights
movement, about Rosa Park and Martin Luther King. They want to make us believe that Obama occurred in a vacuum.
In this entire hullabaloo, the important question to ponder over for the Dalits in India is, whether we desire for an Indian
version of Obama at present or we need more and more Rosa Parks and Martin Luther Kings. One popular SMS that went
around after Obama's victory might hold some clue -
"Rosa sat so Martin could walk; Martin walked so Obama could run, Obama ran so your children can fly!"
Voices
Inside Out
On the Scholastic Regimes of Our Time
Translation from Malayalam by Jenny, Smrti

by Azad
We never made any big And thus Even as we were pushed out,
revolutions, many more proposals of exclusion They were promoting each other
Just a few mutterings. complete with the necessary to the power belts
Still they were so afraid of us. words: of the academic market.
We did not even know any survival Caste And we were wearing out.
strategies. Religion Many of us lost strength.
Still they were so afraid of us. Marginalization Looking for other jobs,
We, who did not even bother to get Our colours were different we left!
organized!
but they sniffed out our castes. Those who remained
Who, we?
They tagged it with never came to know about
We who were not looking to come
a nice-sounding political Seminars, workshops and book
together.
statement releases.
Shadows scattered here and there.
called inclusive practices. It dawned on us only then
They knew it so well.
They owned the whole world. who we were!
And still they were frightened!
Every corner was theirs - Still we never conducted any
As insecurity took root, serious debates
Printing press, publishing houses
they kept conglomerating. among ourselves
papers, tv channels, journals.
Now they are busy scripting about our exclusions.
Yet our feeble voices
new strategies of exclusion. We never prepared common
and vague shadows
And to show us that these were not agendas.
frightened them.
against us Wordless
They watched in fear
they included some of us we remained -
every move we make.
in their schemes. Unknown islands!
When resistance thickened, When pain throttled us
Yet we kept falling
when questions razed their public we went in search of those
from the margins of orkut scraps,
skies,
from the frames of mobile pics. with the odour and colour of our
when voices were raised, caste.
And all the while they carefully hid their fears.
they were so careful And casually told the world And
to keep our glasses filled! that we were just paranoid. as if nothing ever happened,
May be they feel very insecure. It was so easy for them, without showing the slightest
emotion,
When they were drunk and they were so convincing!
Thus our words were reduced to they kept on organizing
We saw them, chanting loudly-
nothing. Workshops, Problematizing the
Post structuralism Issues of Exclusion!
Shallow. Superficial. Irrational.
Representation As if
Along with crushed paper cups,
Embodied subject they were doing it for us.
Our unscholarly questions
Spivak Just for us.
were thrown into the seminar-
Lacan room rubbish-bins. Doing our last rites
Azad (typicalmalabari@yahoo.com) is an independent researcher based in Mumbai.

Experiences
Past, Present and Future

I never told anybody who I really was. By
the time I turned 15, nobody asked,
because everyone knew. But they often
'forgot'.
by Rashmi Ekka
W
hat religion do you follow?" asked the curious
twelve years old. "I'm a Christian" I answered,
"A Roman Catholic." She became bolder, "Are you
a Goan or an Anglo-Indian?" "Damn!" I thought. All my life
I've had to answer this question.
Any moment now and she might get to know the truth.
"No, I'm not an Anglo-Indian or a Goan," I said stiffly, "I'm just
a normal Christian."
A stray thought entered my mind and worried me slightly.
"How long will you keep hiding the truth? Or are you hiding
from the truth?" I quickly dismissed it. My secret was still safe.
I breathed a sigh of relief. Though it was not a very big secret.
Many people knew it.
Once in a while someone who didn't know would discover
the truth. I have seen the faces change. I have noticed the
warmth in their behavior disappear. So I never told anybody
who I really was. By the time I turned 15, nobody asked, because
everyone knew. But they often forgot.
In front of me, people would say, "Oh Pramila flunked 5
papers this term, she's really dumb." Another voice would
explain, "She's an Adivasi." And that word said it all. I would
feel like speaking up for Pramila but never did. I walked away.
My secret was that I am an Adivasi too.
I grew up with people who believed that Adivasis or
Tribals were slow, secondary and stupid so much so that I
believed them, too. After all, there was no one to challenge that
fact! At home I was told time and again, "Rashmi, you are an
Adivasi. You will never have the brains or the cunning ways of
the others. People will always easily pull you down."
Very kindly but firmly,
At school, I saw almost all, among the very few Adivasi I told her, Im a Tribal
students, falling behind in studies. Ma often used to say,
"Tribals always fail. You don't fail my child!" and here at my home
Irritated with all this, I often thought of myself as a non- you wont be denied
Adivasi and went on to do everything that an Adivasi could
supposedly not do. I excelled inside the classroom and outside. food because you are
I sang, acted in plays, spoke at important occasions and
represented my school in many events. But I had yet to come a Tribal!
to terms with myself. wants to be that one Adivasi, because of who no one
Living in the city, I hardly ever got the chance to would look down on Adivasis again.
interact much with my own people. With my own people, I learnt a lot from the letters. And I was proud, proud
I would be an outsider because I was not like them. But of my forefathers, my people, for the first time. Don't get
back with my school friends, I was and remained an Adivasi. me wrong. I have always loved my people and our
In the spring of 2002, when I was cleaning out papa's beautiful culture. We are the only people who welcome
cupboard, I came across a bundle of letters written by our guests by washing their feet. I loved my land, too. The
daduji to papa when he was at college. Grandpa had written gray hills, the vast stretches of barren paddy fields, the
about the family history of his previous three generations. boiled rice drying in the sun on the road, the Sal trees, the
He had written about how his grandfather had been red tiled roofs precariously balanced on the mud walls. I
poisoned to death because he converted to Christianity loved them all. I loved dancing to the haunting beat of the
and how his mother had lost six of her eleven children in Nagara and the Mandar wearing the traditional white and
infancy. red sari, singing our Oraon songs and celebrating Sarhul.
I was crying though these incidents had taken place But before reading the letter, I had never been proud
years ago. I began to get to know my forefathers intimately. of them.
I realized that I had inherited their will power, their spirit of That summer, my friends had come over to work on
good will and their willingness to work hard. a school project. A few of my friends went into the kitchen
The writer of these letters, my grandpa, died 10 years to get some snacks. One of the non-tribals, Deepika who
back, but his letters still worked their charm. He had once still hadn't got any food said, "Hey! Pass the chips; I am
again reached out to another lost child. That child had not an untouchable tribal." Very kindly but firmly, I told
finally found somebody who could be her role model. And her, "I'm a Tribal and here at my home you won't be denied
like her role model she wants to make a difference. She food because you are a Tribal!"
Rashmi (rashmiekka@gmail.com) has a Bachelor of Arts in Economics and is working for the social empowerment
and economic upliftment of her people.
Themes for next two Issues

Issue Vol II. No. 2 (April-May) - Dalit Movement: Patterns of mobilization.
Since the last 25 years, a strong wave of Dalit consciousness can be felt across the country and has given
birth to numerous Dalit organizations working in different spheres of public life. There are Buddhist organiza-
tions, cultural groups, NGOs, employee associations, political parties and even NRI Dalit associations. All
such organizations reflect a strong aspiration of the community to get organized and fight against caste
discrimination. In the next issue, we aim to explore various patterns that have emerged within the Dalit
movement in context of mobilizing the community through different forms of organizations.
Issue Vol II. No. 3 (June-July) - Caste, Curriculum and Pedagogy
If education has been regarded as means of empowerment for community and of self-actualization for the
individuals, it has also been understood as a site for indoctrination. In this issue of Insight, we aim to explore
the issue of curriculum and pedagogy in our educational system both school and higher education. We
want to understand how our textbooks and ways of teaching deal with the issue of caste. Firstly, do the
content of textbooks images and the written texts reflect the diversity of experiences or particular sym-
bols and experiences are shown as representing All? Secondly, how our textbooks and teachers talk about
caste in the classrooms?
Insight Editorial Collective extends its heartfelt gratitude to Change in Address
the following individuals (fellow Indians from USA) for their Contributors and Subscribers
financial contributions in support of our magazine: kindly note that we have shifted
Anil Kumar Eravatri Rs 22,000 to new place. Our new address is
Soujanya Dongari & Kumaraswamy Mudide Rs 6500 Insight Young Voices
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Our Icon
Savitribai Phule
Awake, Arise and Educate;

Smash Traditions, Liberate
by Ratnesh Kumar
S
avitribai Phule (1831-97) was victimization of widows. She wearing an old sari to school, and
wife and companion of advocated and encouraged widow carried an extra sari to change into
Mahatma Jotiba Phule with remarriage. She canvassed against after she reached the school. Finally,
whom she struggled and suffered in infanticide of 'illegitimate' children. the pressure on her was eased when
an equal measure but remains She went on to organize a successful she slapped one of her tormentors
obscure in Indian history due to the barber's strike against the prevailing on the street.
castiest and sexist negligence. practice of shaving of widows' heads.
Once the opponents of female
It is indeed a measure of the She did all this taking grave personal
education realized that the Phule
ruthlessness of the elite-controlled risks.
couple would not easily give in, they
knowledge-production that India's Many of these misogynistic steeped up their opposition. Intense
first woman teacher, a radical practices have now receded in the pressure was brought by the
exponent of mass and female background. But in her time, they brahmans on Phule's father,
education, a champion of women's tormented and destroyed countless Govindrao, to convince him that his
liberation, a pioneer in engaged women. Savitribai's struggle son was on the wrong track, that what
poetry, a courageous mass leader encouraged and inspired a whole he was doing was against the
who undertook on the forces of caste generation of outstanding Dharma.
and patriarchy is largely a unknown campaigners for gender justice in
Finally, things came to head
figure outside the Dalit movement. Maharashtra - Dr. Anandi Bai Gopal
when Phule's father told him to leave
Savitribai's role in the anti-caste Joshi, Pandita Ramabai, Tarabai
home in 1849. Savitribai was only 18
and women's struggle is unique. She Shinde, Ramabai Ranade, and many
and Jotirao was 22 years old when
emerges as the only woman leader other have been inspired by her
Joti's father turned them out of their
among all social movements in efforts.
own home.
nineteenth century India who linked Savitri was still a teenager
Just imagine two young people
patriarchy with caste. when she got involved in the
in love, taking on the home and world
She opened her own well for educational activities with her
not for their romance but for
the untouchables. She started a husband, playing an equally
liberating the shackled and the
women's association, worked for important role in founding and
crushed- with a majestic belief that
raising women's consciousness running schools for women and
every woman, every child and every
about their human rights and other Dalits, despite the opposition from
man has a right, a divine right, a
social issues. Being a woman, she the orthodoxy.
natural right, to get educated and to
easily recognized the double On her way to school to teach remake their life. What is more
downtroddenness of most of the girls, often, stones, mud and dirt were remarkable, they kept alive this
women as she saw the gender flung at her by those, both men and revolutionary spirit throughout their
question in relation to caste and women, with orthodox beliefs who lives, setting a benchmark in social
brahmanical patriarchy. opposed education for women. and political engagement that has few
She campaigned against She braved this onslaught by parallels anywhere.

Savitribai Phule was a top Poems by Savitribai Phule
leader of the Satyashodhak Samaj. Translation from Marathi: Sunil Sardar, Victor Paul
She headed the women's wing of the
Samaj and after the death of Mahatma
Phule she assumed the leadership of Mother English
the Samaj on the request of many
Satyashodhaks who reposed their Rule of Peshwa is gone Mother's footfall.
faith in her for her integrity,
Mother English has come. Brahman's rule is now in
commitment and long involvement in
social activism. Forlorn and dark our ashes
She led the Samaj from the front hopelessness Under the English whips and
during the famine and plague epidemic Ominous fears of heaven and lashes.
of 1896-97. She died on March 10 abyss. It is all for the good of the
1897, while she was nursing a plague-
In such a dismal time of ours poor
affected child. She got infected while
serving the affected people. In her life Manu's dead at English
Come Mother English, this is
and her death, she embodied the Mother's door.
your hour.
noble and the sublime. Not Knowledge is poor man's
grandiloquent words and great ideals Throw off the yoke of refuge and shade
in abstract, but her day-to-day public redundant belief
It's akin to comfort mother-
life, her suffering with the suffering Break open the door, walk out made.
people makes her majestic. in relief.
Few people know that
In English rule we've found
Learn to read and write, O my our joy
Savitribai Phule was a trailblazing dear one
poet of modern Marathi and an Bad days gone, Mother
intensely committed writer. Her Opportune times! Mother English abhoy!
writings give the impression of an English has come.
English is the inheritance of
ignited mind that wanted to kindle a Manu's ways are evil and none
similar spirit in other people's lives. mean
She edited for publication, four of Persian, Brahman, Yemeni or
Jotiba's speeches on Indian History. Poor and depressed we have Hun.
A few of her own speeches were all been.
We have true Indian blood in
published in 1892. Savitribai's They've cheated, befooled, our veins
correspondence is also remarkable looted us all Cry out aloud! And shout!
because they give us an insight into
her life and into women's experiences They've gone with English Mother English is OUT!
of the time.
In her essay Karz (Debt), she Go, Get Education
condemned the idea of celebrating
festivals by borrowing money and
Be self-reliant, be industrious End misery of the oppressed
thus being burdened by heavy debts.
Work-gather wisdom and and forsaken.
She also wrote on addiction,
explaining how it ruined the lives of riches.
the addicted and their families- All gets lost without You've got a golden chance to
themes that are still relevant in the knowledge learn
21st centuries We become animals without So learn and break the chains
wisdom. of caste.
Ratnesh (ratnesh.katulkar@gmail.com) Sit idle no more, go, get Throw away the brahman's
is pursuing PhD from Babasaheb education scriptures fast.
Ambedkar National Institute of
Social Studies, Mhow, Indore
Reference: Braj Ranjan Mani & Pamela Sardar (ed)A Forgotten
Liberator: The Life and Struggle of Savitribai Phule , 2008

Cover Story
On Suicides, Caste and Higher

Education
No suicide can perhaps be seen only as a result of personal frustrations,least of all, Dalit student suicides.
These personal frustrations have visible connections with the context around them. They are political,
cultural and social and therefore need special attention. Hence it becomes important for all concerned to
analyze whether these suicides were intrinsically connected to the power structure of the higher educational
institutions and the entry of Dalits into it.
by K. P. Girija
R
ejani S. Anand, a Malayalee No suicide can perhaps be seen to the power structure of the higher
student of Institute of Human only as a result of personal educational institutions and the entry
Resource Development frustrations, least of all, Dalit of Dalits into it.
(IHRD) Engineering College at Adoor suicides. These personal frustrations
in south Kerala committed suicide on have visible connections with the Death: The Only
22nd July 2004. context around them. They are Legitimate Protest
Senthil Kumar, a Tamil student political, cultural and social and
Death seems to be the only legitimate
hailing from an interior region in the therefore need special attention.
form of protest for the Dalit students
state, admitted for PhD in the School Hence it becomes important for all
to highlight their discrimination as
of Physics, University of Hyderabad, concerned to analyze whether these
well as their right for equal share in
took his life on 24th February 2008. suicides were intrinsically connected
the higher educational sphere. The
Ajay Sree Chandra, a Telugu boy and 'Dalitness' of these students, in the
an Integrated-PhD scholar at the modern spaces, is yet to acquire a
Indian Institute of Science (IISc), language to articulate the pain and
Bangalore, committed suicide the year the recurrent acts of injustice meted
before, on 27th August 2007. to them. All the three suicides can be
If one were to look for read as statements of protest against
similarities that bind these three the insensitivity of various
disparate incidents, we find that all institutions and discrimination being
were doing courses in Sciences and practiced there. Still, there had been
admitted to prestigious institutions. a tendency to depict these deaths as
They all were also in the peak of their acts of desperation (of course,
youth. Rejani and Ajay were both just personal) of the students and their
21 years olds at the time of their death. inability to cope with advanced
Senthil was 27. Their youth might studies, especially in the Sciences.
have been mixed with hope and an One can see the clear-cut trajectories
equal measure of uncertainty about of these students' lives, which lead
their future. to personal desperations and
However, the most striking suicides. Could we assess all these
feature, that binds all these deaths, as something that happened without
would be the caste of the deceased. any intervention from the world they
All the three students were Dalits. were situated in?

From Hope to Death
Rejani. S. Anand, Age 21, Engineering Student

IHRDE College, Adoor, Kerala
Rejani. S. Anand was a student of Institute of Human Resource

Development Engineering (IHRDE) College at Adoor in south Kerala . She
got admission on 6.11.2002 in the government quota seat under merit. The
Scheduled Caste (SC) Department had remitted her fee. On 22nd July 2004,
she committed suicide by jumping from the seventh floor of the Office of
the Entrance Commissioner (Medical and Engineering courses) at
Trivandrum. The sequence of events that could show the immediate
trajectory that led her to take her own life is as follows -
Since her college had no hostel facilities, Rejani was
staying in a nearby N.S.S (Nair Service Society) hostel. Her gender and caste together played
The government had been paying an amount of Rs 315 as an important role towards the denial
a monthly stipend to the SC students that was not of the bank loan
sufficient for Rejani to meet her hostel fee of RS 1000
apart from transportation charges, cost of books etc. Her father was a daily wages labourer and was unable to
support her education. Rejani and her parents tried to get a Bank loan to meet her essential financial requirements.
She first went to Indian Oversees Bank (Puzhanadu branch) for the educational loan. The bank manager was
reluctant even to give the application form. Then Rejani and her mother went to the local M.L.A. Thampanur
Ravi and asked him to intervene. Then only the application form was given to her. When she presented the
application for loan in the bank, she was told to come after two weeks.
Later, Rejani together with her mother went to the bank for more than 20 times to enquire about the status of her
educational loan application. Finally, she was told that she was not eligible for an educational loan. Her family
had no property other than their 2.5 cent land and a hut, and that was not valuable enough for the bank to
sanction an educational loan.
It seems that her gender and caste together played an important role towards this denial of the bank. In Kerala,
a woman going to a bank without her father, brother or husband would be treated with scant attention. Rejani
could not afford to take her father along for the necessary respectability. Her father was a labourer and his
daily wages were essential for the family. She had applied for an educational loan, which does not require
surety legally. According to the Reserve Bank of India's circular on the educational loans - any merit candidate
could avail herself a loan of up to Rs 4 lakhs for one course without furnishing security and without accruing
interest on the loan until she gets employment.
Here the non-secured 'future' of a Dalit woman might be an obstacle for the bank manager to sanction loan. As
a woman, there was no guarantee that Rejani would complete the course; she might have dropped her study if
she would get married. As a Dalit girl, there was no guarantee to get a good job even after the completion of the
course. These points might be bothering the non-Dalit manager and in that case, how can a bank grant the
educational loan?
Afterwards, Rejani went to the State Bank of Travancore but here also she was denied the loan. Then her
parents approached Thampanur Ravi (the local MLA) for financial assistance. Though he immediately made
the promise but never bothered to fulfill it. They went to the Block Panchayat for assistance but were told that
it had no such financial assistance programme and funds. They went to Pazhavangadi Scheduled Caste office
but were returned empty handed.
She could not go to her college for more than two months as her hostel authorities were threatening her to
deposit the hostel fees. The last straw seems to be the apparent denial of Transfer Certificate (T.C) from Adoor
Engineering College due to the non-payment of the fees. Rejani had got a chance to join Mary Matha College,
which had promised her free education and lodging. When she approached her college for a T.C, they sent her
off to pay the dues. She was sent to the Entrance (Engineering and Medical courses) commissioner's office. It
is here that she committed suicide by jumping out from the seventh floor of that building.

Photo Courtesy The Hindu
Cover Story
When alive, not one of them
could politicize their experiences of
discrimination and raise it at a macro-
level. Yet, all of them would have
experienced caste in its micro
formations. The fact that Rejani's
primary confidant with whom she
shared her humiliations seems to be
a woman friend who happens to be a
Dalit is crucial. In his diary Ajay writes
about "superiority/inferiority" gazes,
which unsettle him in his laboratory,
clearly suggesting caste humiliations.
Senthil was part of Ambedkar
Students' Association, a Dalit
students' political forum in the End of Hope: Senthils Parents at their House
University of Hyderabad and might fee dues, are not sufficient enough loan worthy.
not have been a stranger to the caste to unwrap the caste discrimination. Due to her Dalit womanhood,
debates and its theoretical The continuous journey to one the student life of Rejani seems to
formulations. particular bank more than twenty have become an endless knocking at
Yet, none of them could raise times for getting an educational loan various doors for financial support.
the issue at a collective level. The to which she was officially entitled The last straw seems to be the
structure, which accommodated them by Reserve Bank of India order - apparent denial of Transfer Certificate
within it, did it only as a neither is this enough to prove the (T.C) from Adoor Engineering
compensatory allowance. While it denial of a loan to a Dalit student. College. Rejani had got a chance to
provided representation, it definitely [From the statements of K. join Mary Matha College, which had
promised her free education and
When alive, not one of them could politicize their lodging. When she approached her
experiences of discrimination and raise it at a macro-level college for a T.C, they sent her off
to pay the dues.
Santhakumari, Mother of Rejani, She was sent to the Entrance

did not provide dignified
given before Justice Khalid (Engineering and Medical courses)
representation and no space to ask
Commission on 14.05.2005] examiner's office. It is here that she
for it, either. Thus, while alive, none
committed suicide by jumping out
of them could raise the issue of caste Yet, we know that the Bank from the seventh floor of that
and discrimination in a way it would would have denied her loan precisely building. Through the dramatic
be heard. It is tragic that only death because of her status as both Dalit choosing of the place of her death,
could bring out the discrimination and woman though it was not hinted i.e. the Entrance examiner's office, the
towards the 'Dalitness' of a student anywhere except in the tedious act was charged with layers of
in all three cases. procedural approach. As a woman, symbolic meanings.
the Bank would not be convinced
Dalitness in Modern that she would take up a career. They She, a Dalit, had gained her
Spaces might not have been confident of her entry into the system by that
completing her course at all. Also, impossible feat of passing the exam
How did these students experience without attending formal coaching
her coming to the Bank alone or
their Dalitness? A short examination classes. Yet, that entry functioned as
sometimes accompanied only by
of the immediate incidents just before 'provisional' for her. In fact, with her
another woman, her mother, might
their deaths is all that we have. (In death, we realize what Rejani would
have destroyed her image as a
Ajays case we hardly have that also). have constantly heard from the
respectable woman. As a Dalit, they
The often threatening phone would not have read her as system that apparently gave her
calls received at Rejani's neighbor's meritorious enough to gain entry: "No Entry for Trespassers."
house by her or her parents from the employment even after the When Rejani was alive, neither
N.S.S. hostel, to whom she owed her completion of the course and therefore she nor the students union or caste

The Culprit behind Senthil's Suicide
Senthil Kumar, Age 27, PhD Student

University of Hyderabad
In 2007, Senthil Kumar came all the way to University of Hyderabad,
from a village of Salem district in Tamilnadu. He was admitted for his
PhD in the School of Physics. He belonged to the panniandi caste,
which is traditionally involved in pig rearing and is at the bottom of the
caste-hierarchy. Both his parents are illiterate and are devoid of regular
income. He was the only person in his family as well as in his caste to
register for PhD. After completing his M.Phil from the Pondicherry
University, he had to discontinue his studies for quite some time due to
financial constraints. Since his graduation days, Senthil had been
supporting his parents through his scholarships.
On 24th February 2008, just after one year of his admission, Senthil
Kumar committed suicide in his hostel room. University authorities
immediately claimed that he had died of cardiac arrest. But the post-
mortem report gave the cause of death as poisoning. Surprisingly, this
report was kept as a secret until the Dalit students started demanding an enquiry and compensation for his
family. After the political intervention from the Tamilnadu M.L.A. Ravikumar, the University of Hyderabad had
appointed an internal fact finding committee under Prof Vinod Pavarala.
From the batch of 2007, Senthil was the only student who has not been assigned a supervisor till his death. In
this batch, initially four students had not been assigned a supervisor. Out of these four students, two eventually
left the programme as dropouts and one got allotted a supervisor. Obviously, all the four students were from the
reserved categories. Does it mean something? Was it an evidence of the inability of the School of Physics to
accommodate the Dalit students in its culture of hierarchy?
Senthil failed in one of the four required courses. He failed the same course in the supplementary exam in
January 2008 also. He had the provision of writing the exam again in March to clear this backlog. The students
with backlogs, stop receiving fellowships as per the University of Hyderabad guidelines.
Hailing from a poor family, the University fellowship was the only source for him to support his family and his
own survival. The University changed the rule of curtailing the fellowship to the students who had to clear the
backlogs, a week before Senthil's death, but did not make it public. Prof Pavarala committee made very clear in
its report that, "All the Physics students that this Committee could meet have reported their sense that the
School was acting against the interests of the SC/ST students."
Still, there is no culprit who led to the suicide of Senthil Kumar!
organizations could bring out any of denied him a supervisor. This inability spirit.
these exasperating processes as valid to politically voice his concern The logic, rationality, and
points of discrimination. There might happens even though he was an the merit that Science claims for
have been protests at a personal level active member of the Ambedkar itself need to be questioned if the
in a minimal way. More than Students' Association. Failure in a entry of a Dalit student creates so
protesting, Rejani had desperately subject in his course work was the many ruffles within the system. The
tried her maximum to obtain a loan in determinant of his merit. Through his structure of the Science discipline
order to cope with the situation, to death, Senthil can be seen to raise was such that Senthil himself, at some
continue her education, her only doubts about the acceptance of Dalit point might have believed that he was
hope for a better future. students into the Science not competent and meritorious at all
As far as Senthil was departments. He evokes questions to survive in the discipline.
concerned, when he was alive, he through his death on the formal The details of Ajay's case are
could not point out the discrimination acceptance of Dalit students in the not known. Yet, his dairy notes and
in the Physics department, which higher academic studies and its true his status as a student who got

Cover Story
twelfth rank in the All India Entrance, obviously biased treatment from all treated as equal with the mainstream
yet admitted to the institute as a corners that she knocked for help. representatives of the system in all
reservation candidate, would have Gender (together with her Dalitness) terms and in all situations. There are
posed problems of the same has played the role here as if her various determinants to decide this
Dalithood for him also. immorality took away her right to equality such as merit, performance,
These Dalit students, or their protest against the caste-biased articulation etc. There is inclusion
existence and day-to-day nature of the educational structure. through representation and exclusion
encountering with their Dalitness Similarly, the University of through different 'assessment' and
(this is not as direct expressions of Hyderabad authorities maintained, differential approaches.
ritual untouchability, but denying even before the post-mortem While the system might claim
access through new meanings of examination, that Senthil died of a credit for the entry of students like
merit, untimely payment of dues, heart attack. The SC/ST employees Rejani, Senthil and Ajay and their
failure in many subjects/course work had to invoke the Right to very presences might be seen as their
etc.) was something that could not Information Act to get the post inclusion into the system, we can see
be translated into a political process mortem report, which stated that their subsequent suicides were
for agitation or bargaining for justice, poisoning as the cause of Senthils also a result of the conditions/
when they were alive. Paradoxically, death. Ajay's father never got to exclusions that this very inclusion
and tragically, the value of their death know why his son committed suicide, threw up.
is much more than the value of their when he went to Bangalore to collect
life to raise the various nuances of his body. He had to wait for a whole
Science and the Notion of
institutionalized casteism. As if death month to know the details of the tense Merit
is the only elucidation to legitimize situation faced by his son, in the lab If we measure merit in terms of marks
the worth of their life! in IISc, till the IISc SC/ST employees obtained, all the three students got
union took up the issue as one of very good marks up to their
Refusal to Accept the Direct caste discrimination. intermediate courses and began
Meaning of their Deaths losing marks (their brilliance/merit)
Conditional Representation
There were instances to subvert the after joining for the applied science
political reasons behind these
in Modern Spaces courses. Does it mean that these
suicides. For e.g., when Rejani These cases are examples of how students were not capable enough to
committed suicide, there had been a caste functions in a modern space cope with professional courses or
demand to test the virginity of the like the Higher Educational applied science courses? If so, does
girl. Lack of virginity, which pointed institution. The structure seems to it also mean that there is something
to the patriarchal world that she was apparently include Dalits through wrong in the environment and attitude
not quite moral, was accepted as an representational measures like (in essence, the structure) of the
overriding factor for a woman to reservations. By this very act of professional institutions towards
commit suicide. But the fact of caste- representation, the system claims its Dalit students?
based harassment staring right into neutrality to caste. However, this act Rejani had failed in nine out of
everyone's face was not accepted or of inclusion/representation is coded the ten courses in her first semester.
seen as one. Also, it is strange that within certain conditions that are very Senthil too had to clear one paper from
one was not thinking of analytically often invisible and built into the so- his course work, which was
combining these factors - sexuality called inclusive nature of the system. understood as a condition to allot a
and caste. Sexuality, like many other Paradoxically, these conditions result supervisor for him and continue his
categories, can manifest only in the in the exclusion of the Dalit herself. research in the Physics department.
context of other structures like caste. Dalits have the right to enter Ajay had problems to cope in the
Her lack of virginity, as revealed in the system through reservation, a laboratory. His diary shows that he
the test, assumes the primary compensatory discrimination. Yet, was scared of one or more faculty
importance in comparison to the they do not have the right to be members.
Dalits have the right to enter the system through reservation, a compensatory
discrimination. Yet, they do not have the right to be treated as equal with the
mainstream representatives of the system in all terms and in all situations

Photo Courtesy Tehelka
Those eyes, they scare me...
Ajay Sree Chandra, Age 21, Integrated-PhD Student

Indian Institute of Science (IISc), Bangalore
On 26th August 2007, Ajay Sree Chandra committed suicide in his hostel
room. Ajay had a middle class background, as his father is a faculty at the
Government Polytechnic College in Hyderabad. He belonged to the madiga
community and hailed from Malipuram village, Nalgonda district of Andhra
Pradesh. Ajay was a second generation literate from a Dalit family and was
meritorious enough to compete with the normative 'value' of merit. Yet, as
a Dalit he had no choice except to commit suicide!
Ajay was meritorious (in terms of marks secured) enough to get a seat in
IISc in the general quota. He was one of the top twelve in India, to get into
the PhD course in Biological Sciences at IISc, Bangalore. Still he was admitted
in the reserved category. Labels are labels and one could not even
Father of Ajay Sree Chandra
symbolically discard them just because of 'merit'! The diary that Ajay maintained was possibly tampered with at the
time of his death and it is quite probable that this must have happened at the behest of the Institute with the help of
police. The suicide note had disappeared. The only clue of the circumstance that would have led him to commit suicide
is given in his diary where he described the atmosphere of his lab in the following words -
"Those eyes, they scare me, they look with such inferiority/superiority complex @ you. They tell everything (most of
the time). Those eyes scare me those eyes scares me a lot. My legs are paining " According to his friends at IISc,
Ajay was undergoing tremendous mental torture by couple of professors, who were non-cooperative and often
humiliated him on caste lines. But according to the Institute, Ajay committed suicide, because of his personal stress.
When informed by the IISc authorities, Ajay's father came there to receive the body of his son and at that time he did
not had any clue about caste discrimination. Later, after quite some time, when the SC/ST union from the Institute
informed him of the caste discrimination, he was shocked.
As a middle class student, Ajay had all the tools to be a meritorious student, to compete well with the mainstream
upper caste students. But he failed, as merit is not the percentage of marks one secures, it seems to be the mark of caste
In general, these can be read modern individuals who want to our educational institutions are caste
as the inabilities of the students to become scholars or scientists rather neutral. If at all caste is expressed or
cope with the applied science than bringing their other identities - practiced there in any form, it is
department, which needs talent and like that of caste, community or treated as existing only because of
hard work. Yet, it also carries the gender. This rational and logical the insensitivity of certain
hidden meaning of the inability of the frame itself places the subaltern as individuals. In addition, people do not
high skilled department to generate a the 'other' in the science department. believe that there is such a thing as
friendly atmosphere to a group of The attributes of irrationality, illogic institutional casteism. Therefore the
people who are yet to be familiar with and intolerance are not for the cultural democratic space like an
its language, hierarchy and protocol. mainstream students; those are educational institution will hardly be
Science seems to see itself as reserved for the subaltern questioned until some direct caste
privileging logic and would shun communities. atrocities happen in those spaces.
perspective. Rationality is prioritized Modern Secular Institutions Marginalized individuals also
and this is defined as transcending do not experience the hegemonic
embedded in Caste control of the knowledge over them
individual experiences. With this
logic, students are supposed to be There is a preconceived notion that as discrimination and a structural

Cover Story
problem. For them, caste is assimilate some social groups. How reservations. But, this is seen as an
experienced as an attitudinal problem to translate these kinds of approaches 'excessive' presence and hence
- either from department heads, into caste discrimination and 'threatening' presence to the system.
economical institutions or from communicate it to the parents who That is why a bank manager is
authorities who represent the stayed away from the modern reluctant to sanction a loan to a poor
institutions. institutions would be another painful Dalit girl for her higher education
task. It would be difficult for the instead of thinking about the
One could think about the
children to tell the reality to the possibilities to grant it. That is why
environment of this higher education parents very often; whose only hope the University stopped the
as a space where there is a mingling would be these kids. In most cases, scholarship of Senthil Kumar instead
of different kinds of students from the parents/family did not get any hint of formulating a new approach to deal
different castes and classes and of the desperation from the part of the situation. (Even though there is
religions. Irrespective of the caste and their daughter/son. no law of the university which states
religious identity, anonymity to a that scholarship is connected to
Communities could overcome
certain extent is possible in these the humiliations in their togetherness passing or failing in exams).
spaces. Yet, within this anonymity, the in sharing and laughing out, When the structure has been
determinants of caste, religion or negotiating and sometimes destabilized or questioned in a
region could be 'read' through protesting too. Individuals have their minimal way (only) through the death
language, lack of or command over own limitations to take the burden of of the Dalit students, immediately it
English, submissiveness or assertion, these humiliations. These students tries to retain its status quo, often
articulation capacities, regional or tried to negotiate and struggle their using compensatory measures. In
urban nature, mode of dress, best, but after a point they couldn't Senthil's case, the University had
complexion etc. In other words, these bear it anymore. Simultaneously, they granted an amount of Rs five lakhs to
determinants of Dalitness or upper were forced to shoulder the dual Senthil's family. Here, it was the cost
casteness are much more practically identities - that of a modern, educated of a Dalit youth's life and hope which
applied than the details in official individual (as science students, was burnt in a University. Another
records. rational, logical etc) and at the same 'compensation' was the immediate
time, as a merit less Dalit. The allotment of guides to two Dalit
Conflict in Dual Representation contradiction was too much for them students. In Rejani's suicide case, the
Dalit students have to carry the mark to bear. Finally it ends in their State immediately enhanced the
of their community (not in terms of suicides through which they tried to amount of monthly stipend for SC/
question or destabilize the structure ST students from Rs 315 to Rs 1000.
the name of their jati but in terms of
in whatever little way they could These temporary compensations
their Dalitness). They are also modern
through their deaths. or welfare measures would pacify the
individuals in elite higher educational
spaces. In these spaces, they face They had all proved that they troubled situations. It would also help
humiliations at a very personal, were capable and meritorious for various institutions to wash their hands
individual level, yet those very this very educational system till their off from the crime of pushing the
humiliations happen due to their intermediate/degree courses. In that
students to suicides. Through
Dalitness as a community. None of case, would they ever think about
compensation or some welfare
the above mentioned students could turning back and do some menial
labour there after coming through the measures the institution or the State is
communicate their humiliations to admitting its inability to assure
their parents. The parents residing in long 12-15 years of education? In their
aspiration to become modern distributive justice to the subaltern
faraway places were not able to give
educated individuals with better jobs, communities. Through these
emotional support to their children.
To some extent, the parents were not they fitted neither in the higher compensatory measures it is also trying
aware of the intensity of the educational system nor in their to reinstate the status quo by reducing
humiliation of the modern spaces. villages. The long and excruciating tensions though temporarily.
journey from a remote village to an I am ending this article with a
The humiliation for a Dalit urban secular space lead them to a
student comes in the form of lack of poem from an HCU Dalit drop-out,
nowhere place.
performance or rather lack of merit, who has written this in the context of
not paying the dues in time etc. It Inherent Structural Tensions the suicide of Senthil Kumar. The
never comes directly as caste Dalits or tribals have entered the poem speaks much more than what I
discrimination. It never acknowledges system mostly through have tried to peel out from my analysis
itself as the inability of the system to representational measures like of the deaths of the Dalit students

An HCU* Dalit Drop-outs Poem
To Senthil,
I did not know you when you lived.

I seem to know you so well after you have gone.
Did we not walk the same lonely paths?
Paths strewn with little hurtful insults,
some obvious most not-obvious humiliations
designed to erode our self worth,
with the power to shake our confidence in humanity,
in our thinking, in our love for life and our search for
its meaning.
Could we have talked about our shared bewildering
experience,
of hearing a system stealthily tell us that
we are not good enough to seek knowledge?
Today, you have chosen to protest
in a way that only intensifies my pursuits more lonely,
or should I believe that you have instead
opened a channel for the rest of us?
To make public what until now,
is our private pain,
pain delivered to us
by systems meant to deliver knowledge
and uplift mankind
* Hyderabad Central University
From an HCU Drop-out Dalit
K. P. Girija (girijakp@gmail.com) is pursuing PG Diploma Course in Cultural Studies, Centre for the Study
of Culture and Society, Bangalore. This article was part of the Short Term Fellowship Programme (2007-08)
of Anveshi Research Centre for Women's Studies, Hyderabad.

Photo By Ajilal
A glorious chapter in Dalit Movement

Chengara Land Struggle
I
n one of the biggest-ever Dalit uprisings, in the history of post-independent India, more than 20,000
people, demanding land rights for the landless Dalits, Adivasis and other poor, have been fighting
against the combined might of the state, hostile media and the apathetic civil society of otherwise
'enlightened and progressive' Kerala. Since more than 18 months now, 5,000 families, constituting
more than 20,000 people, have been occupying the Harrison Malayalam Pvt Ltd Estate at Chengara in
Pathanamthitta district of South Kerala. They are demanding substantial land reforms, one that includes
Dalits, Adivasis and other landless communities as well. In more concrete terms, they demand 5
acres of cultivable land and Rs. 50,000 to be given to each landless family.
Their struggle, under the banner of Dalit organization Sadhujana Vimochana Samyuktha Vedi (SVSV),
lays bare many bitter truths about the much-touted land reforms in Kerala. By carrying the photos of
Babasaheb Ambedkar and Ayyankali, they are also making some telling statements against the
patronizing attitude of various political groups and their 'monopoly' on people's issues. However, above
all, the Chengara struggle clearly exposes the presence of caste inequalities and discrimination in
Kerala making a big dent on the neo-liberal image of 'God's own country'.
The struggle has been completely non-violent, although repeated attempts have been made at provoking
them into violence by means of physical torture, rapes, starvation and denial of right to proper health
care. Trade Union leaders and goons hired by Harrison Malayalam have imposed an economic blockade
on the Estate land since August 3, 2008, depriving the protestors both food and water. They have even
disallowed entry of outsiders into the Estate land, preventing proper healthcare.
The Left Democratic Front (LDF) government in Kerala led by CPI (M) has yet to acknowledge the
Chengara land struggle and is treating it as law and order situation, not willing to recognize the grass
root, Dalit-led land rights movement. To understand more about the various facets of Chengara
struggle we have included articles by two leading Dalit intellectuals of Kerala - K.K. Koch and Sunny
Kapikkad.

Death of a Dream
by K. K. Koch
K. K. Koch is a well-known literary figure and Dalit activist

from Kerala. This is a translation of his article that appeared
in Mathrubhoomi, a Malayalam weekly (April 6-12, 2008).
Jenson Joseph, a PhD scholar, from University of
Hyderabad, has translated it in English.
V. S. Achutanandan, the Achutanandan overcome the intra- had issued eviction notice to the
Kerala Chief Minister, who came to party bickering before becoming the company. The agitating Dalits, led by
the power with the image of a Kerala CM. During 2006 Assembly SVSV, are demanding the Kerala
saviour, has been making elections, CPI (M) Polit Bureau denied government to confiscate the land,
derogatory remarks against Dalits him the party ticket for contesting now illegally held by Harrison, and
and Adivasis in the Chengara land elections but it was forced to overturn distribute it among the landless.
struggle. The latest being his its decision due to the huge protests
The struggle began by setting
allegation that the people fighting led by the Dalits in favour of
up around 100 plastic huts by the
for their land rights in Chengara are Achutanandan.
agitators, in the estate, battling poor
leading a luxurious life. According to Kairali and sanitation facilities and scarce
On the contrary, the people Kairali People (both Left-owned TV availability of drinking water. Despite
are suffering from acute poverty channels), 67 per cent Dalits voted the poor media coverage, soon, a
and lack of medical aid. It is the for CPI (M) led Left Democratic Front huge number of landless people from
inherent anti-Dalit mindset of the (LDF) in that elections. The Leftists south and central Kerala gathered at
CPI (M) that is behind such also gained lots of mileage together Chengara, demanding lands for
responses. The malicious with Dalit and Adivasi votes by cultivation. There are now 20,000
propaganda, against the ongoing screening video clips of the police people who have built their hut at
land struggle in Chengara, carried brutality against agitating Adivasis Chengara estate and have joined in
out by the Chief Minister Mr. V. S. (at Muthanga on 19th February 2003) the protest. Who are these people
Achutanandan together with the during the previous Congress led stepping in the Chengara protest,
Marxist publications and TV UDF regime. paying no heed to the adverse
channels in the state, underlines However, the euphoria of pro- conditions under which the struggle
this fact. Dalit and pro-poor Achutanandan is taking place?
In 1964, Achutanandan becoming Kerala CM was short-lived Almost 80 per cent of them
became very popular as the leader and dreams of Dalits in Kerala for belong to Dalit, Dalit Christian
of agitating agricultural labourers better life were brutally shattered as communities, including pulayas,
under the banner of CPI (M). In the Chengara struggle plainly laid parayas and kuravas. People from all
Kuttanad and Thrissur, many bare the true nature of Achutanandan, other communities (except Brahmins)
labourers lost their lives during as well as the innate anti-subaltern/ as well as Muslims and Christians,
these agitations. Of the 70 people Dalit nature of the Communist party. constitute the rest. For the last few
killed then, 52 were landless Dalits. On July 4, 2007, around 300 generations, these people were living
However, these agitations helped activists of a Dalit organization in 3, 5 or 10 cent of lands in various
Achutanandan to gain the Sadhujana Vimochana Samyuktha colonies or on the roadsides, from
confidence of the Dalits in Kerala Vedi (SVSV) encroached 6,000 acres where they could be evacuated at any
and their support made him a great of land owned by Harrison moment.
leader, a saviour of Dalit, other Malayalam Plantation Ltd. The land It was this awful living
poors and marginalized and finally had been taken on lease by Harrison conditions, entirely neglected in the
the Chief Minister of Kerala in 2006. Ltd. for 99 years from Chengannur contemporary neo-liberal celebrations
It was the resolute support of Mundankavu Vanjipuzha Matom. On about Kerala, that has made these
the Dalit community that also let expiry of the lease period, the Matom people, including women, children

and the aged, to enter the site of the The agitators at Chengara are
land struggle and become violators carrying the photos of Ayyankali
of the law. It is also a telling statement and Dr. Ambedkar. In another words,
on how the much-touted land reforms they are openly rejecting the myth
of Kerala had bypassed the real of patronage that dominant
proletariats Dalits and Adivasis. Communist parties like CPI (M) have
The land reforms in Kerala, always been imposing on Dalits and
initiated on December 8, 1957, by the Adivasis. It is the racist desire to
first communist government in bring back the struggles like
Kerala and completed on January Chengara under the Communist
1, 1970, with the official abolition of Partys patronage that has made V S
feudalism, had given land-ownership Achutanandan to denounce the
only to the non-Dalit tenants who Chengara land struggle. For them,
were middlemen between the Dalits coming together to fight for
landlords and the labourers. Dalits, their rights, without under
at the bottom of the caste structure, communist leadership, is simply
were given the rights only for unimaginable and they are also
Kerala CM VS Achutanandan aware of their own history of
habitation, and were driven to
margins. Sixty five per cent of the land Then, Mathew Maniangadan existence.
available for redistribution was Committee recommended these The land reform movements,
declared as cash-crop farms and was upper-caste migrants to be given calling for a fundamental change in
excluded from the ambit of land permanent ownership of the land the land ownership, had a significant
reforms. Moreover, the frequent they had encroached, completely role to play in transforming Kerala into
modifications introduced in the land neglecting its consequences like a political society. In 1906, when
reform Bill made sure that the feudal deforestation and the large scale Indian National Congress began its
land ownerships smoothly transform uprooting of Adivasis. operations in Malabar (now North
to capitalist land ownerships. Instead of introspecting about Kerala), there existed a powerful
The first land reform bill, the failed land reforms and correcting tenancy system that benefited the
introduced in 1957, stated clearly that the historical wrongs, the present rich agriculturists. The Congress
50 per cent of the excess land should communist government and its movement declined to address this
go to Scheduled Castes and cronies are indulging in vicious tenancy system but the dissident
Scheduled Tribes. However, a study propaganda to discredit the whole Congress Socialist Party, out of which
by Dr P Sivanandan indicates that Dalit led land struggle. One of the the present Communist Party was
only 30 per cent of the land was given main propagandas, against the born, took up the issue.
to them. As a result, according to protestors, carried out by the The agricultural labourers
official records, almost 85 per cent of mouthpieces of the ruling Communist movements in Malabar played a
the Keralas SC & ST population lives Party is that they own 3, 5 or 10 cent major role in helping the Communist
in 12,500 Harijan colonies, 4,082 of lands and houses provided under Party grow as a major force in the
Adivasi colonies and on the Peoples Planning Program. When region. During this period, one of the
roadsides. Dalits argued that this is not the land greatest Dalit leaders, Ayyankali was
ownership but just the right to leading a movement, before the Raja
Apart from the faulty land
habitation, these Left media gave a of Sreemoolam as well as in the public,
reforms, another major reason for the
very castiest argument that Dalits demanding ownership of land for
ongoing Chengara land struggle is
cannot have land ownerships outside Dalits. At the same time, another great
the issue of (internal) migration -
the Harijan colonies/ghettoes. And of Dalit leader Poyikayil Appachan was
large-scale internal migration, mostly
course, some of the leaders in this demanding that the Dalits be given
by upper caste Christians, to areas
struggle own small pieces of land. But five acres of land and monetary
like Wayanad, Idukki and Attappadi
if Achutanandan considers this as a support for undertaking agricultural
happened between 1940s and 70s.
disqualification for them to support production.
In 1956, the satyagraha led by, the struggle by the landless, then he
the then prominent Left leader, A K At the time of Land Reforms
must also denounce those who
Gopalan and some major Bill, the Kerala economy relied
supported the land reforms, including
interventions by Fr Vadakkan, heavily on the cultivation of cash
Mr. A. K. Gopalan.
legalized these internal migrations. crops. Hence, the argument that the

cash crop farms had to be kept out of in 1964, the statutory rationing system crores. The same company also owes
the purview of the Bill, in order also was introduced keeping in view the Rs 500 crores as it has failed to pay
to prevent any development that export of cash crops. But now, since the lease amount since last many
would adversely affect the around 67 per cent of the population years.)
agricultural labourers, could be in Kerala falls Above Poverty Line When possibilities of collective
justified. But the situation has (APL), the food distribution system action declined and when autocracy
changed now. The cultivation of all of the centre has stagnated. gained strength in old Soviet Russia,
cash crops, other than rubber, has now Under these conditions, the lack Vladimir Mayakovky had chosen the
become unprofitable. The of political will to bring the estates path of suicide to expose the
government can import any cash under the purview of land ownership tyrannical rule of Stalin. Today, the
crops at much cheaper rates. The reforms smacks of a conspiracy to denial of justice from the neo-czarists,
agricultural labourers have become protect the interests of the land mafia. who rule the present Kerala, stand
jobless as the cash crop farms are (The estate at Cheruvally, which was exposed and the protestors at
being closed down. given to Harrisons Malayalam Ltd on Chengara, including women, children
As per the agreement between lease, was sold to K P Yohannan, an and the aged, threaten to commit
the state and the central government, associate of the company, for Rs 325 suicide unless justice is delivered
Struggle for a New Kerala

Excerpts from the speech you that it was the Dalit colonies in
made by leading Dalit Thiruvananthapuram city that made
activist Sunny M. Kapikkad, it possible for the struggle to survive
at a night-vigil organized in for so long. It was from these Dalit
support of the ongoing colonies that sacks of rice used to
Chengara land struggle in arrive at the cooking shed here. A
Thiruvananthapuram on jeep used to go around for that
7 March 2008. The speech purpose and each Dalit house would
has been translated into contribute handfuls of rice to make
English and posted on sacks full. I am saying this because
http://kafila.org by J. the Kerala politicians were
Devika. proclaiming that the struggle was
by Sunny M. Kapikkad supported by foreign hand!
It was this struggle that taught
T he ongoing struggle at Chengara

is undoubtedly one of the major
land struggles in Kerala's history. Ten
of forty-eight days, the Adivasis laid
siege here, in front of the Secretariat
where we have now gathered, and in
the people of Kerala that arable land
was indeed available for
redistribution. It is in the context of
years back, such a struggle would front of the Chief Ministers' House.
this struggle that landless people of
have been unthinkable. Ten years Political leaders of both the ruling and
other communities entered the land
back we all thought that there was no opposition parties were united in
struggle at Chengara. However, the
scope for another land struggle in opposing the Adivasi struggle. They
majority of such people happen to be
Kerala, that there was no land to be proclaimed that Adivasi leader C K
redistributed in Kerala. Even social Janu and her group were being Dalits and Adivasis. It is something
activists thought that all the land that propped up by funds from abroad! that needs to be examined historically.
could have been legitimately It is not enough to understand
It is only natural that a political
redistributed had been exhausted. It Chengara struggle as merely a
party thought that way. The parties
was the Adivasi land struggle in 2001 struggle for land by the landless
may have assets worth crores, but
that revealed to us that this notion people.
they lack the ethical will to support
was false and that there is arable land 500 people for 48 days in this city. As However may we idealize the
in Kerala that may be redistributed. someone who had actively Kerala land reforms, it has been
During that struggle, for whole participated in that struggle, I can tell proved beyond doubt that they failed

to distribute lands to some social trusts were formed in Kerala. Through people from particular social groups?
groups in Kerala. The crux of the land creating trusts and registering deeds Here we need to see deeper. In
reforms that were put forward by the in false names and other ways, all this a particular part of Kozhikode district,
government in 1957, which were land was spirited away. Out of the around 200 families have occupied
implemented on 1 January 1970, was roughly 1,25,000 acres acquired only some land, and have been staying
the fixing of ceilings on the amount 96,000 was redistributed and the there. The High Court of Kerala
of land that a family could possess, Dalits, the Adivasis, and the coastal ordered their eviction in clear term;
and the promise Photo By Ajilal instead, Kerala
that surplus land government
would be taken stepped forward
over by the to protect their
government and right to stay
redistributed through a special
among the order. There's
landless. something in this.
However, the These people
plantation sector have occupied
was exempted land under orders
from land from a certain
ceilings. Once church in Pala
the plantation and belong to
sector was different socio-
exempted, all e c o n o m i c
that was left for background.
redistribution Neither the LDF
were some nor the UDF have
A Graffiti at Chengara
paddy lands towards the west, some any problems about offering them
lands in the midland areas, and some people, did not gain anything, not protection. But the very same ruling
fallow fields that belonged to the even a cent. These are now the people class would never respond justly in
Nilambur royal house. who have become the focal point in case of Dalits, Adivasis claiming their
Moreover, the land reforms the struggle like Chengara. It is the rights.
actually gave full ownership rights to Dalits and the Adivasis who,
Our second experience of
tenant cultivators only. The Dalits and historically, have been excluded from
state's response towards Dalit and
the Adivasis, who could never even land reforms, that have come forward
Adivasi rights comes from
become a tenant within Kerala's with claims upon land today.
Muthanga. In 2001, the then Chief
traditional caste system, did not We need to take very seriously Minister, A.K. Antony had signed an
benefited at all from much-touted the fact that even though this section agreement with the struggling
Kerala land reforms. The fact is that of society has waged a struggle since Adivasis that land would be
millions of Dalits and Adivasis in the past seven months and a half, the distributed to them, and that the
Kerala had to live outside the ambit democratic government in Kerala has constitutional provision for Adivasi
of land reform laws. not bothered to invite them for talks. self-government would be
Many frauds were also Land has always been a major issue recommended. However, in 2003,
perpetrated as part of the in Kerala. If there were a dispute over when the Adivasis started agitating
implementation of the land reforms. title deeds in the hilly areas of Kerala for the implementation of the very
In 1968, the government had into which migration has taken place same agreement, this Chief Minister
estimated that some 8,75,000 acres of from the plains, both the ruling party deployed thousands of policemen
surplus land would be available for and the opposition would surely pitch against them, leading to the police
redistribution. However, till date, the in heavily. It would grow into a fiery firing on Adivasis, never caring to
government has been able to acquire issue. Why is it, then, in this find out why the struggle had been
just 1,24,000 acres. The rest has all 'politically-enlightened' Kerala that re-kindled. Four days before the
been usurped through underhand the powerful lack the democratic firing, all the four major political
practices. Trusts had been exempted ethics towards responding to parties held a joint protest in
from ceilings. Overnight, hundreds of Chengara struggle waged by landless Wayanad district demanding the

eviction of Adivasis from Muthanga.
The great Marxist leader EMS Nambutiripad, who owned tens
Now it is very clear for us that this
of thousands of acres of land, could speak for the landless but
enlightened Kerala, this Kerala which
is considered the very home of his followers could not accept a Dalit, Laha Gopalan, who owns
political alertness, has a legacy of one and a half acres, to do so
turning away from the legitimate
demands of Dalits and Adivasis. The government's own enquiry given land. Seven years hence, when
commission discovered that Harrison all the landless - Dalits, Dalit
Recently the members of the
had amassed crores this way. Yet the Christians, Muslims, and all others -
Chengara Land Struggle Solidarity
government's ire is not against such joined together to struggle for land,
Committee (CLSSC) met the Kerala
persistent law-breakers, but against these politicians now say that only
Chief Minister, Convener of the Left
the struggling landless poor. the Adivasis need land. This move is
Democratic Front and the CPM State
Secretary with the demand that the The other day, Mr Balan (SC/ a well-planned one. By ignoring the
government should redistribute land ST affairs Minister, Kerala) said that demands of other landless groups
to the struggling families and bring we should not occupy the land as part and trying to pit against the Adivasi
their struggle to an end. I was a of political action. These people claims, the ruling class is trying to
member of that group. All the three ought to realize that India itself was scatter the political action that is
people told us that ours is not a born out of massive civil building up at Chengara. But
genuine struggle but illegal land grab. disobedience. It can happen only that someday the government will have
They said, "We have plans to give way and that is how history is. I do to concede; it will have to accept the
land to the landless and we will indeed not claim that we are not breaking the claims of these landless groups also.
give. But we will not countenance law. We are indeed the law-breakers. Today we need such pressure
your struggle; we will not accept it". But he very conveniently forgot that that will force the government to deal
he represents a movement with the issue democratically, to
This is a very important
(communist) that was born out of the redistribute land to the landless
statement for us to ponder over.
successive waves of law breaking without causing any loss of life. That
Through their land struggles, the
initiated by many different groups of
Dalits and Adivasis are trying to is the only way this struggle can
people in Kerala in their fight for
create a dialogue with the Kerala succeed. But today no such pressure
rights.
government and are trying to exercise exists. Kerala failed to react to the
collective social agency, within a Another accusation against the
terrible state violence at
democratic society. But the protestors is that these struggling
Moolampally. Now in Chengara
government is telling us that, "You folks are actually landowners. Laha
Gopalan, the President of the where thousands of people are on the
aren't social agents. We are here to brink of self-sacrifice Kerala is looking
do all these things, and we will do Sadhujana Vimochana Samyukata
Vedi, has land, they say. Laha is away. It is hard to be proud of this
them. This is illegal struggle".
leading the struggle of landless Dalits Kerala.
Kerala government is saying and others. He is not trying to
that we have to be evicted because We need to see Chengara as a
communicate his domestic wants and struggle for a new Kerala, one that
the occupation of Chengara estate's lacks to the government. The great
land is illegal. In that case, Harrison dismantles the old. This new Kerala
Marxist leader EMS Nambutiripad,
Malayalam must figure above us. It would be one in which the social
who owned tens of thousands of
has not paid a pie as rent on the acres of land, could speak for the agency of all marginalized groups
Chengara Estate since 1994. And so, landless but his followers could not including Dalits and Adivasis are
the lease agreement is invalid now. accept a Dalit, Laha Gopalan, who recognized. A major task has been
The government, which ought to use owns one and a half acres, to do so. initiated at Chengara, one that
the strong evidence against Harrison This is what I call the Dalit issue. exceeds the amount of land the
to take back the estate, is accusing Finally the government now occupants get. Our actions in
us of illegal occupation! says that it will give land only to the solidarity need to be attentive to this
The same company sold 3500 Adivasi. This is a strange defense, fact. I end my words, with the plea
acres of leased land held by it in the indeed. In 2001, when the Adivasis that we need to think of the various
Cheruvally estate at Kottayam to an were protesting on the streets of this forms of activism possible, and that
individual for 126 crores; it has sub- city for full 48 days, all these individuals and organizations should
let leased land at an estate in Thrissur. politicians said that they wouldn't be take them forward

Caste Discrimination in IIT Delhi
IITs: Doing Manu Proud

The dismal representation of SC/ST students in IITs demands some serious questioning from all who believe
in equal opportunities and social justice. Even after 40 years of their existence, most of the IITs have also
singularly failed to recruit faculties from these communities. On the top of it, there are various instances that
indicate towards the prevalence of caste-based harassment of Dalit students. Recently IIT Delhi was in news
due to the termination of 12 Dalit students together with the allegations of caste-based discrimination. In the
wake of this incident, the author here has tried to map the experiences of Dalit students within IIT Delhi
structure.
by Anoop Kumar
O
n May 2008, 12 Dalit NCSC, about the IIT review In the first week of this year,
students (11 SC & 1 ST) committee, constituted in response to after six months of their continuous
were terminated by the the summon issued by the NCSC, to struggle against one of the country's
Indian Institute of Technology (IIT) inquire about the prevalence of caste- most powerful institutions, finally
Delhi, citing their 'low academic based discrimination. The report there was some good news. The
performance'. Eleven of these further stated that 'no case of caste court passed an interim order for
students were from the first two years discrimination was brought out by the readmission of the six Dalit students
of their undergraduate courses. After students in their meeting with the and one more Dalit students was
receiving the termination letter, some Review Committee'. The last readmitted by IIT administration itself
of these students filed a petition in paragraph of the report reiterated in the same week. As for now, nine
the National Commission for the that , 'IIT Delhi is very sensitive to Dalit students have been readmitted
Scheduled Castes (NCSC), alleging the special needs of SC/ST students in IIT Delhi.
caste-based harassment in IIT Delhi and faculty members spare no efforts
and demanded annulment of their IITs and SC/ST Students
in helping them, and indeed all weak
terminations. According to the students, to come up to our higher Every year, all the seven IITs jointly
students, many IIT Delhi faculty academic standards". conduct an entrance exam,
members harbour deep prejudices However, the Dalit students considered to be one of the toughest,
against students admitted through countered this report by claiming that to select candidates from all over the
reservations and they receive very the members of IIT review committee country and offer around 5500 seats
poor grading despite performing well did not entertain issue of caste for its various undergraduate (B.
in the exams. The NCSC immediately discrimination at all. The members Tech and Integrated M. Tech)
summoned the Director of IIT Delhi, only inquired about their academic courses. IITs are autonomous
and asked him to investigate into performances and refused to take up institutions under Ministry of Human
these allegations and also to review questions related to the caste Resource Development (HRD) and
the terminations. discrimination. Later, the Dalit are completely funded by the
Later, in July first week, the IIT students took out two rallies, Government of India. The IITs provide
administration submitted a one-page demanding the re-admission of 22.5 % reservation for SC/ST students
report to the NCSC stating that, it has remaining 10 Dalit students and also as per the constitutional norms.
decided to revoke the expulsion of 2 sent their representations to the HRD However, many reports suggest that,
Dalit students by giving some ministry. As a last resort, some of close to half of the total seats
relaxations in their grade these students also filed a case reserved for SCs and STs remain
requirements. It also informed the against IIT in Delhi High Court. vacant and that of those admitted, a

significant proportion, perhaps up to • The cut-off marks for SC/ST administration, all SC/ST students
25 %, is obliged to drop out. (The IIT students in IIT entrance exams, in any entering into the IITs are 'weak', as
Story: Issues and Concerns', year, are normally 10 % less than the they come through reservations (just
Frontline, Vol. 20-Issue 03, Feb 01-14, general category cut-off in that year. refer again to the last paragraph of
2003). IIT review committee report,
• The IITs follow relative grading in mentioned at the beginning of the
Now, if we do some simple course work. There is no fixed
calculations, we can very easily present article, that correctly reflects
minimum passing marks. Even if any the IIT administration's assumption
conclude that the SC/ST community, IIT student has scored 60 % in any
on average, looses about 773 under- towards the SC/ST students).
particular subject, there are chances Therefore many IIT faculties take it
graduate seats out of the total 1237 that he/she might be declared failed,
seats reserved for them every year, as their pristine duty, both in the class
if the average score of other students and outside, to constantly remind the
due to both, unfilled seats at the time is slightly higher. Or he/she might not
of admission and subsequent drop students of the fact that 'all general
be failed, as there are no fixed passing category students are meritorious
outs. This amounts to a massive loss marks. To pass students, who have
of 62 %, every year, of the total whereas SC/ST students don't
scored less than the average, deserve to be in IIT'.
allotted seats for the SC/ST students. becomes the prerogative of individual
However, the truth is that most
Except IIT Guwahati (founded faculty members.
of the Dalit students, entering into
in 1994) and IIT Roorkee (included as I came to know about the the IITs, are often toppers of their
IIT in 2001), all the other 5 IITs are at termination of 12 Dalit students from respective schools. They are, mostly,
least 45 years old. I would like my IIT Delhi in the second week of June. second generation literate and hail
readers to just imagine the magnitude While interacting with these students from lower-middle class, rural or semi-
of the loss suffered by the SC/ ST and listening to their stories, I became urban backgrounds with non-English
community in all these years and also aware of how the IIT administration medium schooling. In comparison, the
to critically analyze the impact of such deals with the Dalit students. To have general category students are
losses for the communities, that has a better understanding, I decided to invariably from upper-middle class,
been suffering the inhuman exclusion interact with more Dalit students from urban, upper-caste, and from English
in every sphere of their life and whose IIT Delhi as well as some of its ex- medium schools. Not only are there
only life line has been the provision students. marked differences in the
of reservations in education and in While interacting with IIT backgrounds of the students from
government jobs. Delhi's terminated Dalit students, these two categories but also their
Therefore it becomes utmost three questions came to my mind. routes to IITs differ immensely. And I
important for us to ponder over why • Were these students 'weak' in would like to argue that this is where
even today, about half of the seats studies and were not able to cope up the 'merit' is constructed.
for SC/ST students remain unfilled in with the rigorous studies in IIT Delhi? Construction of 'Merit' via
the IITs at the entrance level and the
reasons for such a high dropout rate. • Or/ and did they just didn't apply coaching centres
To many, the obvious answers, for themselves and study hard? A recent study conducted by
both the phenomenon, will be that the • Or were there other factors ASSOCHAM reveals that private
SC/ST students are 'weak in studies'. involved that might be beyond these coaching centres, that train students
It means that, on an average, the SC/ students? to crack the entrance exams for the
ST student cannot compete with admission in IITs and other
The truth that emerges out is
general category students, both in prestigious engineering colleges,
shocking, to say the least. Dalit
the entrance exam as well as during mint Rs.100 billion ($2.30 billion) a year
students who are admitted in IITs are
his/her stay at IIT. - an amount that can fund 30 to 40
marked as 'weak' and 'non-
Before probing into the new IITs (IIT coaching classes, a Rs
meritorious' from the very beginning
'weakness' of SC/ST students, I would 10K crore Industry? The Times of
and their stay in IITs are made as
like to point out that: India, 3rd July 2008). In fact, the city
painful as possible. Such behaviour
of Kota in Rajasthan, which boasts
• The cut-off marks at IIT entrance has been institutionalized and has
of the best coaching centres in India,
exam as well as passing marks in been perfected into a fine art by many
is flocked by aspiring IIT candidates
particular subjects in IITs are not faculty members.
from all over the country. One
fixed. According to the IIT particular coaching centre in Kota, in

fact, claims publicly, through its students in comparison with those IIT faculty members, due to their
advertisement, that 1 out of every 4 who, without money, are left to do castiest prejudices, quickly brand
IITians is their 'product'. self- preparation. these students as 'undeserving', 'not
As we all know, these coaching The IIT JEE exam is one of the up to the mark' and 'forced into the
centres are not cheap at all. On an toughest exams. Why? 'To attract the IITs through reservation'. Rather than
average, a student spends more than best minds in India' is the stock reply. supporting students to cope up with
Rs. 1 lakh for 8 month coaching If this is so, then what are these English and gradually come at par
during his/her preparation for IIT coaching centres, with Rs.100 billion with the other students, they are
entrance exam. As a response to the annual turnovers, doing? They are, hostile or at best indifferent to their
impact of the coaching industry and in fact, manufacturing 'best minds' plight.
the undue advantage that it gives to from those who have deep pockets On the pretext of their low
their students, IIT has recently made in this country and are aiding in the performance in IIT, many faculty
changes in their admission procedure unequal competition between members humiliate and demoralize
by fixing the number of attempts for students from different backgrounds. these Dalit students, by making
IIT aspirants and has done some However, nobody wants to remarks on their academic capabilities
modification in the examination acknowledge this fact, as these implying, "since you don't deserve
pattern as well. However, these coaching centres are boon for 'upper' to be here, now you suffer". It is their
cosmetic changes have not been able caste families, for they help them in way of retaliating to the reservation
to restrict the number of students their claim of being 'meritorious'. provisions, and since they cannot
flocking to the coaching centres. stop these students from entering into
Manufacturing weak
the IITs, they try to punish these
Now, the question is, who are students as English
students for that 'crime'. To counter
those students who flock to these language becomes another
reservation provisions, there is a
coaching centres to crack the tough marker of Merit strong urge to prove that Dalit
IIT entrance exams? The answer is
Majority of the Dalit students, students are weak, and what better
not that difficult if one interacts with
entering into the IITs, are from the way to do it than targeting those who
the IIT students. The majority of the
non-English medium schools, are already little handicapped in the
Dalit students have cleared the IIT
whereas the medium of instruction in IIT environment!
JEE exam, through self-study or by
IITs is English. Once admitted, these The rigorous IIT schedule from
taking private tuitions, as they were
students find it very difficult to follow the day one does not make things
not in the position to pay huge fees
the classes taught in English, which easier for these Dalit students either.
for the coaching centres.
results in their low performance in By the time they are in a position to
In comparison, it is very rare to initial years, as compared to other cope up with the IIT culture and
find a general category student, who students. rigours, they are already under heavy
had not studied in one or the other Since all the SC/ST students, backlog of many courses and find
big coaching centres. Due to which, on being admitted in IITs, are already themselves on the verge of being
the general category students are marked as 'weak', the initial low terminated, due to their 'low academic
much better equipped for IIT JEE performance of non-English medium performances'. Many of these
exams and this reflects in the merit Dalit students feeds into this students, drop out, by the end of their
list of the general category, which has stereotyping and they easily become 1st or 2nd year, and those who some
higher cut-off marks than SC/ST list. the poster boys of 'quota students' how pass, barely manage to get their
Still, many SC/ST candidates are able in the highly prejudiced IIT campus. degrees in stipulated 4 years. They
to score higher and reach to the A few Dalit students, who are from take another 1-2 years to get their B.
general category list. However, the relatively better backgrounds (read Tech degree, their stay being further
lower cut-off marks for SC/ST English medium) are able to escape marked by demoralization, stigma and
students, becomes the first indicator such ignominy, getting an huge alienation.
towards the assumption of 'SC/ST opportunity to pass off as a general More than 90 % of the children
students are weak'. category student, leaving behind in India, those who are fortunate
There is not even a single voice these hapless students to suffer the enough to pass 10th std., do their
in our civil society or in the media, punishment of being 'quota' students. schooling in Hindi or other regional
which opposes the coaching centres Instead of acknowledging the languages as their medium of
and the undue advantage they difference in background and the instruction. Yet IITs, that claim to be
provide to the rich, urban, upper-caste problem of medium of instruction, the the institutes of 'national' importance

and teach in English, have failed to
develop a proper mechanism to Experiences of Dalit Students in IIT Delhi
counter the problems faced by these
students, once admitted in IITs. Is it I interviewed about 20 Dalit students from IIT Delhi to document their
due to the incompetence of the IITs campus experiences and to understand the nature and extant of prevalence
or they are simply not bothered, as of caste discrimination in the campus. Interacting with them had been a
they might believe that the 'best minds great learning experience for me as I had to spent lot of time with each of
fit for IITs' can only be found in urban, them to break the ice. Initially, most of these Dalit students stated their
English-educated, upper caste ignorance about prevalence of caste discrimination in the campus and
students? I believe both reasons to were reluctant to talk on caste, but after some rapport building between
be true besides it gives them a big us, they were very forthcoming about their experiences. I have compiled
stick to beat the reserve category some of their experiences below without revealing their identity. There
students with. are many narratives, which I could not include as the nature of the
Engineering colleges in India incidents might clearly betray the student's identity, even if I do not reveal
have copied their entire syllabi from their names. Needless to say, these incidents were much more overt in
the knowledge produced in the west. nature. - Author
The faculty members teach from the
western texts and techniques, which Student No. 1 (Final Year B. Tech) I could not say anything because
they had learnt from there in the 1960- Professors in IITs are undoubtedly here students don't speak anything
70s. The academic research and better than the rest in the country, before the professors as our fate
development of syllabi is in such a but there are some who need to be lies ultimately in their hands. They
sorry state in this country, that there corrected, who believe that all SC/ may fail us if they wish. However, I
is hardly any innovation in teaching, ST students are weak in studies and kept on requesting for re-
both in texts and techniques. Many all weak students have to be SC/ examination. Later, he agreed but I
IIT professors teach in the class, STs. In my first semester, the was failed in that exam.
through their old notes (known as Physics professor was taking my Student No. 3 (IInd Year, B. Tech)
kharra in Hindi slang), promoting viva and I was not able to answer, Last year, I was attending a course
only rote learning and discouraging on which she became very annoyed and by then, I was already in the
any discussions in the class. and asked me, "Are you from Students Review Committee list.
quota?" I said, "No." Then she When one of my professors got the
Apart from their incompetence,
explained, "Quota means SC/ST." I list, she told me, "SC/ST students
IIT faculty members are also not
again answered, "No." She was are very poor and if I ask something
interested in developing any
asking the same question to the from you, I don't think you will be
mechanism to resolve the question
general category students, if they able to answer that". When I
of language, as it does not affect their
were not able to answer in the viva. protested on her statement, she
caste and class interest. The
Throughout her classes, I had the said, "Oh! So you want to fight with
knowledge of English gives them the
fear that she would do something me!"
sense of superiority vis-à-vis the
wrong in my grading. So, I was quite
lower caste, which they don't want to After that she became very
nervous and never went to her for
lose at any cost. Like Sanskrit earlier, hostile to me. Whenever I went for
any help or to clarify my doubts.
now English has become the marker some clarification, she used to get
of their 'merit' and 'knowledge'. Student No. 2 (IInd Year, B. Tech) angry and rebuke me for not being
I was doing a course in Biotech able to understand 'simple' English
If IITs remained true to their
department. Due to my illness, I and always made very discouraging
real objectives of promoting research
didn't appear for one of the exams in comments like, "Are you always
and development in sciences and
that course. There is a rule that if the sleeping in the class? Why did you
technology for the country, it could
student has not appeared due to join IIT if you don't know English?"
never have afforded to create an
medical reason, he/she is allowed to
environment that promotes rote However, unlike other
sit for the re-exam, after submitting
learning and found the 'best brains' students, I persisted in meeting her,
the medical certificate. When I asked
in a very small segment of the country, as I needed continued support. One
for my re-examination, the professor
branding others as 'merit-less' and day, she got very angry and told
immediately replied, You come
'incompetent' me, "I think you are mad. You
through reservations in IIT and then
should get medical check-up."
don't even sit for exams.

Then I realized that it was meetings. Singhal can come and speak in the
getting tough to cope up with her. I Before the SRC meeting, we are IIT hostel (they came in the tenure
called my father and then both of us supposed to fill a form stating our of the previous IIT Director) but the
went and met the professor. She was problems. In the meeting, one of the students cannot organize Dr.
very rude to both of us and told my professors sits with all the records, Ambedkar Jayanti in the campus.
father that there was something and briefs other faculty members Since the last few years, the SC/ST
wrong with me and I must consult a about the concerned student. In one Employees Association is
doctor. My father tried to talk to her such meeting, I filled up the form organizing Dr. Ambedkar Jayanti,
but in vain. The professor did not but when Dalit students tried to
where I mentioned all my problems.
budge from her point that I am mad. organize, they faced stiff resistance
When I went inside, one professor
At the end, I failed in the subject. I from the IIT administration and were
showed my records to the two
paid the price of asserting myself and categorically asked the rationale for
neighbouring professors and said in
asking guidance from the professor. celebrating Dr. Ambedkar's birthday
a hushed tone, "SC student". Then
Student No. 4 (IIIrd Year, B. Tech) in IIT campus!
one of the professors said, "Ok, let
Standing Review Committee (SRC) is him go". One funny incident that
supposed to monitor the student's reflects the prejudices and
Student No. 5 (IIIrd Year, B. Tech) ignorance of IIT faculties happened
performance and help them to
Here in IIT, we cannot form any group. few years back. On Dr. Ambedkar
improve. But, in practice, it does
One of my Dalit seniors tried to Jayanti, the SC/ST Employees
nothing. In its meetings, the members
contact IIT administration to organize Association invited IIT Director as
are least interested in listening to
an orientation programme for SC/ST the chief guest. When asked to
student's problems. Normally, only
freshers. Immediately, a letter was speak, he just said one sentence,
your past examination marks are
sent to his parents stating that, "your "In IIT, there is no caste
asked and then you are grilled /
son is involved in politics". discrimination" and went back to
ragged for that therefore not many
students willingly attend the Pravin Togadia and Ashok his seat!
Institutional Mechanisms at IIT Delhi
If the Dalit students admitted in IITs, through Joint Entrance Exam (JEE), are so weak that it results in such
a high dropout rate, has the IIT Delhi administration devised any mechanism to support these students to come at
par with others? Let us examine:
English Remedial Classes - In the efforts.

first semester, IIT Delhi offers one with the accent of the faculty
course in English language for Students regard this course as members. From the point of view of
students coming from non-English absolutely ineffective, as the teacher the students, it is clear that, what is
medium schools. It is of 3 credits and concentrates only on the English important for them, here, is the
10+2 level English grammar is taught grammar, which anyways they have language of science and not English
in this course. It usually has 1-2 studied in the schools. The students grammar per se and its remedy is not,
classes per week, totaling about 18- allege, that, even this is not taught just one course of XII std English
20 classes in that semester. IIT Delhi, seriously. The students just try to grammar.
with all its innocence, expects these secure passing marks in this course The remedy lies in individual
students to become proficient in so as to get the credits. faculty members identifying students
English, and come at par with other According to the students, and supporting them, by giving some
students having at least 10-14 years major problems that engulf the first extra time and promoting an
of English medium schooling, by year undergraduate non-English atmosphere, where the students feel
attending those 18-20 classes, spread medium students are, their inability confident to interact about their
in less than 6 months. The interviews to comprehend the textbooks in language problems. But the most
with students revealed the non- English, unfamiliarity with the important is, not to treat such
seriousness of such ambitious science-terms in English, together students as weak and victimize them.

However, given the level of student- stories of how, in SRC, instead of problems, he was categorically told,
faculty interaction in IIT Delhi (it is patiently dealing with the students that, he was having such problems
one sided), insincerity and problems, the faculties literally rag due to his reserved category
incompetence of IIT faculty members, them and create an atmosphere where background and would never able to
asking for this is really a very tall order. the student feels, in the words of one cope up with the IIT atmosphere!
SC/ST Cell - Under UGC guidelines, Dalit student, like a criminal in front SC/ST faculty -Since IITs are
most of the Indian universities and of the police officials. Getting ones institutes of national importance (as
colleges in the country have a special name in the SRC becomes another defined by the Indian Parliament),
SC/ST cell to monitor the marker of being a weak student. The they have been exempted from the
implementation of reservation as well list is sent to the faculty members and provisions of SC/ST reservations in
as to redress the grievances of the that information is used by many of faculty recruitments. None of the IIT
SC/ST students. But IIT Delhi has them to humiliate the Dalit students, Delhi Dalit students were able to name
probably never heard of it or they as then it is officially proved that even a single faculty member from
have given themselves the clean chit these students are undeserving and these two communities, which
of being a caste discrimination-free not fit for the IITs. together constitutes one fourth of the
campus! Hence, it has no such Counselling Service- IIT Delhi runs Indian population. However, later, we
mechanism and the SC/ST students a Student Counselling Service under were able to identify one SC
have no space, where they can share the aegis of Board for Student professor, who had retired 6 years
and interact with the administration Welfare. This was created for back. It is indeed shocking that, in
on their specific problems. Given the assisting students in sorting out more than 45 years of its existence,
tendencies of IIT faculty, to hurl their difficulties and dilemmas in an the IIT Delhi has failed to recruit more
castiest abuses and indulge in environment where they can talk than one faculty member from the
discriminatory gradings, such freely and in confidence about any marginalized background. This itself
mechanisms are absolutely matter which is troubling them. (IIT is a testimony of the type of exclusion
necessary. Delhi prospectus). The staff includes practiced by the IITs.
Course Adviser -According to the psychologists, a psychiatric, and is Orientation Programs - It is a
IIT prospectus (page 17), A number also drawn from faculty and student common practice in most of world-
of measures exist for helping students volunteers. Many IIT faculties renowned educational institutions to
belonging to SC and ST categories. believe, this student counselling organize specially designed
A senior faculty member is service to be the panacea for all ills. orientation programs for students
appointed as adviser to SC/ST So, if a student is facing some coming from non-mainstream
students for advising them on difficulty in the course, the professor background (like ethnic or racial
academic and non-academic would suggest, to visit the minorities) to ease the transition of
matters. However, the truth is that counsellor and get your mind such students from schools to
not even a single Dalit student was checked. college/university. This is done in
able to tell the name of the Professor, During the interaction, the Dalit order to acclimatize these students
who was supposed to look after the students gave mixed reactions on the with the campus environment and to
problems of SC/ST students. The efficacy of the counselling services. deal with the problems that might
students were aware of this provision Many of them were of the opinion, occur due to their lack of cultural
but never came across any that, they visited the counsellor for capital.
information or notice regarding it, the problems that were purely Since early 60s, most US
ever. In the academic complex, there academic in nature and hoped that universities and top institutions run
is no trace of any SC/ST students these were conveyed to the special orientation programs for both
advisor office or even a notice board. concerned faculty members. blacks and women. Some of these
Standing Review Committee-This However, all the students were efforts are intense and extensive,
committee consists of some faculty unanimous in its ineffectiveness in lasting up to six weeks. The goal of
members, including the Dean for dealing with the caste problem. More all of these programmes is to ease
Under-Graduate students, and is over, the counsellor also treated them these students transition to college
supposed to identify students with as weak students, as one incident life, to familiarize the student with his
weak performances so as to guide/ narrated by an ex-student would or her new surroundings, and to
support them for their improvement. reveal. In 2002, when this student introduce these students to other
However, one would hear horrifying went to the counsellor with his students who will have similar

adjustment experiences. However, it Support Systems-The MIT formation of any students groups in
is to be noted that these programs (Massachusetts Institute of the campus, other than those that are
are not organized to make these Technology) , USA, on which IITs are run by the administration itself for
students to come at par with others. said to have been modeled, have extra-curricular activities. In the past,
Their background is no indicator of plethora of recognized student bodies some of the Dalit students tried to
their weakness but might point for different minorities (for example, a organize themselves informally, but
towards little lack of exposure. very strong Black Students Union) were unsuccessful.
Coming from a different and run various programmes that Studies on the problems faced by SC/
background, Dalit students could provide the much needed space for ST students-It is interesting to note
benefit immensely from such these students to interact with each that, despite the heavy dropout rate
programs. It would help Dalit other, to articulate their problems and of 25 % for the Dalit students, IITs
students to understand the IIT to negotiate with the MIT have never bothered to carry out even
structure and provide them the administration. However, IITs believe a single systematic study of the
confidence in IIT administration. that there are only two types of problems faced by the Dalit students.
There are hundreds of studies students general category and One look at the website of MIT will
available that had proven the efficacy weak and thus undeserving tell you, about the number of studies,
of such programmes for students students. Hence, they copied every by the institute, on the problems faced
from marginalized communities. thing from MIT but forgot to replicate by the women and the African
However, there is no such program in the democratic institutional spaces Americans students and the
IIT Delhi for SC/ST students at any provided by MIT to the students from measures taken by them to increase
point of their stay, not even at the different backgrounds. their representation, especially in
time of their admission. IIT Delhi does not allow the sciences
I knew I was stigmatized

Rakesh Bawani did his B. Tech in Chemical Engineering from IIT Delhi, MA in International Relations,
M. Phil in Sociology from JNU, New Delhi and currently pursuing his PhD in Anthropology at
Brown University, Rhode Island, USA. Here, he narrates his experience of IIT Delhi.
During my first year, I was attending one Chemistry class in which some students tried to bunk through the back
door. However, one of them (with surname Srivastava) got caught. The professor got very angry and started
scolding him and asked the names of other students who had run away. There were 5-6 students. One of them had
surname Meena, which is a Tribal surname. As soon as the professor heard his name, he became angry all the more
and started making comments like I know how they come here, these SC/ST students dont deserve to come to
IIT and they are ruining the IIT atmosphere. He spoke for more than 15 minutes giving a discourse on how un-
teachable SC/ST students were. I was sitting in the class listening to him.
Now when I look back and reflect about my four years of stay in IIT, I can understand how that one particular
incident had marked my student life there. How could I trust the IIT professors when they had already passed the
judgment on me? I could never draw courage to reveal my caste identity to my friends in IIT. I knew I was
stigmatized. Since I knew English, I tried to pass off as non-Dalit. But that was not a happy solution. I had to hear
many derogatory remarks about Dr. Ambedkar, Mayawati and about other Dalit students within my friend circle but
I could never reply.
After graduating from IIT in 2003, I worked for six months and then joined Jawaharlal Nehru University for my
post-graduation. Here, things were far better. I came in touch with the Dalit students group working there and
slowly became assertive about my identity. I started appreciating my background.I belong to khatik caste. My
forefathers used to take out the skin of dead animals. My family had migrated to Delhi long back and both my
parents have raised me by working in tanneries, skinning dead animals. Why should I be ashamed of my parents, my
identity? Now, I am very much comfortable about my identity and in fact feel proud about my parents.

Brand IIT: The Myth and the Reality
The upper caste IITians - both the quality of their campuses and Technology Act, 1956, & 1961,
faculties and students - bemoan a lot taking away opportunities from their declared the IITs to be of national
about the reservation policy for SC/ own deserving candidates! importance, thus paving the way for
ST students, claiming that it In the Shanghai Jiao Tong huge financial support from the
downgrades the quality of Brand Universitys academic Ranking of government as well as for the
IIT. However, the truth is that these World Universities (2006), IIT conferring of a higher degree of
IITs, themselves, are products of the Kharagpur was the only engineering autonomy. However, instead of
largesse of the developed countries. college from India listed among the providing scientists and
These countries, in the name of aid top 500 universities worldwide and technologists for the country, IITs
in development for a Third World have turned themselves into
that too among the lowest bracket
Country, not only, provided them institutions for providing lucrative
(below 400). The purpose of this
technical and financial support to jobs, both in India and abroad, for
ranking by the Chinese university
start with, but are still helping them the kith and kin of urban English
was, to find out the gap between
to upgrade and to remain at par, speaking upper caste/middle class,
Chinese universities and world-class
through liberal scholarships and and in the process, completely
universities, particularly in terms of
various other assistance, so that the sidelining their basic objectives. That
academic or research performance. is why, the quality of IITs is being
Indians could run such institutes of
excellence. This ranking is an honest marked in direct proportion to the pay
attempt by the Chinese to improve packages offered to the students by
IIT Bombay, founded in 1958, their universities and technical the multinationals and not by any
was set up by UNESCO and the institutes. In contrast, nobody has technological innovations.
erstwhile Soviet Union. IIT Madras ever heard of such an attempt from
was established in 1959, with the This is the precise reason
India. Except one, no other IITs behind so much hostility against SC/
assistance from the Government of figured in the list of top 500 institutes
the erstwhile West Germany. IIT ST students in these campuses, as
worldwide. It is intriguing that the their entry into these institutions
Kanpur was also established, in 1959,
IITs, monopolized by much would shrink the lucrative job
by the US government and a
meritorious upper caste community, opportunities for the ruling class.
consortium of nine US universities
are not able to compete with foreign Hence, all the chest thumping of
helped to set up the research
institutions, even after years of merit and IIT being the Centre of
laboratories and academic
continued support and assistance excellence and quality becomes
programmes there. Similarly, IIT Delhi
from many reputed institutions and necessary in order to hide the fact
was established in 1961, by the
at the expense of huge public money, that the IITs, rather than preparing
benevolence shown by the former
the budgetary allocations for IITs for students for research and
colonial masters United Kingdom.
the year 2005, being a whopping 650 development (the reason for their
Till now, not even a single IIT crores! creation), have completely
has been able to stand on its own in metamorphosed themselves into
Many efforts are being made
terms of research, cutting edge institutions that cater only to the
to cleverly create a façade of IITs as
technology, training, even after interests of the parasitic upper caste/
great, quality institutions,
guzzling huge amount of money from middle class and the multinationals
producing brilliant researchers,
the Indian exchequer and huge companies.
engineers, etc. Why this façade is
financial aids from various other If the IITs remained honest
being created? It is to hide a very
sources including foreign countries.A towards their basic objective of
important fact.
large number of todays merit- facilitating the development of the
mongers (the IIT faculty members) The Indian Parliament
country through research, they would
benefited from these foreign envisioned that the IIT system would
have gladly accepted the entry of
scholarships together with an provide scientists and technologists
students from the communities that
opportunity to study in liberal foreign of the highest calibre, who would have been directly involved in the
campuses. It would have been engage in research, design and production processes like Dalits and
interesting if the citizens of these development, to help building the Tribals, instead of stigmatizing these
countries had opposed these nation towards self-reliance in her students as inherently weak, based
opportunities provided to Indians, technological needs. A Central on their performance in entrance
arguing that such efforts were diluting statute, the Indian Institute of exams

Interview
The Need of Cultural

Revolution in West Bengal
Dr. Anjan Ghosh teaches Sociology in Centre for Studies in Social
Sciences (CSSS), Kolkata. Here, he interacts with Sandali on
various issues in context of caste in West Bengal.
There are two major trajectories of discourses around of West Bengal. It does not mean that caste does not
caste - one in which caste system has been seen as a exist. It is very much prevalent in rural, urban or semi-
system of stratification, and the other, where caste urban, small-town communities. And yet, there is very little
discrimination has been foregrounded. Since Dalits public articulation about caste. Caste articulations are more
constitute a large part of the population of West Bengal, in the domestic sphere and in the sphere of marriage
what has been the nature of discourse around caste here? alliances. For instance, sweepers are not allowed to enter
Apart from these two discourses that you have suggested, into the household. People who clean the bathrooms will
there are multiple discourses of caste. Beyond that, the never be allowed to enter into the living rooms, let alone
Dalit question has been looked into through these two the kitchen, since sweepers, by virtue of their caste
particular lenses that you mentioned- basically, in terms occupation, are considered to have a polluting influence.
of caste inequality or in terms of caste subsumption- that This is of course transparent, something that is quite
is inclusion within the ritual fold; for example, Michael evident to a degree.
Moffat's study on Dalit groups in Tamil Nadu, where he So, though caste discrimination is recognized and
talks about how hierarchy is extremely strong among Dalits. practiced in the social sphere, it does not get any
It is there among brahmins, 'upper' caste groups but also articulation in the political sphere. This is partly due to the
among Dalits. This has meant that the question of caste, hegemony exercised by the Bengali bhadraloks in the
as has been looked upon by sociologists, have in a sense public sphere. They have been the principal ideologues
been sidetracked or bypassed by Dalit activists, because of the nationalist movement, through which they have
they have felt constricted by these two positions. hegemonized their position. Their understanding of caste
Their basic position has been that there should be as an issue is that caste is regressive; it is traditional,
recognition of the Dalits as Dalits and that they should backward-looking and, therefore, not modern. It is a pre-
not be socially and culturally oppressed and effaced from modern institution and not something to be coveted.
social recognition. It means that their approach is mainly Consequently, it does not figure into the political
in terms of identities, rather than in terms of classes, or discourse, which is all about modernity, advancement,
status groups. They are concerned with sociological industrialization and so on. Secondly, in terms of political
discourse only in so far as those bring to the fore socially organization, people are mobilized on class affiliations and
oppressive mechanisms and ways of outcasting, not on caste, primarily, because it is thought that caste
marginalizing, stigmatizing Dalits. These modes of divides.
distinction have been discussed quite a bit in the traditional In West Bengal, the nature of discourse around caste
and anthropological literature in gazetteers, caste manuals, has been displaced by a discourse of Tribal identity, which
etc. can be found from Jharkhand to the Rajbansis in north
But that is not what sociologists in modern India have Bengal. Then, there is the minority discourse of dissent.
been concerned with so much. They have been concerned Muslims were so far very close to the Left, since the Left
with the power dimension of inequality- in terms of had taken a very strident, secular stand. But that is
economic exchange, political authority- how political, dissipating, as one can see from some of the movements
social authority is exercised in the village and the city like the one in Nandigram. That kind of whole-hearted
neighbourhoods. Whereas Dalit activists today are much support that they enjoyed earlier is getting fractured by
more concerned with recognition, identity and symbolic several issues like those of madarasa education, illegal
representation. border traffic, social conservatism, and so on. So, the caste
Dalits constitute a large part of the population of West issue has not featured significantly here. It does have a
Bengal. But caste does not feature in the political discourse small resonance in the border district of Nadiya (district

adjacent to Bangladesh) where a large number of the convergent with class positions. Many people who
Namasudras (a Dalit caste) had built up a movement in the constitute part of the bhadralok come from relatively 'lower'
1950s. caste groups, especially the trading castes. With the arrival
Is caste discrimination prevalent in West Bengal? What of the British, a number of 'lower' caste groups- traders,
is its nature as compared to other states where caste is businesspeople- were able to, through their association
'visible'? What do the following indicators speak about with the British, enhance their status.
the prevalence, nature and extent of caste discrimination While efforts were made by the society and the state to
in the state- practice of untouchability, access to places of integrate the 'upper' caste refugees from East Pakistan
worship, land holding, access to education, and proportion (now Bangladesh) into West Bengal's socio-economic
of Dalit students in higher education? fabric, Dalit refugees were thrown out of West Bengal by
As I mentioned just now, with regard to access to places forcing them to settle in inhospitable areas of MP and
of worship and domestic spaces, restrictions still exist. other states. Both Congress and the CPI (M) were party
With regard to land holding and access to drinking water, to that. When the Dalits opposed, they were massacred in
etc., these are not so severely practiced. Land-holdings Marichjhapi. How do you look at that?
partly because we have had a long history of peasant Marichjhapi happened in 1978, after the Left Front
movements, which has enabled 'lower' caste groups to government had come to power in West Bengal. 'Lower'
atleast get some rights over land, as tenants and marginal caste refugees from Bangladesh were sent off to
farmers, even if they have not got ownership of land. As Dandakaranya in Madhya Pradesh for rehabilitation,
far as access to education is concerned, there is no actual primarily because they could not be accommodated in and
debarring of education but there are various kinds of around the city of Calcutta or anywhere in the state. Most
discriminatory practices in terms of sitting, eating with the people, who went to Dandakaranya, had come to India
'upper' caste children during the mid-day meals etc. These after the 1964 riots. They were directly sent-off from the
have affected the lives of Dalits in different ways. There border to these places. Secondly, Dandakaranya was a
are examples of people who have succeeded, even though forest area which could be cleared for cultivation. However,
they hailed from very modest backgrounds, like Meghnad it turned out to be an extremely rugged land, where
Saha. There have been some such examples of 'lower' caste cultivation was difficult. The government could not provide
people, who have succeeded by dint of their own efforts. much assistance. They did provide coal, etc. but it was
But that does not mean that there has been any kind of difficult to survive in such harsh conditions. And given
state support for their uplift. the shift that the people had to make from lush, alluvial
Amongst the 'untouchable' groups, very few people have soil back home to this water-scarce, extremely rocky soil
been able to access education. As a result, they have not conditions, it became extremely difficult for them to sustain
been able to uplift themselves through their own efforts; cultivation. The 'upper' caste refugees were also not
they have to depend on others. And that makes them more provided with land by the state but they managed to grab
vulnerable. Secondly, in terms of livelihoods, they have to land. They settled around the areas like Dum Dum,
depend on labour. They can rarely send their children to Jadavpur, and Garia in Kolkata. The area around
school because they cannot afford the opportunity cost. Santoshpur was all swampy land. The 'lower' caste people,
Children's labour is important for household expenses- eventually, had to inhabit these marshy areas.
one major reason why 'lower' caste groups stay out of What has been the position of the CPI (M) state government
education. vis-à-vis Dalits of West Bengal? How democratic is the
The Bengali bhadralok is the leading class of the Bengali structure of CPI (M) with respect to the inclusion of Dalits
intelligentsia and has been dominanting the socio- in the decision-making in the party?
political life of West Bengal. Who constitutes the To be fair to the CPI (M), in one sense, it has allowed for
bhadralok? Is it a 'cultural' category/ construction or a the emergence of a certain section of the Dalits in their
caste category? How flexible is this category? leadership. I shall illustrate this. We know that politics
Bhadralok is not a caste category, it is a cultural category. cannot be done without funds. And for an individual Dalit,
It is a status group, as some people have mentioned. J. H. who aspires to fight elections, it is difficult to mobilize
Broomfield wrote a book called 'Elite Conflict in Plural funds. This creates a certain kind of dependency nexus.
Society- Twentieth Century Bengal', where he tried to On the other hand, being a party of the working class
classify the bhadraloks. They are an elite group but are people, the CPI (M) sponsors all its candidates. This has
mainly confined to the three caste groups of Brahmin, allowed a certain number of people to emerge from the
Kayastha and Vaidya. Vaidyas and Kayasthas are basically grassroots to at least become regional- district, provincial-
Sudra castes. So, bhadralok as a caste category is not leaders. It works like this - all the CPI (M) MLAs have to

Interview
contribute most of their salary to the party fund. All party one does find the articulation of a different idiom of politics
functionaries are given stipend/ living allowance from this which has taken account of, not simply the 'lower' caste or
fund. People within the party are sponsored, regardless of Tribal groups as such but 'people on the streets'.
their caste, class. This enables greater number of less In other words, one finds the incorporation of the popular
privileged sections to emerge as leaders. For instance, masses into West Bengal's institutionalized politics, which
one can find a number of people from SC and BC had so far been dominated by the Bengali bhadraloks.
communities in the different ministries. And this is clearly epitomized by Mamata Bannerji's rise.
This phenomenon could, however, be also looked at from This is completely distinguished from any kind of Dalit
a different perspective. CPI (M) could be using these movement. The Namasudra movement has not succeeded
people as tokens- as representatives of these sections- in establishing Namosudras as leaders. Infact, the
but not holding much decision-making power. Here is a Namosudra movement has been transformed from a
slippery kind of a problem. Land reforms, for example, have movement for cultural recognition to a religious sect (the
benefited many of the bargadars, a number of whom are Motua sect).
SC/ ST. They have not been benefited as SC/ST people, Then, the Bahujan Samaj Party has some kind of presence
but as bargadars, as tenants, as sharecroppers. Yet, in in the state but not that much. Consequently, they have
terms of statutory regulations, West Bengal has fared not been able to make headway. The Dalit movement,
pretty badly, both in education and employment. The however, has begun to make its presence felt in the cultural
human development report will illustrate this. It is a very sphere, in terms of publications and literature. And it is in
elusive situation, because people have benefited in certain this sphere that the struggle for self-recognition is
ways but they have not been able to assert their identity, happening.
dignity and respect. In other words, cultural recognition Last but not the least, what is the status of the
or cultural revolution has not happened. implementation of Reservation policy for SC/STs in
The Chengara movement has exposed the much-touted CSSS?
Kerala land reforms. It has highlighted that 80-90% of Our approach is that we nurture bright students who come
the Dalits and Tribals are landless, despite the land from marginalized sections. We believe that there should
reforms. The Dalits in Chengara are now charting a new, not be any distinction between students belonging to the
independent movement, foregrounding their identity, on SC/ST/OBC communities and the mainstream. We have
the same issue of land that the Left had always espoused. had some very good experience in the past. I should
In this context, what is the situation of land reforms in mention with confidence that some of our students coming
West Bengal? from these sections have done extremely well. I think that
In West Bengal, quite a sizeable section of people have though a person belonging to, say, the SC community
got land, though it has not brought about much might want to assert his cultural identity; he might not like
substantial changes. This has happened because though to be labelled as a person who has gained entry into
land was available for people, they did not possess the academics through the quota.
means of production to deploy on that land. Secondly, I am saying that, in the public mind, there is this kind of
most of the time, the land was not in one piece; it was association between quotas and academic capabilities. So,
scattered. So, though people got land, in practice they if we can circumvent this association and yet nurture them,
were not always able to cultivate it. This is the reason why it may allow them to enhance their capacities, so that they
land reform in West Bengal has been unable to take account will never be identified as an SC/ ST person- in their
of its own successes. The kinds of contradictions that professional fields. For example, I might be proud of being
have arisen from land redistribution have not been a Dalit Christian or a Dalit activist. It does not mean that I
addressed. It was thought that if the landless got land, want to advertise the benefits of reservation. This is the
they would have the means to uplift themselves. association that is there in the public mind. When they are
Do you foresee any kind of Dalit movement/ assertion going to go out in the world, they will be excluded,
happening in the near future in West Bengal? demarcated as quota people. If they are able to work at par
with the others in terms of their own capacity and academic
I do not see a Dalit assertion in West Bengal like the way
potential, then they can avoid being identified as quota
it has happened in Tamil Nadu, Maharashtra and UP. But
people
Sandali(sojourner.sandali@gmail.com) is pursuing Research Training Programme (RTP) at Centre for Studies in

Social Sciences, Kolkata

Remembering Marichjhapi Massacre, 1979
Thousands of Dalit refugees were killed by the West Bengal government, in one of the biggest human rights
violation in post independent India. Due to the conspiratorial silence of the Bengali civil society not much is
know to outsiders. Below are the excerpts from an article, Refugee Resettlement in Forest Reserves: West
Bengal Policy Reversal and the Marichjapi Massacre written by Ross Mallick, published in The Journal of
Asian Studies, Vol. 58, No. 1 (Feb. 1999).
T he events leading up to the refugee massacre revealed

a trail of communal and class conflict that had its roots
many centuries earlier. The gap between the Muslim and
who resented this occupation. The crops and agricultural
works of the refugees were periodically destroyed or
harvested by Tribal peoples. While the upper-caste
Untouchable tenants was arguably not as great as that squatters were getting their colonies legalized and services
between the Untouchables and upper-caste landlords, and provided, the Untouchables became exiled to other states
in the colonial period Untouchables and Muslims were where they faced often hostile local populations.
political allies in opposition to the Hindu-landlord- In this period the Left-dominated opposition took
dominated Bengal Congress Party. In the colonial period, up the case of the Untouchable refugees and demanded
the East Bengal Namasudra movement had been one of the government settle to them within their native Bengal
the most powerful and politically mobilized Untouchable rather than scatter them across India on the lands of other
movements in India and in alliance with the more numerous peoples. The sites mentioned in West Bengal for
Muslims, had kept the Bengal Congress Party in opposition resettlement were either the Sundarbans area of the Ganges
from the 1920s. The exclusion of high-caste Hindus from delta or vacant land scattered in various places throughout
power led to the Hindu elite and eventually the Congress the state. In 1977, the CPI (M) led Left Front defeated
Party pressing for partition of the province at Congress in the assembly elections and formed
independence, so that at least the western half would return government in West Bengal.
to their control.
Having sold their belongings to pay for the trip,
With the partition of India it was the upper-caste 15,000 refugee families left Dandakaranya only to discover
landed elite who were the most threatened by their tenants that Left Front policy had changed now that the coalition
and who had the wherewithal in education and assets to was in power, and many refugees were arrested and
migrate to India. Even those not as well off had the returned to the resettlement camps. The remaining refugees
connections to make a fairly rapid adjustment in India. managed to slip through police cordons, reaching their
The first waves of refugees were traditional uppercaste objective of Marichjhapi island, where settlement began.
elite. Those who lacked town houses and property in India The state government was not disposed to tolerate such
squatted on public and private land in Calcutta and other settlement, stating that the refugees were "in unauthorised
areas, and resisted all attempts to evict them. The failure occupation of Marichjhapi which is a part of the
of the Congress government to grant them squatters' Sundarbans Government Reserve Forest violating thereby
ownership and its attempts at eviction provided the the Forest Acts".
Communist opposition with a ready following among the
When persuasion failed to make the refugees
refugees, who gradually came to be organized by
abandon their settlement, the Left Front West Bengal
Communist-front organizations. Faced with this resistance
government started, on January 26, 1979, an economic
and the public sympathy they generated among their
blockade of the settlement with thirty police launches.
relatives and caste members, the Congress government
The community was tear-gassed, huts were razed, and
acquiesced in the illegal occupations.
fisheries and tube wells were destroyed, in an attempt to
Later refugees came from the lower classes, who deprive refugees of food and water. At least several
lacked the means to survive on their own and became hundred men, women, and children were said to have been
dependent on government relief. Lacking the family and killed in the operation and their bodies dumped in the
caste connections of the previous middleclass refugees, river. "Out of the 14,388 families who deserted [for West
they had to accept the government policy of dispersing Bengal], 10,260 families returned to their previous places
them to other states, on the claim that there was insufficient ... and the remaining 4,128 families perished in transit, died
vacant land available in West Bengal. However, the land of starvation, exhaustion, and many were killed in Kashipur,
the Untouchable refugees were settled on in other states Kumirmari, and Marichjhapi by police firings" (Biswas
were forests in the traditional territory of Tribal peoples, 1982, 19)

Photo Courtesy ICM School, Khuduhuriah
Bihar School Text Books
Politics of Syllabus
Brahmanism is trifle subdued in School textbooks in Bihar as compared to
textbooks from other states, but it is definitely not absent. This is despite the
fact that the State has been ruled by the non-Congress, self-styled champions
of social justice, for almost two decades now.
by Arun Kumar
E
ducation as an integral part of No wonder, then, that 'the past' Philosophically speaking, and
state system is roughly a four gets re-constructed every time a this is true of not only Indian
centuries' old phenomenon. change is attempted in 'the present'. education system but education
Prior to the rise of the nation-state, No wonder, then, that school systems almost everywhere, a
education by and large was a private textbooks are replete with lessons on privileged part is taught as the whole
affair, managed either by the raja or patriotism of a particular kind. And, Brahmanic history gets projected
the gurukul, the priest or the prince, no wonder, then, that the call to as the Ancient Indian history; the
or at times by both in a partnership. sacrifice oneself at the border of the Indian National Congress (INC)
The market and nation-state entered nation-state is propagated as the becomes the Indian national
the classroom later. greatest of all virtues. movement; the political freedom from
Nation-states call for a citizenry Therefore, there is nothing the British under the hegemony of the
that conform to their image and hidden about the agenda of the INC becomes the Freedom
interest. That may explain why states education system in India. As we can Movement. In other words, all other
all over the world keep such a tight well imagine, a conformist agenda movements that fought for political
control over education of their young rewards internalisation of freedom and economic, socio-cultural
minds. No wonder, changing school confirmation and punishes emancipation fail to get their due.
textbooks and syllabi today are seen questioning, criticality and change. The nationalist, the 'General', in
as nothing less than tinkering with Democracy and equality, for instance, other words, becomes synonymous
the past, present, and the future of can be taught as concepts, as long with the 'upper' caste, privileged,
the nation itself, thus rendering it as there are no suggestions for propertied male. The onus thus is on
undesirable. democratising them for all. the 'less than General', the Scheduled,

Hindu/Brahmanic universals are a trifle subdued in Hindi century, controversies
textbooks in Bihar as compared to textbooks from other States, with regards to the
nature of Hindi tilted in
but they are definitely not absent. Birsa, for instance, gets favour of purified,
mentioned as Bhagwan; but there is not even a reference to the Sanskrit-based Hindi,
fact that he was an Adivasi 'necessitating' purging
out words of Arabic,
the marginalised, Dalits, women and distance to cover, for they appear as Persian and Urdu origins. This
children to recast education and the addendum and not as a corrective linguistic tussle was in a way a
society that exists today. measure to the mainstream, 'upper' reflection of the 19th century politico-
Social Science textbooks in caste, upper class Congress saga of cultural Brahminical propaganda,
Bihar are no exception. This is despite the Independence movement. known as Shuddhi and Sangathan,
the fact that they are better textbooks So, it's highly encouraging, for which in turn had a direct bearing on
than those from several other states example, to see Battakh Mian Ansari the national movement led by the
of India which are ahead of it in the of Champaran (he saved Gandhi's life INC. The 'victory' of the nationalist
realm of education. This is also despite before the latter could become Congress in the political realm
the fact that the State has been ruled Mahatma) being taught along with resulted in the domination of a Hindi
by the non-Congress, self-styled the known and the familiar elites. that was closer to the Brahmanic India
champions of social justice of one However, there is no critical and removed from the non-
variety or another, for almost two engagement with why he was left to Brahmanic castes and communities.
decades now. They are at best suffer the wrath of the British alone,
To illustrate the problem of
tokenistic in nature when it comes to why the Gandhi-led congress didn't
Brahmanism crippling Hindi
correcting age-old biases in favour of come to his rescue, why the
textbooks, some examples can be
'upper' caste, middle class male. The mainstream history (the practice of
cited. A chapter called "Eid" opens
sovereignty of abstract nationalism history) and History (as a knowledge
up with dialogues between Radha and
and patriotism is kept intact; the need system) both developed a studied
Razia. Razia shares: 'Ramzaan
to familiarize (and thus prepare to amnesia towards his contribution and
humlogon ka nauwan mahina hota
challenge) socio-economic inequalities subsequent ruin.
hai.' 'Humlogon ka' is for Muslims
is missing, just like in textbooks of Hindu/Brahmanic universals who follow the Islamic calendar.
other states. are a trifle subdued in Hindi Children are expected to know that
The Preface of a textbook for textbooks in Bihar as compared to Razia is a Muslim. The term 'Muslim',
Standard III announces the book to textbooks from other States, but they however, is never used in the text.
be child-oriented and committed to are definitely not absent. Birsa, for That is some confidence in diversity!
children's overall development with instance, gets mentioned as The erasure of the Dalit and other
special focus on their 'moral, national Bhagwan; but there is not even a marginalised sections of society, we
(what ever it means) and human reference to the fact that he was an
can notice, is done with numbing
qualities'. The focus supposedly is on Adivasi. Similarly, there is a lesson
obstinacy.
'a balanced individual development' so on Siddhartha- who saves the swan
wounded by his brother- without any Spare a moment for the Chapter
that the children can become
mention that it was this Siddhartha on Kabir. Maintaining correctly that
'responsible citizens' and 'work for the
who went on to become the Buddha. not much is known about Kabir's
prosperity, freedom, secularism and
biological parents and their religion,
integration of the country'. How Brahmanism also cripples Hindi
the text slyly turns them, and Kabir,
exactly these 'responsible citizens' are textbooks through the selection and
to make sense of the real world they into Hindu. Neeru and Neema, Kabir's
rejection of words. Hindustani makes
live in and confront on a daily basis parents, who found and brought him
it first tentative appearance in
remains unclear. up, were julahas (weavers). But,
standard IV. Till then the books, for
notice the politics of language: 'Ve ek
History textbooks appear to be instance, teach "prayatn", and then
bachche ke liye pratidin Ishwar se
on the right track, as for the first time explain that it means, "koshish"
prarthana kiya karte the'.
subaltern heroes (those from the (effort). Why a State where
marginalized communities) and their Hindustani has deep roots in its Pratidin Ishwar se prarthana?
voices find a place in the narratives lingua franca would do so is difficult It hardly leaves any ambiguity
of freedom movements. But these to comprehend. Or, may be not. about the religion of Neeru and
history textbooks still have some In the beginning of the 20th Neema, does it? It sounds as if they

were Hindu. In any event, is there seen any civilised society other than [after the abolition] satisfied)!
confusion about the religion of their own. There are even such weird This gets really confusing for
julahas in the Benaras region where communities who still live in naked children. If zamindari is bad (hence
Kabir grew? or semi-naked condition) the need for its abolition in the first
There is a story that upon the One may ask, what is this place) then why pay compensation
death of Kabir his Hindu and Muslim backward state in which the naked to the bad guys? Clearly, the textbook
followers fought over his last rites. and the half-naked Adivasis are said editors do not find it confusing. Nor
When the kafan (shroud) was taken to be living in? Which is this do those who can see through the
off his dead body, as the myth has it, supposedly 'other civilised' society, text the class politics, the leadership
there were only flowers, and no body, if it is not of the non-Adivasis, the of Bihar Congress, the caste and class
which the followers divided among society of the editors of the text that locus of the protagonist and so on.
themselves. The text, duty-bound, as the tribals have not seen and known? This also highlights the fact that the
it were, reports this myth. But look at A society that imposes nudity on its interests of Congress elites and 'anti-
the question it asks: 'What followed women for entertainment finds the Congress' Socialist elites (under
the death of Kabir?' In answering this nudity among adivasis 'strange'. At whose regime these books were
question, we can imagine, the mythic least nudity among adivasis is not prepared) do not necessarily differ
tale will become a truth of sorts. What gendered; both men and women use when it comes to structural issues like
will get ignored is that it was just a scanty clothes. The lesson redefines zamindari or land-holding.
myth after all. the height of condescension when it One of my favourite texts is
Another chapter 'Jangal ki Lok calls the adivasis 'vanphool' (flower lesson 15 / Bal Bharati IV. It is an
Kathayein' (Folktales of the Jungle) is of the forest). experimental text; it weaves and
blends the story of Balram and
The meaning of Brahma is given as the one who created Krishna into a modern setting
the world. Whose world? Does this world include Muslims, where every one is in harmony
with everyone; tillers or the
Christians, Dalits, and Adivasis as well? Or, is it only the ruler, all work. One wonders,
world of Brahmans, which is then assumed to represent however, if such a picture would
everybody's world? create conflict with what
children actually observe in
a rather sad sample of half-baked The class bias of the people everyday life. What if it does? How
political correctness. It is reminiscent managing the education system in is the teacher going to explain the lack
of parroting a jargon in vogue without the State becomes clear in the of harmony, the rupture, and the
really understanding it. Or, it could be Chapter: 'Bihar Vibhuti Dr. Anugraha inequality in society?
about learning something new without Narayan Singh'. It mentions that The same could be the concern
unlearning the stereotype that actually Anugraha Narayan's father was a with the lesson: 'Suman Ek Upavan
goes against the grains of the new 'prosperous zamindar', that Anugraha Ke'. It is a good poem to teach plurality
learning. The lesson commences with Narayan played a central role in and diversity at young age. But, what
how we ought not to view the 'zamindari unmoolan' (abolition of if the students question the text itself,
Adivasis, that they are not uncivilised zamindari system), but the text as the reality they witness runs
and barbaric. One begins to wonder if conveniently omits to tell the children contrary to the message of the text?
this indeed is a clean departure from who is a zamindar, or, what is There is no mechanism suggested for
the past. But, alas, the joy is dashed in zamindari? the students and the teachers of the
the very next moment: Since, the protagonist's father text as to how to deal with the gap
'Lekin phir bhi kuchh samaj was a zamindar, children might assume between experiential reality and what
abhi bahut pichhadi dasha mein hain that it's a good thing. But, then, why is prescribed for learning and
jinhon ne apne alawa kisi doosre would the protagonist play a role in teaching.
unnat samaj ko nahin dekha hai. abolishing it? The text, however, Bal Bharati V introduces
Aise ajeebogharib samaj bhi hain jo carries some honesty when it says, additional scourge. Parochialism and
aaj bhi nagn athwa ardhnagn 'uchit muaawada [sic] ki vyavastha jingoism are taught as patriotism. 'We
awastha mein rehte hain.' (But there kar unhon ne zamindaron ko are the best', the lesson 1 beats its
are a few communities that are still in santusht rakha' (with proper chest aloud. Our nation gives the
very backward state and have not compensation, he kept the zamindars message of equality; it wishes no one

suffered ever; every living being on monopoly to do so.
is equal and so on. Is it about time 'Bihar Kesari Dr. Shri
the import of humility was Krishna Singh', has 'Harijan
registered? How a Dalit girl would Mandir Pravesh' (temple entry of
relate to such pronouncements is harijans) as one of his major
anybody's guess. Veer ras accomplishments, but no space is
pervades the text, calling for war, provided for discussions on this
sacrifice and martyrdom (Veer aspect in the exercise. Would the
Abhimanyu, Sher Shivaji, Jhansi children ask, why the so-called
ki Rani, etc). harijans were not allowed to enter
The problem of innocent a temple? Can they not also
looking, but actually dangerous wonder why some are still not
and divisive Hindu universal is allowed to enter a temple? And,
especially acute in this book. The could they also enquire about
meaning of Brahma is given as the other caste-related issues, like,
one who created the world untouchability? How long we can
(lesson 2). Whose world? Does shy away from the question of
this world include Muslims, caste and why is what we need to
Christians, Dalits, and Adivasis ask the educationists/editors
as well? Or, is it only the world of concerned. How exactly is the
Brahmans, which is then assumed teacher trained today to address
to represent everybody's world? are like our sons (daughters are out these questions? But, that is another
What about the world of a non- of question, of course!). The Vedas story for another time.
believer? But, that would be too and the Puranas become the generic
'ours'/hamare. The Brahmanic A child from Dalit or any
distant a world for the editors to
worldview gobbles up the rest. marginalized background suffers
comprehend, I presume.
double assault; first because of the
Consider yet another example. The champions of secularism
prevailing social inequalities and
'Paropkari Vriksha' (Benevolent Tree) were fast asleep when these
secondly, in school textbooks where
is supposed to be a text on textbooks were being produced, it
she is forced to accept what is
environment. And this is how the seems. 'Sher Shivaji' is a reproduction
contrary to her real life experiences
significance of trees is underlined: of history inspired by Hindutva's
as education. The real life experiences
'Dharmik granthon mein vriksha ideology. Shivaji relentlessly and
eventually make such children see the
lagana punya aur katna pap mana incorrectly continues to be made the
project of Nation-building with great
gaya hai' [Religious texts consider symbol of 'Hindu' resistance against
suspicion, while the school learning
planting of tree to be pious and 'Muslims' oppression. Nothing could
turns them hostile to both, school and
cutting it down to be a sin]. be farther from truth. He fought
learning.
Aurangzeb, not because he was
Yet another one: Hamare championing the cause of 'oppressed The sincerity with which issues
granthon mein kaha gaya hai ki Hindus'. He fought because of dignity, identity, or equality are
vriksha manushya ke putra ke Aurangzeb was willing to grant him raised in the political realm has a
saman hain (ibid) [Our scriptures mansabdari of 5,000 and not of 7,500, reflection in the kinds of textbooks
consider trees to be like sons of Man]. the amount he was willing to settle that are given to children. Half-
Whose dharmik granth for. Shivaji, the so-called symbol of hearted, tokenistic/symbolic,
(religious scripture) is the book talking Hindu gallantry, actually wanted to contradictory, insensitive to the
about? The Adivasis who live in serve the Mughals. The quarrel was marginalized is what we experience in
jungles and depend on the produce not over ideology or religion but real life political theatre. And this is
from trees for their survival have no salary; both were feudal kings who what our children get to learn as
granth. The shudras have no granth. thrived on looting the peasantry, at knowledge and values. We owe them
The Qur'an does not say that trees times in unison, at times with an eye better. And they need it now
Arun Kumar (arun.kumar@crymail.org) is working with Child Rights and You (CRY) as General Manager, Youth.
The usual disclaimer holds.

Interview
Benefits of Reservation should reach to all
Suresh kumar Digumarthi is one of the leading student

activists in the University of Hyderabad. Here he interacts
with Anoop Kumar on various issues concerning University
Dalit student community.
Suresh, please tell our readers about your background. students group, which all the Dalit students were part of,
I am doing my PhD in the Department of Political Science, irrespective of their caste backgrounds. It was then
University of Hyderabad. I belong to the Madiga decided by the senior student members that ASA, to avoid
community and my father works in the Andhra Pradesh any division, would not participate in any activities
Health Department. My mother is a housewife. Both my pertaining to the classification issue outside the campus.
parents were first generation literates. However, they could But it was observed that some of the functionaries from
not access higher education. I have three siblings. Despite the Mala caste were actively promoting the activities of
meager means, my parents did their best to provide us Mala Mahanadu (an organization of Mala caste) to oppose
education; but it was the government scholarship that the demands for classification among the Dalits. Our
actually enabled us to aspire for higher education. Madiga seniors felt that by doing so, they had broken
You have been actively participating in the Dalit their promise. Besides, they also felt the need of forming a
movement, along with your studies. How did you get separate students organization for Madiga students to
introduced to the movement? support the demand for classification. Then Dalit Student
Union (DSU) was formed.
I started participating in the Dalit movement only when I
joined the University of Hyderabad. Before that, I was not As you said that DSU was formed for Madiga students,
very keen on our issues. One reason might be that my then why did you choose to use the term Dalit instead of
father hid our caste identity, as he was working in an area Madiga to name your organization?
where there were not many Dalits. But when I joined the It is true that our organization takes stands with Madiga
University in 1999, I was exposed to a very strong Dalit perspective but we do not have any problems in including
consciousness, present in the campus due to the student other Dalit students also with us. Some of our founder
activism, that made me quite comfortable vis-à-vis my own members wanted to name it as Madiga Students Union
identity and further interaction with my seniors drew me but the others thought that it was not good to exclude
towards the Dalit movement. other Dalits who wanted to join us, so we decided for Dalit
University of Hyderabad is known for its very strong and Students Union.
vibrant Dalit students movement. However, one also Apart from Malas and Madigas there are other numerous
witnesses a sharp division among the Dalit students on small castes within Dalit community. What are the options
caste lines. What are the reasons of such a division? for students coming from these castes?
Though it might appear to be so but I dont think the
Many of such students join Ambedkar Students Union.
division among the Dalit students are on the caste lines. It
In fact many Madiga students are also active in ASA and
is issue-based and that issue is classification among the
it is not a problem with us. Here, I will like to make myself
Dalit communities of Andhra Pradesh. This issue is a highly
very clear that we treat ASA as our mother organization
contentious one that came to the forefront in the 1980s. In
and apart from the classification issue we stand united.
AP, there are two major Dalit castes- Mala and Madiga,
Earlier, our seniors used to tell us that ASA was Mala-
apart from many smaller castes. The Madigas have been
dominated organization and Madiga students were not
demanding classification among the Dalit community, so
given much space. But when, we, the younger generation
that there are equal opportunities for all the Dalit castes to
took the leadership we are telling our juniors that ASA is
get the benefit of reservations. But the Malas, being the
for all the Dalits and DSU is for the Madigas.
biggest beneficiaries among all the Dalit castes, have been
opposing this demand. It has made an impact in our campus Since last few years, the classification issue has assumed
too, which gets reflected through two separate Dalit much importance in the Dalit struggle in Andhra Pradesh.
students groups working in the campus. In 1994, the We have also witnessed its impact on Dalit students
Ambedkar Students Association (ASA) was the lone Dalit politics here. What is this issue all about?

The constitutional provision of reservation for SC/STs as threats to their existence. In the rustication case of ten
has benefited lots of Dalits. However, unfortunately, the Dalit students (2002), Left supported the University
benefits have been limited to certain castes only, the castes administration and we would never forget that.
that are dominant among Dalits. If the reservation is not Recently there has been some huge controversy in the
classified/categorized then all the benefits of reservation campus regarding putting up of beef-food stalls in the
will be restricted to these dominant castes only so in order University Cultural Fest by the Dalit students. What is
to spread the benefits of reservation to each and every your opinion?
Dalit castes it is must to provide reservation on the basis
It is unfortunate that the University administration and
of the population of each of the Dalit caste. In Andhra
upper-caste chauvinist students are opposing the beef-
Pradesh, apart from Madigas and Malas there are 57 other
food stalls set up by the Dalit students. We are beef-eaters.
castes that are included in the SC list. Recently we had
Beef has been part of Dalit food culture in South India. We
done a survey in University of Hyderabad about the
have grown up on beef. When anybody can eat chicken,
representation of Dalit communities since last ten years.
fish, mutton etc. openly in this country why cant we eat
We found that only students from 13 Dalit castes got
our food. They should respect our food culture. We want
admission here. Even among them the number of Malas
to resist this brahminical cultural hegemony. In the cultural
and Madigas were much high. What about the students
fest, students from different region and culture put up
from rest of the castes? The categorization is not the issue
their food stalls. For example every year we have Bengali,
between Mala-Madiga alone but it should be done, so
Keralite, Northeastern and other region-based food stalls.
that the benefits of reservation would reach to each castes.
It is not just about food. It is about showcasing your
With the rise of Madiga politics, Jagjivan Ram has culture before the campus. Similarly we also thought of
emerged as Dalit icon in Andhra Pradesh. It is little displaying our Dalit culture by putting up beef-food stalls.
surprising, as he never attained that stature in North So we took permission from the university administration
India. There he remained a great Dalit politician but never to open beef stall and then only we put up our stall.
became an icon of the emancipatory Dalit politics.
But there was lot of opposition?
Yes it is true. Madigas accepted Jagjivan Ram as one of
The beef stall was huge success. Lots of people
their icons probably because he was from similar Chamar
came and ate. Later some students from Akhil Bhartiya
caste but they have not done that at the cost of rejecting
Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP) came and asked us to stop our
Babasaheb Ambedkar. We follow both Babasaheb and
stall. We refused. Then they forced the administration to
Jagjivan Ram.
withdraw the permission. We simply stated our position
But in north India where the Dalit movement is led by that beef has been part of our food and nobody has the
Chamars, Jagjivan Ram is not considered as an Icon. right to deny us. Most of the Dalit students started keeping
May be but we believe that Babasaheb Ambedkar gave us vigil around the stall so that administration could not
the Constitution but Jagjivan Ram implemented it. He forcefully evict us. The administration applied every trick
successfully led many important ministries where he did on us- they threatened us, cajoled us but we remained
his best to continue the policy of Babasaheb Ambedkar. firm. That was in 2006. However, the unity of Dalit students
That is quite a unique explanation! Anyways, coming back prevailed and we ran our stall successfully. We hope that
to students politics in the campus. Since its inception, in future, we will be able to run our stall successfuly.
DSU has been fighting elections for the student union. Upper castes students also came to your stall to eat beef?
How has been the journey so far? Of course, our beef stall was the most successful
Since 1996 we are fighting University elections and have a one. The demand was so much that we were unable to
fair amount of success in getting our candidates elected. provide enough beef packets. Not only Dalits but also
Earlier, our seniors had a pact with a right wing students many other students from Muslims, Christians, Northeast
group called Discovery, just in order to remain in the also used to visit our stall. Beef has been part of their food
contest but later with the change in the leadership of DSU habits also but they are denied that due to upper caste
it was decided not to have any kind of pact with such chauvinism in this country. But we were surprised by huge
groups. Since 2002, DSU has fought most of the elections number of upper caste students visiting our stall. Though
in alliance with Ambedkar Students Union. Together we many of them did not wanted others to know about their
had alliances with Left students group also. But the eating beef. Then we realized that most of the upper caste
experience has not been a nice one. Left students group students eat beef and the ABVP is just trying to get political
had betrayed us several times. They align with us out of mileage and dont want to loose the opportunity to assert
electoral compulsions and perceive Dalit students group their socio-cultural hegemony on us

Photo Courtesy Frontline
Manual Scavenging and the Legal Discourse
Through the Lens

of Pollution
by Saptarshi Mandal
A
lot is being written about
these days in newspapers, Bounded by caste, customs and traditions, the
popular magazines and
academic journals on manual
Dalits involved in manual scavenging find no legal
scavenging. While all these writings recourse despite the enactment of law prohibiting
highlight the failure of the law in
abolishing manual scavenging and
the practice. A close reading of the law reveals that
liberate the Dalits who are forced to the state also never intended to do so.
clean human excreta with their hands,
three sites of interaction between unsanitary conditions were not
there seems to be an uncritical view
manual scavenging and the legal attended to, should rise up to another
of the law itself as a mode of liberation.
discourse. revolt against the unequal civic
There seems to be a feeling that if
amenities, the colonial masters
only the law had been implemented Within the ambit of blamed it on the sweepers'
in the right spirit, we might have seen Essential Services inefficiency.
an end to the practice of manual
scavenging. In the tropics, cleanliness was as Every house in a locality used
important to the British as loyalty, to be serviced by a particular sweeper.
Such an uncritical, sanitized Additionally, there was an informal
writes Vijay Prashad in his account
view of law however, presupposes the agreement of service between the
of the manual scavengers of Delhi
law as an autonomous institution, householder and the sweeper, which,
(Untouchable Freedom: Social
divorced from the existing social in addition to the monthly wages,
History of a Dalit Community, pp 2).
relations. It needs to be recognized entitled him to receive leftover food
The central aspect of the colonial
that the relationship between the law on a daily basis and money during
governance policy in India was to
and the manual scavengers has a ritual occasions. Since contact with
restructure urban life by making the
long history of confrontation, control filth threatened the notion of ritual
cities clean and out of reach of the
and coercion. purity of both the Hindus and
dreaded epidemics.
One needs to take a long hard However, despite the efforts Muslims, the householders seldom
look at the law and the legal discourse and 'a most laudable zeal in this work offended the sweepers. This allowed
around manual scavenging and ask of sanitary improvement' by the the sweepers some bargaining power
whether law could at all serve the ends municipal bodies, regular and timely - albeit limited - within the structure
of a radical anti-caste politics leading removal of garbage remained of subordination, which gave them a
to justice for and liberation of the of confined to only those areas of the sense of economic security and
the manual scavengers. city where the British stationed. Lest dignity.
In this article, I propose to the inhabitants of the old city However, this irked the colonial
dwell on this question by exploring (reference is to Old Delhi here) whose officers who exaggerated this limited

power and independence of the story of how the colonial legal Services' and whom they were not
sweeper in order to justify the discourse worked in favour of the prepared to release except on one
administration's taking over of the prevailing Hindu social order in month's notice. While the Indian
cleaning duties and tying them to the retaining the status quo, it was the government tried to secure safe
administration through fixed wages. legal discourse of the independent passage for the 'Hindus' of Pakistan,
The sweeper was thus portrayed as a Indian State, that cemented the Dalit's there was no concern about the Dalits
'tyrant', who holds the entire urban association with filth by invoking the left behind in Pakistan. Dr. Ambedkar
community to ransom depending on language of 'essential services'. raised this issue in a letter to Prime
his whims. The Essential Services Minister Jawaharlal Nehru in
Another aspect of the Maintenance Ordinance (ESMO) had December 1947. However, it is not
municipality's move to appropriate its origin during the Second World known what came out of his
the labour process surrounding the War, when it was deployed to ensure concerned intervention.
cleaning of the city was that the the smooth running of the war Once again the national polity
sweeper was an 'irreplaceable worker', economy. When the sanitation got a chance to decide the fate of the
who supported the entire Photo Courtesy Getty images
edifice of sanitary
administration with cheap
labour. Despite the gradual
mechanization of the system
of disposal of filth, what kept
the 'modern' mechanized
system running was the
manual labour of the
sweepers of the municipality.
It would not be too
erroneous to argue that the
economic considerations of
the colonial masters were
influenced by the native caste
relations. In the native
consciousness, the Dalit,
being the embodiment of
pollution, was hardly human
to be accorded any dignity and
therefore it wouldn't unsettle
the native sentiments if the Dalits were The economic considerations of the colonial masters
used as a cheap substitute for a capital- were influenced by the native caste relations. In the
intensive sanitation technology.
native consciousness, the Dalit, being the embodiment
The authority of law was used of pollution, was hardly human to be accorded any dignity
to tighten the administration's hold
on the sweepers, who were gradually workers of Delhi went on a strike in manual scavengers when the ESMO
becoming servants of the 1943, they were arrested and returned bill was taken up for discussion in
municipality. Under section 118 of Act to their workplace. In 1947, the the Lok Sabha in 1957 in response to
XX of 1891, the municipality could provisions of the ESMO were the strikes of manual scavengers
prosecute any sweeper who incorporated in the Industrial across various municipalities of the
neglected his statutory duties. This Disputes Act. country. The Dalit's escape from the
meant in effect, that the sweepers During the Partition, the new caste-based division of labour was
could not go on a strike to protest State of Pakistan refused to allow the legally barred, when the ESMO was
against any decision of the 'untouchables' involved in sanitation passed by 226 votes to 51. In 1965,
administration, for that would be a work to immigrate to India, as the the ESMO was given a longer leash
neglect of his statutory duties. government had declared the of life when the Supreme Court of
While the foregoing is the sweepers as belonging to 'Essential India opined that ESMO did not

restrict the freedoms of speech, evidence for the existence of such consensus between the claimants of
expression or association and held 'customary rights'. The Committee later rights and the subject matter of the
therefore, that there was no concluded that due compensation rights. Three, customary rights relate
fundamental right to strike. could not be paid to the manual to crucial questions of livelihood.
scavengers, in accordance with the And four, to be legally recognized,
Scavenging & Customary Constitutional scheme, on abolition of customary rights should not only be
Rights the practice. This was so, because the ancient and certain, they should be
The discourse of 'Customary Rights' Committee found that the evidence reasonable as well.
arose in the 1960s following the report was not 'clear and unambiguous' When the language of
of the second Malkani Committee, enough - as required by the law - to customary rights is invoked and
which sought to provide effective support such a claim. Nevertheless, it advocated in the context of the
solutions to the 'Customary Rights did recognize that such customary manual scavengers, it stealthily reads
to Scavenging'. The Committee rights existed and that they were 'an in the 'consent' of the scavengers to
considered the question, whether the extension of the traditional rural the system that degrades them and
right to clean human excreta and jajmani system'. robs them of their dignity. It must be
dispose it was a customary right. And, Although, if recognized as remembered that those involved in
if indeed it was so, whether it could customary rights with clear and manual scavenging do not take up
be considered to be a right to property unambiguous evidence, it would have the job by choice. The language of
under the Indian Constitution. meant economic benefits to the customary rights masks the power
The second question was manual scavengers, I find the trope and coercion involved in the process
relevant - legally speaking - for the of 'customary rights' problematic for of marking certain bodies as unclean
simple reason that, if the right to several reasons. One, customary and then assigning them the most
manual scavenging was a right to rights are invoked by communities to degrading of tasks that perpetuate
property, then the practice of manual assert their rights in natural resources. their association with 'pollution'.
scavenging could not be abolished For example, right to use forest What is more, it also tends to
without paying due compensation to products or right to fishing in tanks underplay the institutional and legal
the scavengers as is required by the etc. Two, the language of customary patronage accorded to this system of
Constitution. rights suggests the existence of a coercion. And finally, the debate
transforms to one on the existence
Manual scavenging was
of 'evidence' and 'compensation'
thought of as similar to property due
rather than question the inherent
to several reasons: for one, over
legality or morality of the practice of
time it had become a hereditary
manual scavenging.
practice, where the children
continued in the parents' place as Employment of Manual
manual scavengers in a particular Scavengers and Dry
house or locality.
Latrines (Prohibition) Act
Secondly, there was an
unwritten agreement between the In 1993, the State enacted the
householder and the scavenging Employment of Manual Scavengers
family, whereby members of that and Dry Latrines (Prohibition) Act.
family alone could provide services The stated objective of the
to the former. Thirdly, the family legislation is to 'enact a uniform law
collecting the refuse could sell the for the whole of India for abolishing
refuse (as manure) thereby manual scavenging by declaring
supplementing the family income. employment of manual scavengers
Finally, these 'rights' could be sold for removal of human excreta an
or mortgaged by the family holding offence and thereby ban the further
them, just like proliferation of dry
property. latrines in the
The Dalit's escape from the caste-based division of country'. The law
The Com-
mittee labored
labour was legally barred, when the ESMO was passed recognizes that the
in Lok Sabha by 226 votes to 51 practice of manual
hard to find

Photo Courtesy Frontline
One primary reason

why the law has not
led the process of
liberation of the
manual scavengers is
that the implications of
the notion of
'pollution' have not
been recognized by
the legal discourse
Manual Scavengers protest demanding the deomolition of dry latrine in Kurnool
scavenging, which continues area; and less because of concern for the
unabated in major parts of the country (c) it is necessary or expedient to do manual scavengers.
is indeed 'dehumanising'. so for the protection and improvement Through the Lens of
However, a closer reading of the of the environment or public health
law reveals two aspects: one, that the in that area.
Pollution
legislative intent is more towards Three points may be noted One of the major aspects of the Dalit's
improvement of urban sanitation and here: one, the use of the word 'may' in situation of marginality and exclusion
public health rather than liberation of the first clause and 'shall' in the is her association with the notion of
the manual scavengers; and two, that second clause reveals the differential ritual 'pollution' accruing from her
the law does not provide for an sense of priority and urgency in the engagement with the so-called
absolute abolition of manual legal intent. Two, the word 'and' in 'unclean' occupations. Certain
scavenging. clause 3(1)(b) suggests that for the occupations - mostly associated with
Section 3(1) of the Act directs State Government to issue death and human bodily waste - are
that the State Government 'may' notification, all the three conditions regarded as unclean and degraded
declare by notification in a particular have to be fulfilled. And three, the and therefore assigned to those
area that no person shall employ State Government can issue considered to be outside the pale of
another for the purpose of manual notification based on considerations humanity. In fact, the link between the
scavenging and that no person shall of protection of environment and Dalit as embodying pollution and the
construct or maintain a dry latrine. danger to public health, but liberation polluting occupations follows a
The next sub-clause however, waters of the manual scavengers from an circular logic: Why are the jobs
down the absolute prohibition undervalued and degraded task may polluting? Because they are
suggested by the foregoing clause, not be a concern pressing enough! performed by Dalits. Why are the
by adding that the State Government Dalits polluting? Because they
Additionally, the State
'shall' issue a notification to the perform polluting jobs.
Government is empowered to declare
above-mentioned effect, only if any area exempt from the application It is this association with ritual
(a) it has issued another notification of the Act, upon any such condition pollution, and the stigma and
at least ninety days before, declaring as it may think fit. It seems that the discrimination resulting thereof, that
its intention to prohibit manual Act was spearheaded by the ministry sets apart Dalits from the other
scavenging; of urban development and passed in deprived groups or 'have-nots' in the
the interest of urban sanitation, Indian society. And it is this
(b) there are adequate facilities for
fuelled by international concerns, and association with ritual pollution that
the use of water-seal latrines in that

is invoked to explain and justify the sanitation under Article 21 of the in a short article, Prof. N.S.
sub-human status assigned to the Constitution. However these Chandrasekharan had urged the
Dalits by the caste system. judgments have seldom dwelt on the Indian judges and legal academics to
One primary reason why the question of rights of those Dalits who develop, what he termed as a Dalit
law has not led the process of are employed to clean them manually. Jurisprudence, which could guide the
liberation of the manual scavengers manner in which justice may be
Need of Dalit delivered to the Dalits.
is that the implications of the notion
of 'pollution' have not been
Jurisprudence Chandrasekharan argued that the
recognized by the legal discourse. In As I have shown in this paper, the legal formulations devised for
fact, as we have seen throughout this law is neither an unbiased arbiter of empowering Dalits needed 'something
paper, the discourse of sanitation and human disputes, nor is it a neutral more' than the already existing vision
public health is continuously used to assigner of roles and responsibilities of social justice that one found in the
black out the caste-implications of the of the people that it regulates. The Indian Constitution.
process through which the State presumptions and operation of the In the specific context of the
provides sanitation facilities. law are informed by the existing caste State's attempts at the abolition of
Thus, we see in several cases, relations and the corresponding manual scavenging, that 'something
the Courts direct the State authorities power relations in the society, which more' would be recognizing the ideology
to undertake specific measures like ensure that the law, instead of of 'pollution'. As and when such a theory
construction of extra public latrines breaking, further entrench the status- of Dalit Jurisprudence emerges, it must
and regular cleaning of them, in order quo. squarely address the question of
to protect human health and More than twenty years back, 'pollution' within the legal dynamics
Saptarshi Mandal (saptarshi.nujs@gmail.com) is studying Law at the National University of Juridical Sciences
(NUJS), Kolkata
A Man Dies Cleaning Sewer in Chennai, Despite High Court Ban
On 20th November 2008, the Madras High court passed a landmark Judgment, banning the entry of any human
beings into the sewer manholes and septic tanks. It also asked the state government to file an action taken report on
its compliance with the court order. On 4th January 2009, the Chennai metrowater Chairman publicly affirmed that no
worker was being used to clean sewer lines and septic tanks and they would be filing the report in the court before
15th January. There was nothing surprising in such statements from the government officials, as it is a common
knowledge now, about how the various governments have been lying about the prevalance of manual scavenging
in their states and thus blocking the path towards the eradication of manual scavenging.
This denial of existence of manual scavenging in Chennai got exposed just three days after the Chairman made the
statement. Unfortunately, on 7th January, one life was lost while cleaning the sewer manhole in North Chennai.
Mr.Ettiappan, aged 50, who went to clean the sewer line along with two other workers, died inside the sewer line.
However, the government officials quickly tried to disown any responisibilty, proving that a Dalit life is much
cheaper and also that they are not bothered by the law of the land.
The news of Ettiappans death was not able to get any media coverage as the entire state media was only intreseted
in covering the controversial Assembly by-election in Tamilnadu due to which, it might now again become easy for
the government officials to hoodwink the courts on the issue of manual scavenging.
It has now become imperative for the Indian civil society to initiate action against the guilty officials and also to
unite and work, both at micro as well as national level, against manual scavenging, which is even worse than
slavery. We owe it to Ettiappan and his now orphaned family.
With inputs from Narayanan A., PAADAM

Tamilnadu
Caste Violence in
Ambedkar Law College
Based on the fact-finding report by a committee of noted
academicians and human right activists namely Dr A. Marx, K.
Palanisamy, Rajini, Thai. Kandasamy, Kesavan, Sujatha,
Manoharan, Dr P. Sivakumar, Dr K. Santhosham, Prof J. Lenin,
C. Jerome Samraj, R. Revathi and Raghavan.
The whole country was shocked to see the visuals Bharathi Kannan and Arumugam. On 12th November, again
of student clash that happened on 12th November, at the Bharathi Kannan and his group assembled in the campus
Dr. Ambedkar Law College, Chennai. The fact that these and tried to create terror among the Dalit students by
clashes have taken caste lines, seeks extra concern. Based openly brandishing knives and choppers, threatening
on the repeated telecasts in the visual media, the general them not to sit for the exams. Hearing that Dalit students
understanding amongst public is that of particular are being threatened and stopped from writing exams,
community students conducting a heinous attack on around 40 hostellers, mostly Dalits, armed with sticks
another community students. From a lay viewpoint, this arrived at the college. These students clearly told the
seems like the actual truth but this is just a half-truth. This college administration that they had come there to protect
issue has much deeper roots. Dalit students so that they were able to sit for exams and
had no intention of doing violence in the campus.
The clashes between the students from Dr.
Ambedkar Law College have been happening for many However little later, the situation became worse as
years now. In this context, a thevar caste (one of the the Bharathi Kannan and Arumugam, both armed with
dominant castes of Tamilnadu) organization Mukkulathor knives, pounced on one Dalit student Chithirai Selvan.
Manavar Peravai (Mukkulathor Student Organization) Seeing him fall with heavy injuries on his head enraged
was formed in the Law College. This outfit celebrates Dalit students and they caught both of them. We saw on
October 30th as Thevar Jeyanthi on Muthuramalinga the visual media that the two were beaten up badly after
Thevars birth anniversary. In all the posters and pamphlets their knives fell to the ground. The police despite being
present on the spot did not take any effort to stop the
printed for this function, apart from inclusion of casteist
violence or disperse the students.
slogans, the name of the Dr.Ambedkar Law College is
always truncated to Chennai Law College. This has created Three cases have been registered after the
a feeling of hurt and anger in the minds of the Dalit students November 12th incident. In this, so far 23 Dalit students
studying in the college. have been arrested. Injured Chithirai Selvan has also been
arrested. A case against Bharathi Kannan and Arumugam
The same thing was repeated this year also, in has also been registered but none has been arrested.
posters prepared for Thevar Jeyanthi. According to Preventing students from writing their exams have far
Mukkulathor Student Organization, some Dalit students, reaching implications on the students life and career.
infuriated at the removal of Dr. Ambedkar from the name of Neither the college administration nor the professors could
the Law College, tore away a few of these posters. Dalit confirm the number of Dalit students who could not write
students claim that they did not tear the posters but only their exams, due to the threatening by the other students
questioned about the deletion. However, there was some group.
altercation that took place between the two groups. As a The violence of November 12 th is strongly
result, some thevar students issued warnings to the Dalit condemnable but it should not be seen just in the context
students, not to sit for the coming exams. Bharathi Kannan of that days incidents. It should be seen in the context of
and Arumugam, both having a criminal past of assaulting the series of events that have taken place in the campus.
Dalit students, were the main instigators. The action taken by the local administration is also one
The exams started on November 5th and many Dalit sided. Every Dalit student who came across has been
students didnt appear for exams, out of the fear. Just after arrested. Gokul Raj, a student totally unconnected to the
two days, 4 Dalit students, on way to examination halls, incident and who is not even a student of the Dr.Ambedkar
were brutally assaulted by a group of students led by Law College has also been arrested

West Bengal
The Caste Ailment Strikes

the Calcutta Medical College Hostel
The following report was published in a Bengali Newspaper Ananda Bazaar Patrika, Friday, 30th May
2008. We are grateful to Saptarshi Mandal from National University of Juridical Sciences, Kolkata for its
translation in English
I
s Biman Basu going to arrange a aggrieved students have said that for surrounding matters related to the
communal dinning at the Calcutta the past few days, a group of students hostels, the committee fears that the
Medical College? at the men's hostel had been abusing submission of the report would
A few years back, the school and taunting them on caste lines. The amount to adding fuel to the fire. The
students of Birbhaanpur in Bankuda situation took a serious turn on the students, against whom the
district had boycotted the mid-day night of 17th May, when a group led allegations have been made, have
meals cooked by low caste women. by three students entered the hostel however denied that the incident ever
It was said that they had been and started abusing the Dalit students took place.
instructed to do so by their family on caste lines and warned them against In the words of superintendent
members. The Left-Front chairman taking water from the taps. When the Mr. Anup Roy, "this incident has
Mr. Biman Basu had gone there and latter protested, they were dragged out given me a mental shock. I am
had organized a communal dinning of their rooms and beaten up by the somehow not being able to accept
with all the caste members, thus mob. The aggrieved students such mentality and attitude of the
saving the state government from approached the authorities, in order to students of the medical college. We
much embarrassment. seek redressal against such violence. have requested every student
This time around, there have The authorities and the organization on the campus to
been allegations that some students doctors at the Medical College are monitor that such shameful incidents
at the Calcutta Medical College hostel extremely upset about this kind of do not take place in future".
have been prevented from taking caste-based disturbances within the The members of the
water from the taps, on account of hostel. On 19th May, the Hospital investigation committee informed,
their low caste by their high caste Superintendent, after making primary that in order to test the validity of the
classmates. For the same reason, the enquiries, constituted a committee allegations, all the seventeen
said students have been subjected comprising of four departmental aggrieved students were asked to
to physical and mental torture also. It heads, for conducting detailed write down their accounts of the
is surprising, that all those who were investigations into the matter. The incident, separately, in front of the
so vociferous against the divisive committee comprised of Dr. Siddharth committee. It was seen that all the
nature of caste-based reservations, Chakravarty of the Cardio-Thoracic seventeen students wrote similar
should have such cases of blatant Department, Dr. Sukanto Chatterjee descriptions. The committee members
untouchability in their own of the Pediatrics Department, Dr. stated, "Our report is complete. It is
backyards! Tapan Kumar Basu of Forensic extremely demotivating. But given
Seventeen students of the first Medicine and Dr. Samir Dasgupta of the turbulent situation at the medical
and second years, who are residents Community Medicine. college caused by the student
of the men's hostel at the college have After investigations, the movement, we really don't know what
expressed their grievances in writing, committee is more or less certain that would happen when we release the
to the Dean Mr. Prabir Kumar Dasgupta the incident had, indeed occurred. report. And it is such considerations
and Hospital Superintendent, Mr. However, since the situation at the that are preventing us from submitting
Anup Roy. In their written account, the Medical College is perpetually tensed the report"

Tamilnadu
Celebrating the Birth Anniversary of M C Rajah

by Iyothee Thassar Thinkers Circle
O
n 22nd June, Iyothee secured their various social and
Thassar Thinkers Circle educational rights. Further, in 1928,
(ITTC), an academic forum he was also nominated to the
of research scholars and faculty Provincial Council.
members, celebrated 125th birth His services to Dalits in the
anniversary of Rao Bahadur Mylai field of education are immense.
Chinnathambi Rajah (popularly Himself a born teacher, he was also a
known as M C Rajah) by organizing teacher-trainer and an educational
a memorial lecture in Chennai. philanthropist. He was responsible
Dr. Armstrong (lecturer, for establishing a Dravidian School
University of Madras) and renowned in 1936 at Nungambakkam. To counter
writer Gautham Sanna delivered the untouchability practices in
lectures reflecting upon the vision educational institutions he built
and contributions of this great Dalit hostels for Dalit students and secured
leader of the early 20th century. scholarships for them. With
Rao Bahadur MC Rajah was a community's support he also initiated
great political activist, educational various night schools, gymnastic
philanthropist, parliamentarian, clubs and training centers for widows
M.C. Rajah (1883-1943) for teaching women students.
statesman who played a major role in
untouchables in state councils, local Recognizing his vast contribution in
liberation of ex-untouchables in Tamil
bodies and public services. the field of Education for marginalized
Nadu and outside. He was an
associate of Babasaheb Ambedkar He propagated the terms Adi- sections British government
and together represented the Dravida and Adi-Andhra for nominated him for various
concerns of ex-untouchables at bringing all Dalit castes together in committees of Education Department.
national level and made immense South India and to mark their In 1925, he wrote a book titled
efforts towards organizing them to differences with the caste-hindus in The Oppressed Hindus reflecting on
fight for their political, social and the historical context by terming the present conditions of Dalits and
economic rights. Dalits as the original inhabitants of their issues using proper statistics.
the country. Later he reorganized He also outlined the glorious past of
He organized number of
Adi-Dravida Mahajana Sabha in 1916 ex-untouchables and their pioneering
meetings and conferences demanding
and used it as a platform for giving contributions in the fields of
abolition of untouchability as well as
Dalits a political voice. literature, astronomy, astrology,
basic rights for Dalits like land rights,
housing rights, access to public wells, In 1919, MC Rajah became the medicine etc. Using historical tools
pathways to burial grounds, primary first Dalit leader of the country to be available he claimed present Dalits to
health care, mid-day meals for primary nominated as the member of any state be the aboriginal inhabitants of the
students and compensatory legislative council. Recognizing his country having a well-developed
allowance for Dalit parents for immense contribution and leadership civilization with democratic form of
admitting wage-earning children to towards ex-untouchables he was governance.
schools. He organized the Dalit nominated for four consecutive terms Later in the same book, he
community in Madras presidency as a member of Madras Legislative argued for proper representation of
through forming co-operative Council. He used this opportunity for the Dalit community in government
societies. He was also a staunch articulating the problems faced by positions as the best possible
votary of proper representation of ex- Dalits in Madras presidency and solution against casteist prejudices

prevalent in the society. Apart from democratic society. It was a land of dual representation for Dalits in the
this book, he also contributed in the King Bali that was desired by form of separate electorate whereas
preparation of numerous school and Mahatma Jothirao Phule for the MC Rajah supported joint electorate
college textbooks during his tenure emancipation of the wretched of the system and subsequently joined
as a teacher-trainer at Saidapet Indian society. Gandhi's camp. There he got
Teacher Training College and as a Dr. Armstrong argued that nominated as a member of the
lecturer in Voorhees College, Vellore. these visions and dreams of social executive council in Harijan Sevak
In his lecture, Dr. Armstrong revolutionaries were made realizable Sangh. This confrontation with
located the contributions of MC by both MC Rajah and Babasaheb Babasaheb also led MC Rajah to sign
Rajah towards the Dalit liberation vis- Ambedkar through their boundless a pact with BS Moonje, leader of All
à-vis the vision of Bhakti radicals like efforts in the first half of 20th century. India Hindu Mahasabha opposing his
Raidas and scholar-revolutionaries Both the Dalit leaders wanted freedom demand of separate electorate for the
like Iyothee Thassar, Jotiba Phule and of Dalits from the clutches of hindu Dalit community. This pact is known
Babasaheb Ambedkar. imperialism through their own as Rajah-Moonje pact. He also
While Bhakti radical Raidas collective and individual efforts. opposed Babasaheb's call for
(c1450-1520) envisioned In his lecture, Gautam Sanna conversion from Hindu religion at
Begumpura, a city without sorrow, spoke about MC Rajah's effort to Yeola conference in 1935.
a casteless & classless society organize the Dalits at national level But soon after he got
without any mention of the temples. and his special relationship with disllusioned with congress and
An urban society in contrast to Babasaheb Ambedkar. In 1926, he Gandhi as he found Harijan Sevak
Gandhi's village utopia of Ram- was elected as the first president of Sangh to be a body of sychophants
Rajjya, Begumpura is a land with no the All India Depressed Classes of Gandhi and without any vision for
taxes, harassment or hierarchy. Great Association in the convention held Dalit empowerment. MC Rajah
Dalit revolutionary Iyothee Thassar at Nagpur. Babasaheb Ambedkar, who accepted his mistake and joined
desired a society that existed earlier did not attend the conference, was hands with Babasaheb Ambedkar
in Tamil Nadu in the form of a Sakya elected one of its vice-presidents. once again. In 1942, both made a joint
Buddhist Commonwealth. Similarly, However the difference between the presentation, considered as landmark
Bhakti radicals namely Chokhamela, two leaders arose on the issues of in the Dalit movement, in front of Sir
Janabai, Nirmala, Soyra, Banka, Gora separate electorate and conversion. Stafford Cripps commission
Kumbhar, Kabir, and Tukaram During the round table demanding socio-political rights for
imagined for an egalitarian and conferences, Babasaheb demanded the Dalit community
Celebrating Dalit History Month
Searching for the Past

by Iyothee Thassar and Ambedkar Research Scholars Forum
T he idea that the Dalits were

always deprived throughout the
history was challenged by a group of
concept of 'Dalit History Month',
which he said, is inspired by the
'Black History Month' celebrated in
interpretations in writing/reading
history through Dalit perspectives.
Quoting studies on the
young scholars in a meeting held on USA. Various Dalit groups from all inscriptions of the Chola period, he
April 19th, 2008. Iyothee Thassar and over the world are now observing argued that Indian historians have
Ambedkar Research Scholars Forum 'Dalit History Month' in the month of either ignored or failed to draw
(IARSF) organized this meeting as a April every year to commemorate obvious conclusions regarding the
part of the celebration of 'Dalit History Babasaheb's birth anniversary and to references to the Dalit and other Sudra
Month' in Chennai. generate
discourse on the Dalit castes found in such inscriptions. "It
P. Ponnuswamy, a research history and culture. is not unusual to find gaps in the
scholar from the Department of Tamil, Dr. P. Balamurugan, Lecturer in history as they are normally about an
University of Madras, introduced the History, emphasized the need for new episode, intentions or some
.
information. However, in Indian doing their job much better. Such is Stalin Rajangam, working on the Dalit
history writing, it is not accidental not the case and the present Dalit history, spoke about the life and
that a whole mass is missing from leadership is completely devoid of any struggle of a Dalit activist known as
the scene," he said. positive agenda. It is a huge setback Vanchinagaram Kandan in Melur.
He argued that many ancient for the community. According to Dr. The dominant caste people killed
inscriptions have clearly mentioned K. Raghupati, the root cause of such Kandan, when he tried to fight against
about various Sudra and decay in Dalit leadership lies in the the untouchability and other
Untouchable castes, particularly in Poona Pact (1932), where Babasaheb discriminations in the 1980s. Today,
context of Devadaayaa (Grants to Ambedkar was forced to give away his memory is alive among everyone
the Temple) and Brahmadana his demand for separate electorate. and he has become a 'folk-god'. The
(Donations to the Priest). J. Balasubramaniam (PhD local Dalits have constructed a temple
scholar, Madras Institute of in his memory that can be seen as
This shows that Dalits had
Development Studies) traced the sign of increasing assertion from the
properties and many of them donated
history of one village community.
lands to the religious bodies. It was
only during the late Chola period that (Tiruppanikarisalkulam in Tirunelveli Ratnamala, Ph.D scholar from
the Dalit castes were confined to district) and tried to explain the Communication Department, M.S.
menial jobs and were dispossessed complex relationship between land University, Tirunelveli, spoke about
due to enforcement of rigorous caste and caste. He augmented his findings Thamirabarani Massacre, in which 17
regime. with documentary evidences, Dalit laborers were brutally murdered
testimonies, village legends, folktales by the police in 1999. She narrated
Dr. K .Raghupathi, from
and other narratives. According to about the media coverage given to
Manonmaniam Sundaranar University,
him, in late 19th century, the Dalits of this gruesome incident. The, then,
Tirunelveli, spoke about the changing
this village witnessed a political newspaper reports were guilty of
nature of Dalit leadership in erstwhile
renaissance due to their migration that distorting facts while reporting and
Madras Province to post-Independent
gave them huge exposure of external thus diluting the whole issue.
Tamilnadu. Analyzing various
world. Scholar and writer G. Aloysius,
agitations and struggles led by Dalit
leaders and organizations, he In early decades of 20th well known for bringing out the works
contended that the Dalit leadership in century, some Dalits started investing of Iyothee Thassar, presided over this
pre-Independence period was much in constructing schools, libraries and meeting. While commenting on the
militant and worked for fundamental youth clubs for the benefit of the need of such scholarly initiatives, he
rights, while post-independence Dalit community which eventually got appreciated the efforts of celebrating
leadership ended up being ineffective translated into political mobilisation Dalit History Month and said that
and opportunistic. in the form of a vibrant Adi-Dravida even highly funded academic
Mahajana Sabha. However little later, seminars in Delhi University and
Before independence, the Dalit
this Dalit assertion was assimilated Jawaharlal Nehru University do not
struggle in Madras province under
by much younger but powerful come out with such insightful and
the leadership of Rettamalai
Dravidian Movement. multi-disciplinary perspectives on
Srinivasan, MC Rajah and
Sahajaananda Swamigal was clearly The conceptual notion of history.
guided by a 'positive agenda' of Dravidian was actually proposed and The exhibition of the
human rights and socio-economic brought to circulation in the political documents related to the Dalit history
equality for the Dalit community. realm first by the Dalits but was taken was also displayed on this occasion.
However, the post-Independence over by the resource-rich middle caste It included copies of Assembly
Dalit leadership has limited itself to groups. Then, the Dalit leadership debates, memorandums submitted by
responding only towards successive started calling themselves 'Adi- our great leaders MC Rajah, R.
caste-based atrocities and Dalit Dravidas'. Later in his presentation, Srinivasan and minutes of the Adi-
massacres. J. Balasubramaniam stressed that the Dravida Mahajana Sabha. The
Dalits in Tamil Nadu should now get meeting concluded with a
Being part of a democratic
rid of the 'patronizing agenda' of the documentary screening on the life and
polity and having a constitution that
Dravidian Movement work of Iyothee Thassar made by Pari
guarantees equal rights for the Dalits,
the leadership should have been Another research scholar Chezhiyan
Both reports submitted by J. Balu, Madras Institute of Development Studies,Chennai.

Tamilnadu
Non-implementation of Reservations
Dalit Leader Files Case Against IIT MADRAS
O n 15th May, the Tamil Dalit

leader Thol Thirumavalavan
(President, Viduthalai Chiruthaikal
IIT Administration for the
Dalit students, where a
limited number of SC/ST
&RXUVHV 7RWDO
(QUROOHG
6&67 3HUFHQWDJH
Katchi) filed a writ petition at Madras candidates are admitted to %7HFK
High Court, seeking its intervention a preparatory course of one- 'XDO
against caste-based discrimination in year duration in case all the 'HJUHH
student admissions and faculty reserved seats are not filled. 06F
recruitment undertaken by IIT This course attempts
Madras administration. to prepare the students in 07HFK
According to the Dalit leader, the Physics, Mathematics, and 0%$
IITs, since their inceptions, have Chemistry of 10+2 level. On
singularly failed to provide proper successful completion of the 06
representation to the SC/ST course, the students are 3K'
community in admissions. Despite offered direct admission to
being completely funded by the the undergraduate Students In IIT Madras (2004-05)
Indian state, IITs have displayed their programs in the next
complete recultance to adhere with academic year. exam, she was asked to take up the
the constitutional norms of providing However, the reality is preparatory course in IIT Madras
22.5% reservations in admissions for otherwise. In the name of preparatory although she had scored brilliant 94
SC/ST students. courses, the SC/ST students are per cent marks in Class XII. However,
This fact can be verified by the segregated and their stay in IIT is at the end of the course in IIT Madras,
data about the total number of stigmatized as non-meritorious she was failed in one subject,
students enrolled in the academic year students. Though several lofty ideas Physics. She could not believe this
of 2004-05 in IIT Madras (see table). are given to back-up the existence of and went to National Commission for
The Deputy Registrar of IIT Madras, this course, yet, not even once the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled
provided this statistics to a researcher quota for SC/ST students had Tribes for redressal that forced IIT
seeking information for the Times completely filled. Above all, if the management for re-examination and
Higher Education Supplement, Dalit student fails in this course she/ many Dalit students got admitted
London. he is not allowed any re-examination,
after that.
The total students on the rolls or another attempt to re-do the course
of IIT Madras in the year 2004-2005 and has to forfeit his/her seat secured According to Thol
were 4687. However, the total number in the IIT JEE. Thirumavalavan, the concept of
of SC/ST students was only 562, In fact, in 2001, Chennai-based preparatory course is an illegal
thus constituting only 11.9 % of the Dalit Media Network came out with a subversion of the reservation policy
total students. If the reservation for report exposing the case of Sujee and there is also a strong need for
SC/ST students had been followed Teppal, an ST student who topped some kind of academic audit of IITs
properly there would have been 1054 the Andhra Pradesh common to be undertaken to ensure that these
students from the reserved category. entrance test (EAMCET) for institutions are not able to destroy
The Dalit leader also rasied engineering in her category but the concept of social justice in such
serious questions about the instead wanted to pursue B.Tech from a blatant manner
'preparatory courses' undertaken by IIT. After clearing the IIT entrance
With inputs from Meena Kandasamy, Anna University, Chennai
Maharashtra prosperous, assertive and
educationally forward Dalit
Bhotmanges family was considered
Courts Verdict on Khairlanji deviant, threat to the caste hierarchy
and therefore insulting to the caste-
No Casteism, No Molestation, hindu sensibilities.

Therefore, almost the whole
village decided to attack this family to
No Rapes; Only Killings maintain the sanctity of caste hierarchy.
According to the eyewitnesses, they
were first stripped naked, dragged from
O n 24th September, after 16 month
long trial, the Bhandara district
and sessions court pronounced its
Bhandara district of
n o r t h e a s t
Maharashtra. On
Photos courtesy atrocitynews.wordpress.com
judgment on the case of Khairlanji September 29, 2006,

killings. Out of the 11 convicts, 6 a mob of about 50
have been awarded death sentence caste-hindus
due to their direct involvement in the attacked the house
killings. Two of the convicts were of Bhaiyyalal
handed life imprisonment, whereas Bhotmange and
rest 3 were acquitted due to the lack killed his wife
of evidence against them. Surekha (44 years),
The punishment awarded to daughter Priyanka
the killers have brought some relief (18), sons Sudhir Hang till Death : 1. Ramu Dhande 2. Vishvanath Dhande
to the Dalit community, which was (21) and Roshan (23 and blind) in the their hut to an open ground and were
quite agitated over the gruesome broad daylight. beaten by a mob of about 50 people.
killings of the four members of a Dalit According to the newspaper Rest of the villagers, including the
family. However, the sad part is, reports, the village caste-hindus were caste-hindu women, witnessed this
despite a planned mob attack by enraged as the Bhotmange family had brutality, without interfering. Surekha
caste-hindus that led to the killings, showed courage to resist their efforts and Priyanka were gang-raped, and
the court had ruled out the caste- to grab some portion of agricultural tortured to death in full public view.
hatred angle, stating that there was land that belong to Bhotmanges. The Then, both the sons were stabbed to
no evidence to that effect. Bhotmanges were one among very death with their private parts mutilated.
As a consequence, none of the few Dalit families of the village There could be no other reason,
accused could be charged under the dominated by caste-hindus, mostly apart from the caste hatred, that could
Prevention of Atrocities on SC/ST Act belonging to the kunbi caste. Apart induce the brutal manner in which the
(1989). It has also refused the charges from the land issue, it seems that the Bhotmanges family was killed in the
of rape, even molestation by stating caste-hindu villagers were also broad daylight. The caste
the same reason of lack of evidence. jealous as the Bhotmange family was composition of the mob, complicity
According to the honourable judge, relatively better off than other Dalit of the whole village, audacity of the
the naked bodies of the two Dalit families and all the three children were attack and the brutal execution of the
women were fished out of the canal getting proper education. On top of attack these all are common
but there was nothing to prove that that, the Bhotmanges, especially characteristics of any Dalit
the accused had removed their clothes Bhaiyyalals wife Surekha massacres. It is indeed unfortunate
before ferrying their bodies in a bullock Bhotmange, was bold enough to that, the honourable court was not
cart, towards the canal. Thus, it had testify against some caste-hindu able to understand the true nature of
declined to register the case under IPC villagers in the local police station, this caste-based killings. If such
354(molestation). It seems that the pertaining to the case of physical incidents were treated as mere
honourable court at least accepted the assault on one of her relatives. criminal acts, devoid of any castiest
killings, probably, because it could not In the area, where ones caste motivation, the Prevention of SC/ST
declare the dead bodies alive! denotes her social standing and also Atrocities Act would soon lose its all
The Khairlanji village lies in the prescribes her behaviour, the little relevance
With inputs from Ratnesh Kumar, BANISS, Mhow

Jharkhand
Indian School of Mines University, Dhanbad
Jamadars: 2 out of 2
Sanitary Inspectors: 0 out of 2
A ccording to the letterhead of Indian School of Mines
University, Dhanbad, it has been "In service of the
Nation, since 1926". It is indeed a noble idea for any
Non-Teaching Total sanctioned Posts filled in Posts filled
Post Post by SCs in by STs
Group A 31 2 1
institution, to serve the nation. What better way to do so
by an institution, completely funded by public money, Group B 50 3 5
than to be inclusive, to reflect the diversity of the nation,
Guoup C 201 27 21
its citizenry. However, the problem starts when that
institution, in the name of serving the nation, becomes the
Table 1: Non-Teaching posts
monopoly of few.
Indian School of Mines University is one such SC/STs. Then for 31 Group A (non-teaching) posts, ISMU
institution. It is one of the oldest engineering/technical has been able to recruit only 2 SCs and 1 STs. This is the
institutes of the country. It was established in 1926, on case when the ISMU is constitutionally bound to provide
lines of Royal School of Mines, London, in the heart of 22.5 % positions to the SC/ST communities in all Group A,
mineral-rich belt-Jharkhand, by the then colonial B, C posts.
government of India and endorsed by Indian National One can very well imagine the magnitude of
Congress. Both the rulers and the contesting power of exclusion of SC/ST people from the ISMU's teaching posts
that time were unanimous on the need of such institute that does not, yet, come under the purview of Reservation
that could provide technical know-how to the nascent provisions for SC/STs. There are absolutely no surprise in
Indian mineral industry. store for us as this 83 year old institution, with all its good
Incidentally, Jharkhand is also a state, which has Name of the Total sanctioned Posts filled in Posts filled
one of the highest percentages of SC/ST population (28 Post Posts by SCs in by STs
% ST and 12 % SC) in the country. The identity of the Professor 20 - -
state is completely intertwined with the tribal identity.
Associate 46 01 -
However, ISMU is one institution, located in Jharkhand,
which belies this, through its conscious exclusion of both Professor
SC and STs from its rank and file. So one can find in ISMU Assistant 92 01 -
that both posts of Jamadar (manual scavenger) are held Professor
by SCs, though both posts are unreserved, whereas there Table 2: Teaching posts
are no SC/ST for the two post of sanitary inspector.
Similarly for the Group C posts, which is almost intention of serving the nation, has not been able to recruit
always filled up with locals in any institution and require even a single tribal (see table 2), who could be worthy of
less educational qualification, the positions held by SC/ teaching the students here and that too situated in
STs in ISMU does not reflect the local population profile. Jharkhand.
Out of total 201 Group C posts, SC/ST people held 38, ISMU has been very 'generous' of recruiting two SC
making it 19 % of the total (see table 1). It is far below than persons as its faculty against total 158 faculty positions,
stipulated 22.5 % SC/ST reservations, leave alone reflecting making complete mockery of the nation that it claims to
40 % of state population. serve. It is shame that ISMU has failed to recruit more SC/
The situation becomes worse as we move towards STs for its teaching positions, though hundreds of
higher echelons of ISMU. There are 50 posts of Group B students from these communities might have graduated
employees in ISMU, out of which only 8% are filled by from the very same institute in its 83 years of existence
With inputs from Dr. Lal Chand Prasad, Benaras Hindu University, Varanasi


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Feb - Mar 2009 INSIGHT-YOUNG VOICES 1

Editor EXPERIENCE INTROSPECTION EXPRESSION

Office : G1436, Lower Ground Floor,

2 INSIGHT-YOUNGVOICES Feb - Mar 2009

Translation from Malayalam by Jenny, Smrti

Azad (typicalmalabari@yahoo.com) is an independent researcher based in Mumbai.

Past, Present and Future

Themes for next two Issues

6 INSIGHT-YOUNGVOICES Feb - Mar 2009

Awake, Arise and Educate;

Feb - Mar 2009 INSIGHT-YOUNG VOICES 7

8 INSIGHT-YOUNGVOICES Feb - Mar 2009

On Suicides, Caste and Higher

Feb - Mar 2009 INSIGHT-YOUNG VOICES 9

Rejani. S. Anand, Age 21, Engineering Student

Rejani. S. Anand was a student of Institute of Human Resource

10 INSIGHT-YOUNGVOICES Feb - Mar 2009

Santhakumari, Mother of Rejani, She was sent to the Entrance

Feb - Mar 2009 INSIGHT-YOUNG VOICES 11

Senthil Kumar, Age 27, PhD Student

12 INSIGHT-YOUNGVOICES Feb - Mar 2009

Feb - Mar 2009 INSIGHT-YOUNG VOICES 13

Ajay Sree Chandra, Age 21, Integrated-PhD Student

14 INSIGHT-YOUNGVOICES Feb - Mar 2009

Feb - Mar 2009 INSIGHT-YOUNG VOICES 15

I did not know you when you lived.

* Hyderabad Central University

 From an HCU Drop-out Dalit

16 INSIGHT-YOUNGVOICES Feb - Mar 2009

A glorious chapter in Dalit Movement

Feb - Mar 2009 INSIGHT-YOUNG VOICES 17

K. K. Koch is a well-known literary figure and Dalit activist

18 INSIGHT-YOUNGVOICES Feb - Mar 2009

Feb - Mar 2009 INSIGHT-YOUNG VOICES 19

Struggle for a New Kerala

T he ongoing struggle at Chengara

20 INSIGHT-YOUNGVOICES Feb - Mar 2009

Feb - Mar 2009 INSIGHT-YOUNG VOICES 21

22 INSIGHT-YOUNGVOICES Feb - Mar 2009

IITs: Doing Manu Proud

Feb - Mar 2009 INSIGHT-YOUNG VOICES 23

24 INSIGHT-YOUNGVOICES Feb - Mar 2009

Feb - Mar 2009 INSIGHT-YOUNG VOICES 25

26 INSIGHT-YOUNGVOICES Feb - Mar 2009

Institutional Mechanisms at IIT Delhi

English Remedial Classes - In the efforts.

Feb - Mar 2009 INSIGHT-YOUNG VOICES 27

28 INSIGHT-YOUNGVOICES Feb - Mar 2009

I knew I was stigmatized

Feb - Mar 2009 INSIGHT-YOUNG VOICES 29

30 INSIGHT-YOUNGVOICES Feb - Mar 2009

The Need of Cultural

Feb - Mar 2009 INSIGHT-YOUNG VOICES 31

32 INSIGHT-YOUNGVOICES Feb - Mar 2009

Sandali(sojourner.sandali@gmail.com) is pursuing Research Training Programme (RTP) at Centre for Studies in

Feb - Mar 2009 INSIGHT-YOUNG VOICES 33

T he events leading up to the refugee massacre revealed

34 INSIGHT-YOUNGVOICES Feb - Mar 2009

Bihar School Text Books

Feb - Mar 2009 INSIGHT-YOUNG VOICES 35

Office : G1436, Lower Ground Floor,

From an HCU Drop-out Dalit

I knew I was stigmatized

The Need of Cultural