Fighting Terrorism Within The Law

Judgments of the
Israel Supreme Court:

Fighting Terrorism within the Law
:
JUDGMENTS OF THE
ISRAEL SUPREME COURT:
FIGHTING TERRORISM
WITHIN THE LAW
Volume 3
2006-2009
The Supreme Court of Israel

The Ministry of Foreign Affairs
Jerusalem
©
2009
All Rights Reserved
Published also at
www.court.gov.il
Table of Contents
Editor’s Introduction................................................................................................ vii

Table of Abbreviations .............................................................................................. ix
———
Access of Palestinians to agricultural land
Morar v. IDF Commander in Judaea and Samaria.................................................... 1
Liability of the state for torts committed by the security forces

Adalah Legal Centre for Arab Minority Rights in Israel v. Minister of Defence ....... 36
Targeted killings
Public Committee Against Torture v. Government ................................................... 85
Security barricade
Mayor of Ad-Dhahiriya v. IDF Commander in West Bank .................................... 163
Mayor of Ad-Dhahiriya v. IDF Commander in West Bank (no. 2) ........................ 183
Route of the security fence
Yassin v. Government of Israel ................................................................................ 191
Supply of fuel and electricity to the Gaza Strip
Al-Bassiouni v. Prime Minister ................................................................................ 227
Detention of unlawful combatants

Iyyad v. State of Israel .............................................................................................. 245
Humanitarian relief in the Gaza Strip

Physicians for Human Rights v. Prime Minister ...................................................... 321
Editor’s Introduction
This is the third volume of ‘Judgments of the Israel Supreme Court:

Fighting Terrorism within the Law.’
Like the two previous volumes, this volume also contains translations
of several decisions given by the Supreme Court on various matters
relating to the fight of the State of Israel against terrorism. The cases are
brought before the Supreme Court by individuals and human rights
organizations. The Supreme Court scrutinizes the conduct of the State of
Israel, according to the norms laid down in international law and Israeli
internal law, to ensure that the fight against terrorism is conducted
within the law, not in contravention thereof.
The cases are presented in this volume in chronological order,
according to the date on which the decisions were given. Each case is
preceded by a brief synopsis of the issues involved.
_______________
Some words of explanation are required so that the reader may
understand the references cited in the cases.
Since the proceedings of the Israeli courts are conducted in Hebrew
and their decisions are given in Hebrew, English translations of these
decisions are limited. Between 1954 and 1996, ten volumes containing
translations of Supreme Court decisions were published under the title
Selected Judgments of the Supreme Court of Israel (IsrSJ). More recently,
decisions of the Supreme Court of the State of Israel have been
published in an ongoing series entitled Israel Law Reports (IsrLR).
Since the vast majority of Israeli cases are not translated, citations in
this volume are always given to the Hebrew decisions (IsrSC) and, where
they exist, also to the English translations (IsrSJ or IsrLR). Full citations
are given at the beginning of each decision; when a case is cited in the
text of the decision, the reader is referred to the full citation at the
beginning of the decision by means of the number in square brackets.
This volume follows the new system of citing the Hebrew decisions
that was adopted in the Israel Law Reports series. It differs from the
system used in Supreme Court Judgments and in the earlier volumes of
‘Fighting Terrorism within the Law.’ The new system was adopted to
make the system of citations easier for the English-speaking reader.
vii
Editor’s Introduction
Under the system used formerly, Supreme Court decisions in Hebrew

were cited as P.D., which stands for Piskei Din shel Bet HaMishpat
HaElyon LeYisrael (Judgments of the Supreme Court of Israel). The
decisions of the District Courts were cited as P.M. which stands for
Pesakim Mehoziim (Judgments of the District Courts). The decisions of
the Labour Courts were cited as P.A., which stands for Piskei Din Avoda
(Judgments of the Labour Courts). This system of citation, while
understood by the Hebrew speaker, was not very helpful to the English
speaker.
Consequently, the new system, which is used in this volume, cites
decisions of the Supreme Court of Israel as IsrSC (Israel Supreme
Court); decisions of the District Courts are cited as IsrDC (Israel District
Courts); decisions of the Labour Courts are cited as IsrLC (Israel
Labour Courts). All of these citations are of court decisions in Hebrew.
Citations of translations in the Israel Law Reports series are given as
IsrLR; citations of the earlier series of Selected Judgments of the Supreme
Court of Israel are given as IsrSJ. Citations of decisions in this volume are
given as IsrSR (Israel Security Reports).
A full list of the various citations and abbreviations used in this
volume can be found in the Table of Abbreviations.
Since most decisions of the Supreme Court are not translated, it is the
policy in this volume to cite all cases according to the page numbers of
the Hebrew version. Where reference is made to a decision for which an
English translation is available, the page number of the English text cited
follows the page number of the Hebrew text, and is enclosed in curly
brackets {}. The appearance of curly brackets thus serves to provide an
immediate indication to the reader that an English translation of the
cited decision exists. Another indication of the existence of English
translations can be found in the list of cases at the beginning of each
judgment, where citations of English translations appear in bold type.
viii
Table of Abbreviations
A Appeal
AA Arrest Appeal
AAA Administrative Affairs Appeal
AC Adoption Case (in trial court)
ADA Administrative Detention Appeal
AP Administrative Petition
BAA Bar Association Appeal
BC Bankruptcy Case
BS Beer-Sheba
CA Civil Appeal
CApp Civil Application
CrimApp Criminal Application
CrimC Criminal Case (in trial court)
CC Civil Case (in trial court)
CE Common Era (civil date)
Cent. Central
CFH Civil Further Hearing
CM Court Martial
CMA Court Martial Appeal
CrimA Criminal Appeal
CrimC Criminal Case (in trial court)
CrimApp Criminal Application
CrimFH Criminal Further Hearing
CSA Civil Service Appeal
DC Disciplinary Case
EA Elections Appeal
EC Estates Case (in trial court)
EDA Election Decision Approval
EnfC Enforcement Case
FA Family Appeal
FC Family Case
FH Further Hearing
GSS General Security Service
HCJ High Court of Justice
HCJApp High Court of Justice Application
ix
HCJFH High Court of Justice Further Hearing

Hf Haifa
IDF Israel Defence Forces
IsrCM Israel Court Martial Judgments (Official publication of the
Israeli Appeals Court Martial decisions in Hebrew)
IsrDC Israel District Court Judgments (Official publication of the
Israeli District Court decisions in Hebrew)
IsrLC Israel Labour Court Judgments (Official publication of the
Israeli Labour Court decisions in Hebrew)
IsrLR Israel Law Reports (English translations of selected
Supreme Court decisions)
IsrSC Israel Supreme Court Judgments (Official publication of the
Israeli Supreme Court decisions in Hebrew)
IsrSJ Selected Judgments of the Supreme Court of Israel (ten
volumes of English translations of Supreme Court
judgments, published between 1954 and 1996)
IsrSR Israel Security Reports (translations of judgments of the
Supreme Court relating to security issues, published by the
Ministry of Foreign Affairs)
Jer Jerusalem
LA Application for Leave to Appeal
LAA Application for Leave to Appeal (Administrative)
LabA Labour Appeal
LabC Labour Case (in trial court)
LCA Application for Leave to Appeal (Civil)
LCrimA Application for Leave to Appeal (Criminal)
LFA Application for Leave to Appeal (Family)
LHCJA Application for Leave to Appeal (High Court of Justice)
MA Miscellaneous Appeal
MApp Miscellaneous Application
MP Miscellaneous Petition
MK Member of Knesset
Mot Motion
Naz Nazareth
Net Netanya
NLC National Labour Court
OM Originating Motion (in trial court)
PPA Prisoner’s Petition Appeal
PS Personal Status Case
PT Petah Tikva
x
Ram Ramla
Res. Reserve Forces of IDF
Ret. Retired
RT Retrial
SFC Serious Felony Case (in trial court)
ST Special Tribunal
TA Tel-Aviv
TakDC Takdin District Court judgments (unofficial reports of
District Court judgments in Hebrew)
TakLC Takdin Regional Labour Court judgments (unofficial reports
of Regional Labour Court judgments in Hebrew)
TakNLC Takdin National Labour Court judgments (unofficial reports
of National Labour Court judgments in Hebrew)
TakSC Takdin Supreme Court judgments (unofficial reports of
Supreme Court judgments in Hebrew)
xi
Morar v. IDF Commander In Judaea and Samaria
——————
Synopsis
This case was brought before the Supreme Court by representatives of five
Palestinian villages in the West Bank against the military commander of
the Israel Defence Forces, who is responsible under international and
Israeli law for maintaining security in the territory, upholding law and
order and ensuring the welfare of the inhabitants.
The representatives of the Palestinian villages raised two issues.
First, they complained that the military commander was restricting their
access to their agricultural land, which is their main source of income.
This caused them particular hardship during the olive harvesting season.
Second, they complained that they suffered from harassment by

inhabitants of Israeli settlements. Considerable numbers of olive trees
were being destroyed, and the military commander was failing in his duty
to maintain law and order by not taking effective steps to counter these
attacks or to apprehend the culprits.
In reply to the first issue, the military commander pointed out that his
obligation under international and Israeli law to maintain law and order
was difficult in view of the close proximity of the Palestinian villages to
Israeli settlements. He said that the olive harvesting season was a
problematic time, because Palestinian terrorists exploited the proximity of
Palestinian agricultural land to Israeli settlements in order to mount attacks
on those settlements. In order to maintain law and order, the military
commander was required to restrict access to various areas, in order to
prevent violence by either Palestinians or Israelis.
In reply to the second issue, the military commander gave the court
explanations of the steps that were being taken to protect Palestinian
1
Morar v. IDF Commander in Judaea and Samaria
property and to apprehend the perpetrators of the unlawful acts against

them.
On the first issue, the Supreme Court found the military commander’s
position that closures of land were necessary to protect Israelis and
Palestinians to be problematic. The court pointed out that the military
commander’s position was to adopt the same measure of restricting the
access of Palestinians to their land both in order to counter the threat of
Palestinian attacks on Israelis and in order to counter the threat of Israeli
attacks on Palestinians.
In so far as the threat of Palestinian attacks on Israelis was concerned, the

court held that this could justify restricting the access of Palestinians to
their land that was very close to Israeli settlements, provided that these
restrictions were kept to the absolute minimum, and arrangements were
made to allow reasonable access to the land for agricultural purposes.
In so far as the threat of Israeli attacks on Palestinians was concerned, the

court held that restricting the access of Palestinians to their land in order
to protect the Palestinians was a disproportionate measure and therefore
unlawful.
In view of the continuing ineffectiveness of the military commander’s

measures to protect the Palestinians against harassment on the part of
Israeli inhabitants of the territory, the court saw a need to lay down
guidelines for the military commander. The court emphasized the
importance of upholding the law in the territories.
2
Rashed Morar, Head of Yanun Village Council

and others
v.
1. IDF Commander in Judaea and Samaria
2. Samaria and Judaea District Commander, Israel Police
The Supreme Court sitting as the High Court of Justice

[26 June 2006]
Before Justices D. Beinisch, E. Rivlin, S. Joubran
Petition to the Supreme Court sitting as the High Court of Justice.
Facts: The petitioners, who represent five Arab villages in the territory of
Judaea and Samaria, claimed that the respondents unlawfully deny Palestinian
farmers in those villages access to their agricultural land. The petitioners also
claimed that the respondents do not act to prevent attacks and harassment
perpetrated by Israeli inhabitants of the territory of Judaea and Samaria against
Palestinian farmers and do not enforce the law against the Israeli inhabitants. In
reply, the respondents explained that the agricultural land was closed only when
it was necessary to protect the Palestinian farmers from harassment by Israeli
inhabitants. The respondents also notified the court of the actions taken by
them to enforce the law against Israeli inhabitants in Judaea and Samaria.
Held: The measure of denying Palestinian farmers access to their land for their
own protection is disproportionate. The proper way of protecting Palestinian
farmers from harassment is for the respondents to provide proper security
arrangements and to impose restrictions on those persons who carry out the
unlawful acts.
Law enforcement in Judaea and Samaria is insufficient and unacceptable, since
the measures adopted have not provided a solution to the problems of
harassment. The respondents were ordered to improve law enforcement
procedures to deal with the problem properly.
Petition granted.
Legislation cited:
Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty, 5752-1992, ss. 2, 3, 4.
Security Measures (Judaea and Samaria) (no. 378) Order, 5730-1970, s. 90.
3
Israeli Supreme Court cases cited:

[1] HCJ 302/72 Hilo v. Government of Israel [1973] IsrSC 27(2) 169.
[2] HCJ 6339/05 Matar v. IDF Commander in Gaza Strip [2005] IsrSC 59(2)
846.
[3] HCJ 10356/02 Hass v. IDF Commander in West Bank [2004] IsrSC 58(3)
443; [2004] IsrLR 53.
[4] HCJ 2612/94 Shaar v. IDF Commander in Judaea and Samaria [1994]
IsrSC 48(3) 675.
[5] HCJ 7957/04 Marabeh v. Prime Minister [2005] (2) IsrLR 106.
[6] HCJ 3680/05 Tana Town Committee v. Prime Minister (not yet reported).
[7] HCJ 3799/02 Adalah Legal Centre for Arab Minority Rights in Israel v. IDF
Central Commander [2005] (2) IsrLR 206.
[8] HCJ 1730/96 Sabiah v. IDF Commander in Judaea and Samaria [1996]
IsrSC 50(1) 353.
[9] HCJ 2753/03 Kirsch v. IDF Chief of Staff [2003] IsrSC 57(6) 359.
[10] HCJ 1890/03 Bethlehem Municipality v. State of Israel [2005] IsrSC 59(4)
736; [2005] (1) IsrLR 98.
[11] HCJ 2481/93 Dayan v. Wilk [1994] IsrSC 48(2) 456; [1992-4] IsrLR 324.
[12] HCJ 7862/04 Abu Dahar v. IDF Commander in Judaea and Samaria [2005]
IsrSC 59(5) 368; [2005] (1) IsrLR 136.
[13] HCJ 292/83 Temple Mount Faithful v. Jerusalem District Police
Commissioner [1984] IsrSC 38(2) 449.
[14] HCJ 7052/03 Adalah Legal Centre for Arab Minority Rights in Israel v.
Ministry of Interior [2006] (1) IsrLR 443.
[15] HCJ 2056/04 Beit Sourik Village Council v. Government of Israel [2004]
IsrSC 58(5) 807; [2004] IsrLR 264.
[16] HCJ 2725/93 Salomon v. Jerusalem District Commissioner of Police [1995]
IsrSC 49(5) 366.
[17] HCJ 531/77 Baruch v. Traffic Comptroller, Tel-Aviv and Central Districts
[1978] IsrSC 32(2) 160.
[18] HCJ 5016/96 Horev v. Minister of Transport [1997] IsrSC 51(4) 1; [1997]
IsrLR 149.
[19] HCJ 4769/95 Menahem v. Minister of Transport [2003] IsrSC 57(1) 235.
[20] HCJ 61/80 Haetzni v. State of Israel (Minister of Defence) [1980] IsrSC
34(3) 595.
[21] HCJ 551/99 Shekem Ltd v. Director of Customs and VAT [2000] IsrSC
54(1) 112.
[22] HCJ 153/83 Levy v. Southern District Commissioner of Police [1984] IsrSC
38(2) 393; IsrSJ 7 109.
4
[23] HCJ 2431/95 Salomon v. Police [1997] IsrSC 51(5) 781.

[24] HCJ 3641/03 Temple Mount Faithful v. HaNegbi (unreported).
[25] HCJ 166/71 Halon v. Head of Osfiah Local Council [1971] IsrSC 25(2)
591.
For the petitioners — L. Yehuda.

For the respondents — E. Ettinger.
JUDGMENT
Justice D. Beinisch
The petition before us concerns the right of access of the residents of
five Arab villages in the territory of Judaea and Samaria (hereafter: the
territory) to their agricultural land. The original petition was filed on
behalf of the residents of three villages (Yanun, Aynabus, Burin) and
later the residents of two additional villages (A-Tuani and Al-Jania).
According to what is alleged in the petition, the respondents — the IDF
Commander in Judaea and Samaria (‘the IDF Commander’) and the
Commander of the Samaria and Judaea District in the Israel Police (‘the
Police Commander’) are unlawfully preventing Palestinian farmers, who
are residents of the petitioning villages, from going to their agricultural
land and cultivating it. They claim that the respondents are depriving
them of their main source of livelihood on which the residents of the
petitioning villages rely and that this causes the residents serious harm. It
is also alleged in the petition that the respondents are not acting in order
to prevent attacks and harassment perpetrated by Israeli inhabitants of
the territory of Judaea and Samaria against Palestinian farmers and that
they do not enforce the law against the Israeli inhabitants.
The course of the proceedings in the petition and the arguments of the
parties
1. Since the petition was filed at the end of 2004, it has undergone
many developments. We shall discuss below, in brief, the main events in
the course of the petition.
On 24 October 2004 the petition was filed for an order nisi ordering
the respondents to show cause as to why they should not allow the
residents of the petitioner villages, and the residents of the territory of
5
Justice D. Beinisch
Judaea and Samaria in general, to have access to their land throughout

the year, and particularly during the olive harvest and the ploughing
season. The court was also requested to order the respondents to show
cause as to why they should not take the appropriate action in order to
ensure the security of the Palestinian farmers when they cultivate their
land.
The petition that was filed was of a general nature but it also
contained an application for concrete and urgent relief, since at the time
when the petition was filed the olive harvest had begun. After an urgent
hearing of the petition was held on 1 November 2004, arrangements
were made between the parties in order to resolve the existing problems
and to allow the harvest to take place in as many areas as possible. These
arrangements were successful and from the statements that were filed by
both parties it appears that a solution to the petitioners’ problems was
found and that the specific difficulties that were raised in the petition
were mostly resolved.
2. On 9 December 2004 an application was filed by the petitioners for
an order nisi to be made in the petition. In this application the
petitioners said that although the urgent and specific problems that arose
during the current harvest season had been resolved, the petition itself
addressed a ‘general modus operandi, which was practised by the security
forces in extensive parts of the territory of the West Bank, as a result of
which residents are denied access to their land.’ It was alleged that
because the IDF Commander was afraid of violent confrontations
between Palestinian farmers going to work on their land and Israeli
inhabitants, the IDF Commander is in the habit of ordering the closure
of Palestinian agricultural areas, which are defined as ‘areas of conflict.’
This denies the Palestinians access to their land and deprives them of the
ability to cultivate it. It was argued that denying them access to their land
is done unlawfully, since it is not effected by means of an order of the
IDF commander but by means of unofficial decisions. It was also argued
that the justification given for closing the area is the need to protect the
Palestinian farmers against acts of violence against them by Israeli
inhabitants. In addition to this, it was argued in the petition that the
respondents refuse to enforce the law against the Israeli inhabitants who
act violently towards the Palestinian farmers and their property.
On 14 January 2005 the respondents filed their response to the
application. In the response, it was emphasized that according to the
6
Justice D. Beinisch
fundamental position of the Attorney-General, the rule is that the

Palestinian inhabitants in the territory of Judaea and Samaria should be
allowed free access to the agricultural land that they own and that the
IDF Commander is responsible to protect this right of access from
hostile elements that seek to deny the Palestinians access to their land or
to harm them. The respondents stated that following meetings between
the defence establishment and the Attorney-General, a comprehensive
examination of the areas of conflict was made, and the purpose of this
was to examine whether it was essential to continue to impose
restrictions on access to agricultural areas and on what scale and for how
long such restrictions are required. The respondents also said that where
it transpires that areas of conflict make it necessary to continue to
impose restrictions upon access, these will be declared closed areas and a
closure order will be made with regard thereto in accordance with s. 90
of the Security Measures (Judaea and Samaria) (no. 378) Order, 5730-
1970 (the ‘Security Measures Order’). At the same time it was stated that
nothing in the aforesaid would prevent the closure of an area by virtue of
an unwritten decision when the defence establishment had concrete
information of an immediate and unforeseen danger to the Palestinian
residents or the Israeli settlers in a specific area, if the entry of
Palestinian farmers into that area would be allowed. In conclusion it was
argued that in view of the fact that the immediate needs of the
petitioners had been satisfied and in view of what is stated above with
regard to the issue of principle addressed by the petition, there was no
basis for examining the petitioners’ arguments within the scope of this
proceeding and the petition should therefore be denied.
3. On 1 March 2005 a hearing was held in the presence of the parties,
at the end of which it was decided to make an order nisi ordering the
respondents to show cause as to why they should not allow the residents
of the villages access to their agricultural land on all days of the year and
why they should not adopt all the measures available to them in order to
prevent the harassment of the residents of the petitioning villages and in
order to ensure that they could work their land safely.
4. In their reply to the order, the respondents discussed the difficult
security position in the area and reviewed some of the serious security
incidents that recently took place in the areas adjacent to the petitioners’
villages. The respondents said that in many places in Judaea and Samaria
Israeli towns had been built close to Palestinian villages and that this
proximity had been exploited in the past to carry out attacks against the
7
Justice D. Beinisch
Israeli towns. The respondents also said that during the ploughing and
harvesting seasons the fear of attacks increases, since at these times the
Palestinian farmers wish to cultivate the agricultural land close to the
Israeli towns and hostile terrorist elements exploit the agricultural
activity in order to approach the Israeli towns and attack them. In view
of this complex position, the respondents discussed the need to impose
balanced and proportional restrictions on both the Israeli and the
Palestinian inhabitants of Judaea and Samaria in order to minimize the
loss of human life on both sides. The respondents again emphasized that
the principle that guides their action is the duty to allow the Palestinian
residents in Judaea and Samaria free access to their agricultural land and
the duty to protect this right. The respondents gave details in their reply
of the rules that they have formulated in order to implement this
principle and the respondents mainly emphasized the change that has
occurred in the security outlook in so far as dealing with the areas of
conflict is concerned: whereas in the past the prevailing outlook was that
all the areas of conflict — both those characterized by harassment of
Palestinians by Israelis and those where the presence of Palestinians
constituted a danger to Israelis — should be closed, now areas of conflict
are closed only where this is absolutely essential in order to protect
Israelis (para. 16(a) of the statement of reply). According to the reply,
the Palestinians will no longer be protected against harassment by Israeli
residents by means of a closure of areas to Palestinians but in other ways.
The methods that will be adopted for the aforesaid purpose are an
increase in security for the Palestinian farmers, operating a mechanism
for coordinating access to the agricultural land and closing the areas of
conflict to prevent the entry of Israelis into those areas at the relevant
times. The respondents also said that the problematic areas of conflict,
whose closure was required in order to protect the Israeli residents,
would not be closed absolutely during the harvesting and ploughing
seasons, but in a manner that would allow the Palestinian farmers access
to them, by coordinating this and providing security. During the rest of
the year, the Palestinians would only be required to advise the DCO of
their entry into the areas of conflict. The respondents argued that the
aforesaid principles have led to a significant reduction in the restrictions
on the access of Palestinians to their land, both with regard to the size of
the area that is closed and with regard to the amount of time during
which the area is closed. Thus, with regard to the village of Yanun
(which is represented by the first petitioner), it was decided to close a
8
Justice D. Beinisch
piece of land with an area of only 280 dunams, instead of 936 dunams in
2004; with regard to the village of Aynabus (the second petitioner), no
land would be closed at all (after in the original reply of the respondents
it was said that an area of 218 dunams would be closed); with regard to
the village of Burin (the third petitioner), two areas amounting to only
approximately 80 dunams would be closed; with regard to the village of
A-Tuani (the sixth petitioner), three areas amounting to approximately
115 dunams would be closed; and in the area of the village of Al-Jania
(the seventh petitioner), several pieces of land with a total area of 733
dunams would be closed.
With regard to the second part of the petition, which concerns law
enforcement against Israeli residents, the respondents discussed in their
reply the efforts of the police to prevent acts of harassment at the points
of conflict, both from the viewpoint of prevention before the event
(which mainly concerns increased deployment in the areas of the conflict
at the relevant times) and from the viewpoint of law enforcement after
the event (by maximizing the investigation efforts and filing indictments).
5. The petitioners filed their response to the respondents’ reply, in
which they claimed that nothing stated therein changed the prevailing
position, in which the Palestinian residents were refused free access to
their land. The alleged reason for this is that they continue to suffer a de
jure denial of access to their land — by virtue of closure orders, which
the petitioners claim do not satisfy the tests of Israeli and international
law — and a de facto denial of access, as a result of attacks and
harassment on the part of Israeli inhabitants. The petitioners also
complained of the continuing ineptitude of the police treatment of
Israeli lawbreakers.
6. After receiving the respondents’ reply and the petitioners’
response to it, two additional hearings were held in the case, and at the
end of these the respondents were asked to file supplementary pleadings,
including replies to the petitioners’ claims that there is no access to the
agricultural land during the current harvesting season and that nothing is
done with regard to the complaints of residents of the petitioning villages
with regard to harassment against them. In the supplementary pleadings
of 26 September 2005, the respondents discussed at length the
deployment of the army and the police for the 2005 olive harvest. In
reply to the questions of the court, the respondents said, inter alia, that in
the course of the deployment a plan is being put into operation to
9
Justice D. Beinisch
determine days on which security will be provided for the areas of

conflict, which has been formulated in coordination with the
Palestinians; that several control mechanisms have been formulated with
the cooperation of the civil administration, the police and the Palestinian
Authority, whose purpose is to provide a solution to the problems that
arise during the harvest; that the forces operating in the area will be
strengthened in order to guard the agricultural work; that the police
forces have taken action to improve their ability to bring lawbreakers to
justice; that orders have been issued to the IDF forces, emphasizing the
fundamental principle that the farmers should be allowed to go to
harvest the olives and that they should ensure that the harvest takes
place in a reasonable manner; and that there was an intention to make
closure orders for Israeli areas only, together with restriction orders for
certain Israeli inhabitants who had been involved in the past in violent
actions.
In addition to the aforesaid, the respondents said in their reply that
following another reappraisal of all the relevant factors and
circumstances in the area, they had revised their position with regard to
the use of closure orders directed at the Palestinian residents. The
respondents said that the reappraisal was carried out against the
background of the tension anticipated during the withdrawal from the
Gaza Strip and in view of the concern that the olive harvest was likely to
be characterized by many attempts on the part of Israeli inhabitants to
harm Palestinian residents. According to the revised position, in addition
to the security need to make use of closure orders where this was
required in order to protect the security of the Israeli inhabitants, there
was also a security need to make use of closure orders when the main
purpose was to protect the Palestinian residents. At the same time the
respondents informed the court that, in view of the aforesaid parameters,
it had been decided in the reappraisal of the issue not to make closure
orders for the land of the villages of A-Tuani and Yanun. The
respondents also said that in the land of the villages of Burin and Al-
Jania only areas amounting to approximately 808 dunams would be
closed. Against the background of all of the aforesaid, the respondents
were of the opinion that there was a significant improvement in the
access of the Palestinian farmers to their land.
In an additional statement of the respondents, it was argued that the
question of law enforcement against the Israeli settlers was being treated
seriously both by the defence establishment and by the
10
Justice D. Beinisch
interdepartmental committee for law enforcement in the territories,

which operates at the State Attorney’s Office. In this context the
respondents discussed, inter alia, the efforts that were made to increase
the supervision of security officers in Israeli towns and to increase
supervision of the allocation of weapons to Israelis in the area, and the
steps taken by the police in order to deal with offences carried out by
Israeli inhabitants. They also addressed the handling of specific
complaints that were made with regard to the villages that are the subject
of the petition.
7. The petitioners, for their part, filed on 30 November 2005 an
additional supplementary statement, in which they said that during the
olive harvest season of 2005 there had indeed been a certain change for
the better from the viewpoint of the respondents’ deployment. In this
regard, they discussed how greater efforts had been made by the civil
administration to coordinate with the Palestinians the dates of the olive
harvest, and that more requests by Palestinians to receive protection
were granted. At the same time, the petitioners said that the results on
the ground were not always consistent: whereas in the villages of Yanun
and Al-Jania most of the farmers did indeed succeed in obtaining access
to their land in order to carry out the harvesting on certain days during
the season, this was not the case in the other petitioning villages, in
which there was no real change in the access to the land. In any case, the
petitioners argued that in general the situation remained unchanged,
since the Palestinian farmers cannot access their land in the areas of
conflict freely on a daily basis, both because of violence on the part of
the Israeli inhabitants and because of various restrictions that the army
imposes. The petitioners emphasized that this modus operandi, whereby
as a rule the Palestinians are denied access to their land, except on
certain days when protection is provided by the forces in the area, is the
complete opposite of the right to free access, since, in practice,
preventing access is the rule whereas allowing access is the exception.
8. Shortly thereafter, on 2 January 2006, the petitioners filed an
application to hold an urgent hearing of the petition. This was in
response to several very serious incidents in which more than two
hundred olive trees were cut down and destroyed on the land of the
village of Burin. In the application it was stated that despite repeated
requests to the respondents, no activity was being carried out by them at
all to protect the petitioners’ trees and that no measures were being
taken to stop the destruction of the trees. It was also claimed in the
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application that the ploughing season was about to begin and that the
respondents were not taking the necessary steps in order to allow the
residents of the petitioning villages safe access to their agricultural land
and were not taking any action to prevent attacks and harassment by the
Israeli inhabitants.
9. In consequence of what was stated in the application, the petition
was set down for a hearing. Shortly before this hearing, a statement was
filed by the respondents, in which it was claimed that the incidents in
which the olive trees were ruined were being investigated intensively by
the competent authorities, but at this stage evidence has not been found
that would allow the filing of indictments in the matter. It was also stated
that the phenomenon of violent harassment by Israeli residents against
Palestinian farmers had recently been referred to the most senior level in
government ministries and that a real effort was being made to find a
solution to the problem. In addition, it was stated that the Chief of Staff
had orders several steps to be taken in order to reduce the phenomenon
of the harassment of Palestinian farmers, including increased
enforcement at the places where law and order were being violated,
adopting administrative measures against lawbreakers and reducing the
number of weapons held by the Israeli inhabitants of Judaea and
Samaria. It was also stated that the deputy prime minister at that time,
Mr Ehud Olmert, ordered the establishment of an inter-ministerial
steering committee that would monitor the law enforcement operations
carried out as a part of the measures taken to prevent acts of violence
perpetrated by Israeli inhabitants in Judaea and Samaria.
10. At the last hearing that was held before us on 19 January 2006, the
parties reiterated their contentions. The petitions again argued against
the ineffectual protection afforded by the respondents to the Palestinian
farmers who wish to have access to and cultivate their agricultural lands
and against the forbearing approach adopted, according to them,
towards the lawbreakers. The petitioners indicated in their arguments
several problematic areas, including improper instructions given to the
forces operating in the area, a failure to make orders prohibiting the
entry of Israelis into the Palestinian agricultural areas, and so forth. The
respondents, for their part, discussed the steps that were being taken and
the acts that were being carried out in order to ensure that the residents
of the petitioning villages had access to their lands and that they were
protected.
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Deliberations
General
11. The petition before us has raised the matter of a very serious
phenomenon of a violation of the basic rights of the Palestinian residents
in the territories of Judaea and Samaria and of significant failures on the
part of the respondents with regard to maintaining public order in the
territories. As we have said, the claims raised by the petitioners are of
two kinds: one claim relates to the military commander denying the
Palestinian farmers access to their land. In this matter, it was claimed in
the petition that the closure of the area deprives the Palestinian residents
of their right to freedom of movement and their property rights in a
manner that is unreasonable and disproportionate and that violates the
obligations imposed on the military commander under international law
and Israeli administrative law. It was also claimed that it was not proper
to protect the Palestinian farmers in a way that denied them access to
their land. In addition it was claimed that closing the areas to the
Palestinians was done on a regular basis without a formal closure order
being made under section 90 of the Security Measures Order and
therefore the denial of access to the land was not based upon a lawful
order. The main additional claim that was raised in the petition
addressed the failure of the respondents to enforce the law in the
territories of Judaea and Samaria. The essence of the claim was that the
respondents do not take action against the Israeli inhabitants in the
territories that harass the Palestinian farmers and harm them and their
property. In addition to these general claims, the petition also includes
specific claims that required immediate action in concrete cases where
access was being denied, and these claims were dealt with immediately
(see para. 1 above).
The proceedings in the petition before us were spread out over
several hearings; the purpose of this was to allow the respondents to take
action to solve the problems that were arising and to find a solution to
the claims raised before us, under the supervision of the Attorney-
General and subject to the judicial scrutiny of the court. We thought it
right to give the respondents time to correct what required correction,
since there is no doubt that the reality with which they are confronted is
complex and difficult and that the tasks imposed on them are not simple.
Regrettably, notwithstanding the time that has passed, it does not appear
that there has been any real change in the position and it would seem
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that no proper solution has been found to the serious claims of the
Palestinian farmers concerning the violation of their right to cultivate
their land and to obtain their livelihood with dignity, and to the injurious
acts of lawbreaking directed against them. At the hearings that took
place before us, a serious picture emerged of harm suffered by the
Palestinian residents and contempt for the law, which is not being
properly addressed by the authorities responsible for law enforcement.
Therefore, although some of the claims that were raised in the petition
were of a general nature, we have seen fit to address the claims raised by
the petitioners on their merits.
Denying access to land
12. The territories of Judaea and Samaria are held by the State of
Israel under belligerent occupation and there is no dispute that the
military commander who is responsible for the territories on behalf of
the state of Israel is competent to make an order to close the whole of
the territories or any part thereof, and thereby to prevent anyone
entering or leaving the closed area. This power of the military
commander is derived from the rules of belligerent occupation under
public international law; the military commander has the duty of
ensuring the safety and security of the residents of the territories and he
is responsible for public order in the territories (see art. 23(g) and art. 52
of the Regulations concerning the Laws and Customs of War on Land,
which are annexed to the Fourth Hague Convention of 1907 (hereafter:
‘the Hague Regulations’); art. 53 of the Convention relative to the
Protection of Civilian Persons in Times of War, 1949 (hereafter: ‘the
Fourth Geneva Convention’); HCJ 302/72 Hilo v. Government of Israel
[1], at pp. 178-179). This power of the military commander is also
enshrined in security legislation in section 90 of the Security Measures
Order (see, for example, Hilo v. Government of Israel [1], at pp. 174, 179;
HCJ 6339/05 Matar v. IDF Commander in Gaza Strip [2], at pp. 851-852).
In our case, the petitioners do not challenge the actual existence of the
aforesaid power but the manner in which the military commander directs
himself when exercising his power in the circumstances described above.
Therefore the question before us is whether the military commander
exercises his power lawfully with regard to the closure of agricultural
areas to Palestinian residents who are the owners or who have possession
of those areas.
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In order to answer the question that arises in this case, we should

examine the matter in two stages: in the first stage we should seek to
ascertain the purpose for which the power to close areas is exercised by
the military commander, and we should also examine the various criteria
that the military commander should consider when he considers ordering
a closure of areas in the territories. In the second stage we should
examine the proper balance between these criteria and whether this
balance is being upheld in the actions of the military commander in our
case.
The purpose of adopting the measure of closing areas
13. According to the respondents’ position, the purpose of adopting
the measure of closing areas is to help the military commander carry out
his duty of maintaining order and security in the area. Indeed, no one
disputes that it is the duty of the military commander to ensure public
order and the security of the inhabitants in the area under his command.
Article 43 of the Hague Regulations sets out this duty and authorizes the
military commander to take various measures in order to carry out the
duty:
‘The authority of the legitimate power having in fact passed
into the hands of the occupant, the latter shall take all the
measures in his power to restore, and ensure, as far as
possible, public order and safety, while respecting, unless
absolutely prevented, the laws in force in the country.’
See also HCJ 10356/02 Hass v. IDF Commander in West Bank [3], at
pp. 455-456 {64-65}. It should be emphasized that the duty and authority
of the military commander to ensure security in the territory apply with
regard to all the persons who are present in the territory that is subject to
belligerent occupation. This was discussed by this court, which said:
‘… In so far as the needs of maintaining the security of the
territory and the security of the public in the territory are
concerned, the authority of the military commander applies
to all the persons who are situated in the territory at any
given time. This determination is implied by the well-known
and clear duty of the military commander to maintain the
security of the territory and by the fact that he is responsible
for ensuring the safety of the public in his area’ (per Justice
Mazza in HCJ 2612/94 Shaar v. IDF Commander in Judaea
and Samaria [4], at p. 679).
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Justice D. Beinisch
(See also HCJ 7957/04 Marabeh v. Prime Minister [5], at para. 18, and
HCJ 3680/05 Tana Town Committee v. Prime Minister [6], at paras. 8-9).
As we have said, the respondents’ argument is that the closure of the
areas is done for the purpose of maintaining order and security in the
territories. It should be noted that within the scope of this supreme
purpose, it is possible to identify two separate aspects: one concerns the
security of the Israelis in the territories and the other the security of the
Palestinian residents. Thus in some cases the closure of the areas is
intended to ensure the security of the Israeli inhabitants from the terror
attacks that are directed against them, whereas in other cases the closure
of the areas is intended to ensure the security of the Palestinian farmers
from acts of violence that are directed against them. We shall return to
these two separate aspects later, but we should already emphasize at this
stage that in order to achieve the two aspects of the aforesaid purpose
the military commander employs the same measure, and that is the
closure of agricultural areas owned by the petitioners and denying the
Palestinian farmers access to those areas.
The relevant criteria when exercising the power to close areas
14. As a rule, when choosing the measures that should be adopted in
order to achieve the purpose of maintaining public order and security in
the territories, the military commander is required to take into account
only those considerations that are relevant for achieving the purpose for
which he is responsible. In our case, when he is called upon to determine
the manner of adopting the measure of closing areas, the military
commander is required to consider several criteria.
On the one hand, there is the value of security and the preservation of
the lives of the residents of the territories, both Israelis and Palestinians.
It is well-known that the right to life and physical integrity is the most
basic right that lies at the heart of the humanitarian laws that are
intended to protect the local population in the territories held under the
laws of belligerent occupation (see HCJ 3799/02 Adalah Legal Centre for
Arab Minority Rights in Israel v. IDF Central Commander [7], at para. 23
of the opinion of President Barak). This right is also enshrined in Israeli
constitutional law in ss. 2 and 4 of the Basic Law: Human Dignity and
Liberty, and there is no doubt at all that this is a right that is on the
highest normative echelon (see HCJ 1730/96 Sabiah v. IDF Commander
in Judaea and Samaria [8], at p. 368; HCJ 2753/03 Kirsch v. IDF Chief of
Staff [9], at pp. 377-378). All the residents of the territories — both
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Palestinians and Israelis — are therefore entitled to enjoy the right to life
and physical integrity, and a fundamental and primary criterion that the
military commander should consider when deciding to close areas is the
criterion of the protection of the life and physical integrity of all the
residents in the territories.
The petition before us concerns agricultural areas that are owned by
Palestinian inhabitants and that are closed by the order of the military
commander. Therefore, the right to security and the protection of
physical integrity is opposed by considerations concerning the protection
of the rights of the Palestinian inhabitants, and in view of the nature of
the case before us, we are speaking mainly of the right to freedom of
movement and property rights. In the judgment given in HCJ 1890/03
Bethlehem Municipality v. State of Israel [10], we said that the freedom of
movement is one of the most basic human rights. We discussed how in
our legal system the freedom of movement has been recognized both as
an independent basic right and also as a right derived from the right to
liberty, and how there are some authorities that hold that it is a right that
is derived from human dignity (see para. 15 of the judgment and the
references cited there). The freedom of movement is also recognized as
a basic right in international law and this right is enshrined in a host of
international conventions (ibid.). It is important to emphasize that in our
case we are not speaking of the movement of Palestinian residents in
nonspecific areas throughout Judaea and Samaria but of the access of
the residents to land that belongs to them. In such circumstances, where
the movement is taking place in a private domain, especially great weight
should be afforded to the right to the freedom of movement and the
restrictions imposed on it should be reduced to a minimum. It is clear
that restrictions that are imposed on the freedom of movement in public
areas should be examined differently from restrictions that are imposed
on a person’s freedom of movement within the area connected to his
home and the former cannot be compared to the latter (see HCJ 2481/93
Dayan v. Wilk [11], at p. 475).
As we have said, an additional basic right that should be taken into
account in our case is, of course, the property rights of the Palestinian
farmers in their land. In our legal system, property rights are protected
as a constitutional human right (s. 3 of the Basic Law: Human Dignity
and Liberty). This right is of course also recognized in public
international law (see HCJ 7862/04 Abu Dahar v. IDF Commander in
Judaea and Samaria [12], at para. 8 and the references cited there).
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Therefore, the residents in the territories held under belligerent

occupation have a protected right to their property. In our case, there is
no dispute that we are speaking of agricultural land and agricultural
produce in which the petitioners have property rights. Therefore, when
the petitioners are denied access to land that is their property and they
are denied the possibility of cultivating the agricultural produce that
belongs to them, their property rights and their ability to enjoy them are
thereby seriously violated.
15. Thus we see that the considerations that the military commander
should take into account in the circumstances before us include, on the
one hand, considerations of protecting the security of the inhabitants of
the territories and, on the other hand, considerations concerning the
protection of the rights of the Palestinian inhabitants. The military
commander is required to find the correct balance between these
opposite poles. The duty of the military commander to balance these
opposite poles has been discussed by this court many times, and the issue
was summarized by President Barak in Marabeh v. Prime Minister [5] as
follows:
‘Thus we see that, in exercising his power under the laws of
belligerent occupation, the military commander should
“ensure public order and safety.” Within this framework, he
should take into account, on the one hand, considerations of
the security of the state, the security of the army and the
personal safety of everyone who is in the territory. On the other
hand, he should consider the human rights of the local Arab
population’ (para. 28 of the judgment [5]; emphases
supplied).
See also Hass v. IDF Commander in West Bank [3], at pp.
455-456 {64-65}.
16. There is no doubt that in cases where the realization of human
rights creates a near certainty of the occurrence of serious and
substantial harm to public safety, and when there is a high probability of
harm to personal security, then the other human rights yield to the right
to life and physical integrity (HCJ 292/83 Temple Mount Faithful v.
Jerusalem District Police Commissioner [13], at p. 454; Hass v. IDF
Commander in West Bank [3], at p. 465 {76}). Indeed, in principle, where
there is a direct conflict, the right to life and physical integrity will usually
prevail over the other human rights, including also the right to freedom
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of movement and property rights. The court addressed this principle in

HCJ 7052/03 Adalah Legal Centre for Arab Minority Rights in Israel v.
Ministry of Interior [14], where it said:
‘When there is a direct confrontation and there is a concrete
risk to security and life, the public interest indeed overrides
protected human rights, and the same is the case where
there is a concrete likelihood of a risk to life’ (para. 11 of my
opinion [14]).
Notwithstanding, the balance between the various rights and values
should be made in such a way that the scope of the violation of the rights
is limited to what is essential. The existence of risks to public safety does
not justify in every case an absolute denial of human rights and the
correct balance should be struck between the duty to protect public
order and the duty to protect the realization of human rights. The
question before us is whether the manner in which the military
commander is exercising his power to close areas for the purpose of
achieving security for the Israeli residents on the one hand and the
Palestinian residents on the other properly balances the conflicting
considerations. We shall now turn to consider this question.
The balance between the relevant considerations
17. As we have said, in order to achieve the purpose of preserving
security in the territories, the military commander adopts the measure of
closing agricultural areas that are owned by Palestinians and in doing so
he violates the right of the Palestinian residents to freedom of movement
on their land and their right to have use of their property. We therefore
discussed above the purpose for which the military commander was given
the power to close the areas and the relevant criteria for exercising this
power. Now we should consider whether the military commander
properly balanced the various criteria and whether the measures adopted
by the military commander satisfy the principle of proportionality that
governs him in his actions.
18. The centrality of the principle of proportionality in the actions of
the military commander has been discussed by this court many times
(see, for example, HCJ 2056/04 Beit Sourik Village Council v. Government
of Israel [15], at pp. 836-841 {293-298}). The manner in which the
military commander exercises his power to close agricultural areas in the
territories inherently results in a violation of the rights of the Palestinian
residents and therefore this violation should satisfy the principle of
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proportionality. According to the proportionality tests, the military

commander has the burden of showing that there is a rational connection
between the measure adopted and the purpose (the first subtest of
proportionality); he is required to show that, of the various appropriate
measures that may be chosen, the measure adopted causes the least
possible harm to the individual (the second test); and he is also required
to show that adopting the aforesaid measure is proportionate to the
benefit that arises from employing it (the third subtest).
19. According to the aforesaid tests, is the harm caused to the
petitioners as a result of the closure of the agricultural land by the
military commander proportionate? The proportionality of the measure
is examined in relation to the purpose that the military commander is
trying to achieve with it. ‘The principle of proportionality focuses… on
the relationship between the purpose that it wants to realize and the
measures adopted to realize it’ (Beit Sourik Village Council v.
Government of Israel [15], at p. 839 {296}). In our case, the respondents
claim that the closure of the areas is done for one purpose, which has
two aspects: in certain circumstances it is for the protection of the Israeli
inhabitants and in other circumstances it is for the protection of the
Palestinian farmers. There are cases where the purpose is a mixed one,
and the closure is intended to protect the lives of all the inhabitants, both
Israeli and Palestinian, and in these circumstances the discretion of the
military commander will be examined in accordance with the main
purpose for which the power was exercised. Accordingly, we should
examine the manner in which the military commander exercises the
power of closure with regard to all of the aforesaid circumstances. First
we shall examine the proportionality of the use of the power to close
areas with regard to the purpose of protecting the security of the Israeli
inhabitants and afterwards we shall examine the proportionality of the
use of this measure with regard to the purpose of protecting the security
of the Palestinian farmers.
Protecting the security of Israeli inhabitants
20. In so far as the protection of the security of the Israeli residents is
concerned, the respondents argued that in order to achieve this purpose,
in a period when brutal and persistent terrorist activity is taking place,
the closure of areas near Israeli towns so that Palestinians cannot enter
them is needed in order to prevent the infiltration of terrorists into those
towns and the perpetration of acts of terror against the persons living
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there. The respondents explained that the access of the Palestinian

farmers to agricultural land adjoining the Israeli towns is exploited by the
terrorist organizations to carry out attacks against the Israeli towns, and
that the presence of the Palestinian farmers on the land adjoining the
Israeli towns serves the terrorists as a cloak and helps them to infiltrate
those areas. The proximity of the agricultural land to Israeli towns is
exploited particularly in order to carry out attempts to infiltrate the
Israeli towns, for the purpose of carrying out attacks in them, and also
for the purpose of long-range shooting attacks. Because of this, the
respondents explained that there is a need to create a kind of barrier
area, into which entry is controlled, and thus it will be possible to protect
the Israeli inhabitants in an effective manner.
After considering the respondents’ explanations and the figures
presented to us with regard to the terror activity in the areas under
discussion in the petition, we have reached the conclusion that the
measure of closing areas adjoining Israeli towns does indeed have a
rational connection with the purpose of achieving security for the
inhabitants of those towns. As we have said, the protection of the
security of the Israeli inhabitants in the territories is the responsibility of
the military commander, even though these inhabitants do not fall within
the scope of the category of ‘protected persons’ (see Marabeh v. Prime
Minister [5], at para. 18). The proximity of the Palestinian agricultural
land to the Israeli towns, which is exploited by hostile terrorist forces,
presents a significant risk to the security of the Israeli residents, and
contending with this risk is not simple. The closure of the areas from
which terrorist cells are likely to operate, so that the access to them is
controlled, is therefore a rational solution to the security problem that
arises.
With regard to the second test of proportionality — the least harmful
measure test — according to the professional assessments submitted to
us, no other measure that would be less harmful and that would achieve
the purpose of protecting the security of the Israeli residents was raised
before us. The military commander is of the opinion that the
unsupervised access of Palestinians to areas that are very close to Israeli
towns is likely to create a serious threat to the security of the Israeli
inhabitants and there is no way to neutralize this threat other than by
closing certain areas to Palestinians for fixed and limited periods. The
military commander emphasized how the closure of the areas to the
Palestinians will be done only in areas where it is absolutely essential and
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Justice D. Beinisch
that there is no intention to close areas of land beyond the absolute

minimum required in order to provide effective protection for the Israeli
inhabitants. The military commander also said that the period of time
when the areas would be closed to the Palestinian residents would be as
short as possible and that the periods when access was denied would be
limited. The military commander emphasized that he recognizes the
importance of the right of the Palestinian farmers to have access to their
land and to cultivate it and that making closure orders from time to time
would be done while taking these rights into account and violating them
to the smallest degree. The military commander also emphasized the
intention to employ additional measures in order to ensure the
protection of the rights of the Palestinians and that by virtue of the
combination of the various measures it would be possible to reduce to a
minimum the use of closure orders. From the aforesaid we have been
persuaded that the military commander took into account, in this regard,
the absence of any other less harmful measure that can be used in order
to achieve the desired purpose. The other measures discussed by the
respondents are insufficient in themselves for achieving the purpose and
therefore there is no alternative to using also the measure of closing
areas that adjoin Israeli towns for a limited period, in order to provide
security.
With regard to the third test of the principle of proportionality — the
proportionate or commensurate measure test — the benefit accruing to
the Israeli inhabitants from the closure of the areas, from a security
perspective, and the protection of the value of preserving life without
doubt exceeds the damage caused by employing this measure, provided
that it is done in a prudent manner. It should be remembered that,
according to the undertaking of the military commander, the closure of
the area will not cause irreversible damage to the Palestinian farmers,
since by prior arrangement they will be allowed to have access to all of
the agricultural land and to carry out the necessary work.
Consequently our conclusion is that subject to the undertakings given
by the respondents, exercising the power to deny the Palestinians access
to the areas that are very close to Israeli towns, in so far as this derives
from the need to protect the Israeli towns, is proportionate. Indeed, the
use of the measure of closing the areas inherently involves a violation of
basic rights of the Palestinian residents, but taking care to use this
measure proportionately will reduce the aforesaid violation to the
absolute minimum.
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Justice D. Beinisch
21. It should be re-emphasized that the actual implementation of the

military commander’s power to close areas should be done
proportionately and after a specific and concrete examination of the
conditions and character of the risks that are unique to the relevant area
(cf. HCJ 11395/05 Mayor of Sebastia v. State of Israel (not yet reported)).
In this regard it should be noted that, before filing the petition, the
respondents defined a range of 500 metres from the boundaries of an
Israeli town as the necessary security limits for the closed area, but
following the hearings that took place in the petition this range was
reduced and in practice areas were closed within a range of between only
50 and 300 metres from Israeli towns, as needed and according to the
topography of the terrain, the nature of the risk and the degree of harm
to the Palestinian residents in the area. Determining the security limits in
the specific case is of course within the jurisdiction of the military
commander, but care should be taken so that these ranges do not exceed
the absolute minimum required for effective protection of the Israeli
inhabitants in the area under discussion, and the nature and extent of the
harm to the Palestinians should be examined in each case. In addition,
whenever areas are closed it should be remembered that it is necessary
to give the Palestinian residents an opportunity to complete all the
agricultural work required on their land ‘to the last olive.’ It should also
be noted that closing the areas should be done by means of written
orders that are issued by the military commander, and in the absence of
closure orders the Palestinian residents should not be denied access to
their land. Nothing in the aforesaid prejudices the commander’s power
in the field to give oral instructions for a closure of any area on a specific
basis for a short and limited period when unexpected circumstances
present themselves and give rise to a concern of an immediate danger to
security that cannot be dealt with by any other measures. But we should
take care to ensure that the power to order the closure of a specific piece
of land without a lawful order, as a response to unexpected incidents,
should be limited solely to the time and place where it is immediately
required. In principle, the closure of areas should be done by means of
an order of which notice is given to whoever is harmed by it, and the
residents whose lands are closed to them should be given an opportunity
to challenge its validity. Within the limitations set out above and subject
thereto, it can be determined that closing areas close to Israeli towns is
proportionate.
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Justice D. Beinisch
Protecting the security of Palestinian farmers

22. As we said above, the purpose of maintaining order and security in
the territories has two aspects, and for each of these we should examine
the proportionality of the use of the measure of closing areas. We
discussed above the proportionality of the military commander’s use of
the power to close areas to achieve the first aspect — the protection of
the security of the Israeli inhabitants. Now we should consider whether
the military commander has exercised his power proportionately also
with regard to the second aspect of the purpose — providing protection
for the security of the Palestinian farmers.
23. According to the respondents’ explanations, there is no alternative
to closing off the agricultural areas to their Palestinian owners, since the
Palestinian farmers often suffer from harassment by the Israeli
inhabitants when they enter their land. The respondents said that every
year the olive harvest is a focal point for conflicts between Israeli settlers
and Palestinian farmers and that in a large number of cases these
conflicts result in serious harm to the lives and property of the
Palestinian farmers. Because of the aforesaid, the military commander
adopts the measure of closing areas to the Palestinian farmers in order
to realize the purpose of protecting them against attacks directed at
them.
24. The question of denying a person access to certain land, when he
has a right of access to it, for the purpose of protecting his security and
for the purpose of preserving public order is not new in Israel and it has
been considered in our case law several times (see, for example, Temple
Mount Faithful v. Jerusalem District Police Commissioner [13]; HCJ
2725/93 Salomon v. Jerusalem District Commissioner of Police [16]; HCJ
531/77 Baruch v. Traffic Comptroller, Tel-Aviv and Central Districts [17];
HCJ 5016/96 Horev v. Minister of Transport [18]). In these judgments and
others, the court considered the question of the conflict between the
public interest of order and security and the duty of protecting basic
human rights such as freedom of worship, freedom of movement and
freedom of expression.
In our case, as we have said, assuming that the violation of the
Palestinians’ right of access to their land is done for the proper purpose
of protecting their lives, we should consider whether the closure of the
agricultural areas to the Palestinians in order to protect them is a
proportionate violation of their rights. After studying the written
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pleadings and hearing the arguments of the parties, we have reached the
conclusion that in the prevailing circumstances the exercising of the
military commander’s power to close land to Palestinians for the purpose
of protecting them is disproportionate. Of course, no one disputes that
closing the area and preventing the access of Palestinians to their land
does achieve a separation between them and the Israeli inhabitants and
thereby protects the Palestinian farmers. But the use of the power of
closure for the purpose of protecting the Palestinian inhabitants violates
the right of the Palestinian inhabitants to freedom of movement and
their property rights to a disproportionate degree and it does not satisfy
the subtests of the principle of proportionality. We shall explain our
position below.
25. Exercising the power to close areas that are owned by Palestinians
for the purpose of protecting them does not satisfy the first subtest of
proportionality, since there is no rational connection between the means
and the end. The rational connection test is not merely a technical causal
connection test between means and end. Even when use of a certain
measure is likely to lead to realization of the desired purpose, this does
not mean that there is a rational connection between the means and the
end and that the means is suited to achieving the end. The emphasis in
the rational connection test is whether the connection is rational. The
meaning of this is, inter alia, that an arbitrary, unfair or illogical measure
should not be adopted (see HCJ 4769/95 Menahem v. Minister of
Transport [19], at p. 279; A. Barak, Legal Interpretation — Constitutional
Interpretation, at pp. 542, 621). In our case, the areas that are closed are
private areas that are owned by Palestinians whose livelihood depends
upon their access to them. On the other hand, the threat to the security
of the Palestinians is the perpetration of acts of harassment by Israeli
lawbreakers. In these circumstances, the closure of the areas to the
Palestinian farmers in order to contend with the aforesaid threat is not
rational, since it is an extremely unfair act that results in serious harm to
basic rights while giving in to violence and criminal acts. Admittedly,
closing the areas is likely to achieve the purpose of protecting the
Palestinian farmers, but when the discretion of the military commander
in closing the areas is influenced by the criminal acts of violent
individuals, who violate the rights of the inhabitants to their property,
the discretion is tainted (see Baruch v. Traffic Comptroller, Tel-Aviv and
Central Districts [17], at p. 165; Horev v. Minister of Transport [18], at pp.
77 {235} and 118-120 {286-290}). A policy that denies Palestinian
25
Justice D. Beinisch
inhabitants access to land that belongs to them in order to achieve the

goal of protecting them from attacks directed at them is like a policy that
orders a person not to enter his own home in order to protect him from a
robber who is waiting for him there in order to attack him. In the
circumstances of the case before us, it is not rational that this policy
should be the sole solution to the situation in the area, since it violates
the rights of the Palestinian farmers to freedom of movement and their
property rights disproportionately.
The use of the measure of closing the area to Palestinians for the
purpose of protecting the Palestinians themselves is inconsistent with the
basic outlook of the military commander with regard to protecting the
inhabitants against harassment. When the military commander seeks to
protect the security of the Israeli inhabitants he takes the step of closing
the area to Palestinians, whose entry into the area may be exploited by
terrorists. With regard to this purpose we said that the measure chosen is
proportionate since placing a restriction on the party from which the
danger may arise achieves the purpose of protecting the Israeli
inhabitants by means of a proportionate violation of the protected rights
of the Palestinian farmers. By contrast, when the purpose sought is to
protect the security of the Palestinian farmers from acts of violence
directed against them, it is right that the appropriate measure should be
directed against the party causing the danger, i.e., against those persons
who carry out the attacks on the Palestinian farmers. The problem is that
when he seeks to protect the Palestinian farmers, the military
commander has once again chosen to act against them, even when they
are the victim of the attacks. It is clear therefore that the use of the
measure of closing the area to the Palestinian farmers when the purpose
is to protect the Palestinians themselves is not an appropriate use of the
aforesaid measure, and it is contrary to our sense of justice. This
situation is not proper and therefore the use of the measure of closing
areas as the standard and only measure for protecting Palestinian
inhabitants who are attacked on their land is a use that is
disproportionate and inconsistent with the duties imposed on the
military commander.
26. It should be noted that now we have found that the measure
adopted is not at all appropriate or suited to the purpose for which it was
intended (the first test of proportionality), we are not required to
examine whether the measure is consistent with the other tests of
proportionality. Nonetheless we should point out that in the
26
Justice D. Beinisch
circumstances of the case it is also clear that the measure adopted is not
the least harmful measure, nor is it proportionate to the benefit that
arises from it (the two remaining tests of proportionality). In this regard,
it should be stated that the respondents themselves discussed in their
responses other measures that could be adopted in order to realize the
purpose of protecting the Palestinian inhabitants when they wish to
cultivate their land. Inter alia, the respondents mentioned their intention
to increase the security given to the Palestinian inhabitants when
carrying out the agricultural work by means of increasing the forces in
the area, and also their intention to issue restriction orders against
certain Israeli inhabitants who were involved in the past in acts of
violence and who, in the military commander’s opinion, present a
danger. The use of these measures and other additional measures that
were mentioned by the respondents is likely to achieve the purpose of
protecting the Palestinian inhabitants who wish to cultivate their land
without disproportionately violating the right of the Palestinian farmers
to freedom of movement on their land and their property rights.
27. Naturally, it is not possible to rule out entirely the use of the
measure of closing an area to the party that is being attacked in order to
protect him (see Salomon v. Jerusalem District Commissioner of Police
[16]). The matter depends on the circumstances of the case, the human
rights that are violated and the nature of the threat. This is for example
the case when there is concrete information of a certain risk and
according to assessments it is almost certain that it will be realized and it
is capable of seriously endangering security and life. In our case, these
conditions are not satisfied. In the case before us the violation of the
rights is serious, whereas the threat is one which from the outset can and
should be handled in other ways that violate rights to a lesser degree. In
addition, the closure of the areas was done in our case in a sweeping
manner for prolonged periods, on the basis of a general assessment, and
not pursuant to a specific concrete assessment. Therefore, the relevant
circumstances in our case are what make the use of the measure of
closing the area to the Palestinian farmers in order to protect them
disproportionate.
Denying access — summary
28. The inescapable conclusion is therefore that the manner in which
the military commander exercised his discretion to deny Palestinians
access to agricultural areas that belong to them, in order to realize the
27
Justice D. Beinisch
purpose of protecting their security, is not consistent with the

proportionate measure test that governs the respondents, and therefore
it is unacceptable. As a rule, the military commander should carry out his
duty to protect the security of the Palestinian inhabitants in another
manner, and not by closing the agricultural areas, provided that his
command responsibility is not prejudiced. The ‘conflict areas,’ which are
closed to the Palestinians in order to protect the Palestinians themselves,
should therefore remain open to the movement of Palestinians and the
respondents should adopt all the measures that are required in order to
ensure the security of the Palestinians farmers in those areas. The
protection of the Palestinians should be afforded by providing proper
security, giving clear instructions to the military forces and the police
with regard to how they should act, and imposing restrictions that will be
effective against those persons who harass the Palestinians and break the
law. With regard to the closure of areas belonging to Palestinian
inhabitants when the purpose that is being sought is the protection of the
Israeli inhabitants against terrorist activity, in such a case the measure of
closure may be proportionate, provided that the military commander
exercises his power on the smallest scale possible and while observing the
rules set out above.
Law enforcement in the territories of Judaea and Samaria
29. As we have said, the second head of the petition was directed
against the respondents’ failures to enforce the law in the territories
against the Israeli inhabitants. The petitioners claim that the respondents
are not doing enough in order to prevent the Israeli inhabitants from
harassing the Palestinian farmers who are cultivating their land and that
they are not taking action to prevent harm to the Palestinians and their
property. We shall now turn to examine these contentions.
30. As we said in para. 13 above, article 43 of the Hague Regulations
sets out the duty and power of the military commander to maintain order
and security in the territory under his control. There is no doubt that one
of the main duties for which the military commander is responsible
within this framework is the duty to ensure that the law is upheld in the
territories (see HCJ 61/80 Haetzni v. State of Israel (Minister of Defence)
[20], at p. 595; Abu Dahar v. IDF Commander in Judaea and Samaria [12],
at para. 7).
A discussion of the general subject of law enforcement in Judaea and
Samaria and the many problems that this entails falls outside the scope
28
Justice D. Beinisch
of the petition before us. This is without doubt a serious problem with
which the State of Israel has been contending for many years. A detailed
review and recommendations on this issue can be found in the report of
the Commission of Inquiry into the Hebron Massacre (1994), at pp. 157-
200, 243-245 and 250-251 (hereafter: ‘the Shamgar Commission report’).
It should be noted that the Shamgar Commission report extensively
considered the problem of law enforcement against the Israeli settlers in
the territories and several specific contentions were raised with regard to
the harassment of Palestinians by Israeli inhabitants by means of physical
attacks, the destruction of property and uprooting orchards. The
Shamgar Commission report also gives details of claims concerning the
ineffective handling of law breaking and inter alia the report discusses
the phenomena of not carrying out police investigations, delays in
carrying out investigations, not filing indictments and so on (see pp. 192-
193 of the Shamgar Commission report). The Shamgar Commission
made its recommendations and these led, inter alia, to the creation of the
Samaria and Judaea division of the police, which operates in the
territories under the control of the military commander and deals with
all the issues that concern policing in those territories.
But notwithstanding the repeated discussion, both in the report and
on other additional occasions, of the problems relating to law
enforcement in the territories, and notwithstanding the steps taken in
this field in the past, the petition reveals the ineffectiveness of the
respondents in enforcing the law against those persons who break it and
cause physical injury to the Palestinian farmers and damage to their
property. The physical security of the Palestinian farmers is in real
danger when they go to cultivate their land, because of serious acts of
violence on the part of Israeli settlers. The property of the Palestinian
farmers also suffers from lawlessness when, after a day’s work, under the
cover of night lawbreakers return to the agricultural land in order to
uproot trees and damage agricultural implements.
No one disputes that the petitioners are deprived of their basic rights
to security and property because of these lawbreakers. Moreover, no one
disputes that it is the duty of the respondents to prevent this infraction of
security and public order. This duty is enshrined in the rules of
international humanitarian law; see, for example, art. 27 of the Fourth
Geneva Convention that states with regard to ‘protected persons’ that:
‘Protected persons are entitled, in all circumstances, to
respect for their persons, their honour, their family rights,
29
Justice D. Beinisch
their religious convictions and practices, and their manners

and customs. They shall at all times be humanely treated,
and shall be protected especially against all acts of violence or
threats thereof and against insults and public curiosity’
(emphasis supplied).
Maintaining an effective law enforcement system in the territories of
Judaea and Samaria is naturally mandated also by the duties imposed on
the respondents under Israeli law.
31. It is important to emphasize that the lawbreaking acts that are
perpetrated against the Palestinian farmers are carried out by a small
and extreme group of Israelis who by their acts stain the reputation of all
the Israeli settlers in Judaea and Samaria. The acts of the extremists
harm not only the security, safety and property of the local inhabitants
but also sully the image that the Israeli settlers wish to nurture, an image
of law-abiding citizens, and they also taint the image and reputation of
the whole of the State of Israel as a state that respects the supremacy of
law and justice. The respondents ought therefore to act with greater
force against the lawbreakers so that this phenomenon is eradicated.
32. In their most recent statements, the respondents described the
measures that were being adopted in order to re-establish order. To this
end, we were presented with affidavits of the senior commanders in the
area both from the police and from the army. In one of the hearings that
took place, the Samaria District Commander was present and he
described the treatment of the phenomenon of harassment of Palestinian
famers, and we made a note of his undertaking to act in so far as possible
to protect the Palestinian farmers when they go to cultivate their land. In
addition, as we said in para. 9 above, it would appear that the matter is
being considered at the highest level, as it ought to be. Nonetheless,
despite the declarations that were made by the respondents in their
responses, it would appear that no solution has yet been found to the
problem of the repeated harassment of Palestinians when they go to
their land in order to cultivate it and to the problem of the damage to the
farmers’ property, and especially the uprooting of the trees.
Notwithstanding the steps that have been adopted in order to ensure the
security of the Palestinian farmers, and a certain improvement that has
taken place, the position is far from satisfactory. As we described in para.
8 above, recently — while the petition was pending — we witnessed a
significant increase in the violent acts against the farmers and their
crops. Because of this deterioration, on 2 January 2006 the petitioners
30
Justice D. Beinisch
filed the application mentioned in para. 8, in which an urgent hearing of

the petition was sought. At the hearing that was held, the respondents
once again described the measures that have been taken, but it would
appear that the facts on the ground speak for themselves and that too
little has been done in order to protect the rights of the petitioners. This
situation is intolerable and unacceptable and the respondents should
take action in order to put matters to rights immediately.
33. In view of the aforesaid, we pondered at length the order that this
court should issue with regard to enforcement of the law in the
territories. ‘Law enforcement is a fundamental element of the rule of
law… it is one of the main functions of any government. The competent
authorities may not shirk this duty’ (HCJ 551/99 Shekem Ltd v. Director
of Customs and VAT [21], at p. 125). It need not be said that there is no
need for this court to issue an order that directs the respondents to
enforce the law and carry out their duties (ibid.). This is especially the
case where the respondents themselves confirm their commitment to
protect the rights of the petitioners and promise to act in so far as
possible in order to carry out their duties. There is therefore no doubt
that the respondents should act with all the means at their disposal in
order to protect the security of the Palestinian farmers who come to
work on their land and they should act in order to protect the property
rights of the petitioners so that they are not violated unlawfully. Even
though the court does not have the power to determine the size of the
forces that will be allotted for these tasks and what operations will be
carried out, we do have the power to say that the protection of the
security and property of the local inhabitants is one of the most
fundamental duties imposed on the military commander in the
territories. We are aware that the declaration of intentions made by
counsel for the respondents in this matter is not mere words. We are
persuaded that the establishment of the inter-ministerial committee and
the experience in dealing with law enforcement in the territories are
steps that were chosen in good faith and in recognition of the duty of
imposed on the army and the police operating in the territories. But
plans and intentions are one thing and results another, and the results do
not indicate success in the field of enforcement.
Therefore, notwithstanding the difficulty in giving judicial directions
in this matter, we have seen fit to address in general the principles that
should guide the respondents in dealing with this matter. First, action
should be taken to ensure the security of the Palestinian farmers when
31
Justice D. Beinisch
they go to work on the land and, if necessary, to protect them when the
agricultural work is being carried out. Second, clear and unequivocal
instructions should be given to the forces operating in the field as to how
to act in order not to prevent those inhabitants who are entitled thereto
from having access to their land, unless there is a lawful ground for doing
so. Third, forces should be deployed in order to protect the property of
the Palestinian inhabitants. Fourth, complaints that are made by the
Palestinian inhabitants should be investigated on their merits and the
investigation should be completed as soon as possible. Investigations
should be made immediately when information is received with regard to
acts of harassment, and patrols should be deployed by the army and the
police in order to discover such acts. It should be noted that in the
current situation it is very doubtful whether the police units that were
established for this purpose in the territories have been given all the
resources required in order to carry out the enforcement. The
enforcement mechanisms — investigations and indictments — should be
improved. The respondents should act on their own initiative in order to
discover the lawbreakers and bring them to justice and they should
consider which measures should be adopted in order to prevent
recurrences of the blatant acts of lawbreaking.
34. Subject to the aforesaid guidelines and the right of the petitioners
to apply once again to this court with concrete problems at any time, if
these guidelines are not upheld, we are of the opinion that the second
part of the petition has been addressed. We can merely reiterate the
remarks that were written in the summary of the Shamgar Committee
Report in the chapter dealing with law enforcement, which is no less
relevant today and has not yet been properly implemented:
‘We accept the premise that in the absence of effective law
enforcement there is also no effective government. In an
atmosphere in which everyone does what seems right in their
own eyes, without being subject to any real risk that he will
be brought to justice if he oversteps what is permitted, the
propriety of the actions of the authorities responsible for
effective control of the territories is impaired. The Supreme
Court said years ago that the rule of law cannot be created ex
nihilo and is not merely a matter of theory. It should be
expressed in a concrete and daily manner in the existence of
binding normative arrangements and in enforcing these in
32
Justice D. Beinisch
practice with respect to everyone…’ (p. 243 of the Shamgar

Committee Report).
Summary
33. The result is that we declare that except in cases of a concrete
need, which arises from reliable information or real warnings in the field,
the military commander should, as a rule, refrain from closing areas in a
manner that prevents the Palestinian inhabitants from having access to
their land for their own protection, since the use of this measure in these
circumstances is disproportionate. Adopting the measure of closing
areas, which should be restricted to the absolute minimum, may be
proportionate only when it is done in order to protect the Israeli
inhabitants, subject to the restrictions and the conditions that we
discussed in paras. 20-21 above.
With regard to the deficiencies in the field of law enforcement in the
territories, the handling of these complaints is within the jurisdiction of
the respondents and the whole issue is being considered by the most
senior decision makers in the State of Israel. It is to be presumed that
they will have the wisdom to deal with the complaints that the petitioners
have raised and that they will do so with the speed and efficiency
required by the nature, character and importance of law enforcement.
Justice E. Rivlin
I agree with the opinion of my colleague Justice D. Beinisch and its
reasoning in every respect.
The response to the violation of the right of Palestinian inhabitants
not to be harassed when cultivating their land does not lie in placing
restrictions upon the Palestinians themselves. An aggressor should not
have the right to ‘veto’ the right of his victim. Therefore I agree with my
colleague’s declaration that, as a rule, the military commander should
refrain from closing areas in a manner that denies the Palestinian
residents the possibility of access to their agricultural land for their own
protection. I also agree with her remarks with regard to the deficiencies
in law enforcement.
Justice S. Joubran
1. I agree with the opinion of my colleague Justice D. Beinisch and
all of the reasoning that appears in her opinion.
33
Justice S. Joubran
2. I think that there is no need to speak at length on the harm that is

likely to be suffered by the Palestinian inhabitants if they are denied
access to the agricultural land that they own. Here it should be
emphasized that in most cases these are inhabitants whose land serves as
the main if not the only source of livelihood for them and their families.
It is clear that during periods of intensive agricultural work, such as
during the olive harvest season, the damage that may be caused to the
livelihood of these inhabitants is far greater. Therefore, the court has the
duty to ensure that the violation of these rights of the Palestinian
inhabitants is proportionate and not excessive (cf. and see Marabeh v.
Prime Minister [5]).
3. My colleagues rightly reached the conclusion that in general there
is no basis for allowing a violation of the rights of the Palestinian
inhabitants to cultivate their land merely because of the desire to protect
their lives from persons who wish to harass them. This conclusion is
consistent with the principle that this court has stated time and again in a
whole host of judgments that ‘a person should not be deprived of his
liberty because of the violent opposition to the exercising of that liberty’
(HCJ 153/83 Levy v. Southern District Commissioner of Police [22], at p.
404 {120}; see also HCJ 2431/95 Salomon v. Police [23]; Horev v. Minister
of Transport [18]; HCJ 3641/03 Temple Mount Faithful v. HaNegbi [24]).
Even though most of the aforesaid cases mainly concerned the
protection of the rights of freedom of worship, freedom of movement
and freedom of speech, no one denies that what was said there applies to
our case too, mutatis mutandis, especially in view of the importance
attributed to the protection of property rights in our legal system.
4. Imposing severe restrictions on the Palestinian inhabitants by
closing agricultural areas, even as a result of a concern that they may be
harmed by the criminal acts of violent persons, amounts de facto to
placing the keys to exercising the right of freedom of movement and
property rights in the hands of those lawbreaking persons, who wish to
prevent the Palestinian inhabitants from cultivating their land.
Moreover, imposing such restrictions on the Palestinian inhabitants is
tantamount to rewarding violence, and it sends the wrong message of
surrender and capitulation to those lawbreakers, even at a cost of a
violation of the fundamental principles on which our system of
government is based. In this context I think it appropriate to cite the
remarks of President Barak in Horev v. Minister of Transport [18]:
34
Justice S. Joubran
‘A government authority whose path is influenced by

violence on the street will ultimately lose its way’ (ibid. [18],
at p. 80 {235}).
5. I agree with the view that maintaining public order and the security
of the Palestinian inhabitants should be done by means of adopting
appropriate measures against those lawbreakers and not by imposing
additional restrictions on the victims of the violence. Similar remarks
have been uttered by this court elsewhere, when it said:
‘Keeping the peace does not mean capitulating to those who
threaten to breach it, but the opposite: giving shelter and
protection to their victims’ (HCJ 166/71 Halon v. Head of
Osfiah Local Council [25], at p. 594).
Indeed, one of the duties of the military commander, who is
responsible for upholding the law and keeping the peace in the
territories, is to adopt reasonable measures in order to prevent those
persons from stopping the Palestinian farmers from cultivating their
land, while realizing their right to freedom of movement and their
property rights. The military commander has many different ways of
protecting the security of the Palestinian residents, including by
increasing the security presence or closing areas of conflict to prevent the
entry of Israelis. Denying the Palestinian inhabitants access to their land
should be the last resort, not the first.
6. In this context I accept the determination that there may be
exceptional cases in which the great probability of danger to human life,
as well as the scope of the anticipated harm, may justify closing a certain
area for fixed period on the basis of definite and specific intelligence.
But in order that these exceptional cases do not become the rule, we
cannot agree to preventative measures of a sweeping closure of large
areas for lengthy periods of time.
Petition granted.
30 Sivan 5766.
26 June 2006.
35
Adalah Legal Centre for Arab Minority Rights in Israel v. Minister of
Defence
——————
Synopsis
This case concerns the question of the liability of the State of Israel for
injuries and damage caused by the Israel Defence Forces in conflict zones.
The Torts (State Liability) Law, which was enacted in 1952, gives the state
a general exemption from liability for damage caused as a result of the
combatant activity of the Israel Defence Forces (IDF). Following the
outbreak of the First Intifadeh in 1987, the courts were called upon to
consider the question of what constituted ‘combatant activity’ for the
purpose of the State of Israel’s liability for damage caused by the IDF. In
2002 the Supreme Court held in the case of Bani Ouda v. State of Israel
that not all activity of the IDF should be considered ‘combatant activity,’
and that all of the circumstances of each specific case should be
considered in order to determine whether it could be classified as
‘combatant activity.’
Following the decision of the Supreme Court in Bani Ouda v. State of

Israel, which the Knesset thought gave too narrow a definition of the term
‘combatant activity,’ the Knesset passed an amendment to the Tort (State’s
Liability) Law in July 2002, which introduced a definition of the term
‘combatant activity’ and imposed various procedural restrictions on claims
against the State of Israel for damage caused by the IDF.
In 2005, the Knesset passed a further amendment to the Torts (State

Liability) Law. This amendment gave the Minister of Defence a power to
declare any area in the territories to be a ‘conflict zone.’ The significance
of a such a declaration was that it increased the scope of the State of
Israel’s exemption from liability to include all activity of the IDF in a
‘conflict zone,’ not merely ‘combatant’ activity.’ The Minister of Defence
exercised this power extensively and declared large parts of the territories
‘conflict zones.’
36
Adalah v. Minister of Defence
The Adalah Legal Centre for Arab Minority Rights in Israel challenged the
constitutionality of the 2005 amendment in the Supreme Court. Following
the principles laid down by the Supreme Court in a whole host of cases
since the enactment of the Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty in
1992, the Supreme Court held that the 2005 amendment violated the
property (compensation) rights of those persons who were injured by the
IDF. In order for this violation of constitutional rights to be constitutional,
the 2005 amendment needed to satisfy the tests laid down in the
limitations clause of the Basic Law (section 8 of the Basic Law: Human
Dignity and Liberty).
The Supreme Court held that the 2005 amendment satisfied the proper
purpose test. The ordinary law of torts was not designed to contend with
tortious acts that occur in the course of the combatant activities of the
security forces outside Israel in an armed conflict. Therefore an
arrangement whose purpose is to adapt the law of torts to the special
circumstances that prevail during combatant activity is an arrangement
that is intended for a proper purpose.
The court went on to hold that the 2005 amendment did not satisfy the
proportionality test, because the 2005 amendment did not adopt the least
harmful measure that was capable of achieving the proper purpose of the
law while causing the smallest harm to the property (compensation) rights
of the Palestinian victims. The proper approach is to consider each claim
on a case by case basis, in order to determine whether the damage is the
result of combatant activities or not.
The Supreme Court therefore declared the 2005 amendment void on the
grounds of unconstitutionality.
37
HCJ 8276/05
Adalah Legal Centre for Arab Minority Rights in Israel
and others
v.
1. Minister of Defence
2. State of Israel
HCJ 8338/05
Estate of the late Shadan Abed Elkadar Abu Hajla
and others
v.
2. Minister of Justice
3. Attorney-General
HCJ 11426/05
Estate of the late Iman Alhamatz
and others
v.
2. State of Israel

[12 December 2006]
Before President Emeritus A. Barak, President D. Beinisch
and Justices A. Procaccia, E.E. Levy, A. Grunis, M. Naor, S. Joubran,
E. Hayut, D. Cheshin
Facts: In 2005, an amendment was made to the law of torts with regard to the
liability of the State of Israel arising from the activities of its security forces in
the territories of Judaea, Samaria and the Gaza Strip. Section 5C of the Torts
(State Liability) Law, 5712-1952, which was introduced by the amendment,
increased the scope of the state’s exemption from liability, which was previously
38
limited to combatant activities, to any activity (subject to some exceptions)

taking place in a ‘conflict zone,’ and the Minister of Defence was authorized to
determine which areas would constitute ‘conflict zones.’ He exercised this power
on a large-scale basis.
The petitioners attacked the constitutionality of this amendment.
Held: Section 5C of the Torts (State Liability) Law, which was introduced by the
2005 amendment, is unconstitutional. It releases the state from liability for
tortious acts that are in no way related to ‘combatant activities,’ no matter how
broadly the term is defined. The proper approach is to consider each claim on a
case by case basis, in order to determine whether the damage is the result of
combatant activities or not.
Petition granted.
Legislation cited:
Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty, s. 3.
Torts Ordinance [New Version], ss. 38, 41.
Torts (State Liability) Law, 5712-1952, ss. 1, 2, 5, 5A, 5A(2), 5A(3), 5A(4),
5C(b), 5C(b)(1), 5C(b)(3), 9A.
Torts (State Liability) Law (Amendment no. 4), 5762-2002.
Torts (State Liability) Law (Amendment no. 7), 5765-2005.

[1] CA 5964/92 Bani Ouda v. State of Israel [2002] IsrSC 56(4) 1.
[2] CA 623/83 Levy v. State of Israel [1986] IsrSC 40(1) 477.
[3] HCJ 7957/04 Marabeh v. Prime Minister of Israel [2005] (2) IsrLR 106.
[4] HCJ 1661/05 Gaza Coast Local Council v. Knesset [2005] IsrSC 59(2) 481.
[5] CA 6821/93 United Mizrahi Bank Ltd v. Migdal Cooperative Village [1995]
IsrSC 49(4) 221.
[6] HCJ 1715/97 Israel Investment Managers Association v. Minister of Finance
[1997] IsrSC 51(4) 367.
[7] HCJ 6055/95 Tzemah v. Minister of Defence [1999] IsrSC 53(5) 241; [1998-
9] IsrLR 635.
[8] HCJ 1030/99 Oron v. Knesset Speaker [2002] IsrSC 56(3) 640.
[9] HCJ 6427/02 Movement for Quality Government in Israel v. Knesset (not
yet reported).
[10] HCJ 4593/05 United Mizrahi Bank Ltd v. Prime Minister (not yet
reported).
39
[11] HCJ 4128/02 Man, Nature and Law — Israel Environmental Protection
Society v. Prime Minister of Israel [2004] IsrSC 58(3) 503.
[12] HCJ 366/03 Commitment to Peace and Social Justice Society v. Minister of
Finance [2005] (2) IsrLR 335.
[13] HCJ 2334/02 Stanger v. Knesset Speaker [2004] IsrSC 58(1) 786.
[14] HCJ 5026/04 Design 22 Shark Deluxe Furniture Ltd v. Director of Sabbath
Work Permits Department, Ministry of Labour and Social Affairs [2005] (1)
IsrLR 340.
[15] HCJ 450/97 Tenufa Manpower and Maintenance Services Ltd v. Minister of
Labour and Social Affairs [1998] IsrSC 52(2) 433.
[16] HCJ 1435/03 A v. Haifa Civil Servants Disciplinary Tribunal [2004] IsrSC
58(1) 529.
Prime Minister [2003] IsrSC 57(3) 31.
[18] HCJ 3434/96 Hoffnung v. Knesset Speaker [1996] IsrSC 50(3) 57.
[19] CA 1432/03 Yinon Food Products Manufacture and Marketing Ltd v.
Kara’an [2005] IsrSC 59(1) 345.
[20] CA 6521/98 Bawatna v. State of Israel (unreported).
[21] CA 6790/99 Abu Samra v. State of Israel [2002] IsrSC 56(6) 185.
[22] CA 1354/97 Akasha v. State of Israel [2005] IsrSC 59(3) 193.
[23] CFH 1332/02 Raanana Local Planning and Building Committee v.
Horowitz (not yet reported).
[24] HCJ 2390/96 Karasik v. State of Israel [2001] IsrSC 55(2) 625.
[25] CA 2781/93 Daaka v. Carmel Hospital [1999] IsrSC 53(4) 526; [1998-9]
IsrLR 409.
IsrLR 149.
[29] LCA 3145/99 Bank Leumi of Israel Ltd v. Hazan [2003] IsrSC 57(5) 385.
IsrSC 58(5) 807; [2004] IsrLR 264.
[31] AAA 4436/02 Tishim Kadurim Restaurant, Members’ Club v. Haifa
Municipality [2004] IsrSC 58(3) 782.
[32] HCJ 7015/02 Ajuri v. IDF Commander in West Bank [2002] IsrSC 56(6)
352; [2002-3] IsrLR 83.
[33] CFH 9524/04 Yinon Food Products Manufacture and Marketing Ltd v.
Kara’an (unreported).
[34] CrimA 4424/98 Silgado v. State of Israel [2002] IsrSC 56(5) 529.
40
American cases cited:

[35] Koohi v. United States, 976 F. 2d 1328 (1992).
[36] Sosa v. Alvarez-Machain, 542 U.S. 692 (2004).
English cases cited:

[37] Mulcahy v. Ministry of Defence [1996] 2 All ER 758.
[38] Bici v. Ministry of Defence [2004] EWHC 786.
For the petitioners in HCJ 8276/05 — H. Jabareen, O. Kohn, D. Yakir,

Y. Wolfson.
For the petitioners in HCJ 8338/05 — H. Abuhussein, R. Masarwa.
For the petitioners in HCJ 11426/05 — O. Saadi, A. Yassin, L. Tsemel,
G. Hliehel.
For the respondents — A. Licht, S. Nitzan.
JUDGMENT
President Emeritus A. Barak

The Torts (State Liability) Law (Amendment no. 7), 5765-2005,
provides that the state shall not be liable in torts for damage that
occurred in a conflict zone as a result of an act carried out by the security
forces. There are several provisos to this rule. Is the law constitutional?
This is the question that needs to be decided in the petitions before us.
A. Factual and normative background
1. The first Intifadeh began at the end of 1987. It was characterized
by demonstrations, tyre-burning, the throwing of stones and Molotov
cocktails at the security forces and Israeli citizens in Judaea, Samaria and
the Gaza Strip, stabbings and the use of firearms and other weapons (see
CA 5964/92 Bani Ouda v. State of Israel [1], at p. 4). The security forces
operated in the territories in order to maintain order and security there.
In the course of these operations, they used weapons and ammunition.
This resulted on more than one occasion in injuries to persons and
damage to property that was suffered by inhabitants of the territories,
whether they were involved in the disturbances and hostile acts or not. In
consequence, actions for damages were filed in the courts in Israel
41
against the state by inhabitants of the territories who claimed that the
state was liable under the law of torts for damage that they suffered as a
result of what they alleged were negligent or deliberate actions of the
security forces. From figures submitted by the respondents it can be seen
that thousands of claims of this kind were filed in the various courts in
Israel.
2. These actions were tried in the courts in Israel in accordance with
the Israeli law of torts. Under Israeli law, the state’s liability in torts is
governed by the Torts (State Liability) Law, 5712-1952 (hereafter — the
Torts Law). The fundamental principle enshrined in s. 2 of the law is that
‘For the purpose of liability in torts, the state is like any incorporated
body.’ There are several provisos to this principle. The relevant proviso
for our purposes concerns ‘combatant activity,’ which states (in s. 5):
‘The state is not liable in torts for an act that was caused as a
result of combatant activity of the Israel Defence Forces.’
The Intifadeh claims gave rise to the question of how the term
‘combatant activity’ should be interpreted. Judgments that were given in
these claims by the District Courts varied, on this question, between a
‘broad outlook’ and a ‘narrow outlook’ (see A. Yaakov, ‘Immunity under
Fire: State Immunity for Damage caused as a result of “Combatant
Activity”,’ 33(1) Hebrew Univ. L. Rev. (Mishpatim) 107 (2003), at pp. 158-
172). The two approaches held that the activity of the security forces to
maintain order and security in the territories during the First Intifadeh
might be protected by this immunity. The broad approach tended to
regard most of the operational activity of the security forces, which was
intended to maintain order and security, as combatant activity. The
narrow approach distinguished policing activities from combatant
activities and sought to examine the circumstances of each activity in
order to determine whether it was a combatant activity or not.
3. This question of interpretation came before the Supreme Court at
the beginning of the 1990s in Bani Ouda v. State of Israel [1]. During the
hearing in that appeal, the respondents said that they intended to
regulate the question of the state’s liability for damage caused in the
Intifadeh by means of Knesset legislation. This led to the publication of
the government-sponsored draft Treatment of Defence Forces Claims in
Judaea, Samaria and Gaza Strip Law, 5757-1997 (Draft Laws 2645, at p.
497). The draft law sought to give the term ‘combatant activity’ a broad
interpretation. It was proposed that ‘any operational activity of the Israel
42
Defence Forces whose purpose was to combat or prevent terrorism, and

any other action of protecting security and preventing a hostile act or an
uprising that was carried out in circumstances of risk to life or body…’
should be regarded as combatant activity. But the legislative process was
unsuccessful, and the draft law did not become statute. In these
circumstances, the Supreme Court was required to make a decision in
Bani Ouda v. State of Israel [1].
4. The question that arose in Bani Ouda v. State of Israel [1] was
whether shooting by the IDF in the direction of wanted persons who
were in flight, without there being any danger to the lives of the soldiers,
fell within the scope of combatant activity. For the purpose of the
definition of combatant activity, it was held that:
‘The activity is a combatant one if it is an act of combat or a
military-operational act of the army. The act does not need
to be carried out against the army of a state. Acts against
terrorist organizations may also be combatant activities’
(ibid. [1], at p. 7).
Notwithstanding, it was held that not all activity of the security forces
should be considered combatant activity:
‘“Only genuine combatant activities within the narrow and
simple meaning of this term… in which the special character
of combat with its risks, and especially its ramifications and
consequences, finds expression, are those that are intended
by the wording of s. 5” (per Justice Shamgar in CA 623/83
Levy v. State of Israel [2], at p. 479)… The army carries out
various “activities” in the territories of Judaea, Samaria and
the Gaza Strip, which create risks of various kinds. Not all of
its activities are “combatant” ones. Thus, for example, if the
injured party is harmed by an assault of a soldier because of
his refusal to comply with an order to erase slogans that are
written on a wall, the act of assault should not be regarded as
a “combatant activity,” since the risk that this act created is
an ordinary risk of an act of law enforcement. This is not the
case if an army patrol in a village or town finds itself in a
situation of danger to life or serious physical risk because of
shooting or the throwing of stones or Molotov cocktails, and
in order to extricate itself it fires and injures someone. The
act of shooting is a “combatant activity,” since the risk in this
43
activity is a special risk. Between these two extreme cases

there may be intermediate positions’ (ibid. [1], at p. 8).
It was therefore held that:
‘When answering the question whether an activity is a
“combatant” one, all the circumstances of the incident
should be examined. The following should be considered:
the purpose of the act, the place where it occurred, the
duration of the activity, the identity of the military force that
is operating, the threat that preceded it and is anticipated
from it, the strength of the military force that is operating
and the duration of the incident’ (ibid. [1], at p. 9).
5. Meanwhile the second Intifadeh broke out in September 2000. A
fierce barrage of terrorism befell Israel and the Israelis in the territories.
Thousands of terror attacks, which were mainly directed at civilians,
were committed inside Israel and in the territories. More than a
thousand Israelis lost their lives in the years 2000-2005. Approximately
two hundred of these were in Judaea and Samaria. More than seven
thousand Israeli citizens were injured. Approximately eight hundred of
these were in Judaea and Samaria. Many of the injured became seriously
disabled (see HCJ 7957/04 Marabeh v. Prime Minister of Israel [3], at para.
1 of my opinion). The terrorist organizations and terror operatives
employed many different methods in their war against Israel. Frequently
they operated from among the civilian population inside the territories.
The security forces required special deployments and special operations
in order to contend with the terrorism and its perpetrators. Sometimes
they were compelled to fight in densely populated areas. Between 2000
and 2005 thousands of Palestinians living in the territories were injured
as a result of the activity of the security forces. Some of these took part
in the hostilities; others did not. As a result of these injuries, once again
many claims were filed against the state for damage that was sustained,
according to the plaintiffs, as a result of negligent or deliberate activity of
the security forces.
6. Against the background of these events, and in view of the
interpretation given to the expression ‘combatant activity’ by the
Supreme Court in Bani Ouda v. State of Israel [1], which in the opinion of
the Knesset was too narrow, there was a further attempt to regulate in
statute the question of the state’s liability for damage caused during the
Intifadeh. The government-sponsored draft law that was formulated in
44
1997 was once again tabled in the Knesset. This time the legislative
attempt was successful, and the Knesset adopted (on 24 July 2002) the
Torts (State Liability) Law (Amendment no. 4), 5762-2002 (hereafter —
‘amendment 4’). This amendment added to s. 1 of the Torts Law a
definition of the expression ‘combatant activity,’ which said the
following:
‘“Combatant activity” — including any act of combating
terror, hostilities or an uprising, as well as an act for the
prevention of terrorism, hostilities or an uprising that was
carried out in circumstances of risk to life or body.’
In addition, amendment 4 added s. 5A to the Torts Law, which
provides special arrangements for claims that would be filed after its
enactment for damage that was caused as a result of the activity of the
security forces in the territories. Inter alia, s. 5A provides that notice
should be given of damage within 60 days as a condition for filing a claim
(s. 5A(2)); the limitations period for these claims is reduced to two years
instead of seven (s. 5A(3)); and the rule concerning the transfer of the
burden of proof in negligence with regard to dangerous items that is
provided in s. 38 of the Torts Ordinance [New Version] and the rule of
res ipsa loquitur provided in s. 41 of the Ordinance shall not apply (s.
5A(4)). The law allows the court to depart from these rules for special
reasons that should be recorded. Obviously these restrictions apply in
cases of claimants who have shown that their damage does not derive
from ‘combatant activity,’ according to the new definition in the law,
since otherwise the state would have immunity under s. 5 of the law.
B. Amendment no. 7
7. The legislature was not satisfied with this. On 27 July 2005, the
Knesset amended the Torts Law once again in a manner that restricted
even further the state’s liability for tortious acts that occurred in the
territories. It passed the Torts (State Liability) Law (Amendment no. 7),
5765-2005 (hereafter — ‘amendment 7’). This amendment is the focus of
the petitions before us. The essence of the amendment was the addition
of ss. 5B and 5C of the Torts Law, which state:
45
‘Claims of an 5B. (a) Notwithstanding what is stated in any

enemy or an law, the state is not liable in torts for
operative or damage that is caused to anyone
member of a
terrorist
stipulated in paragraphs (1), (2) or (3),
organization except for damage that is caused in the
types of claims or to the types of
claimants as stated in the first
schedule —
(1) A national of an enemy state, unless
he is lawfully present in Israel;
(2) An operative or a member of a
terrorist organization;
(3) Anyone who is injured when he is
acting on behalf of or for a national of
an enemy state or a member or an
operative of a terrorist organization.
(b) In this section —
‘enemy’ and ‘terrorist organization’ — as
defined in section 91 of the Penal Law,
5737-1977;
‘the state’ — including an authority, body or
person acting on its behalf.
Claims in a 5C. (a) Notwithstanding what is stated in any
conflict zone law, the state is not liable in torts for
damage that is caused in a conflict zone
as a result of an act done by the security
forces, except for damage that is caused
in the types of claims or to the types of
claimants as stated in the second
schedule —
(b) (1) The Minister of Defence shall
appoint a committee that shall be
competent to approve, beyond the
letter of the law, in special
circumstances, a payment to an
applicant to whom subsection (a)
46
applies and to determine the amount

thereof…
…
(c) The Minister of Defence may declare an
area to be a conflict zone; if the minister
makes such a declaration, he shall
determine in the declaration the borders
of the conflict zone and the period for
which the declaration shall apply; notice
of the declaration shall be published in
Reshumot.’
The first schedule provides that state immunity under s. 5B shall not
apply to damage that is suffered by someone who is held in custody by
the State of Israel. The second schedule provides that state immunity
under s. 5C shall not apply to damage that is caused by a criminal
offence, damage that is suffered by someone who is held in custody by
the State of Israel, damage that is suffered as a result of an act of the
civil administration that was done without reference to the conflict and
damage that is suffered as a result of a road accident in which a vehicle
of the security forces is involved when it is not being used for security
operations.
8. Section 3(b) of amendment 7 authorizes the Minister of Defence
to declare areas conflict zones retroactively for the period from the
beginning of the conflict (29 September 2000) until six months from the
date of publication of amendment 7. The significance of this declaration
is that tortious claims that were filed in the years 2000-2005 cannot be
tried if the Minister of Defence has declared that they concern events
that occurred in a conflict zone. The Minister of Defence made use of his
power under this section and on 9 February 2006 and 12 February 2006
he declared (in Yalkut Pirsumim 5942 and 5943 respectively) various
areas to be conflict zones for periods that preceded the enactment of the
amendment. The territory of Judaea and Samaria was divided into 88
districts and an additional 22 crossing points. Some of these districts
were declared conflict zones during a part of the period under
discussion. Thus, for example, the Hebron district was declared a conflict
zone during 100% of the period from September 2000 until the end of
that year; during approximately 90% of the years 2002 and 2003, and
during approximately 80% of the time in the years 2001, 2004 and 2005.
47
The Greater Tulkarm district was declared a conflict zone during

approximately 88% of the time in the years 2002 and 2003, and during
approximately 82% of the time in 2004. The Greater Ramallah district
was declared a conflict area during approximately 75% of the time in the
years 2001-2003. District 64, which includes villages to the north of
Jerusalem, was declared a conflict area during approximately half of the
time since the Second Intifadeh broke out until the date of publishing
the declaration. The territory of the Gaza Strip was divided into four
districts and seven crossing-points. The southern district of the Gaza
Strip was declared a conflict zone throughout the period. The central
district of the Gaza Strip was declared a conflict zone during
approximately 86% of the time. The northern district of the Gaza Strip
was declared a conflict zone during approximately 95% of the time.
Since 12 September 2005, when the IDF forces withdrew from the Gaza
Strip, the whole of the Gaza Strip has been declared a conflict zone.
9. The Minister of Defence exercised his power under s. 5C(b)(3) of
the Torts Law and on 13 June 2006 enacted regulations that govern the
activity of the committee for paying compensation beyond the letter of
the law, which was established under s. 5C(b) of the law. In the
regulations, it was held that the committee is competent to make
payments to family members of anyone who was killed in a conflict zone,
and to anyone who was seriously injured, on the conditions prescribed in
the regulations. Inter alia, the committee should consider the seriousness
of the injury and its circumstances, the family status of the injured person
and to what extent making the payment will contribute towards the
rehabilitation of the injured person. The committee is also authorized to
make payments, for personal injury and property damage that are not
insignificant, to anyone who is injured as a result of a criminal act, even if
no one has been convicted of that act.
C. The contentions of the parties
10. The petitioners in HCJ 8276/05 are human rights organizations.
The petitioners in HCJ 8338/05 are the estate and surviving relatives of
the late Shadan Abed Elkadar Abu Hajla. According to them, on 11
October 2002 in the evening the deceased was sitting with her husband
and their son on the balcony of their house at Rafidia in Shechem. Two
IDF jeeps stopped on the road that passes by the house. Several shots
were fired from the vehicle in the direction of the windows of the house.
As a result of the shooting, the deceased was killed instantly and her
48
husband and son were wounded. In December 2004, the Chief Military
Advocate gave instructions to begin an army investigation to establish
the circumstances of the deceased’s death. Before the investigation was
completed, the petitioners filed a claim in torts against the state in the
Nazareth Magistrates Court. After the enactment of amendment 7, and
before the claim was tried, the state filed an application to dismiss the
claim in limine. In its application the state said that the Minister of
Defence had declared the Shechem district a conflict zone during the
whole period from June 2002 until the end of March 2003. For this
reason the court was requested to dismiss the claim in limine. In HCJ
11426/05 the petitioners include two separate groups. Each group filed a
claim in torts against the state with regard to deaths or serious injuries
that were caused, according to them, as a result of negligent and even
deliberate activity of the security forces in the territories. All of the
events took place between 2001 and 2004. After the enactment of
amendment 7, these claims cannot be heard, if the districts in which the
events took place are declared conflict zones.
11. The petitioners’ position is that amendment 7, and especially ss.
5B and 5C, are unconstitutional and therefore should be set aside.
According to them, the Basic Laws apply to the violations of rights that
arise from amendment 7, for four reasons. First, the Basic Laws apply to
the violations of rights that arise from the amendment, because the
amendment denies rights in Israel itself and in its courts; second, because
the amendment applies, according to its wording, both to Israelis and to
Palestinians; third, the Basic Laws apply in the territories because these
laws apply to all the organs of government, and therefore every soldier
carries in his knapsack not only the principles of administrative law but
also the Basic Laws; fourth, because the Basic Laws give rights to
Palestinians who are inhabitants of the territories, by virtue of their being
protected persons who are present in an area that is subject to Israel’s
belligerent occupation.
12. The petitioners argue that several constitutional rights have been
violated. First, amendment 7 violates the constitutional right to life and
physical integrity, in that it denies someone who has lost his life or
suffered personal injury as a result of a deliberate or negligent act any
relief for this injury. Second, the amendment violates property rights, in
that it denies someone whose property has been damaged as a result of a
deliberate or negligent act any relief. Third, the amendment violates the
constitutional right to apply to the courts. Fourth, the amendment
49
violates the constitutional right to equality, since it is intended to apply

mainly to claims of Palestinians. Especially serious, according to the
petitioners, is the fact that all of these violations include a retroactive
violation of the rights of those persons who were harmed by negligent
acts of the security forces and who filed a claim in the years preceding
the enactment of the amendment. According to them, the violations are
particularly grave when we consider the application of the law de facto.
In this regard, the petitioners say that the Minister of Defence has
declared extensive areas of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip conflict
zones for long periods of time. Thereby he has denied the right of many
persons to obtain relief for their damage. The petitioners discuss how
Israel holds the territories under belligerent occupation. It maintains
strict urban control in most of the towns and villages of the West Bank.
This control of the towns and villages, streets and crossings, involves
close daily contact between soldiers and civilians. This contact is really a
form of police work. Notwithstanding, it sometimes involves harm to
civilians, whether negligent or deliberate. The result of amendment 7 is
that the law exempts the security forces from liability for all the
consequences of their acts in the territories that have been declared
conflict zones. It justifies, inter alia, shooting injuries and physical
injuries in the course of regular checks at roadblocks, property damage
in the course of searches, and looting in the course of patrols and arrests.
In all of these cases, the injured parties cannot obtain any relief. This
results in contempt for the lives of the Palestinians who live in the
territories, and contempt for their rights to physical integrity and their
property rights.
13. The petitioners’ position is that the violations of the constitutional
rights do not satisfy the conditions of the limitations clause. First,
legislation that violates rights retroactively cannot be said to satisfy the
condition that the violation should be made in ‘statute.’ Second,
amendment 7 was not intended for a proper purpose, nor does it befit
the values of the State of Israel. The purpose of the legislation is to
prevent Palestinians who live in the territories from applying to the
courts in Israel. This is a purpose that is improper. It undermines the
status of the judiciary. It also violates the rule of law. Another purpose
underlying the law is to exempt the state from the financial cost involved
in paying compensation. Considerations of economic cost and
administrative efficiency do not constitute a proper purpose for a
violation of human rights. An additional purpose that underlies the law is
50
to provide a solution to the special difficulties of evidence that confront

the state when it seeks to defend itself against tort claims that are related
to combat incidents. The petitioners’ position is that the state has not
made clear what is special about these difficulties, especially in view of
the fact that the burden of proof in claims of this kind rests in any case
with the plaintiffs, and therefore the objective difficulties of proof fall
mainly on the shoulders of the plaintiffs. Third, even if we say that the
purpose is a proper one, the measures adopted in amendment 7 are
disproportionate. The state and its agents have already been granted
immunity from claims concerning damage that is caused during
combatant activity under the provisions of s. 5 of the Torts Law. The
definition of ‘combatant activity’ was even expanded in amendment 4.
That amendment also introduced additional substantial and procedural
advantages for the state in tort claims. All of these are sufficient in order
to achieve the proper purpose, which is to protect the state from tort
claims that arise from combatant activity.
14. The petitioners further argue that amendment 7 also violates the
rules of humanitarian law that apply in territories that are under
belligerent occupation, as well as the provisions of international human
rights law. The petitioners say that Israel’s control of the territories is a
belligerent occupation. The military commander is responsible not only
for security interests but also for the safety, security and rights of the
protected inhabitants in the territories. Inter alia, the military
commander has the duty to compensate protected inhabitants who are
harmed as a result of the negligent actions of the security forces. The
amendment denies this obligation of the military commander and
therefore it is contrary to the provisions of humanitarian law and the
provisions of international human rights law.
D. The respondents’ arguments
15. The respondents discuss at length the security background to the
enactment of amendment 7. Their position is that the second Intifadeh is
a ‘war in the common meaning of the word’ (para. 1 of the respondents’
reply of 6 July 2006) that is being waged in the streets of Israel as well as
in the territories of Judaea, Samaria and the Gaza Strip. The scope of
the security activity whose purpose is to contend with the threats of
terrorism in the second Intifadeh is very great. The conflict has a special
character, because the terrorist organizations operate frequently from
within residential areas. This requires activity of the security forces inside
51
those residential areas. This activity is intended to target terrorists, but

unfortunately inhabitants who are not involved in terrorist activity are
also sometimes harmed. These inhabitants file thousands of tort claims
against the state for personal injury and damage to property that they
allegedly suffer as a result of the activity of the security forces. But the
law of torts was not designed to deal with a situation of this kind. Inter
alia, this is because the risks in times of war are greater in scope and of
more diverse kinds than in times of peace and because of the difficulties
of obtaining evidence in cases concerning war damage. Moreover, it is
intolerable that the State of Israel should be liable to compensate not
only its citizens who are injured by the armed conflict, but also the
inhabitants of the Palestinian Authority. The principle that should be
followed is that each party to the armed conflict should be liable for its
own damage. The Palestinian Authority has mechanisms that are
designed to compensate persons who are injured by the armed conflict
for their damage. In addition, the Palestinians receive aid from
international organizations. For these reasons, there is no basis for
applying the law of torts to damage resulting from the armed conflict
between the State of Israel and the Palestinians who inhabit the
territories. The law of torts should be adapted to the new reality that has
been created. Amendment 7 was intended to achieve this goal. The
provisions of s. 5B enshrine in the law the principle that is accepted in
international law, in English common law and also in Israeli common
law, according to which a state is not liable for damage sustained by an
enemy alien.
16. The respondents’ position is that it is doubtful whether
amendment 7 violates constitutional rights, since it is doubtful whether
the Basic Laws give constitutional rights to inhabitants of the territories.
Notwithstanding, in view of their position that, even if there is a violation
of constitutional rights, it satisfies the conditions of the limitations
clause, the respondents focused their arguments on the conditions of the
limitations clause. The respondents’ position is that the purposes
underlying the amendment are proper ones. The main purpose of the
amendment is, as aforesaid, to adapt the law of torts to the special
characteristics of the armed conflict with the Palestinians. The
amendment was not intended to undermine the status of the judiciary,
but to limit the scope of the state’s liability in torts. Therefore the
amendment does not conflict with the principle of the separation of
powers. The law also does not contain any approval for or consent to
52
negligent or unlawful activity of the security forces. The absence of any

liability in torts does not prevent scrutiny of the conduct of the security
forces within the context of the criminal law and disciplinary
proceedings. It cannot therefore be said that the amendment undermines
the rule of law. In addition, the amendment seeks to avoid an
undesirable and unjust result, whereby Israel is responsible both for
damage to Palestinian inhabitants and for the burden of the considerable
damage suffered by Israel and Israelis. The respondents discuss how this
purpose, which does indeed involve an economic element, reflects a
proper ethical purpose. Finally, in so far as enemy aliens and members of
terrorist organizations are concerned, amendment 7 seeks to restrict
their claims in order not to aid the enemy in its war against Israel.
17. The respondents’ position is that the violations of rights in
amendment 7 satisfy the requirements of proportionality. First, the
arrangements in the amendment make it possible to overcome the
ethical and practical difficulties of implementing the law of torts in the
course of an armed conflict. The amendment also realizes the principle
that each party in a war is liable for its damage. This satisfies the rational
connection test between the purpose of the amendment and the
arrangements provided in it. Second, the arrangements in the
amendment satisfy the second test of proportionality (the least harmful
measure test). The amendment does not provide an arrangement that
amounts to a sweeping denial of the right to compensation. The
application of the amendment is conditional upon a declaration that a
certain district is a conflict zone. These declarations are limited in time
and place and they are made only after a careful examination of the
conditions in the area. Admittedly, because of the large scale of the war,
large parts of the territories of Judaea, Samaria and the Gaza Strip have
been declared conflict zones for lengthy periods. But this is not a
sweeping and general declaration, merely a declaration that is based on a
careful and precise analysis. Moreover, the broad principle ruling out
liability in torts is accompanied in the second schedule by exceptions to
the rule. These exceptions reduce the intensity of the violation.
Furthermore, the Minister of Defence may add to the list of exceptions.
Finally, the law provides a further ‘exceptions mechanism’ that allows
compensation to be paid beyond the letter of the law. On the basis of all
of these, the respondents’ position is that amendment 7 reflects an
arrangement that satisfies the requirements of proportionality. The
respondents’ position is that amendment 4 cannot be regarded as an
53
arrangement that violates rights to a lesser degree. There are several

reasons for this. According to them, amendment 4 was prepared after the
first Intifadeh, and it does not provide a solution to the unique nature of
the current armed conflict. Moreover, amendment 4 does not reflect the
ethical purpose that each party in an armed conflict should be liable for
its losses. Finally, amendment 4 does not address the claims of enemy
aliens and members of terrorist organizations. Therefore for this reason
also it is insufficient. Third, the respondents’ position is that amendment
7 satisfies the third condition of proportionality (the test of
proportionality in the narrow sense). The benefit of the amendment is
very great. It adapts the law of torts to the unique circumstances of the
armed conflict. It enshrines ethical standards and solves practical
problems in implementing the existing law. The amendment also
prevents an abuse of Israeli law for the purpose of obtaining money that
may be used to wage war against Israel. On the other hand, the harm
caused by the amendment is not as serious as the petitioners claim. The
respondents discuss how even according to the law that prevailed before
the amendment was enacted, the state had immunity against a claim for
combatant activity. Many claims arising from events that occurred in the
territories since September 2000 may be dismissed on this ground alone.
Moreover, some of the claims can be addressed within the framework of
the exceptions to the rule or by the committee that is authorized to pay
compensation beyond the letter of the law. Finally, it should be
remembered that the plaintiffs have an alternative relief of receiving
compensation from the Palestinian Authority. In view of all this, the
respondents’ position is that the amendment to the Torts Law satisfies
the third requirement of proportionality.
18. The respondents’ position is that the amendment does not violate
the provisions of international humanitarian law or international human
rights law, since both of these sets of laws restrict the right of claim of
enemy aliens and recognize the immunity of the state against claims
arising from combatant activities during an armed conflict. The
respondents point out that exceptions to the state’s liability for claims in
torts that derive from combatant activities are recognized in the law of
many countries such as the United States, England, Canada, Italy, Japan
and Germany.
54
E. The proceeding
19. The petitions in HCJ 8276/05 and HCJ 8338/05 were filed at the
beginning of September 2005. The petition in HCJ 11426/05 was filed in
December 2005. The hearing of the petitions was deferred twice (in
March 2006 and April 2006), with the consent of the parties, until
regulations were enacted with regard to the committee for paying
compensation beyond the letter of the law. The first hearing of the
petitions took place on 13 July 2006 before a panel of three justices. At
the end of this, an order nisi was made. On 17 July 2006 it was decided
that the petitions would be heard before an expanded panel of nine
justices. According to an agreed statement filed by the parties, an interim
order was made on 30 July 2006, according to which the hearing of
pending claims that the state contended were subject to amendment 7
was suspended. The hearing of the petitions on their merits took place
before the expanded panel on 30 August 2006.
F. The questions that arise
20. The petitions challenge the constitutionality of amendment 7. A
claim of this kind should focus on one of the Basic Laws. In our case, this
is the Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty. Claims that amendment 7
violates human rights that are recognized in Israel under Israeli common
law, international human rights law or international humanitarian law
cannot — according to the constitutional structure of the State of
Israel — lead to the unconstitutionality of a statute. The Supreme Court
discussed this in HCJ 1661/05 Gaza Coast Local Council v. Knesset [4],
where it held:
‘It is not sufficient to find that the Israeli settlers in the area
being vacated enjoy human rights that are enshrined in
Israeli common law. It is not sufficient to find that they enjoy
human rights that are recognized by public international law.
Such recognition — and on this we are adopting no
position — while important, cannot give rise to a
constitutional problem in Israel. The reason for this is that
when the violation of a right that arises in common law or
public international law conflicts with an express provision of
a statute of the Knesset, the statute of the Knesset prevails,
and no constitutional problem arises. Indeed, a
constitutional problem arises in Israel only if the right of the
Israeli settlers is enshrined in a constitutional super-
55
legislative normative provision, i.e., in a Basic Law.

Moreover, it is insufficient that the Disengagement
Implementation Law violates a right enshrined in a Basic
Law. A constitutional problem arises only if the
Disengagement Implementation Law violates the right
unlawfully. When these conditions are satisfied, we say that
the law is unconstitutional and we consider the question of
the relief for the violation of the Basic Law’ (Gaza Coast
Local Council v. Knesset [4], at p. 544).
This is the position in our case. We should examine whether
amendment 7 unlawfully violates the Basic Law: Human Dignity and
Liberty. This examination, according to our accepted practice, is done in
three stages (see CA 6821/93 United Mizrahi Bank Ltd v. Migdal
Cooperative Village [5]; HCJ 1715/97 Israel Investment Managers
Association v. Minister of Finance [6]; HCJ 6055/95 Tzemah v. Minister of
Defence [7]; HCJ 1030/99 Oron v. Knesset Speaker [8]; Gaza Coast Local
Council v. Knesset [4], at p. 544; HCJ 6427/02 Movement for Quality
Government in Israel v. Knesset [9]; HCJ 4593/05 United Mizrahi Bank Ltd
v. Prime Minister [10]). The first stage examines whether the law — in our
case, amendment 7 — violates a human right that is enshrined and
protected in a Basic Law. If the answer is no, the constitutional scrutiny
ends (see HCJ 4128/02 Man, Nature and Law — Israel Environmental
Protection Society v. Prime Minister of Israel [11]; HCJ 366/03
Commitment to Peace and Social Justice Society v. Minister of Finance
[12]). If the answer is yes, the constitutional scrutiny passes to the second
stage. In this stage, we consider the question whether the law containing
the violation, in whole or in part, satisfies the requirements of the
limitations clause. Indeed, our basic constitutional outlook is that not
every violation of a constitutional human right is an unlawful violation.
We recognize lawful violations of constitutional human rights. These are
those violations that satisfy the conditions of the limitations clause (see
HCJ 2334/02 Stanger v. Knesset Speaker [13]; HCJ 5026/04 Design 22
Shark Deluxe Furniture Ltd v. Director of Sabbath Work Permits
Department, Ministry of Labour and Social Affairs [14]). If the violation of
the constitutional human right is lawful, the constitutional scrutiny ends.
If the violation does not satisfy one of the conditions of the limitations
clause, the violations is unlawful. In such a case, we pass on to the third
stage of the scrutiny, which concerns the consequences of the
unconstitutionality. This is the relief stage. I discussed the importance of
56
this division of the constitutional scrutiny into three stages in Movement

for Quality Government in Israel v. Knesset [9], where I said:
‘This division into three stages is important. It is of
assistance in the legal analysis. It is intended “to clarify the
analysis and focus the thinking” (HCJ 450/97 Tenufa
Manpower and Maintenance Services Ltd v. Minister of Labour
and Social Affairs [15], at p. 440; …). It clarifies the basic
distinction, which runs like a golden thread through human
rights law, between the scope of the right and the degree of
protection afforded to it and its de facto realization (see A.
Barak, A Judge in a Democracy (2004), at p. 135; …). It
serves as a basis for the distinction between the horizontal
balance (in the first stage) and the vertical balance (in the
second stage), between human rights inter se and between
human rights and social values and interests (see HCJ
1435/03 A v. Haifa Civil Servants Disciplinary Tribunal [16], at
p. 537); it is of assistance in outlining the distinction between
the role of the court in the interpretation of the rights in the
Basic Law (in the first stage) and its role in the constitutional
scrutiny of the violation of these rights in legislation (in the
second stage). It is of assistance in examining arrangements
in the law, such as affirmative action, while examining the
question whether this falls within the scope of the right to
equality (the first stage), or whether is constitutes a violation
of equality that satisfies the requirements of the limitations
clause (the second stage) (see HCJ 10026/01 Adalah Legal
Centre for Arab Minority Rights in Israel v. Prime Minister [17],
at p. 40; …). It clarifies disagreements on the question of the
burden of proof’ (Movement for Quality Government in Israel
v. Knesset [9], at para. 21 of my opinion).
Let us now turn to the required constitutional scrutiny.
G. First stage: the violation of the constitutional right
(1) Presentation of the problem
21. The first stage of the constitutional scrutiny examines whether the
statute of the Knesset — in our case, amendment 7 — violates a human
right that is protected in the Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty.
This stage is comprised in our case of two separate questions. The first of
these is whether the Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty applies in
57
the petitioners’ case, since the damage was caused to them outside Israel.
This is a question that arises specifically with regard to amendment 7. If
the answer to this question is yes, then the second question arises. This
question arises in all the cases where a constitutional contention is
raised. The question is whether a human right that is enshrined in a
Basic Law has indeed been violated. As we have seen, it is insufficient
that a law violates a human right. The constitutional question arises only
if the human right is enshrined in a Basic Law. For our purposes, this is
the Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty. It is also customary to
consider at this stage whether the violation is not merely a trivial one
(see United Mizrahi Bank Ltd v. Migdal Cooperative Village [5], at p. 431;
HCJ 3434/96 Hoffnung v. Knesset Speaker [18], at p. 57). Let us turn to
the first of these two questions.
(2) The first question: does the Basic Law apply?
22. In general, Israeli legislation has territorial application. When a
law is intended to apply to persons or acts outside Israel, this needs to be
stated in statute (expressly or by implication). Indeed, there is a
presumption that the laws of Israel apply to legal relationships in Israel,
and they are not intended to regulate legal relationships outside Israel.
This is the case with criminal legislation in Israel; it is also the case with
legislation in other spheres. This presumption is rebuttable (see A.
Barak, Legal Interpretation: Statutory Interpretation (vol. 2, 1993), at p.
578). This rule also applies to Israeli legislation in the territories. Judaea,
Samaria and the Gaza Strip are not a part of the State of Israel; no
declaration has been made that they are subject to the ‘law and
jurisdiction and administration of the state.’ There is a presumption that
Israeli legislation applies in Israel and not in the territories, unless it is
stated in legislation (expressly or by implication) that it applies in the
territories (ibid., at p. 579). A similar rule applies also to the Basic Laws.
There is therefore a presumption that the various Basic Laws apply to
acts done in Israel. As we have seen, this presumption may be rebutted
(either expressly or by implication). Can it be said that this presumption
is rebutted when the Basic Law concerns human rights? Should the need
to enforce human rights against the state not lead to a conclusion that
the Israeli organs of government are obliged ‘to uphold the rights under
this Basic Law’ everywhere? Should it not be said that any Israel official
carries in his knapsack the Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty?
Should it not be said that wherever the official goes, the Basic Law goes
with him? Should it not be said that this approach is particularly
58
appropriate when the act of the official is done in a place that is subject
to Israel’s belligerent occupation (see A. Barak, Legal Interpretation:
Constitutional Interpretation (vol. 3, 1994), at p. 460)? These questions
are good ones. We considered some of them in Gaza Coast Local Council
v. Knesset [4] (at p. 560). We held in that case that the Basic Laws
concerning human rights ‘give rights to every Israeli settler in the area
being vacated. This application is personal. It derives from the fact that
the State of Israel controls the area being vacated’ (ibid. [4]). We left
unanswered the question whether the Basic Laws concerning human
rights also give rights to persons in the territories who are not Israelis.
Should we not say that with regard to ‘protected inhabitants’
international human rights law replaces Israeli internal law in this
regard? There is no simple answer to these questions. Indeed, in its reply
the State does not devote much attention to this question, since in its
opinion amendment 7, even if it violates rights that are enshrined in the
Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty, does so lawfully. It is also our
opinion that there is no reason to consider the question of the territorial
application of the Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty, since the
rights that amendment 7 violates are rights in Israel, not rights outside
Israel.
Let me explain.
23. Section 5B of amendment 7 applies, according to its wording, to
tortious acts done in Israel. The question of the application of the Basic
Law therefore does not arise at all in this context. By contrast, s. 5C of
amendment 7 provides that ‘the state is not liable in torts for damage
that is caused in a conflict zone as a result of an act done by the security
forces.’ A ‘conflict zone’ is outside Israel. Does the question of the
application of the Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty outside Israel
arise with regard to this provision? My answer is no. The rights of the
residents of the territories which are violated by amendment 7 are rights
that are given to them in Israel. They are their rights under Israeli
private international law, according to which, when the appropriate
circumstances occur, it is possible to sue in Israel, under the Israeli law of
torts, even for a tort that was committed outside Israel. Indeed, since the
Six Day War, and especially since the first Intifadeh, the courts in Israel
have heard claims in torts filed by Palestinian inhabitants of the
territories who were injured in the territories by Israeli tortfeasors in
general (see, for example, CA 1432/03 Yinon Food Products Manufacture
and Marketing Ltd v. Kara’an [19]), and by the activities of the security
59
forces in the territories in particular (see, for example, Bani Ouda v. State
of Israel [1]; CA 6521/98 Bawatna v. State of Israel [20]; CA 6790/99 Abu
Samra v. State of Israel [21]; CA 1354/97 Akasha v. State of Israel [22]).
This situation is consistent with the principles of the conflict of laws in
torts that prevail in our legal system (for an extensive survey, see Yinon
Food Products Manufacture and Marketing Ltd v. Kara’an [19]). Even the
state made no claims against this application of the Israel law of torts.
During the oral pleadings in the petitions before us, we asked the state’s
representatives whether they had any contention under Israeli private
international law with regard to the application of Israeli tort law to the
Intifadeh claims. The reply of the state’s representatives was no. It
follows that amendment 7 violates the rights given in Israel to inhabitants
of the territories who are harmed by tortious acts of the security forces in
the territories. This was the position before amendment 7. This position
was changed by s. 5C of amendment 7. The rights in Israel under the law
of torts were taken away from the inhabitants of the territories for
tortious acts done by the security forces in a conflict zone. The effect of
amendment 7 is therefore in Israel. It violates rights that the injured
parties from the territories had in Israel. The denial of these rights is
subject in principle to the Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty. This
application is not extra-territorial. It is territorial. Of course, this still
leaves us with the second question of whether amendment 7 violates one
of the rights prescribed in the Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty.
Let us now turn to consider this question.
(3) The second question: has a right enshrined in the Basic Law: Human
Dignity and Liberty been violated?
24. Amendment 7 provides that the state is not liable in torts when
the conditions set out therein are satisfied. Does this denial of liability
for torts violate rights that are enshrined in the Basic Law: Human
Dignity and Liberty? The answer is yes. There are two main reasons for
this. First, the right in torts that is given to the injured party (or to his
heirs or dependants) and that was denied by amendment 7 is a part of
the injured party’s constitutional right to property. Indeed, the word
‘property’ in s. 3 of the Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty — ‘A
person’s property should not be harmed’ — means a person’s property
rights. In Gaza Coast Local Council v. Knesset [4] it was held with regard
to the word ‘property’ in the Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty:
60
‘“Property” in this provision includes every property right.

The Basic Law protects against any harm to a person’s
property rights. It follows that the protection of property
extends not only to “property” rights such as ownership, a
lease and an easement, but also to “obligatory” rights that
have a property value’ (ibid. [4], at p. 583; see also United
Mizrahi Bank Ltd v. Migdal Cooperative Village [5], at pp. 431,
572).
In United Mizrahi Bank Ltd v. Prime Minister [10] I added:
‘The question “what is property?” has arisen in several
judgments. The answer to this is not at all simple. The
difficulty arises from the complexity of the theoretical
concept of “property” and the lack of a consensus as to the
reasons underlying it… It would appear that everyone agrees
that property in the Basic Law extends to all the various
kinds of property rights according to their meaning in private
law. Everyone also agrees that property in the Basic Law is
not limited merely to property rights. Indeed, property in its
constitutional sense is not the same as property in its private
law sense… Therefore the constitutional concept of property
also includes the right of possession and obligatory rights…
In one case it was held that the word property in the Basic
Law includes a pension… Against this background it has
been held that property in its constitutional sense means a
property right, whether it is a right in rem or a right in
personam’ (ibid. [10], at para. 9).
This approach to the constitutional concept of property is accepted in
most countries where property is given a constitutional status (see Y.
Weisman, ‘Constitutional Protection of Property,’ 42 HaPraklit (1995)
258; see also A.J. van der Walt, Constitutional Property Clauses (1999), at
p. 22). This leads to the conclusion that the right of an injured party
under the law of torts is a part of his property rights and therefore part
of his ‘property.’ Moreover, the right of a person to compensation for a
violation of his right against the state is also a part of his ‘property.’
Indeed, ‘the right to compensation that is intended to restore the injured
party to his original position… is a property right according to its
meaning in the Basic Law’ (E. Rivlin, Road Accidents — Procedure and
Calculation of Damages (New Extended Edition, 2000), at p. 932). The
61
violation of the right to compensation is also a violation of property

rights (see Gaza Coast Local Council v. Knesset [4], at p. 589; CFH
1332/02 Raanana Local Planning and Building Committee v. Horowitz
[23]; HCJ 2390/96 Karasik v. State of Israel [24]; CA 2781/93 Daaka v.
Carmel Hospital [25]).
25. Second, liability in torts protects several rights of the injured party,
such as the right to life, liberty, dignity and privacy. The law of torts is
one of the main tools whereby the legal system protects these rights; it
reflects the balance that the law strikes between private rights inter se
and between the right of the individual and the public interest. Denying
or restricting liability in torts undermines the protection of these rights.
Thereby these constitutional rights are violated. Indeed:
‘The basic right of a person, who has been injured by a
tortious act, to compensation is a constitutional right that
derives from the protection afforded to his life, person and
property… Any restriction of the right to compensation for a
tortious act needs to satisfy the constitutional test of having a
proper purpose and not being excessive’ (I. Englard,
Compensation for Road Accident Victims (third edition,
2005), at p. 9).
Other legal systems that afford constitutional protection to human
rights are also familiar with the approach that the law of torts is subject
to constitutional restrictions, and changes to it require constitutional
scrutiny (I. Englard, The Philosophy of Tort Law (1993), at pp. 125-134).
H. Second stage: Is the violation of the constitutional rights lawful?
(1) The limitations clause
26. The second stage of the constitutional scrutiny considers the
limitations clause in the Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty, which
states:
‘Violation of 8. The rights under this Basic Law may only be
rights violated by a law that befits the values of the
State of Israel, is intended for a proper
purpose, and to an extent that is not
excessive, or in accordance with a law as
aforesaid by virtue of an express
authorization therein.’
62
This provision plays a central role in our constitutional system. It has

two aspects. On the one hand it protects the human rights that are set out
in the Basic Law; on the other hand it determines the conditions for
violating the basic right (see HCJ 7052/03 Adalah Legal Centre for Arab
Minority Rights in Israel v. Ministry of Interior [26], at para. 54 of my
opinion). The limitations clause is based on the outlook that in addition
to human rights there are also human obligations; that the human being
is a part of society; that the interests of society may justify a violation of
human rights; that human rights are not absolute, but relative. The
limitations clause reflects the approach that human rights may be
restricted, but there are limits to such restrictions (see Design 22 Shark
Deluxe Furniture Ltd v. Director of Sabbath Work Permits Department,
Ministry of Labour and Social Affairs [14], at para. 11; Movement for
Quality Government in Israel v. Knesset [9], at paras. 45 and 46 of my
opinion). Indeed, human rights are not afforded the protection of the
law to the fullest extent; the constitutional system does not allow the
realization of human rights in their entirety.
27. The limitations clause is based on two main elements. The first
element concerns the purpose of the legislation. The limitations clause
provides that a statute that violates a constitutional human right should
satisfy the requirement that it ‘… befits the values of the State of Israel,
is intended for a proper purpose…’. The second element concerns the
means used to achieve the purpose. The limitations clause provides that
the means adopted by the statute to realize the purpose should violate
the constitutional human rights ‘to an extent that is not excessive.’ There
is a close relationship between these two elements. The means are
intended to realize the purpose. Therefore we should examine whether
the purpose is constitutional. When this has been determined, we should
examine whether the means for realizing that purpose are constitutional.
28. The question of purpose is complex. In our case, it is sufficient if
we determine that the purpose that should be considered is the main
purpose of the statute (see HCJ 4769/95 Menahem v. Minister of
Transport [27], at p. 264). This purpose should be a ‘proper’ one in the
context of a violation of human rights (see Gaza Coast Local Council v.
Knesset [4], at p. 548; Adalah Legal Centre for Arab Minority Rights in
Israel v. Ministry of Interior [26], at para. 61 of my opinion). The
characteristics of the proper purpose are that it ‘is intended to realize
social purposes that are consistent with the values of the state as a whole,
and that display sensitivity to the place of human rights in the overall
63
social system’ (see Adalah Legal Centre for Arab Minority Rights in Israel
v. Ministry of Interior [26], at para. 62 of my opinion). From the viewpoint
of the need to realize the purpose, the law is that this need varies
according to the nature of the right and the degree of the violation
thereof (see Tzemah v. Minister of Defence [7], at p. 273; Menahem v.
Minister of Transport [27], at p. 258; HCJ 5016/96 Horev v. Minister of
Transport [28], at p. 52 {206}). When a central right — such as life,
liberty, human dignity, property, privacy — is violated, the purpose
should realize a significant social goal or an urgent social need (Adalah
Legal Centre for Arab Minority Rights in Israel v. Ministry of Interior [26], at
para. 62 of my opinion).
29. In addition to the proper purpose, there are the proportionate
means. It is insufficient that the purpose of the statute is a proper one.
The means that are adopted to realize it should be proper ones. The
means are proper is they are proportionate. The principle of
proportionality is based on the outlook that ‘the end does not justify the
means’ (per Justice T. Or in Oron v. Knesset Speaker [8], at p. 465); see
also Movement for Quality Government in Israel v. Knesset [9], at para. 47
of my opinion). In a host of cases, this court has consistently held that
proportionality is determined by three subtests (see A. Barak, A Judge in
a Democracy (2004), at p. 346). The use of the subtests is affected by the
nature of the right being violated, the degree of the violation thereof and
the importance of the values and interests that the violation is intended
to realize. The first subtest is the rational connection test or the
suitability test. The means that the statute adopts should be suited to
realizing the purpose that the statute seeks to realize. The second subtest
is the least harmful measure test or the necessity test. It demands that
the statute that violates a constitutional right should not violate it to a
greater degree than is necessary in order to achieve the proper purpose.
‘The legislative measure can be compared to a ladder, which the
legislator climbs in order to achieve the legislative purpose. The
legislator must stop at the rung on which the legislative purpose is
achieved and on which the violation of the human right is the least’
(Israel Investment Managers Association v. Minister of Finance [6], at p.
385; LCA 3145/99 Bank Leumi of Israel Ltd v. Hazan [29], at p. 405; HCJ
2056/04 Beit Sourik Village Council v. Government of Israel [30], at p. 840
{297-298}). The third subtest is the proportionate result test or the test
of proportionality in the narrow sense. The benefit arising from
achieving the proper purpose should be commensurate with the harm
64
caused by the violation of the constitutional right (see Beit Sourik Village
Council v. Government of Israel [30], at p. 850 {309-310}; Marabeh v.
Prime Minister of Israel [3], at para. 116 of my opinion). This is an ethical
test (see the opinion of Vice-President M. Cheshin in Adalah Legal
Centre for Arab Minority Rights in Israel v. Ministry of Interior [26], at para.
107). It focuses on the outcome of the legislation, and the effect that it
has on the constitutional human right. It is a balancing principle.
30. With regard to the three subtests of proportionality, we should
point out the following: first, there is a major difference between the first
and second subtests and the third subtest. The first two subtests — the
rational connection and the least harmful measure — focus on the means
of realizing the purpose. If it transpires, according to these, that there is
a rational connection between realizing the purpose and the legislative
measure that was chosen, and that there is no legislative measure that is
less harmful, the violation of the human right — no matter how great —
satisfies the subtests. The third subtest is of a different kind. It does not
focus merely on the means used to achieve the purpose. It focuses on the
violation of the human right that is caused as a result of realizing the
proper purpose. It recognizes that not all means that have a rational
connection and are the least harmful justify the realization of the
purpose. This subtest seeks in essence to realize the constitutional
outlook that the end does not justify the means. It is an expression of the
concept that there is an ethical barrier that democracy cannot pass, even
if the purpose that is being sought is a proper one. Second, the three
subtests do not always lead to the same outcome. On more than one
occasion there is a margin of possibilities that satisfy the proportionality
tests to a greater or lesser degree. The fundamental approach is that any
possibility that the legislature chooses is constitutional, if it falls within
the margin of proportionality. This is the constitutional margin of
appreciation given to the legislature within the limits of the margin of
proportionality (see United Mizrahi Bank Ltd v. Migdal Cooperative
Village [5], at p. 438; Menahem v. Minister of Transport [27], at p. 280;
AAA 4436/02 Tishim Kadurim Restaurant, Members’ Club v. Haifa
Municipality [31], at p. 815; Gaza Coast Local Council v. Knesset [4], at
pp. 550, 812; Movement for Quality Government in Israel v. Knesset [9], at
para. 61 of my opinion; Adalah Legal Centre for Arab Minority Rights in
Israel v. Ministry of Interior [26], at para. 77 of my opinion).
65
(2) The constitutionality of section 5B of amendment 7

31. The question of the constitutionality of s. 5B of amendment 7
arose before us in a marginal manner only. The parties focused their
main arguments on the provisions of s. 5C. They did not discuss s. 5B at
length. We were not presented with any cases in which the question of its
application arose. All of this reflects upon the question of the
constitutional of the section. In these circumstances, as long as these
questions have not been properly addressed, the time has not come to
decide the constitutionality of s. 5B. Much depends on the manner in
which it is implemented and the interpretation that is given to the
provisions of the section. Thus, for example, we have heard no argument
on the question whether the correct interpretation of the section
includes a causal relationship between the activity and the membership
of the terrorist organization or what was done on its behalf and the
damage suffered by the injured parties. Naturally the parties have the
right to raise their arguments concerning the constitutionality of s. 5B in
so far as it will arise in specific cases. The civil courts are competent, in
specific tort cases, to examine arguments concerning the constitutionality
of the section. In the circumstances of this case, we see no reason to
decide the question of the constitutionality of s. 5B of amendment 7.
(3) The constitutionality of s. 5C of amendment 7
32. Section 5C of amendment 7 provides that the state is not liable in
torts for damage that is caused in a conflict zone as a result of an act
done by the security forces. This rule has several exceptions. The
exclusion of liability does not depend on the identity of the injured party
but on the fact that the damage occurred in a conflict zone. The purpose
underlying this provision was addressed by the respondents before us:
‘The main purpose of the amendment, which justifies a
restriction of claims that are filed for damage caused in a
conflict zone, is to adapt the law of torts to the special
characteristics of the war with the Palestinians. Within this
framework, the amendment also seeks to prevent an
improper and unjust outcome that Israel should be liable for
the damage of Palestinian inhabitants, in addition to being
liable for the huge damage caused to the Israeli side’ (para.
275 of the respondents’ reply of 6 July 2006).
The respondents’ position is that the law of torts was designed to
regulate ‘risk management for harmful acts in ordinary life within a given
66
society’ (para. 26). It is not suited to dealing with damage caused in a

time of war. There are several reasons for this:
‘First, the risks in times of war are different from those in
times of peace. We are speaking of risks to the soldiers and
risks to the state if they fail in their operations… Second, in
war the scale of the damage is greater, and sometimes it is
caused during a short period… Third, in times of war many
soldiers and citizens are harmed… Fourth, war is, as a rule, a
confrontation between states, or between a state and
organizations, who operate from within the territory of
another state… Fifth, litigating a claim in torts is not
completely practical with regard to damage that is caused in
war, or it encounters many difficulties… Sixth, the law of
torts naturally examines a given incident on the basis of a
specific and particular set of facts… Therefore, for all of the
aforesaid reasons, there is no basis for applying the law of
torts to war damage’ (para. 33 of the respondents’ reply of 6
July 2006).
This background gives rise to the question whether the provisions of s.
5C of amendment 7 are constitutional. As we have seen, they violate the
rights of a Palestinian who was injured in a conflict zone by a tortious act
of the security forces. Before amendment 7 was enacted, the state was
liable to Palestinians in conflict zones if the tortious act was caused by a
non-combatant activity of the security forces. Now the law provides that
the state is not liable in torts for damage caused in a conflict zone as a
result of an act carried out by the security forces, irrespective of the
question whether the tortious act was caused by a ‘combatant activity’ or
a non-combatant activity. This restriction of the state’s liability has
violated the constitutional right of the Palestinian (or his heirs or estate)
who was injured by a tortious act that was caused by a non-combatant
activity. Does this violation of the constitutional right satisfy the
provisions of the limitations clause?
33. Is the purpose underlying the provisions of s. 5C of amendment 7
a proper purpose? In my opinion, the answer to this question is yes.
Indeed, the ordinary law of torts was not designed to contend with
tortious acts that are caused during the combatant activities of the
security forces outside Israel in an armed conflict. Excluding liability in
torts in situations of ‘combatant activity’ is also accepted in other legal
67
systems (for a survey, see Yaakov, ‘Immunity under Fire: State Immunity
for Damage caused as a result of “Combatant Activity”,’ supra, at pp.
115-125). An arrangement whose purpose is to adapt the law of torts to
the special circumstances that prevail during the combatant activity of
the security forces is an arrangement that is intended for a proper
purpose. I discussed this in Bani Ouda v. State of Israel [1]:
‘Combatant activities that cause harm to the individual
should not be tried according to the ordinary law of torts.
The reason for this is that combatant activities create special
risks which should be addressed outside the framework of
ordinary tort liability… Combatant activities create, by their
very nature, risks that the “ordinary” law of torts was not
designed to address. The purposes underlying the ordinary
law of torts do not apply when the damage derives from
combatant activity that the state is waging against its
enemies… It should be noted that the approach is not that
“combatant activity” is beyond the reach of the law. The
approach is that the problem of civil liability for combatant
activities should be determined outside the scope of the
classical law of torts’ (ibid. [1], at p. 6).
34. Is s. 5C of amendment 7 proportionate? The first subtest, which
concerns a rational connection between the proper purpose and the
provisions of s. 5C, is satisfied. The exclusion of liability in torts provided
by s. 5C of amendment 7 removes the damage caused by the security
forces in a conflict zone from the scope of the ordinary law of torts. This
realizes the proper purpose that amendment 7 sought to achieve.
35. Does s. 5C of amendment 7 satisfy the second subtest of
proportionality? According to this test, the statute should adopt the
measure that is least harmful. Does s. 5C satisfy this constitutional
requirement? My answer is that it does not. In order to realize the
purpose underlying s. 5C of amendment 7, it is sufficient to provide legal
arrangements that the state is exempt from liability for combat activities.
The ordinary law of torts is not suited to addressing liability for tortious
acts in the course of combat. Arrangements of this kind were provided in
s. 5 of the original Torts Law, which determined that the state is not
liable in torts for an act done in the course of the combatant activity of
the Israel Defence Forces. Amendment 4 extended the definition of
‘combatant activity’ beyond the scope that was given to it in decisions of
68
the courts. It was provided in amendment 4 that combatant activity

includes ‘any act of combating terror, hostilities or an uprising, as well as
an act for the prevention of terrorism, hostilities or an uprising that was
carried out in circumstances of risk to life or body.’ It further provided
that notice of the damage must be given within sixty days; it shortened
the prescription period and it ruled out the application of laws that
transfer the burden of proof to the state. This amendment is
proportionate, and it does not give rise to any constitutional difficulty. It
realized the purpose underlying amendment 7, which is the need ‘to
adapt the law of torts to the special characteristics of the war with the
Palestinians’ (para. 27 of the respondents’ reply of 6 July 2006).
Amendment 7 goes far beyond this. It excludes liability in torts for all
damage that is caused in a conflict zone by the security forces, even as a
result of acts that were not done in the course of the combatant activity
of the security forces. This amplification of the state’s exemption from
liability is unconstitutional. It does not adopt the least harmful measure
that achieves an exemption from liability for combatant activities. It
releases the state from liability for tortious acts that are in no way related
to combatant activities, no matter how broadly the term is defined.
Nothing in the ordinary activities of law enforcement that are carried out
by the security forces in a territory controlled by them justifies an
exclusion from the ordinary law of torts. This is certainly the case when
the tortious act is totally unrelated to security activity. Only combat
activities justify, as the purpose of amendment 7 indicates, an exclusion
of the arrangements in the ordinary law of torts. Excluding tortious acts
in which the security forces are involved but which have no combatant
aspect does not realize the proper purpose of adapting the law of torts to
combat situations. It seeks to realize an improper purpose of exempting
the state from all liability for torts in conflict zones. This is certainly the
case in view of the retroactive nature of this provision.
36. Section 5C of amendment 7 rules out any liability in torts on the
part of the state with regard to any claim in torts that was filed with
regard to an incident that occurred in a ‘conflict zone.’ From the
respondents’ statement it appears that after the enactment of
amendment 7, large areas of the territories of Judaea, Samaria and the
Gaza Strip were declared conflict zones for lengthy periods. The
territories were divided into several large districts. Sometimes one
district encompasses whole cities or several villages and towns.
According to the criteria that were determined in this regard, it was
69
sufficient for one terrorist incident to occur in one part of a certain

district in order to declare the whole district a conflict zone for several
days. In these circumstances, the exclusion of the state’s liability under s.
5C causes a major violation of constitutional human rights. We should
remember that the territories of Judaea and Samaria, and until August
2005 also the territory of the Gaza Strip, have been subject to a
belligerent occupation for almost forty years. Thus the Israeli security
forces are present in the territories on a constant basis and in large
numbers. The inhabitants of the territories come into close contact with
them on a regular and daily basis, on their way to and from work and
school, at checkpoints and roadblocks inside the territories and at
crossings into and out of Israel. The security forces have a fixed and
permanent presence in the territories. They are deployed and operate in
the territories both in combatant activities and in activities that have the
character of law enforcement, both in areas where there is terrorist
activity and in quiet areas, both in times of conflict and in times of
relative calm. In these circumstances, a sweeping immunity of the kind
given to the state by s. 5C of amendment 7 means that the state is given
an exemption from liability in torts with regard to many kinds of
operations that are not combatant activities even according to the broad
definition of this term. This means that many injured persons, who were
not involved in any hostilities whatsoever and who were injured by
operations of the security forces that were not intended to contend with
any hostile act, are left without any relief for the injury to their lives,
persons and property. This sweeping violation of rights is not required in
order to realize the purposes underlying s. 5C of amendment 7.
Exempting the state from liability under s. 5C does not ‘adapt the law of
torts to the state of war.’ It excludes from the scope of the law of torts
many acts that are not combatant ones. It is inconsistent with Israel’s
duty that arises from its belligerent occupation in Judaea, Samaria and
the Gaza Strip. This occupation imposes on the state special duties under
international humanitarian law, which are inconsistent with a sweeping
immunity from all liability in torts. We are not adopting any position —
since the matter did not arise before us — with regard to changes that
may arise from the Oslo accords (see Gaza Coast Local Council v.
Knesset [4], at pp. 523-524; HCJ 7015/02 Ajuri v. IDF Commander in West
Bank [32], at p. 364 {96}). Obviously we are making no determination
with regard to the legal status of the Gaza Strip after the disengagement.
Even if Israel’s belligerent occupation there has ended, as the state
70
claims, there is no justification for a sweeping exemption from liability in

torts.
37. Indeed, the proportionate approach is to examine each incident
on a case by case basis. This examination should consider whether the
case falls within the scope of ‘combatant activity,’ however this is defined.
It is possible to extend this definition, but this case by case examination
should not be replaced by a sweeping exemption from liability. I
discussed this in Adalah Legal Centre for Arab Minority Rights in Israel v.
Ministry of Interior [26]:
‘The need to adopt the least harmful measure often prevents
the use of a blanket prohibition. The reason for this is that in
many cases the use of a criterion of an individual
examination achieves the proper purpose while using a
measure whose violation of the human right is less. This
principle is accepted in the case law of the Supreme Court…
A blanket prohibition of a right, which is not based on an
individual check, is a measure that raises a suspicion of being
disproportionate. This is the case in our law. It is also the
case in comparative law’ (ibid. [26], at paras. 69-70 of my
opinion).
This approach was accepted by additional justices in that case. The
vice-president (Justice M. Cheshin) said that the question is whether it is
possible to create ‘a mechanism of an individual check for every resident
of the territories who is a spouse or parent of an Israeli citizen, instead of
imposing a blanket prohibition on all the residents of the territories who
are of certain ages’ (ibid. [26], at para. 105 of his opinion). Justice D.
Beinisch said that ‘Not carrying out an individual check and determining
a blanket prohibition gives too wide a margin to the value of security
without properly confronting it with the values and rights that conflict
with it’ (ibid. [26], at para. 11 of her opinion). Similarly, Justice E. Hayut
said that:
‘… security needs, no matter how important, cannot justify
blanket collective prohibitions that are deaf to the
individual… there is certainly a basis for a presumption of
dangerousness that the respondents wish to impose in this
matter of family reunifications between Arab citizens of
Israel and residents of the territories. Notwithstanding, in
order that the fear of terror does not mislead us into
71
overstepping our democratic limits, it is proper that this

presumption should be rebuttable within the framework of
an individual and specific check that should be allowed in
every case…’ (ibid. [26], at paras. 4-5 of her opinion).
Justice A. Procaccia emphasized in her opinion that:
‘We should beware of the lurking danger that is inherent in a
sweeping violation of the rights of persons who belong to a
particular group by labelling them as a risk without
discrimination… we should protect our security by means of
individual scrutiny measures even if this imposes on us an
additional burden…’ (ibid. [26], at para. 21 of her opinion).
Justice M. Naor said that ‘… I do not dispute the importance of
making an individual check, where this is possible… As a rule I accept
that a violation of a basic right will be suspected of being
disproportionate if it is made on a sweeping basis rather than on the
basis of an individual check’ (ibid. [26], at para. 20 of her opinion).
Justice E. Rivlin also emphasized the importance of the individual check,
but he thought in that case that such a check would not realize the
purpose of the law. Justice E. Levy emphasized in his opinion that ‘… in
the final analysis there will be no alternative to replacing the blanket
prohibition in the law with an arrangement based on an individual
check…’ (ibid. [26], at para. 9 of his opinion). The case before us is
different from Adalah Legal Centre for Arab Minority Rights in Israel v.
Ministry of Interior [26]. Notwithstanding, there are similarities between
the two. In both cases very important human rights were violated.
Amendment 7 denies the right to compensation, and thereby it is likely
to result in the injured person or his family becoming destitute. In both
cases, the state chose a sweeping denial (‘the state is not liable in torts’)
to an individual check on a case by case basis to discover whether
‘combatant activity’ is involved. In Adalah Legal Centre for Arab Minority
Rights in Israel v. Ministry of Interior [26] it was argued that it was not
possible to realize the purpose of the statute by means of an individual
check. This argument cannot be made in the case before us. The
individual check is capable of realizing the purpose of the statute.
38. The state addressed extensively in its written pleadings the
arrangements that prevail in comparative law in this matter. A study of
the state’s claims shows that in the countries surveyed by the state in its
pleadings, the arrangements prescribed with regard to the liability of the
72
state in torts are similar to the arrangement provided in amendment 4,

whereas the sweeping arrangement provided in amendment 7 is
unprecedented. Thus, for example, in American law, the Federal Tort
Claims Act recognizes, alongside the general liability of the Federal
government in torts, an exception that releases the state from liability in
torts for combatant activities. But this exception is limited to acts of the
security forces in a time of war (section 2680(j)). Admittedly this section
has been interpreted broadly. It has been held that a ‘state of war’
prevails even in a period of significant hostilities between the United
States army and other military forces, and that ‘combatant activities’
include both the actual combat operations and activities that are directly
related to them (Koohi v. United States [35]). But even with its broad
interpretation, this section provides arrangements that are similar in
essence to the arrangement provided in amendment 4, and not the
sweeping immunity provided in amendment 7. The same is true in
English law, which recognizes the immunity of the state with regard to
tort claims arising from combatant activities (combat immunity). In the
words of Sir Iain Glidewell, ‘… during the course of hostilities, no duty
of care is owed by a member of the armed forces to civilians or their
property…’ (Mulcahy v. Ministry of Defence [37]). Even this immunity
from liability has been interpreted broadly, but without resorting to a
sweeping exemption:
‘[Combat immunity] must cover attack and resistance,
advance and retreat, pursuit and avoidance, reconnaissance
and engagement. But the real distinction does exist between
active operations against the enemy and other activities of
the combatant services in time of war’ (Bici v. Ministry of
Defence [38]).
That case (in 2004) concerned a claim in torts of Albanians living in
Kosovo who were injured by gunfire from British troops who were in
Kosovo as part of the NATO force sent there. The court held that the
soldiers were negligent in that they violated the rules of engagement, and
in the circumstances of the case, it rejected the state’s contention that it
should enjoy combat immunity. Thus we see that the arrangement in
English law is also similar in essence to the arrangement provided in
amendment 4. State immunity from liability for combatant activities is
the broadest in Canadian law. Section 8 of the Crown Liability and
Proceedings Act provides that:
73
‘… nothing in those sections makes the Crown liable in

respect of anything done or omitted in the exercise of any
power or authority exercisable by the Crown, whether in
time of peace or of war, for the purpose of the defence of
Canada or of training, or maintaining the efficiency of, the
Canadian Forces.’
This clause excludes the liability of the state in tort claims that arise
from actions of the Canadian army that are done in order to defend
Canada, whether in time of peace or of war, and whether it is actually a
combatant activity or training for it. But even this broad arrangement
does not give the state a sweeping immunity, and the state needs to show
that the activity of the security forces that caused the damage was done
in the defence of Canada. By contrast, in Israel the state is released from
any burden of proof, and it is sufficient for it to show that the damage
was caused in a conflict zone.
39. Section 5C has several exceptions. The second schedule of
amendment 7 provides that the state’s immunity under s. 5C shall not
apply to damage that is caused as a result of a criminal act, damage that
is caused to someone who is held by the State of Israel in custody,
damage that is caused as a result of an act of the civil administration that
was not done within the framework of the conflict, and damage that is
caused as a result of a road accident in which a vehicle of the security
forces is involved but not in the course of operational activities. Do these
exceptions to the general arrangement, which are stipulated in s. 5C,
save it from being disproportionate? Are they capable of changing the
conclusion with regard to the second subtest? My answer to this question
is no. These provisos and exceptions cannot constitute a less harmful
measure to human rights. On the contrary, if the immunity from liability
that is provided in amendment 7 does not apply to these cases, why does
it apply in other cases of torts that do not derive from ‘combatant
activities’? If the liability for a ‘road accident’ in which a military vehicle
is involved does not fall within the scope of the state’s immunity from
liability, why in other accidents that are not road accidents is liability
excluded in a sweeping manner without allowing an individual check? It
is true that there are difficulties in producing evidence. But the way to
overcome this is not to exclude liability, but to make individual checks
and determine burdens of proof and shorter limitation periods.
74
40. Does s. 5C of amendment 7 satisfy the third subtest of

proportionality, the test of proportionality in the narrow sense? Is the
benefit to the public interest from excluding the state’s liability for the
damage caused in a conflict zone commensurate with the loss caused to
individuals who are injured as a result of tortious acts of the security
forces? It should be noted that the question of proportionality in the
narrow sense does not arise in all those cases where it transpires in the
trial that no tortious act was committed at all, whether because there is
no (conceptual or concrete) duty or because there is no carelessness or
because there is no causal link or for any other reason (with regard to
other torts). Moreover, the question of proportionality (in the narrow
sense) does not arise at all with regard to a tortious act that was done as
a result of ‘combatant activities’ of the security forces. The state is not
liable in torts for this tortious act under the law that was in force before
amendment 7. It follows that the question that we should ask ourselves is
the following: is the benefit to the public interest that is afforded by
excluding the state’s liability for a tort that was not caused by ‘combatant
activities’ commensurate with the damage that is caused to someone who
is injured as a result of this tort? We asked the respondents once again
what public benefit is realized by amendment 7 that was not realized
under the law of torts that preceded it, including amendment 4. We
sought to ascertain in what additional circumstances does amendment 7
give the state immunity from liability, as compared with the legal
position that preceded the amendment, and how do these realize the
legislative purpose and the public interest. The following was the answer
that we were given:
‘First, amendment 4 is an amendment that was prepared
against the background of the Intifadeh that broke out in
1987. The draft of amendment 4 was tabled before the
armed conflict broke out in the year 2000, and it was not
intended at all to provide a solution to the unique nature of
the armed conflict with the Palestinians. Indeed, amendment
4 also does not provide a solution to the armed conflict de
facto. This is reflected in the fact that amendment 4 is a
limited amendment. It deals mainly with the technical-
procedural aspect of claims that arise in the territories. This
amendment looks at the damage from within the law of torts.
By contrast, amendment 7 is a substantial amendment.
75
The purpose of amendment 7 is different from the purpose

of amendment 4. The amendment seeks to exclude war
damage from the scope of the law of torts, and not to adapt
the law of torts to war damage. The purpose of the
amendment is mainly ethical. It is completely different from
the purpose of amendment 4. Therefore amendment 4 on its
own is insufficient.
Second, amendment 4 does not address claims of enemy
aliens and claims of members of a terrorist organization at
all, and therefore for this reason also amendment 4 is
insufficient.’
In my opinion, these reasons are unconvincing. First, it was not made
clear how the date of preparing the legislation is relevant to the question
of the public benefit that the legislation realizes and why amendment 4
does not also provide a legal solution to the conflict that broke out in the
year 2000. Second, the assertion that amendment 4 is technical-
procedural is unacceptable. Amendment 4 made a major change to the
definition of the term ‘combatant activity.’ The definition greatly
broadened the interpretation given to this term in case law, and thereby
significantly restricted the liability of the security forces operating in the
conflict with the Palestinians. Third, we received no explanation of the
significance of the distinction between ‘excluding war damage from the
scope of the law of torts’ and adapting ‘the law of torts to war damage.’
With regard to the second reason given by the state, this relates solely to
s. 5B of amendment 7.
41. The respondents also discussed the general benefit of amendment
7:
‘The amendment restores the balance in the law of torts, and
adapts it to the new circumstances of war. It enshrines
ethical principles and solves practical difficulties in
implementing the existing law. It enshrines the principle that
in times of conflict each side is liable for its own damage, and
it prevents the outcome, which currently exists, in which
Israel is compelled to bear a double burden of claims for war
damage suffered both by its own citizens and also by the
inhabitants of the Palestinian Authority.’
These remarks also do not answer the question as to how exempting
the state from liability for committing tortious acts that do not fall within
76
the scope of ‘combatant activities,’ as defined in amendment 4, realizes a

public benefit from an ethical viewpoint. Prima facie, the immunity from
liability for ‘combatant activities’ in its broad sense is sufficient in order
to adapt the law of torts to a situation of war and in order to release the
state from the burden of liability for claims arising from war damage. It
would appear that the main benefit does not lie in realizing these
purposes, but in releasing the state from conducting legal proceedings in
order to determine the question of whether there were ‘combatant
activities.’ Indeed, giving the state a sweeping immunity makes it
unnecessary to conduct many proceedings in which the state is required
to prove that the damage for which it is being sued was caused by
combatant activities. But this benefit to the public interest — a benefit
that lies mainly in a savings of administrative resources — is
disproportionate in comparison to the damage to the various individuals,
which was caused by non-combatant activities. This damage often
involves great suffering. Injured parties suffer major injuries; they
become seriously disabled; their ability to earn a livelihood is
significantly impaired. All of these — and of course the loss of life — are
far greater than the limited benefit that arises from releasing the state
from liability and from the need to defend its position in court, both
when the damage is caused by combatant activities and when it is caused
by non-combatant activities.
42. Amendment 7 established a committee that was authorized ‘… to
approve, beyond the letter of the law, in special circumstances, a
payment to an applicant to whom subsection (a) applies and to
determine the amount thereof…’ (s. 5C(b)(1)). It was also provided that
‘The Minister of Defence, in consultation with the Minister of Justice
and with the approval of the Constitution, Law and Justice Committee of
the Knesset, shall determine the preconditions for submitting an
application to the committee, the manner of submitting the application,
the work procedures of the committee and the criteria for making
payments beyond the letter of the law’ (s. 5C(b)(3)). Do the existence of
this committee and its payments of compensation make the
arrangements in s. 5C of amendment 7 proportionate? My answer is no.
Naturally, where the disproportionality is based on the absence of a
‘beyond the letter of the law’ arrangement, the provision of such an
arrangement can remove the disproportionality. But where the
disproportionality in an arrangement arises from a disproportionate
violation of human rights — and certainly when the rights that are
77
violated are fundamental and important ones and the violation thereof is
serious and painful — the violation does not become proportionate by
means of a payment beyond the letter of the law. Someone who has been
injured by a non-combatant activity of the security forces is entitled to
compensation by law, and not to compensation beyond the letter of the
law. We should give him justice, not charity. Of course, the state would
act meritoriously if it considered making payments beyond the letter of
the law to someone who is seriously injured as a result of ‘combatant
activities’ of the security forces, in circumstances where the state thinks
that a charitable payment is justified (cf. the remarks of Vice-President
M. Cheshin in Adalah Legal Centre for Arab Minority Rights in Israel v.
Ministry of Interior [26], at para. 126 of his opinion).
The result is that we deny the petitions in so far as the
constitutionality of s. 5B of amendment 7 is concerned. We grant the
petitions and make the order nisi absolute, in so far as the
constitutionally of s. 5C of amendment 7 is concerned. This section is
void.
President D. Beinisch
I agree with the opinion of President Emeritus A. Barak.
Justice A. Procaccia
I agree with the opinion of my colleague, President Emeritus A.
Barak.
Justice E.E. Levy

I agree with the opinion of the honourable President Emeritus A.
Barak.
Justice M. Naor
I agree with the opinion of my colleague, President Emeritus Barak.
Justice S. Joubran
Barak.
78
Justice E. Hayut
Barak.
Justice D. Cheshin
I agree with the opinion of my colleague, President Emeritus Barak.
Justice A. Grunis
1. I agree with the outcome in the opinion of my colleague, President
Emeritus A. Barak. My agreement with the outcome derives mainly from
the fact that the respondents did not address, and certainly did not
address satisfactorily, two main questions: first, what — under the rules
of private international law — is the substantive law that governs claims
filed in Israel against the state and its agencies for acts outside Israel?
Second, do the Basic Laws have extra-territorial application? It should
be noted that the respondents raised certain arguments that my
colleague, President Emeritus A. Barak, did not address, even though I
am of the opinion that they should be mentioned with regard to these
two questions. I am referring to various arrangements in English and
American law, which I shall address below, that apply to factual
situations that are relevant to our case and that may prevent the courts
from giving relief.
2. One of the first questions that are relevant to an action filed in an
Israeli court with regard to an incident that occurred outside the borders
of Israel concerns the substantive law that should be applied. This
question also arises in every case of a tort action that is brought before
an Israeli court with regard to an incident that occurred in Judaea and
Samaria. The cases under discussion can be of many different kinds.
Thus it is possible that an Israeli citizen who works for an Israeli
employer in an Israeli settlement in Samaria is injured in a work accident
and files an action on account of this in the court in Israel. A small
change in the facts presents a case in which the worker who is injured is a
Palestinian. Another possibility, which brings us closer to the cases
addressed in the petitions, concerns a claim filed by a Palestinian
resident of Samaria on the grounds that he was injured by the gunfire of
IDF soldiers. In each of these examples, the court is supposed to
consider the question of which law will apply to the claim under the rules
of private international law. My colleague, the president emeritus, says
79
Justice A. Grunis
that under the conflict of law rules that are practised in Israeli law, the
Israeli law of torts applies to actions of the security forces in the territory
of Judaea and Samaria. In my opinion, the answer to this question is not
so clear. CA 1432/03 Yinon Food Products Manufacture and Marketing
Ltd v. Kara’an [19] (an application for a further hearing was denied: CFH
9524/04 Yinon Food Products Manufacture and Marketing Ltd v. Kara’an
[33]) comprehensively considered the position of Israeli private
international law with regard to a tortious act that took place in the
aforesaid territory. It was held that the rule is that the law of the place
where the tort was committed (lex loci delicti commissi) applies.
Therefore in principle Jordanian law should apply. The aforesaid rule is
subject to a rare exception, according to which the court should apply the
law of the country that has the closest connection with the tort (Yinon
Food Products Manufacture and Marketing Ltd v. Kara’an [19], at pp. 374-
375, 377). Yinon Food Products Manufacture and Marketing Ltd v. Kara’an
[19] concerned an action of a Palestinian woman that was filed in a court
in Israel. The plaintiff was injured in a work accident, while working at a
plant of an Israeli company that was situated in an Israeli town in
Samaria. The Israeli aspects of the case — an Israeli employer, an Israeli
plant that was situated in an Israeli town in the territories — led the
court to say that ‘the exception begs to be applied’ (ibid. [19], at p. 378).
Therefore in that case it was held that the Israeli law of torts would
apply, rather than the Jordanian law. Indeed, as my colleague President
Emeritus A. Barak says, claims of Palestinians against the state for
alleged tortious acts of the security forces have been tried for years
under Israeli law. It is to be wondered why in those cases the state did
not raise the argument that the substantive law that should apply, under
the conflict of law rules, is the law of the place where the tort was
committed. This argument was also not raised in the petitions before us.
It is possible that a determination that Jordanian law applies would make
it unnecessary to consider the constitutional question. This would be the
case if Jordanian law does not give rise to a cause of action in the
situations that we are considering, as a result, for example, of an ‘act of
state’ doctrine (paras. 6-7 below). If there was no right of action until
amendment 7 of the Torts (State Liability) Law, 5712-1952 (hereafter —
the Torts Law), under the law of the place where the tort was committed,
it would not be possible to argue that the amendment denied an existing
right and therefore no constitutional question would arise. Nonetheless,
we should note that it would appear that the premise for changing the
80
Justice A. Grunis
Torts Law in amendment 4 and amendment 7 was that the law of torts
that applies with regard to claims concerning the activities of IDF
soldiers in the territories is the Israeli law.
3. The other main question that should be considered is the question
of the application of the Basic Laws — in this case the Basic Law:
Human Dignity and Liberty — to events that occur outside the borders
of Israel. According to the approach of my colleague President Emeritus
A. Barak, there is no need to consider the aforesaid question. According
to his position, the rights of Palestinians who are inhabitants of the
territories ‘are rights that are granted to them in Israel’ and amendment
7 of the Torts Law violates those rights. And why are these rights that are
granted to them in Israel? It is because under Israeli private
international law they may, in certain circumstances, sue in Israel under
the Israeli law of torts for tortious acts that were committed outside
Israel (para. 23 of the opinion). We have already seen (para. 2 supra)
that the conflict of law rules in Israel provide that the law of the place
where the tort was committed should apply. When we are dealing with
the territory of Judaea and Samaria, the significance of this is that we
should refer to Jordanian law. Indeed, the aforesaid rule is subject to an
exception, as was indeed held in Yinon Food Products Manufacture and
Marketing Ltd v. Kara’an [19]. For the purpose of considering this
question I am prepared to assume that the conflict of law rules in Israel
lead to the application of the Israeli law of torts with regard to an
incident in which a Palestinian is injured as a result of shooting by IDF
soldiers. According to the approach of my colleague the president
emeritus, ‘The rights in Israel under the law of torts were taken away
from the inhabitants of the territories for tortious acts done by the
security forces in a conflict zone. The effect of amendment 7 is therefore
in Israel. It violates rights that the injured parties from the territories had
in Israel’ (para. 23 of his opinion). This leads my colleague to conclude
that there is no need to consider the question of the application of the
Basic Law outside the borders of Israel. I cannot agree with this.
Let us remember that we are dealing with events that took place
outside the borders of Israel. Even if according to the conflict of law
rules the Israeli law of torts applies to those events, this does not change
the place where the tort was committed. Applying the Israeli law of torts
does not create a fiction whereby the event occurred in Israel. The mere
fact that the matter is tried before an Israeli court, under Israeli law,
cannot lead to the conclusion that the rights are given to the injured
81
Justice A. Grunis
parties in Israel. If you say this, then you arrive at a far-reaching

conclusion that the Basic Laws apply to every proceeding that takes
place in an Israeli court where the conflict of law rules determine that
Israeli law applies. No connection should be made between the rules of
Israeli private international law and the scope of application of the Basic
Laws. Therefore it would appear that we need first to decide the
question of the extraterritorial application of the Basic Law: Human
Dignity and Liberty. However, since the respondents stated that in their
opinion no decision on this question is required, there is no reason to
address it in the present case. It would appear that it will be necessary to
address the issue in the future, if an argument is presented before the
courts.
4. Ultimately we are determining that s. 5C of the Torts Law is
unconstitutional. By contrast, we are not deciding the question of the
constitutionality of s. 5B of the law. It can be assumed that this question
will be brought before the courts again. In the opinion of my colleague
President Emeritus A. Barak, section 5B of the Torts Law applies,
‘according to its wording, to tortious acts done in Israel.’ This leads to his
conclusion that the question of the application of the Basic Law does not
arise. I would point out that a careful reading of section 5B shows that it
is indeed possible that it will also apply to tortious acts committed by the
state and those acting on its behalf outside Israel. Therefore it is possible
that in the future it will be necessary to consider the question of the
application of the Basic Laws with regard to the aforesaid section as well.
5. In consequence of the finding that the Basic Law applies in this
case, my colleague goes on to consider the question whether amendment
7 of the Torts Law violates a right that is included in the Basic Law. His
conclusion is that such a violation does indeed exist with regard to the
right to life, liberty, dignity, privacy and property. My colleague adds that
‘Denying or restricting liability in torts undermines the protection of
these rights’ (para. 25). I am prepared to agree that in the present case a
basic right has been violated. This is because of the broad application of
s. 5C of the Torts Law. Notwithstanding, I cannot agree that any
restriction or denial of liability in torts will constitute a violation of a
constitutional right, just as I cannot accept that every new criminal norm
or stricter penalty constitutes a violation of a constitutional right (CrimA
4424/98 Silgado v. State of Israel [34], at pp. 553-561 (per Justice T.
Strasberg-Cohen); see also para. 2 of my opinion in HCJ 7052/03 Adalah
Legal Centre for Arab Minority Rights in Israel v. Ministry of Interior [26]).
82
Justice A. Grunis
6. The respondents mentioned in their arguments arrangements that

exist in foreign law, even though they did not go so far as to claim that
those arrangements constitute in themselves a response to the petitions.
Thus the respondents raised an important doctrine that exists in English
law, the act of state doctrine. According to this doctrine, certain acts of
the state and its agents may not be tried in the English courts, if they
were committed outside the borders of the state with regard to persons
who are not British nationals. These also include acts of a violent nature
that are committed by the state and its agents (see H.W.R. Wade &
C.F. Forsyth, Administrative Law (ninth edition, 2004), at pp. 838-840;
O. Hood Phillips & Jackson, Constitutional & Administrative Law (eighth
edition, 2001), at pp. 320-326; Halsbury’s Laws of England, vol. 18(2)
(fourth edition, 2000), at pp. 452-455; see also CA 5964/92 Bani Ouda v.
State of Israel [1], at p. 7, and A. Yaakov, ‘Immunity under Fire: State
Immunity for Damage Caused as a Result of “Combatant Activity”,’
33(1) Hebrew Univ. L. Rev. (Mishpatim) 107 (2003), at pp. 124-125 and
the references cited there). The scope of the doctrine’s application is
unclear. It also appears that there is now a trend to limit its application
(Yaakov, ‘Immunity under Fire,’ supra, at p. 194). In American law there
is a similar rule to that of an act of state, by virtue of a specific provision
of statute. Section 2680(k) of the Federal Tort Claims Act provides that
the government of the United States shall not be liable ‘for any claim
arising in a foreign country.’ The American rule, like the English
doctrine, is not limited to acts carried out by military forces nor is it
limited to combatant activities. Thus the United States Supreme Court
has held that it is not possible to file a claim in torts in an American
court against the United States government and agents of the Drug
Enforcement Administration with regard to their liability for the
abduction of a Mexican citizen from Mexico to the United States (Sosa v.
Alvarez-Machain [36]).
7. The act of state doctrine is part of English common law. Therefore
it was prima facie incorporated into Israeli law. One might argue that
even if it was incorporated, it was abolished by the enactment of the
Torts Law. It is well known that this law was intended to replace the
common law rule that the state has immunity in torts. It would appear,
without making a firm determination, that the enactment of the law did
not abolish the act of state doctrine, just as that doctrine was not
abolished in England by the Crown Proceedings Act 1947. It should be
remembered that the doctrine applies to acts that are carried out outside
83
Justice A. Grunis
the jurisdiction of the state. Indeed, s. 5A of the Torts Law expressly

addresses the territories, i.e., Judaea, Samaria and the Gaza Strip, and
therefore it seems that the aforesaid doctrine does not apply in the
territories. We should point out, in passing, that the aforesaid s. 5A was
adopted when Israel was in control of Gaza. It may be asked whether
there is any need today for the aforesaid provision following the
withdrawal from Gaza, if the act of state doctrine applies to that area. In
any case, it is possible that the doctrine will apply in other places outside
the state, as for example with regard to the combat activities that took
place last summer in Lebanon or acts of Israel’s secret services outside
the state. It should also be noted that it is possible that a hint of the act
of state doctrine may be found in the provisions of s. 9A of the Torts
Law, which was adopted in amendment 7. The section provides that
‘Nothing in the provisions of sections 5B and 5C shall derogate from any
defence, immunity or exemption given to the State of Israel under any
law.’ We should add that the act of state doctrine may apply in addition
to the statutory rule that exempts the state from liability in torts ‘for an
act that was done by a combatant activity of the Israel Defence Forces’
(s. 5 of the Torts Law). Even if the act of state doctrine has no relevance
to the matters that arose in the petitions, it is possible that it will be
important in future cases.
8. Since the respondents did not address central questions, and since
in practice they agreed, if only by implication, that the tort actions under
discussion are subject to Israeli law and that there is no need to consider
in this case the extraterritorial application of the Basic Law, I can only
agree with the outcome proposed by my colleague President Emeritus A.
Barak. It would appear that the time will come for deciding the aforesaid
questions.
Petition granted.
21 Kislev 5767.
12 December 2006.
84
Public Committee against Torture v. Government
Public Committee against Torture in Israel v. Government of Israel
——————
Synopsis
Following the outbreak of the Second Intifadeh in the year 2000, in which
more than one thousand Israelis were killed and many thousands more
injured, the Israeli government has employed many measures in its fight
against the Palestinian terrorist organizations. One of these measures is the
policy of ‘targeted killings,’ in which the Israel Defence Forces target
persons who plan, order or carry out terrorist attacks against the State of
Israel. The policy seeks to prevent the perpetration of terrorist attacks
before they are committed. Sometimes, however, innocent bystanders are
killed or injured in these targeted killings.
The petitioners in this case are human rights organizations. They

petitioned the court to declare targeted killings of terrorists unlawful in all
cases. They claimed that targeted killings unlawfully violate the rights of
both the targets and innocent bystanders. According to the petitioners, the
terrorists should be treated as criminals and should be arrested and
brought to trial within the framework of the criminal law. The petitioners
further argued that targeted killings contravene the laws of war. These
laws recognize only two categories of person — combatants and civilians.
Combatants are legitimate targets for attack, but they enjoy a right of
immunity from indictment and are entitled to a status of prisoners of war.
Citizens are not a legitimate target for attacks. The petitioners claimed that
there is no intermediate status of ‘unlawful combatants.’ The petitioners
pointed out that the state refuses to give terrorists the rights of combatants
under international law, such as the right to a status of a prisoner of war.
Thus the state wishes to treat terrorists according to the worse of both
worlds: as combatants, to justify killing them, and as civilians, to bring
them to trial. The petitioners argued that terrorists should be regarded as
civilians in all respects.
The petitioners accepted that a civilian who takes part in combat may lose
some of the protections given to civilians in times of war, but only, in their
85
opinion, when he takes a direct part in the combat activities, and only for
as long as this direct participation lasts. Therefore they argue that when a
terrorist is not actively taking part in hostilities against the State of Israel,
he may not be targeted.
The Supreme Court accepted the petitioners’ position that international

law recognizes only two classes of persons — ‘combatants’ and ‘civilians.’
It held that a third category of ‘unlawful combatants’ has not yet been
recognized by international law. Since terrorists do not satisfy the
definition of ‘combatants’ in international law (because, for example, they
do not observe the laws and customs of war), they should be classified as
civilians. Under article 51 of the First Additional Protocol to the 1977
Geneva Conventions, civilians may not be targeted by armed forces, but
this is subject to a proviso in article 51(3) that civilians may not be
attacked ‘unless and for such time as they take a direct part in hostilities.’
Therefore terrorists who take a direct part in hostilities may be targeted by
armed forces, ‘for such time’ as they are taking a direct part in the
hostilities.
With regard to the requirement that civilians may only be targeted ‘for
such time’ as they take part in hostilities, the court held that a civilian who
has taken a direct part in hostilities on a single occasion or sporadically
should not be attacked. The court held that any targeting of a civilian
needs to satisfy four conditions: (1) there is reliable information that the
civilian is taking a direct part in hostilities; (2) a civilian should not be
targeted if it is possible to arrest him. A country governed by the rule of
law resorts to the use of trials rather than the use of force. Even if arrest is
not always possible, it should always be considered; (3) after carrying out
an attack on a civilian who is suspected of being directly involved in
hostilities at the time, a thorough investigation should be made
(retrospectively) to ascertain that the identity of the target was correct and
to verify the circumstances of the attack on him; (4) if the attack is not
only on the civilian who is taking a direct part in the hostilities but also on
innocent civilians who are in the vicinity, the harm to them is collateral
damage. This harm should satisfy the test of proportionality.
The Supreme Court also discussed the case of persons who recruit
terrorists to take a direct part in the hostilities and persons who send them
86
to carry out hostilities. The court held that it is not only the person who
carries out the physical attack who takes a ‘direct’ part in hostilities.
Persons who plan attacks or who order others to carry them out cannot be
said to take merely an indirect part in the hostilities. Their participation is
direct.
The Supreme Court therefore reached the conclusion that it could not
hold, as the petitioners requested, that targeted killings are unlawful in all
cases, just as it could not hold that they are lawful in all cases. Each case
needs to be examined on its merits.
87
HCJ 769/02
1. Public Committee against Torture in Israel
2. LAW — Palestinian Society for the Protection of Human Rights
and the Environment
v.
1. Government of Israel
2. Prime Minister of Israel
4. Israel Defence Forces
5. Chief of General Staff
6. Shurat HaDin — Israel Law Centre and 24 others

[14 December 2006]
Before President Emeritus A. Barak, President D. Beinisch
and Vice-President E. Rivlin
Facts: In the armed conflict between the State of Israel and the terrorist
organizations operating in the territories of Judaea, Samaria and the Gaza Strip
the government of the State of Israel decided to adopt a policy of ‘targeted
killings’ against terrorists. The petitioners asked the court to declare that this
policy was illegal under international law and to order the respondents to desist
from using the policy.
Held: Customary international law distinguishes between ‘combatants’ and

‘civilians.’ There is insufficient information for saying that a third category of
‘unlawful combatants’ has been recognized at this time by customary
international law. Since terrorists do not satisfy the requirements of the
definition of ‘combatants’ in international law, because inter alia they do not
observe the laws and customs of war, they must be classified as civilians. Under
article 51 of the First Additional Protocol to the 1977 Geneva Conventions,
civilians may not in principle be targeted by armed forces. However, art. 51(3) of
the First Protocol states that ‘Civilians shall enjoy the protection afforded by this
88
section, unless and for such time as they take a direct part in hostilities.’
Therefore terrorists may be targeted by armed forces if ‘they take a direct part
in hostilities.’ The targeting of terrorists by armed forces must satisfy the
requirements of art. 51(3); the terrorists must ‘take a direct part in hostilities’
and the targeting of terrorists may be carried out ‘for such time’ as they do so.
The principle of proportionality in carrying out these attacks should also be
observed.
It cannot therefore be said that ‘targeted killings’ are prohibited by customary
international law in every case, just as it cannot be said that they are permitted
by customary international law in every case. Each case should be examined
prospectively by the military authorities and retrospectively in an independent
investigation, and the findings should be based on the merits of the specific case.
These findings will be subject to the scrutiny of the court.
Petition denied.
Legislation cited:
Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty, s. 8.
Basic Law: the Army, s. 1.
Basic Law: the Government, s. 40(b).
Government and Justice Arrangements Ordinance, 5748-1948, s. 18.
Internment of Unlawful Combatants, 5762-2002, s. 2.
Penal Law, 5737-1977, s. 34M(1).

[1] HCJ 5872/01 Barakeh v. Prime Minister [2002] IsrSC 56(3) 1.
[2] HCJ 9255/00 Al-Saka v. State of Israel (unreported).
[3] HCJ 2461/01 Canaan v. IDF Commander in Judaea and Samaria
(unreported).
[4] HCJ 9293/01 Barakeh v. Minister of Defence [2002] IsrSC 56(2) 509.
[5] HCJ 3114/02 Barakeh v. Minister of Defence [2002] IsrSC 56(3) 11; [2002-
3] IsrLR 39.
[6] HCJ 3451/02 Almadani v. Minister of Defence [2002] IsrSC 56(3) 30;
[2002-3] IsrLR 47.
[7] HCJ 8172/02 Ibrahim v. IDF Commander in West Bank (unreported).
352; [2002-3] IsrLR 83.
[10] HCJ 4764/04 Physicians for Human Rights v. IDF Commander in Gaza
[2004] IsrSC 58(5) 385; [2004] IsrLR 200.
89
[11] HCJ 393/82 Jamait Askan Almalmoun Altaounia Almahdouda

Almasaoulia Cooperative Society v. IDF Commander in Judaea and
Samaria [1983] IsrSC 37(4) 785.
[12] CrimA 174/54 Stampeper v. Attorney-General [1956] IsrSC 10 5.
[13] CrimA 336/61 Eichman v. Attorney-General [1963] IsrSC 17(3) 2033.
[14] LCA 7092/94 Her Majesty the Queen in Right of Canada v. Edelson [1997]
IsrSC 51(1) 625; [1997] IsrLR 403.
[15] HCJ 785/87 Afu v. IDF Commander in Gaza Strip [1988] IsrSC 42(2) 4.
[16] HCJ 69/81 Abu Ita v. IDF Commander in Judaea and Samaria [1983]
IsrSC 37(2) 197.
IsrSC 58(5) 807; [2004] IsrLR 264.
[18] HCJ 698/80 Kawasma v. Minister of Defence [1981] IsrSC 35(1) 617.
[19] HCJ 3278/02 Centre for Defence of the Individual v. IDF Commander in
West Bank [2003] IsrSC 57(1) 385; [2002-3] IsrLR 123.
[20] HCJ 10356/02 Hass v. IDF Commander in West Bank [2004] IsrSC 58(3)
443; [2004] IsrLR 53.
[21] HCJ 72/86 Zaloom v. IDF Commander in Judaea and Samaria [1987]
IsrSC 41(1) 528.
[22] HCJ 5591/02 Yassin v. Commander of Ketziot Military Camp [2003] IsrSC
57(1) 403.
[23] HCJ 3239/02 Marab v. IDF Commander in Judaea and Samaria [2003]
IsrSC 57(2) 349; [2002-3] IsrLR 173.
736; [2005] (1) IsrLR 98.
[26] HCJ 2967/00 Arad v. Knesset [2000] IsrSC 54(2) 188.
[27] HCJ 9593/04 Morar v. IDF Commander in Judaea and Samaria [2006] (2)
IsrLR 56.
[29] HCJ 2847/03 Alauna v. IDF Commander in Judaea and Samaria
(unreported).
[30] HCJ 9252/00 El-Saka v. State of Israel (unreported).
[31] HCJ 4219/02 Gussin v. IDF Commander in Gaza Strip [2002] IsrSC 56(4)
608.
Minister of Interior [2006] (1) IsrLR 443.
Minister of Defence [2006] (2) IsrLR 352.
90
[34] HCJ 910/86 Ressler v. Minister of Defence [1988] IsrSC 42(2) 441; IsrSJ 10
1.
[35] HCJ 9070/00 Livnat v. Chairman of Constitution, Law and Justice
Committee [1991] IsrSC 55(4) 800.
[36] HCJ 9056/00 Kleiner v. Knesset Speaker [2001] IsrSC 55(4) 703.
[37] HCJ 652/81 Sarid v. Knesset Speaker [1982] IsrSC 36(2) 197; IsrSJ 8 52.
[38] HCJ 73/85 Kach Faction v. Knesset Speaker [1985] IsrSC 39(3) 141.
[39] HCJ 742/84 Kahane v. Knesset Speaker [1985] IsrSC 39(4) 85.
[40] HCJ 606/78 Awib v. Minister of Defence [1979] IsrSC 33(2) 113.
[41] HCJ 390/79 Dawikat v. Government of Israel [1980] IsrSC 34(1) 1.
[42] HCJ 4481/91 Bargil v. Government of Israel [1993] IsrSC 47(4) 210; [1992-
4] IsrLR 158.
[43] HCJ 2117/02 Physicians for Human Rights v. IDF Commander in West
Bank [2002] IsrSC 53(3) 26.
[44] HCJ 5488/04 Al-Ram Local Council v. Government of Israel (not yet
reported).
[45] HCJ 253/88 Sajadia v. Minister of Defence [1988] IsrSC 42(3) 801.
[46] HCJ 306/81 Flatto-Sharon v. Knesset Committee [1981] IsrSC 35(4) 118.
[47] HCJ 693/91 Efrat v. Director of Population Registry, Ministry of Interior
[1993] IsrSC 47(1) 749.
[48] HCJ 3648/97 Stamka v. Minister of Interior [1999] IsrSC 53(2) 728, at p.
805.
[49] HCJ 399/85 Kahane v. Broadcasting Authority Management Board [1987]
IsrSC 41(3) 255.
[50] HCJ 1005/89 Agga v. IDF Commander in Gaza Strip [1990] IsrSC 44(1)
536.
[51] HCJ 258/79 Amira v. Minister of Defence [1980] IsrSC 34(1) 90.
[52] HCJ 3477/95 Ben-Atiya v. Minister of Education, Culture and Sport [1995]
IsrSC 49(5) 1.
[54] HCJ 168/91 Morcus v. Minister of Defence [1991] IsrSC 45(1) 467.
[56] HCJ 1730/96 Sabiah v. IDF Commander in Judaea and Samaria [1996]
IsrSC 50(1) 353.
[57] HCJFH 2161/96 Sharif v. Home Front Commander [1996] IsrSC 50(4) 485.
[58] HCJ 5100/94 Public Committee Against Torture v. Government of Israel
[1999] IsrSC 53(4) 817; [1998-9] IsrLR 567.
[59] HCJFH 10739 Minister of Defence v. Adalah Legal Centre for Arab
Minority Rights in Israel (not yet reported).
91
Israeli District Court cases cited:

[60] SFC 1158/02 (TA) State of Israel v. Barghouti (not yet reported).
Israeli Military Tribunal cases cited:

[61] Military Prosecutor v. Kassem, 42 International Law Reports 470 (1971).

[62] Hamdan v. Rumsfeld, 548 U.S. 557 (2006).
[63] Ex Parte Quirin, 317 U.S. 1 (1942).
[64] Hamdi v. Rumsfeld, 542 U.S. 507 (2004).
Canadian cases cited:

[65] Application under s. 83.28 of the Criminal Code (Re), [2004] 2 S.C.R.
248.
English cases cited:

[66] Mohamed Ali v. Public Prosecutor [1969] 1 A.C. 430 (PC).
European Court of Human Rights cases cited:

[67] Banković v. Belgium, 41 ILM 517 (2002).
[68] Ergi v. Turkey, 32 E.H.R.R. 388 (2001).
[69] McCann v. United Kingdom, 21 E.H.R.R. 97 (1995).
[70] McKerr v. United Kingdom, 34 E.H.R.R. 553 (2001).
Inter-American Court of Human Rights cases cited:

[71] Velásquez-Rodríguez v. Honduras, Inter-Am. Ct. H. R. (series C, no. 4)
(1988); 28 ILM 291 (1989).
International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda cases cited:

[72] Prosecutor v. Akayesu, case no. ICTR-96-4-T (1998).
International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia cases cited:

[73] Prosecutor v. Tadić, ICTY case no. IT-94-1.
[74] Prosecutor v. Blaškić, ICTY case IT-95-14-T (2000).
[75] Prosecutor v. Strugar, ICTY case IT-01-42 (2005)
[76] Prosecutor v. Kupreškić, ICTY case no. IT-95-16 (2000).
For the petitioners — A. Feldman, M. Sfard.

For respondents 1-5 — S. Nitzan.
92
For the sixth respondents — N. Darshan-Leitner, S. Lubrani.
JUDGMENT

The Government of Israel has adopted a policy of preventative
attacks that cause the death of terrorists in Judaea, Samaria and the
Gaza Strip. It brings about the death of those terrorists who plan,
dispatch or carry out terror attacks in Israel and in the territories of
Judaea, Samaria and the Gaza Strip, against both civilians and soldiers.
Sometimes these attacks also harm innocent civilians. Does the state
thereby act unlawfully? This is the question that is before us.
(1) Factual background
1. In September 2000 the second Intifadeh broke out. A fierce
barrage of terrorism was directed against the State of Israel and against
Israelis wherever they were. The barrage of terror does not distinguish
between combatants and civilians, or between women, men and children.
The terror attacks are taking place both in the territories of Judaea,
Samaria and the Gaza Strip and in the State of Israel. They target
civilian centres, shopping centres and marketplaces, cafés and
restaurants. In the last five years thousands of acts of terrorism have
been committed against Israel. In the course of these, more than one
thousand Israelis have been killed. Thousands of Israeli civilians have
been injured. Thousands of Palestinians have also been killed and
injured during this period.
2. In its war against terrorism, the State of Israel has adopted various
measures. As a part of the defence activity that is intended to deal with
terrorist attacks, the state employs what it calls ‘the targeted killing
policy.’ By means of this policy, the security forces operate in order to
kill operatives in terrorist organizations who are involved in the planning,
dispatching or commission of terror attacks against Israel. During the
second Intifadeh, preventative attacks have been carried out throughout
Judaea, Samaria and the Gaza Strip. According to figures provided by
the petitioners, from the time when these operations began until the end
of 2005 almost three hundred operatives in terrorist organizations were
killed in these attacks. More than thirty targeted killing attempts failed.
93
Approximately one hundred and fifty civilians who were near the
location of the targets of these killings were killed in these operations.
Hundreds of others were injured. The targeted killings policy is the focus
of this petition.
(2) The petitioners’ arguments
3. The petitioners’ position is that the targeted killings policy is
clearly illegal, contrary to international law, Israeli law and basic
principles of human morality. It violates the human rights both of the
targets of the attacks and of innocent bystanders who happen to be in the
area of the attack, as these rights are recognized in Israeli and
international law.
4. The petitioners’ position is that the legal framework that governs
the armed conflict between Israel and the terrorist organizations is not
the laws of war but the laws that concern the enforcement of law and
order in an occupied territory. The petitioners’ position in this regard
underwent changes in the course of the petition, of which some were the
result of changes that occurred in the respondents’ position. Originally it
was argued that the laws of war mainly concern international conflicts,
whereas the armed struggle between Israel and the Palestinians does not
fall into the category of an international conflict. Therefore it is not the
laws of war that apply to this dispute but the laws of policing and law
enforcement. In their closing statement (of 1 September 2004) the
petitioners agreed with the position that in our case we are dealing with
an international conflict, but even in this framework there is no place for
military operations that are governed by the laws of war. This is because
Israel’s right to carry out military operations of self-defence under article
51 of the United Nations Charter of 1945 does not apply to the dispute
under discussion. The right of self-defence is given to a state in response
to an armed attack of another state. The territories are subject to a
belligerent occupation of the State of Israel, and therefore article 51
does not apply at all to our case. Just as the state is unable to claim self-
defence against its own population, so too it cannot claim self-defence
against inhabitants who are subject to the occupation of its army. Against
an occupied civilian population there is no right of self-defence but only
a right to enforce the law in accordance with the laws of belligerent
occupation. Therefore our case is subject to the laws of policing and law
enforcement within the framework of the laws of occupation, and not the
laws of war. In this framework, there is no place for killing suspects
94
without due process, and without arrest and trial. The targeted killings
violate the basic right to life and this violation has no defence or
justification. The prohibition of arbitrary killing that is not required for
self-defence is enshrined in the customary norms of international law. A
prohibition of this kind derives also from the duties of the occupying
power in an occupied territory vis-à-vis the occupied population, which
constitutes a protected population under the Fourth Geneva Convention
Relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War, 1949, and
also according to the two additional protocols to the convention that
were signed in 1977. All these laws reflect norms of customary
international law and they bind Israel. According to the petitioners, the
practice of states that fight terrorism indicates unequivocally an
international custom according to which members of terrorist
organizations are treated as criminals, and the criminal law, sometimes
with the addition of special emergency powers, is what governs the
methods of combating terrorism. The petitioner state as examples for
this purpose the British struggle against the Irish terrorist organizations,
the Spanish struggle against the Basque terrorist organizations, the
German struggle against the terrorist organizations, the Italian struggle
against the Red Brigades organization and the Turkish struggle against
the Kurdish terrorist organizations.
5. In the alternative, the petitioners claim that the targeted killing
policy violates the rules of international law even if we apply the laws of
war to the armed conflict between Israel and the Palestinians. These laws
recognize only two statuses of persons — combatants and civilians.
Combatants are legitimate targets for attack, but they also enjoy the
rights that are granted in international law to combatants, including
immunity against indictment and the right to a status of prisoners of war.
Citizens enjoy protections and rights that are granted in international
law to civilians in times of war. Inter alia, they are not a legitimate target
for attacks. The status of civilians and the protection afforded to them
are enshrined in common article 3 of the Geneva Conventions. This is a
basic principle of customary international law. The petitioners’ position
is that this classification of combatants and civilians is an exhaustive
classification. There is no intermediate status and there is no third
category of ‘unlawful combatants.’ Every person who is not a combatant
and every person with regard to whom there is a doubt as to whether he
is a combatant automatically has the status of a civilian and is entitled to
the rights and protections given to civilians in times of war. Even a
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civilian who collaborates in combat activities is not an ‘unlawful

combatant,’ but only a criminal civilian, and therefore he retains his
status as a civilian. The petitioners therefore reject the state’s position
that the terrorist organizations’ operatives should be regarded as
unlawful combatants. The petitioners discuss how the state itself refuses
to give these operatives the rights and the defences given in international
law to combatants, such as the right to a status of a prisoner of war. The
result is that the state wishes to treat them according to the worse of
both worlds: as combatants, to justify killing them, and as civilians, for
the purpose of arresting them and bringing them to trial. This result is
unacceptable. The operatives of the terrorist organizations, even if they
take part in combat activities, are not thereby excluded from the
application of the rules of international law. The petitioners’ position is
therefore that the operatives of the terrorist organizations should be
regarded as having the status of civilians.
6. The petitioners state that a civilian who takes part in combat may
lose some of the protections given to civilians in times of war. But this is
only when he takes a direct part in the combat activities, and only as long
as this direct participation lasts. These two conditions are provided in
article 51(3) of the First Additional Protocol to the 1977 Geneva
Conventions (hereafter — the First Protocol). This article, with all of its
conditions, reflects, according to the petitioners, a customary rule of
international law. These conditions were adopted in international case
law, and they are mentioned in additional international documents, as
well as in the army manuals of most Western countries. In order to
preserve the clear distinction between combatants and civilians, these
conditions are given a narrow and precise interpretation. According to
this interpretation, a civilian will lose his immunity against attack only
when he actually takes a direct part in hostilities, and only during the
time when this direct participation is continuing. Thus, for example, from
the moment that the civilian returns home, and even if he intends to take
part once again in hostilities at a later date, he is not a legitimate target
for attack, although he can be arrested and brought to trial for his
participation in the combat activities. The petitioners insist that the
targeted killing policy, as it is implemented in practice and as the
respondents expressly state, goes beyond these narrow limits. It targets
civilians even when they are not participating directly in combat or
hostile acts. The targeted killings are carried out in circumstances that do
not satisfy the immediate and essential conditions which alone justify an
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attack on civilians. Therefore we are dealing with an illegal policy that

constitutes a prohibited attack on civilian targets.
7. The petitioners attached an expert opinion from Prof. Cassese, an
expert in international law, who was the first president of the
International Criminal Tribunal for crimes committed in the former
Yugoslavia. In his opinion Prof. Cassese discusses the fundamental
distinction in international law between civilians and combatants, which
is enshrined, inter alia, in the Regulations Concerning the Laws and
Customs of War on Land, which are appended to the fourth Hague
Convention of 1907. Someone who does not fall within the definition of
combatant is automatically a civilian. There is no third category of
‘unlawful combatants.’ Therefore persons who participate in various
hostile acts without satisfying the definition of combatants have the
status of civilians and are entitled to the protections granted to them by
the laws of war. A civilian who participates in hostilities loses these
protections and may become a legitimate target for an attack. But this is
only if he is taking a direct part in hostilities, and only if the attack
against him is carried out during the period of time when he is actually
taking a direct part in the hostilities. This rule is enshrined in article
51(3) of the First Protocol, but it reflects a rule of customary
international law. Prof. Cassese’s position is that the expressions ‘direct
part’ and ‘period of time’ should be interpreted strictly and narrowly. A
civilian who takes part in hostilities loses the protections given to
civilians only during the period of time when he actually takes part
directly in hostilities, such as when he is shooting or laying a mine. Even
a citizen who is making preparations to carry out hostile activity may be
considered someone who is taking a direct part in hostile acts, provided
that he is openly carrying a weapon. When he puts down his weapon, or
when he is not carrying out hostilities he ceases to be a legitimate target
for an attack. Therefore someone who only provides assistance in
planning a hostile act, or someone who trains or sends others to carry out
hostilities is not a legitimate target for an attack. Indirect assistance of
this kind to hostile activities may expose the citizen to arrest and trial,
but it does not make him a legitimate target for an attack.
8. The petitioners’ position is that the targeted killing policy, as it is
implemented in practice, also violates the requirements of
proportionality that constitute a part of both Israeli law and customary
international law. The principle of proportionality is a central principle
of the laws of war. It prohibits attacking even legitimate targets if the
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attack is expected to result in an excessively serious attack on the lives of

innocent persons relative to the military advantage of the operation. This
principle is enshrined in article 51(5)(B) of the First Protocol, which is a
customary rule of war. The targeted killing policy does not satisfy this
condition. Its perpetrators are aware that it may, sometimes almost
certainly, result in death and injury to innocents. And this is indeed what
happens time after time. Because of the modus operandi adopted within
the framework of this policy, many of the preventative killing attempts
end in the death and injury of innocent civilians. Thus, for example, on
22 July 2002 a bomb weighing 1,000 kg was dropped on the home of
Salah Shehada, a wanted person, in a dense residential area in the city of
Gaza. The bomb and the shockwave caused the death of the wanted
person, his wife, his daughter and also twelve additional persons who
lived nearby. Dozens of people were injured. This case, as well as other
cases, illustrates damage caused by the targeted killing policy, which does
not distinguish between terrorists and innocents. The petitioners’
position is, therefore, that the targeted killing policy does not satisfy the
test of proportionality in the narrow sense. Moreover, according to the
petitioners the policy also does not satisfy the second test of
proportionality, which concerns the least harmful measure. According to
the petitioners, the respondents make use of the targeted killing measure
on a frequent basis, including when there are also other measures
available for apprehending the persons suspected of terrorist activity.
The petitioners point to the fact that during the second Intifadeh the
security forces have made hundreds of arrests in those parts of Judaea,
Samaria and the Gaza Strip that are under the exclusive control of the
Palestinian Authority. These figures show that the security forces have
the operational ability to arrest suspects even in areas under the
exclusive control of the Palestinian Authority and to bring them to arrest
and interrogation facilities. In these circumstances, there is no
justification for making use of targeted killings. Finally, the petitioners
discuss how the targeted killings policy is not immune from serious
mistakes. The targets of the killings are not given an opportunity to
protest their innocence. The targeted killing policy works in a secret
world where the public eye does not see the evidence on which basis the
targets are chosen for the killings. There is no judicial review before or
after the targeted killing operations. At least in one case there is a
concern that a mistake of identity was made and a man who had a similar
name to a wanted person and lived in the same village was killed.
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(3) The respondents’ reply

9. In their preliminary reply to the petition, the respondents stated
that a petition that is identical to the petition before us, both in
substance and with regard to the arguments that were raised in it, was
considered and denied by the Supreme Court (HCJ 5872/01 Barakeh v.
Prime Minister [1], judgment of 29 January 2002). In this judgment it was
held that ‘the choice of the method of combat that the respondents
employ in order to prevent murderous terrorist attacks before they are
committed is not one of the subjects in which this court will see fit to
intervene.’ The respondents’ position is that this approach is a proper
one. This petition, like its predecessor, seeks to bring the court into the
battle zone in order to consider matters that are of a purely operational
character, which are not justiciable. For these reasons the petition should
be denied in limine. Notwithstanding, the respondents did not reiterate
this argument in the supplementary pleadings that they filed.
10. On the merits, the respondents discuss the security background
that led to the targeted killing policy. Since the end of September 2000,
combat activities against Israel have been occurring in the territories of
Judaea, Samaria and the Gaza Strip. As a result of these, more than one
thousand Israeli citizens were killed in the years 2000-2005. Thousands
more were injured. The security forces carried out various operations in
order to contend with the combat activities and terrorism. In view of the
armed conflict, these operations are subject to the laws of war, or the
laws of armed conflicts that constitute a part of international law. The
respondents’ position is that the court should reject the argument that
Israel may only defend itself against terrorism by using law enforcement
measures. There is no longer any dispute that a state may respond with
military force to a terrorist attack against it, by virtue of its right to self-
defence that is provided in article 51 of the United Nations charter,
which allows a state to protect itself against an ‘armed attack.’ Even if
there is a dispute among scholars with regard to the question of what is
an ‘armed attack,’ there cannot be any doubt that the terrorist barrage
against Israel satisfies the definition of an armed attack. Therefore Israel
may use military force against the terrorist organizations. The
respondents point to the fact that other countries have stopped regarding
terrorist operations merely as criminal offences and have begun to make
use of military measures against terrorist operations that are directed
against them. This is especially the case when the terrorist acts are on a
large scale and continue for a long period. The respondents’ position is
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that the question whether the laws of belligerent occupation apply to all
the territories is not relevant to the question before us, since the
question whether the targeted killing policy is legal will be determined in
accordance with the laws of war, which apply both to an occupied
territory and to an unoccupied territory, provided that an armed conflict
is taking place there.
11. The respondents’ position is that the laws of war govern not only
war in the classical sense, but also other armed disputes and conflicts.
International law does not include an unambiguous definition of the
concept of ‘armed conflict.’ But there is no doubt today that an armed
conflict may take place between a state and groups or organizations that
are not states, inter alia because of the military abilities and weapons in
the possession of such organizations and their willingness to use them.
The current dispute between Israel and the terrorist organizations is an
armed conflict in which Israel is entitled to respond with military
measures. This has also been upheld by the Supreme Court in a host of
cases. With regard to the classification of the conflict, originally the
respondents argued that it is an international conflict that is subject to
the ordinary rules of war. In the closing reply (of 26 January 2004) the
respondents said that the question of the conflict between Israel and the
Palestinians is a complex question, and it has diverse aspects. In any case,
there is no need to decide this for the purpose of the petition, since
according to each of the categories the laws of armed conflict will apply
to the state’s actions. These laws permit an attack on someone who is a
party to the armed dispute and takes an active part in it, whether it is an
international armed conflict or it is an armed conflict that is not
international, and even if we are dealing with a new category of armed
conflict that has developed in the last decade in international law, which
concerns armed conflicts between states and terror organizations.
According to each one of these categories, someone who is a party to the
armed conflict and takes an active part in it is a combatant, and he may
be attacked. The respondents’ position is that the terrorist organizations’
operatives are a party to the armed conflict between Israel and the
terrorist organizations, within which framework they take an active part
in the combat. Therefore they are legitimate targets for an attack as long
as the armed conflict continues. Notwithstanding, they are not entitled to
the rights of combatants under the Third Geneva Convention and the
Hague Regulations since they do not distinguish themselves from the
civilian population, and because they do not observe the laws of war. In
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view of this complex reality, the respondents’ position is that a third

category of persons should be recognized, namely the category of
unlawful combatants. Persons who fall into this category are combatants,
and therefore they constitute a legitimate target for an attack.
Notwithstanding, they are not entitled to all the rights given to lawful
combatants, since they do not themselves observe the requirements of
the laws of war. The respondents’ position is that the terror
organizations’ operatives in the territories fall into the category of
‘unlawful combatants.’ The status of the terrorists who participate
actively in the armed conflict is not the status of civilians. They are a
party to the armed conflict, and therefore it is permitted to attack them.
They do not observe the laws of war, and therefore they do not enjoy the
rights and protections given to lawful combatants, who observe the
requirements of the laws of war. The respondents’ position is therefore
that according to each of the alternatives, ‘the state is permitted to kill
someone who is fighting against it, in accordance with the basic
principles of the laws of war that govern every armed conflict’ (para. 68
of the respondents’ reply of 26 January 2004).
12. Alternatively, the respondents’ position is that the targeted killing
policy is lawful even if the court does not accept the argument that the
terrorist organizations’ operatives are combatants that are a party to the
armed conflict, and even if the court regards them as persons who have a
civilian status. This is because the laws of armed conflict permit an attack
on civilians who are taking a direct part in the combat activities. Indeed,
as a rule the laws of war give civilians immunity from attacks. But a
‘civilian’ who takes a direct part in the hostilities loses his immunity and
may be the target of an attack. This also means that it is permitted to
attack civilians in order to frustrate intentions to carry out future or
planned hostile activity. Any person who takes a direct part in the
commission, planning or dispatching of hostilities that are intended
against civilian or military targets is a legitimate target for attack. This
exception reflects a customary rule of international law. The
respondents’ position is that the condition of simultaneity provided in
article 51(3) of the First Protocol, according to which a civilian who takes
a direct part in hostilities may only be attacked at the time when he is
taking part in the hostilities, does not bind Israel since it does not reflect
a rule of customary international law. In this regard the respondents
state that Israel, like other countries, was not a party to the First
Protocol. Therefore it is permitted to attack civilians who are taking a
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direct part in hostilities even when they are not carrying them out. There
is nothing that prevents attacking terrorists at any time and place, as long
as they have not laid down their weapons and left the cycle of combat.
Finally, the respondents’ position is that even if we regard art. 51(3) of
the First Protocol, with all of its conditions, as a customary rule, the
targeted killings policy satisfies its provisions. This is because they should
be interpreted more broadly than the interpretation proposed by the
petitioners. Thus the expression ‘hostilities’ should be interpreted to
include acts such as the planning of terrorist attacks, the dispatching of
terrorists and being in command of terrorist cells. There is no basis for
Prof. Cassese’s position that ‘hostilities’ should include the use of
weapons or the carrying of weapons. The expression ‘taking a direct part’
should also be given a broad interpretation, so that anyone who plans,
commits or sends another person to carry out a terrorist attack will be
regarded as someone who takes a direct part in hostilities. Finally, the
condition of simultaneity should also be interpreted broadly so that it
will be possible to attack a terrorist at any time that he is systematically
involved in acts of terror. The respondents’ position is that the very
restrictive interpretation of art. 51(3) that is proposed by the petitioners
is unreasonable and outrageous. The petitioners’ position and the
opinion submitted on their behalf imply that terrorists have immunity
from attack for as long as they are planning terrorist attacks and this
immunity is removed for a short time only, when the attack is actually
being carried out. After the attack has been carried out, the immunity
returns to protect the terrorists, even if it is known and clear that they
are going home in order to plan and carry out the next attack. This
interpretation allows someone who takes an active part in hostilities ‘to
change hats’ as he wishes between a combatant’s hat and a civilian’s hat.
This result is unthinkable. It is also inconsistent with the purpose of the
exception, which is intended to allow the state to take action against
civilians who take an active part in the struggle against it. The
respondents’ conclusion is that the targeted killings policy satisfies the
laws of war even if we regard the terrorists as civilians, and even if we
regard the conditions set out in art. 51(3) of the First Protocol as
customary rules.
13. The respondents’ position is that the targeted killings policy, as it
is carried out in practice, satisfies the requirement of proportionality.
The requirement of proportionality does not lead to the conclusion that
it is prohibited to carry out military operations that may harm civilians.
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This requirement means that the harm to civilians should be

proportionate to the security benefit that is likely to arise from the
military operation. Moreover, the proportionality of the operation
should be examined against the background of the uncertainty that
inherently accompanies any combat activity, especially in view of the
circumstances of the armed conflict between Israel and the terrorist
organizations. The State of Israel satisfies the requirements of
proportionality. Targeted killing operations are only carried out as an
exceptional step, when there is no alternative to this activity. Its purpose
is the saving of lives. It is considered at the highest levels of command. In
every case an attempt is made to limit as much as possible the collateral
damage that may be caused to civilians as a result of the targeted killing
operation. In cases where the security establishment is of the opinion
that there are other alternatives to the operation, these alternatives are
implemented in so far as possible. Targeted killing missions have been
postponed or cancelled on more than one occasion when it transpired
that there was no possibility of carrying them out without endangering
innocent persons disproportionately.
(4) The petition and the hearing thereof
14. The petition was filed on 24 January 2002, and after preliminary
replies were filed it was set down for a hearing before a panel of three
justices. After the first hearing on 18 April 2002 before Justices A.
Barak, D. Dorner and I. Englard, the parties were asked to file
supplementary statements that addressed a series of questions that were
posed by the court. After the responses were filed, another hearing of
the petition was held on 8 July 2003 before a panel of Justices A. Barak,
T. Or and E. Mazza). During this, we considered the petitioners’
application for an interim order. The application was denied. At the
request of the parties, additional time was given for the filing of
supplementary statements. At the request of the petitioners, an
additional hearing of the petition was held on 16 February 2005 before a
panel of Justices A. Barak, M. Cheshin and D. Beinisch). During this the
respondents submitted the prime minister’s statement at the Sharm El-
Sheik conference according to which the State of Israel was suspending
the use of the targeted killings policy. In view of this statement, we
decided to defer the hearing of the petition to another date, in so far as
this would be required. In the month of July 2005 the state began to
employ the targeted killings policy once again. In view of this, at the
request of the parties an additional hearing of the petition was held on
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11 December 2005, before a panel of Justices A. Barak, M. Cheshin and

D. Beinisch. At the end of this, we held that judgment would be given
after further supplementary statements were filed by the parties.
Pursuant to the decision of President D. Beinisch on 22 November 2006,
Vice-President E. Rivlin replaced Vice-President M. Cheshin who had
retired.
15. After the petition was filed, two applications were filed to join it.
First on 22 July 2003 an application was filed by counsel for the
petitioners on behalf of the National Lawyers Guild and the
International Association of Democratic Lawyers to join the petition and
to file written pleadings as amicus curiae. The respondents opposed the
application. Subsequently an application was filed on 23 February 2004
on behalf of Shurat HaDin — Israel Law Centre and 24 additional
applicants to join them as respondents in the petition. The petitioners
opposed the application. We are deciding to grant the two applications
and to join the applicants as parties to the petition. The pleadings on
behalf of the amicus curiae support the main arguments of the
petitioners. They also argue that the killing of religious and political
leaders is contrary to international law and is not legitimate, whether in
times of war or in times of peace. In addition, no use should be made of
the targeted killings policy against anyone who is involved in terrorist
activities except in cases where there is an immediate danger to human
lives, and even then only in the absence of any other means of averting
the danger. The pleadings of Shurat HaDin support the main arguments
of the respondents. They also argue that the targeted killings are
permitted, and even necessary, according to the principle of Jewish law
‘If someone comes to kill you, kill him first!’ (Babylonian Talmud,
Berachot 58a) and according to the law of ‘Someone who is pursuing his
fellow-man to kill him…’ (Mishnah, Sanhedrin 8, 7).
(5) The general normative framework
A. An international armed conflict
16. The fundamental premise is that, since the Intifadeh began, a
continuous state of armed conflict has existed between Israel and the
various terrorist organizations that operate from Judaea, Samaria and
the Gaza Strip (hereafter — the territories). The court has discussed the
existence of this conflict in a host of judgments (see HCJ 9255/00 Al-
Saka v. State of Israel [2]; HCJ 2461/01 Canaan v. IDF Commander in
Judaea and Samaria [3]; HCJ 9293/01 Barakeh v. Minister of Defence [4];
104
HCJ 3114/02 Barakeh v. Minister of Defence [5]; HCJ 3451/02 Almadani v.

Minister of Defence [6]; HCJ 8172/02 Ibrahim v. IDF Commander in West
Bank [7]; HCJ 7957/04 Marabeh v. Prime Minister of Israel [8]). In one
case I said:
‘Since the end of September 2000, fierce fighting has been
taking place in Judaea, Samaria and the Gaza Strip. This is
not police activity. It is an armed struggle’ (HCJ 7015/02
Ajuri v. IDF Commander in West Bank [9], at p. 358 {87}).
This approach is consistent with the definition of an armed conflict in
international literature (see O. Ben-Naftali and Y. Shani, International
Law Between War and Peace (2006), at p. 142; Y. Dinstein, War,
Aggression and Self-Defence (fourth edition, 2005), at p. 201; H. Duffy,
The ‘War on Terror’ and the Framework of International Law (2005), at p.
219). It clearly reflects what has been occurring and is still occurring in
the ‘territories.’ The situation was described in the supplementary closing
arguments of the State Attorney’s Office (of 26 January 2004) as follows:
‘For more than three years the State of Israel has faced an
unceasing, continuous and murderous barrage of attacks,
which are directed against Israelis wherever they are,
without any distinction between soldiers and civilians or
between men, women and children. Within the framework of
the current terror barrage, more than 900 Israelis have been
killed from September 2000 until the present, and thousands
of other Israelis have been injured. Thousands of
Palestinians have also been killed and injured during this
period. By way of comparison we should point out that the
number of Israeli victims relative to the population of the
State of Israel is several times greater than the percentage of
victims who were killed in the United States in the events of
September 11 relative to the population of the United
States. As is well known, and as we have already pointed out,
the events of September 11 were defined by the countries of
the world and international organizations without any
hesitation as an “armed attack” that justifies the use of force
in reply.
The terror attacks are taking place both in Judaea, Samaria
and the Gaza Strip (hereafter — the territories) and in the
State of Israel itself. They are directed both against civilians,
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civilian population centres, shopping centres and

marketplaces, and also against IDF forces and bases and
facilities of the security forces. In these attacks the terrorist
organizations employ measures that are of a purely military
character, and what all of these measures have in common is
their lethalness and callousness. These measures include
shooting attacks, suicide attacks, the firing of mortars, the
firing of rockets, the use of car bombs, etc.’ (at p. 30).
17. This armed conflict (or dispute) does not take place in a
normative vacuum. It is subject to normative arrangements as to what is
permitted and what is prohibited. I discussed this in one case where I
said:
‘“Israel is not an island. It is a member of an international
community...”. The military operations of the army are not
conducted in a legal vacuum. There are legal norms — some
from customary international law, some from international
law enshrined in treaties to which Israel is a party, and some
from the basic principles of Israeli law — which provide
rules as to how military operations should be conducted’
(HCJ 4764/04 Physicians for Human Rights v. IDF
Commander in Gaza [10], at p. 391 {205-206}).
What are the normative arrangements that apply in the case of an
armed conflict between Israel and the terrorist organizations that
operate in the territories?
18. The normative arrangements that apply to the armed conflict
between Israel and the terrorist organizations in the territories are
complex. They focus mainly on the rules of international law concerning
an international armed conflict (or dispute). The international character
of an armed conflict between a state that is occupying a territory in a
belligerent occupation and guerrillas and terrorists that come from that
territory — including the armed dispute between Israel and the terrorist
organizations in the territories — was discussed by Prof. Cassese, who
said:
‘An armed conflict which takes place between an Occupying
Power and rebel or insurgent groups — whether or not they
are terrorist in character — in an occupied territory,
amounts to an international armed conflict’ (A. Cassese,
International Law (second edition, 2005), at p. 420).
106
These laws include the laws of belligerent occupation. But they are
not limited to them alone. These laws apply to every case of an armed
conflict of an international character — i.e., one that crosses the borders
of the state — whether the place where the armed conflict is occurring is
subject to a belligerent occupation or not. These laws constitute a part of
the laws of the conduct of war (ius in bello). From the humanitarian
viewpoint, they are a part of international humanitarian law. This
humanitarian law is a special law (lex specialis) that applies in an armed
conflict. Where this law has a lacuna, it can be filled by means of
international human rights law (see the advisory opinion on the Legality
of the Threat or Use of Nuclear Weapons (1996) ICJ Rep. 226, at p. 240;
the advisory opinion of the Legal Consequences of the Construction of a
Wall in the Occupied Palestinian Territory (2004) 43 ILM 1009; Banković v.
Belgium [67]; see also Meron, ‘The Humanization of Humanitarian Law,’
94 Am. J. Intl. L. 239 (2000)). In addition to the provisions of
international law governing an armed conflict, the basic principles of
Israeli public law are likely to apply. These basic principles are carried by
every Israeli soldier in his backpack and they go with him wherever he
goes (see HCJ 393/82 Jamait Askan Almalmoun Altaounia Almahdouda
Samaria [11], at p. 810; Ajuri v. IDF Commander in West Bank [9], at p.
365 {96}; Marabeh v. Prime Minister of Israel [8], at para. 14 of the
judgment).
19. Significant parts of international law that deal with an armed
conflict are of a customary nature. These customary laws are a part of
Israeli law, ‘by virtue of the fact that the State of Israel is sovereign and
independent’ (per Justice S.Z. Cheshin in CrimA 174/54 Stampeper v.
Attorney-General [12], at p. 15; see also CrimA 336/61 Eichman v.
Attorney-General [13]; LCA 7092/94 Her Majesty the Queen in Right of
Canada v. Edelson [14], at p. 639 {416}, and the cases cited there; see
also R. Lapidot, ‘The Place of Public International Law in Israeli Law,’
19 Hebrew Univ. L. Rev. (Mishpatim) 809 (1990); R. Sabel, International
Law (2003), at p. 29). This was well expressed by President Shamgar,
who said:
‘According to the consistent case law of this court, customary
international law is a part of Israeli law, subject to Israeli
legislation containing a contrary provision’ (HCJ 785/87 Afu
v. IDF Commander in Gaza Strip [15], at p. 35).
107
International law that is enshrined in international conventions

(whether Israel is a party to them or not) and which does not involve the
adoption of customary international law is not a part of the internal law
of the State of Israel (see HCJ 69/81 Abu Ita v. IDF Commander in
Judaea and Samaria [16], at p. 234, and Y. Zilbershatz, ‘Incorporating
International Law in Israeli Law — The Law As It Is and As It Should
Be,’ 24 Hebrew Univ. L. Rev. (Mishpatim) 317 (1994)). In the petitions
before us, no question arises with regard to any conflicting Israeli
legislation. Public law in Israel recognizes the Israel Defence Forces as
‘the army of the state’ (s. 1 of the Basic Law: the Army). The army is
authorized ‘to do all the lawful actions that are required for the defence
of the state and in order to achieve its national security goals’ (s. 18 of
the Government and Justice Arrangements Ordinance, 5748-1948). The
Basic Law: the Government recognizes the constitutionality of ‘military
operations that are required for the purpose of protecting the state and
public security’ (s. 40(b)). Naturally, these operations also include an
armed conflict with terrorist organizations outside the borders of the
state. We should also mention the defence against criminal liability
provided in s. 34M(1) of the Penal Law, 5737-1977, according to which a
person will not be liable under the criminal law for an act that ‘he was
obliged or competent to do according to law.’ When the soldiers of the
Israel Defence Forces operate in accordance with the laws of armed
conflict, they are acting ‘according to law,’ and they have the defence of
justification. By contrast, if they act contrary to the laws of armed
conflict, they are likely to be liable, inter alia under the criminal law, for
their actions. Indeed, the question before us should be considered within
the framework of customary international law concerning an armed
conflict. This is also the source for all the other laws that may be relevant
under our internal law. Conventional international law that has no
customary force is not a part of our internal law.
20. International law concerning the armed conflict between Israel
and the terrorist organizations is enshrined in several legal sources (see
Y. Dinstein, The Conduct of Hostilities under the Law of International
Armed Conflict (2004), at p. 5). The main source is the Hague
Convention (IV) Respecting the Laws and Customs of War on Land,
1907 (hereafter — the Hague Convention). The provisions of this
convention, to which Israel is a party, have a status of customary
international law (see Jamait Askan Almalmoun Altaounia Almahdouda
108
Samaria [11], at p. 793; HCJ 2056/04 Beit Sourik Village Council v.

Government of Israel [17], at p. 827 {283}; Ajuri v. IDF Commander in
West Bank [9], at p. 364 {95-96}). In addition to this there is the Geneva
Convention (IV) Relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time
of War, 1949 (hereafter — the Fourth Geneva Convention). Israel is a
party to this convention. It was not adopted in Israeli legislation.
Notwithstanding, its customary provisions are a part of the law of the
State of Israel (see the opinion of Justice H.H. Cohn in HCJ 698/80
Kawasma v. Minister of Defence [18], at p. 638). It is well known that the
position of the Government of Israel is that in principle the laws of
belligerent occupation in the Fourth Geneva Convention do not apply
with regard to the territories. Notwithstanding, Israel observes the
humanitarian provisions of this convention (see Kawasma v. Minister of
Defence [18]; Jamait Askan Almalmoun Altaounia Almahdouda
Samaria [11], at p. 194; Ajuri v. IDF Commander in West Bank [9], at p.
364 {95-96}; HCJ 3278/02 Centre for Defence of the Individual v. IDF
Commander in West Bank [19], at p. 396 {136}; Beit Sourik Village
Council v. Government of Israel [17], at p. 827 {283}; Marabeh v. Prime
Minister of Israel [8], at para. 14 of the judgment). For the purposes of
the petition before us this is sufficient. In addition, the laws concerning
an international armed conflict are enshrined in the Protocol Additional
to the Geneva Conventions of 12 August 1949 Relating to the Protection
of Victims of International Armed Conflicts (Protocol I), 1977 (‘the First
Protocol’). Israel is not a party to this protocol, and it has not been
adopted in Israeli legislation. Of course, the customary provisions of the
First Protocol are a part of Israeli law.
21. Our premise is that the law that governs the armed conflict
between Israel and the terrorist organizations in the territories is the
international law that relates to an armed conflict or dispute. This is how
this court has regarded the character of the dispute in the past, and this
is how we are also continuing to regard it in the petition before us.
According to this approach, the fact that the terrorist organizations and
its members do not act on behalf of a state does not make the struggle
merely an internal matter of the state (see Cassese, International Law,
supra, at p. 420). Indeed, in today’s reality a terrorist organization may
have a considerable military capacity, sometimes exceeding even the
capacity of states. Dealing with these dangers cannot be limited merely
to the internal affairs of a state and its criminal law. Contending with the
109
risk of terror constitutes a part of international law that concerns armed

conflicts of an international nature. Additional possibilities have been
raised in legal literature (see Duffy, The ‘War on Terror’ and the
Framework of International Law, supra, at p. 218; E. Gross, Democracy’s
Struggle Against Terrorism: Legal and Moral Aspects (2004), at p. 585; O.
Ben-Naftali and K. Michaeli, ‘“We Must Not Make a Scarecrow of the
Law”: A Legal Analysis of the Israeli Policy of Targeted Killings,’ 36
Cornell Intl. L. J. 233 (2003); D. Jinks, ‘September 11 and the Law of
War,’ 28 Yale J. I. L. 1 (2003)). According to the approach of Prof.
Kretzmer, this armed dispute should be classified as a dispute that is not
merely an internal-national dispute, nor should it be classified as being of
an international character, but it has a mixed character, in which both
international human rights law and international humanitarian law apply
(see D. Kretzmer, ‘Targeted Killing of Suspected Terrorists: Extra-
Judicial Executions or Legitimate Means of Defence?’ 16 Eur. J. Int’l L.
171 (2000)); counsel for the state raised these possibilities before us and
indicated the problems that they raise, without adopting any position
with regard to them. As we have seen, the premise on which the
Supreme Court has relied for years — and which also was always the
premise of counsel for the state before the Supreme Court — is that the
armed dispute is of an international character. In this judgment we are
continuing with this approach. It should be noted that even those who
think that the armed dispute between Israel and the terrorist
organizations is not of an international character hold that it is subject to
international humanitarian law or international human rights law (see
Kretzmer, ‘Targeted Killing of Suspected Terrorists: Extra-Judicial
Executions or Legitimate Means of Defence?’ supra, at p. 194; Ben
Naftali and Shani, ‘“We Must Not Make a Scarecrow of the Law”: A
Legal Analysis of the Israeli Policy of Targeted Killings,’ supra, at p. 142,
and Hamdan v. Rumsfeld [62]; Prosecutor v. Tadić [73], at para. 127; on
non-international armed conflicts see: Y. Dinstein, C. Garraway, M.
Schmitt, The Manual On Non-International Armed Conflict: With
Commentary (2006)).
22. International law concerning armed conflicts is based on a delicate
balance between two conflicting considerations (see Jamait Askan
Almalmoun Altaounia Almahdouda Almasaoulia Cooperative Society v.
IDF Commander in Judaea and Samaria [11], at p. 794; Centre for
Defence of the Individual v. IDF Commander in West Bank [19], at p. 396
{136}; Beit Sourik Village Council v. Government of Israel [17], at p. 833
110
{290}). One concerns the humanitarian considerations that relate to

anyone who is harmed as a result of the armed conflict. These
considerations are based on human rights and dignity. The other
concerns military considerations, which lie at the heart of the armed
conflict. These considerations are based on military necessity and success
(see Dinstein, The Conduct of Hostilities under the Law of International
Armed Conflict, at p. 16). The balance between these considerations is
the basis for the international law of armed conflicts. This was discussed
by Prof. Greenwood, who said:
‘International humanitarian law in armed conflicts is a
compromise between military and humanitarian
requirements. Its rules comply with both military necessity
and the dictates of humanity’ (Fleck (ed.), The Handbook of
Humanitarian Law in Armed Conflicts 32 (1995)).
In Jamait Askan Almalmoun Altaounia Almahdouda Almasaoulia
Cooperative Society v. IDF Commander in Judaea and Samaria [11] I said:
‘The Hague Regulations revolve around two main focal
points: one is ensuring the legitimate security interests of the
occupier of a territory that is subject to a belligerent
occupation; the other is ensuring the needs of the civilian
population in the territory that is subject to a belligerent
occupation’ (ibid. [11], at p. 794).
In another case Justice A. Procaccia said that the Hague Convention
authorizes the military commander to ensure two needs:
‘The first need is a military need and the second is a civilian-
humanitarian need. The first focuses on concern for the
security of the military force that is occupying the area, and
the second concerns the responsibility for preserving the
welfare of the inhabitants. Within the latter sphere, the area
commander is responsible not only for maintaining order
and ensuring the security of the inhabitants but also for
protecting their rights, especially their constitutional human
rights. The concern for human rights lies at the heart of the
humanitarian considerations that the area commander must
consider’ (HCJ 10356/02 Hass v. IDF Commander in West
Bank [20], at p. 455 {65}).
111
In Beit Sourik Village Council v. Government of Israel [17] I added that:

‘The laws of belligerent occupation recognize the authority
of the military commander to maintain security in the area
and thereby to protect the security of his country and its
citizens, but it makes the exercising of this authority
conditional upon a proper balance between it and the rights,
needs, and interests of the local population’ (ibid. [17], at p.
833 {290}).
Indeed —
‘Indeed, like in many other areas of the law, the solution is
not one of “all or nothing.” The solution lies in finding the
proper balance between the conflicting considerations. The
solution is not to be found in giving absolute weight to one of
the considerations; the solution lies in giving relative weight
to the different considerations by balancing them in relation
to the matter requiring a decision’ (Marabeh v. Prime Minister
of Israel [8], at para. 29 of the judgment).
The result of this balance is that human rights are protected by the
laws of armed conflict, but not to their full extent. The same is true with
regard to military necessity. It may be realized, but not to its full extent.
This balance reflects the relativity of human rights and the limitations of
military necessity. The proper balance is not fixed. ‘In certain cases the
emphasis is on military necessity whereas in other cases the emphasis is
on the needs of the local population’ (Jamait Askan Almalmoun
Altaounia Almahdouda Almasaoulia Cooperative Society v. IDF
Commander in Judaea and Samaria [11], at p. 794). What, then, are the
factors that affect the proper balance?
23. A main factor that affects the proper balance is the identity of the
person who is harmed or the target that is harmed in the armed conflict.
This is the basic principle of distinction (see Dinstein, The Conduct of
Hostilities under the Law of International Armed Conflict, at p. 82; Ben-
Naftali and Shani, ‘“We Must Not Make a Scarecrow of the Law”: A
Legal Analysis of the Israeli Policy of Targeted Killings,’ supra, at p. 151).
Customary international law with regard to armed conflicts discusses a
fundamental distinction between combatants and military targets, on the
one hand, and non-combatants, i.e., civilians, and civilian targets on the
other (see the advisory opinion on the Legality of the Threat or Use of
Nuclear Weapons, supra, at p. 257; art. 48 of the First Protocol).
112
According to the basic principle of distinction, the proper balance

between the military needs of the state as opposed to combatants and
military targets of the other party is different from the proper balance
between the military needs of the state as opposed to civilians and
civilian targets of the other party. As a rule, combatants and military
targets are legitimate targets for a military attack. Their lives and bodies
are subject to the risks of combat. It is permitted to kill and injure them.
Notwithstanding, not every combat activity is permitted against them,
nor is every military course of action permitted. Thus, for example, it is
permitted to shoot them and kill combatants. But there is a prohibition
against the treacherous killing of combatants or harming them in a
manner that amounts to perfidy (see Dinstein, The Conduct of Hostilities
under the Law of International Armed Conflict, at p. 198). Similarly the
use of certain weapons is prohibited. A consideration of all this does not
arise in the petition before us. Moreover, there are comprehensive laws
that concern the status of prisoners of war. Thus, for example, prisoners
of war may not be brought to a criminal trial because of their actual
participation in the fighting, and they should be treated ‘humanely’ (art.
13 of the Third Geneva Convention). It is of course permitted to bring
them to trial for war crimes that they committed during the hostilities. In
contrast to the combatants and military targets there are the civilians and
civilian targets. They may not be subjected to a military attack that is
directed at them. Their lives and bodies are protected against the risks of
combat, provided that they do not themselves take a direct part in the
combat. This customary principle was formulated as follows:
‘Rule 1: The parties to the conflict must at all times
distinguish between civilians and combatants. Attacks may
only be directed against combatants. Attacks must not be
directed against civilians.
Rule 6: Civilians are protected against attack unless and for
such time as they take a direct part in hostilities.
Rule 7: The parties to the conflict must at all times
distinguish between civilian objects and military objectives.
Attacks may only be directed against military objectives.
Attacks must not be directed against civilian objects’ (J.
Henckaerts and L. Doswald-Beck, Customary International
Humanitarian Law (vol. 1, 2005), at pp. 3, 19, 25).
113
This approach, which protects the lives, bodies and property of

civilians who do not take a direct part in an armed conflict, runs like a
golden thread through the case law of the Supreme Court (see Jamait
Askan Almalmoun Altaounia Almahdouda Almasaoulia Cooperative
Society v. IDF Commander in Judaea and Samaria [11], at p. 794; HCJ
72/86 Zaloom v. IDF Commander in Judaea and Samaria [21], at p. 532;
Almadani v. Minister of Defence [6], at p. 35 {53}; Ajuri v. IDF
Commander in West Bank [9], at p. 365 {97}; Centre for Defence of the
Individual v. IDF Commander in West Bank [19], at p. 396 {136}; HCJ
5591/02 Yassin v. Commander of Ketziot Military Camp [22], at p. 412;
HCJ 3239/02 Marab v. IDF Commander in Judaea and Samaria [23], at p.
364 {191}; Hass v. IDF Commander in West Bank [20], at p. 456 {65};
Marabeh v. Prime Minister of Israel [8], at paras. 24-29 of the judgment;
HCJ 1890/03 Bethlehem Municipality v. State of Israel [24], at para. 15;
HCJ 3799/02 Adalah Legal Centre for Arab Minority Rights in Israel v. IDF
Central Commander [25], at para. 23 of my opinion; I discussed this in
Physicians for Human Rights v. IDF Commander in Gaza [10], which
considered combat activity during the armed conflict in Rafah:
‘The basic injunction of international humanitarian law
applicable in times of combat is that the local inhabitants are
“… entitled, in all circumstances, to respect for their
persons, their honour, their family rights, their religious
convictions and practices, and their manners and customs.
They shall at all times be humanely treated, and shall be
protected especially against all acts of violence or threats
thereof…” (art. 27 of the Fourth Geneva Convention; see
also art. 46 of the Hague Convention)… What underlies this
basic provision is the recognition of the value of man, the
sanctity of his life and the fact that he is entitled to liberty…
His life or his dignity as a human being may not be harmed,
and his dignity as a human being must be protected. This
basic duty is not absolute. It is subject to “… such measures
of control and security in regard to protected persons as may
be necessary as a result of the war” (last part of art. 27 of the
Fourth Geneva Convention). These measures may not harm
the essence of the rights… They must be proportionate’
(ibid. [10], at p. 393 {208-209}).
114
Later in that case I said that:

‘The duty of the military commander, according to this basic
rule, is twofold. First, he must refrain from operations that
attack the local inhabitants. This duty is his “negative”
obligation. Second, he must carry out acts required to ensure
that the local inhabitants are not harmed. This is his
“positive” obligation… Both these obligations — the
dividing line between which is a fine one —should be
implemented reasonably and proportionately in accordance
with the needs of the time and place’ (ibid. [10], at p. 394
{209}).
Are terrorist organizations and their members combatants for the
purpose of their rights in the armed conflict? Are they civilians who take
part directly in the armed conflict? Or are they perhaps neither
combatants nor civilians? What, then, is the status of these terrorists?
B. Combatants
24. Who are combatants? This category naturally includes the armed
forces. It also includes persons who satisfy the following conditions (art.
1 of the Regulations appended to the Fourth Hague Convention of
1907):
‘The laws, rights and duties of war apply not only to armies,
but also to militia and volunteer corps fulfilling the following
conditions:
To be commanded by a person responsible for his
subordinates;
To have a fixed distinctive emblem recognizable at a
distance;
To carry arms openly; and
To conduct their operations in accordance with the laws and
customs of war.
…’
This wording is repeated in art. 13 of the First and Second Geneva
Conventions, and art. 4 of the Third Geneva Convention (cf. also art. 43
of the First Protocol). These conditions, together with additional
conditions that are derived from the relevant conventions, have been
examined in legal literature (see Dinstein, The Conduct of Hostilities
under the Law of International Armed Conflict, at p. 39). We do not need
115
to consider all of these, because the terrorist organizations from the

territories and their individual members do not satisfy the conditions of
combatants (see Gross, Democracy’s Struggle Against Terrorism: Legal and
Moral Aspects, at p. 75). It is sufficient it we point out that they do not
have a fixed recognizable mark that makes it possible to distinguish them
from afar and they do not conduct their activities in accordance with the
laws and customs of war. In one case I said:
‘The Lebanese detainees should not be regarded as
prisoners of war. It is sufficient that they do not satisfy the
provisions of art. 41(2)(d) of the Third Geneva Convention,
which provides that one of the conditions that must be
satisfied in order to fulfil the definition of “prisoner of war”
is “that of conducting their operations in accordance with
the laws and customs of war.” The organizations to which
the detainees belonged are terrorist organizations that
operate contrary to the laws and customs of war. Thus, for
example, these organizations deliberately attack civilians and
shoot from amongst a civilian population, which they use as
a shield. All of these are acts that are contrary to
international law. Indeed, Israel’s consistent position over
the years has been to refuse to regard the various
organizations, such as Hezbollah, as organizations to which
the Third Geneva Convention applies. We have found no
reason to intervene in this position’ (HCJ 2967/00 Arad v.
Knesset [26], at p. 191; see also SFC 1158/02 (TA) State of
Israel v. Barghouti [60], at para. 35); Military Prosecutor v.
Kassem [61]).
25. The terrorists and their organizations, against which the State of
Israel is conducting an armed conflict of an international character, are
not included in the category of combatants. They do not belong to the
armed forces nor are they included among the units that are given a
status similar to that of combatants by customary international law.
Indeed, the terrorists and the organizations that send them are unlawful
combatants. They do not enjoy the status of prisoners of war. It is
permitted to bring them to trial for their participation in the hostilities,
to try them and sentence them. This was discussed by Chief Justice Stone
of the United States Supreme Court, who said:
116
‘By universal agreement and practice, the law of war draws a

distinction between the armed forces and the peaceful
population of belligerent nations and also between those
who are lawful and unlawful combatants. Lawful combatants
are subject to capture and detention as prisoners of war by
opposing military forces. Unlawful combatant are likewise
subject to capture and detention, but in addition they are
subject to trial and punishment by military tribunals for acts
which render their belligerency unlawful’ (Ex Parte Quirin
[63], at p. 30; see also Hamdi v. Rumsfeld [64]).
The Internment of Unlawful Combatants, 5762-2002, authorizes the
chief of staff to issue an order for the administrative detention of an
‘unlawful combatant.’ This concept is defined in s. 2 of the law as —
‘A person who took part in hostilities against the State of
Israel, whether directly or indirectly, or who is a member of a
force carrying out hostilities against the State of Israel, and
who does not satisfy the conditions granting a prisoner of
war status under international humanitarian law, as set out
in article 4 of the Third Geneva Convention of 12 August
1949 relative to the Treatment of Prisoners of War.’
It need not be said that unlawful combatants are not outside the law.
They are not outlaws. They too were created by God in His image; even
their human dignity should be respected; they too enjoy and are entitled
to the protection of customary international law, no matter how minimal
this may be (see G.L. Neuman, ‘Humanitarian Law and Counterterrorist
Force,’ 14 Eur. J. Int’l L. 283 (2003); G. Nolte, ‘Preventive Use of Force
And Preventive Killings: Moves Into a Different Legal Order,’ 5
Theoretical Inquiries in Law 111 (2004), at p. 119). This is certainly the
case when they are interned or when they are brought to trial (see art. 75
of the First Protocol, which reflects customary international law, and K.
Dörmann, ‘The Legal Situation of “Unlawful / Unprivileged
Combatants”,’ 85 IRRC 45 (2003), at p. 70). Does it follow from this that
within the framework of Israel’s war against the terrorist organizations,
Israel is not entitled to target them nor is it entitled to kill them even if
they are planning, ordering or committing terrorist attacks? Were we to
regard them as (lawful) combatants, the answer of course would be that
Israel would be entitled to target them. Just as it is permitted to target a
soldier of an enemy state, so too it would be permitted to target them. At
117
the same time, they would enjoy the status of prisoners of war and the
other protections given to lawful combatants. But, as we have seen, the
terrorists operating against Israel are not combatants according to the
definition of this expression in international law; they are not entitled to
a status of prisoners of war; it is permitted to bring them to trial for their
membership of terrorist organizations and for their actions against the
army. Do they have the status of civilians? We will now turn to examine
this question.
C. Civilians
26. Customary international law relating to armed conflicts protects
‘civilians’ from attacks against them as a result of the hostilities. This was
discussed by the International Court of Justice in Legality of the Threat or
Use of Nuclear Weapons, supra, where it said:
‘States must never make civilians the object of attack’ (p.
257).
This customary principle was given expression in art. 51(2) of the First
Protocol, according to which:
‘The civilian population as such, as well as individual
civilians, shall not be the object of attack.’
This also gives rise to the duty to do everything to minimize the
collateral damage to the civilian population when carrying out attacks on
‘combatants’ (see E. Benvenisti, ‘Human Dignity in Combat: The Duty
To Spare Enemy Civilians,’ 39 Isr. L. Rev. 81 (2006)). This protection that
is given to ‘civilians’ gives rise to the question of who is a ‘civilian’ for the
purpose of this rule. The approach of customary international law is that
‘civilians’ are persons who are not ‘combatants’ (see art. 50(1) of the
First Protocol and Sabel, International Law, supra, at p. 432). In
Prosecutor v. Blaškić [74] the International Criminal Tribunal for the
former Yugoslavia said that civilians are:
‘Persons who are not, or no longer, members of the armed
forces’ (Prosecutor v. Blaškić [74], at para. 180).
This definition is of a ‘negative’ character. It determines the concept
of ‘civilians’ as the opposite of ‘combatants.’ Thus it regards unlawful
combatants — who, as we have seen, are not ‘combatants’ — as civilians.
Does this mean that the unlawful combatants are entitled to the same
protection to which civilians who are not unlawful combatants are
entitled? The answer is no. Customary international law relating to
armed conflicts provides that a civilian who takes a direct part in the
118
hostilities does not at the same time enjoy the protection given to a
civilian who is not taking a direct part in those acts (see art. 51(3) of the
First Protocol). Thus we see that the unlawful combatant is not a
combatant but a ‘civilian.’ Notwithstanding, he is a civilian who is not
protected against being targeted as long as he is taking a direct part in
the hostilities. Indeed, the fact that a person is an ‘unlawful combatant’ is
not merely a matter for national-internal criminal law. It is a matter for
international law relating to international armed conflicts (see Jinks,
‘September 11 and the Law of War,’ supra). An expression of this is that
civilians who are unlawful combatants are a legitimate target for attack,
and therefore they do not enjoy the rights of civilians who are not
unlawful combatants, provided that they are at that time taking a direct
part in the hostilities. As we have seen, they also do not enjoy the rights
given to combatants. Thus, for example, the laws relating to prisoners of
war do not apply to them.
D. Is there a third category of unlawful combatants?
27. In its written and oral pleadings before us, the state requested that
we recognize the existence of a third category of persons, namely the
category of unlawful combatants. These are people who play an active
and continuing part in an armed conflict, and therefore their status is the
same as that of combatants in the sense that they constitute a legitimate
target for attack and they are not entitled to the protections given to
civilians. Notwithstanding, they are not entitled to all the rights and
protections given to combatants, since they do not distinguish themselves
from civilians and they do not observe the laws of war. Thus, for
example, they are not entitled to the status of prisoners of war. The
state’s position is that the terrorists who participate in the armed conflict
between Israel and the terrorist organizations fall into this category of
unlawful combatants.
28. The literature on this subject is extensive (see R.R Baxter, ‘So-
Called “Unprivileged Belligerency”: Spies, Guerrillas and Saboteurs,’ 28
Brit. Y. B. Int’l. L. 323 (1951); K. Watkin, Warriors Without Rights?
Combatants, Unprivileged Belligerents, and Struggle Over Legitimacy,
Harvard Program on Humanitarian Policy and Conflict Research,
‘Occasional Paper’ (Winter 2005, no. 2); J. Callen, ‘Unlawful Combatants
and the Geneva Conventions,’ 44 Va. J. Int’l L. 1025 (2004); M.H.
Hoffman, ‘Terrorists Are Unlawful Belligerents, Not Unlawful
Combatants: A Distinction With Implications for the Future of
119
International Humanitarian Law,’ 34 Case W. Res. J. Int’l L. 227 (2002);

S. Zachary, ‘Between the Geneva Conventions: Where Does the
Unlawful Combatant Belong?’ 38 Isr. L. Rev. 378 (2005); Nolte,
‘Preventive Use of Force and Preventive Killings: Moves Into a Different
Legal Order,’ supra; Dörmann, ‘The Legal Situation of “Unlawful /
Unprivileged Combatants”,’ supra). We will not adopt a position on the
question whether this third category should be recognized. The question
before us is not a question of what the law should be but of what the law
is. In our opinion, in so far as the law as it actually stands is concerned,
we do not have before us sufficient information that allows us to
recognize the existence of this third category on the basis of the existing
position of international law, whether conventional or customary (see
Cassese, International Law, supra, at pp. 408, 470). It is hard for us to see
how it is possible to recognize a third category within the framework of
interpreting the Hague and Geneva Conventions. We do not think that
we have been presented with sufficient information that allows us to say
that this third category has been recognized, as of the present, in
customary international law. Notwithstanding, a new reality sometimes
requires a new interpretation. Rules that were developed against the
background of a reality that has changed should be given a dynamic
interpretation that will adapt them, within the framework of the
accepted rules of interpretation, to the new reality (see Jamait Askan
IDF Commander in Judaea and Samaria [11], at p. 800; Ajuri v. IDF
Commander in West Bank [9], at p. 381 {116}). In this interpretive spirit
we shall now address the rules of customary international law that
consider the status of civilians who are also unlawful combatants.
(6) The status of civilians who are unlawful combatants
A. The basic principle: civilians who take a direct part in hostilities are
not protected at that time
29. Civilians enjoy comprehensive protection of their lives, bodies,
liberty and property. ‘… the safety of the lives of the civilian population
is a central value in the humanitarian laws…’ (Adalah Legal Centre for
Arab Minority Rights in Israel v. IDF Central Commander [25], at para. 23
of my opinion). ‘…the right to life and physical integrity is the most basic
right that lies at the heart of the humanitarian laws that are intended to
protect the local population…’ (per Justice D. Beinisch in HCJ 9593/04
Morar v. IDF Commander in Judaea and Samaria [27], at para. 14 of her
120
opinion). As opposed to combatants, who may be targeted because they

are combatants, civilians may not be targeted precisely because they are
civilians. A provision in this vein is stipulated in art. 51(2) of the First
Protocol, which constitutes customary international law:
‘The civilian population as such, as well as individual
civilians, shall not be the object of attack…’.
In a similar vein, art. 8(2)(b)(i)-(ii) of the Rome Statute of the
International Criminal Court provides, in its definition of war crimes,
that if an order is given intentionally to direct attacks against civilians, it
is a war crime. This crime is applicable to those civilians who are ‘not
taking a direct part in hostilities.’ Similarly civilians may not be attacked
indiscriminately, i.e., an attack that, inter alia, is not directed at a specific
military target (see art. 51(4) of the First Protocol, which constitutes
customary international law: see Henckaerts and Doswald-Beck,
Customary International Humanitarian Law, supra, at p. 37). This
protection is given to all civilians, except for those civilians who are
taking a direct part in hostilities. Indeed, the protection against attack is
not granted to unlawful combatants, who take a direct part in the
hostilities. I discussed this in one case, where I said:
‘Indeed, the military operations are directed against
terrorists and persons carrying out hostile acts of terror.
They are not directed against the local inhabitants’
(Physicians for Human Rights v. IDF Commander in Gaza
[10], at p. 394 {209}).
What is the source of this basic principle, according to which the
protection of international humanitarian law is removed from someone
who is currently taking a direct part in hostilities, and what is the scope
of its application?
B. The source of the basic principle and its customary status
30. The basic principle is that civilians who take a direct part in
hostilities are not protected at that time from being targeted. This
principle is expressed in art. 51(3) of the First Protocol, which provides:
‘Civilians shall enjoy the protection afforded by this section,
unless and for such time as they take a direct part in
hostilities.’
It is well known that Israel is not a party to the First Protocol.
Therefore it has not been adopted in Israeli legislation. Does this basic
principle reflect customary international law? The position of the Red
121
Cross is that this is indeed a principle of customary international law (see

Henckaerts and Doswald-Beck, Customary International Humanitarian
Law, supra, at p. 20. We accept this position. It is consistent with the
provisions of common article 3 of the Geneva Conventions, to which
Israeli is a party and which everyone agrees reflect customary
international law, according to which protection is given to —
‘Persons taking no active part in the hostilities…’
The International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia has
held that article 51 of the First Protocol constitutes customary
international law (Prosecutor v. Strugar [75], at para. 220). The military
manuals of many countries, including Great Britain, France, the
Netherlands, Australia, Italy, Canada, Germany, the United States (the
air force) and New Zealand have copied this provision exactly or
adopted its principles whereby civilians should not be targeted unless
they are taking a (direct) part in the hostilities. Legal literature regards
this provision as an expression of customary international law (see
Dinstein, The Conduct of Hostilities under the Law of International Armed
Conflict, at p. 11; Kretzmer, ‘Targeted Killing of Suspected Terrorists:
Extra-Judicial Executions or Legitimate Means of Defence?’ supra, at p.
192; Ben-Naftali and Michaeli, ‘“We Must Not Make a Scarecrow of the
Law”: A Legal Analysis of the Israeli Policy of Targeted Killings,’ supra,
at p. 269; Cassese, International Law, supra, at p. 416; M. Roscini,
‘Targeting and Contemporary Aerial Bombardment,’ 54 Int’l and Comp.
L. Q. 411 (2005), at p. 418; V-J. Proulx, ‘If the Hat Fits Wear It, If the
Turban Fits Run for Your Life: Reflection on the Indefinite Detention
and Targeted Killings of Suspected Terrorists,’ 56 Hastings L.J. 801
(2005), at p. 879; G.H. Aldrich, ‘The Laws of War on Land,’ 94 Am. J.
Int’l L. 42 (2000), at p. 53). Counsel for the respondents pointed out to
us that in the opinion of the State of Israel, not all of the provisions of
art. 51(3) of the First Protocol reflect customary international law.
According to the state’s position, ‘all that customary international law
provides is that it is prohibited to target civilians in general and also that
it is permitted to target a civilian “who is taking a direct part in
hostilities.” There is no restriction on the period of time when such an
attack is permitted’ (supplementary closing arguments of the State
Attorney’s Office of 26 January 2004, at p. 79). It follows that according
to the state’s position the non-customary part of art. 51(3) of the First
Protocol is that part that provides that civilians do not enjoy protection
against being targeted ‘for such time’ as they are taking a direct part in
122
the hostilities. As we have said, our position is that all the parts of art.
51(3) of the First Protocol reflect customary international law. What,
then, is the scope of this provision? We shall now turn to this question.
C. The nature of the basic principle
31. The basic principle is therefore this: a civilian — namely someone
who does not fall within the definition of combatants — should refrain
from participating directly in hostilities (see Fleck, The Handbook of
Humanitarian Law in Armed Conflicts, at p. 210). A civilian who breaches
this rule and who carried out hostilities does not lose his status as a
civilian, but as long as he is taking a direct part in hostilities he does not
at that time enjoy the protection given to a civilian. He is subject to the
risks of an attack just like a combatant, but without enjoying the rights of
a combatant, such as those given to him as a prisoner of war. Admittedly,
his status is that of a civilian and he does not lose this status when he
participates directly in carrying out hostilities. But he is a civilian who is
carrying out the function of a combatant. As long as he is acting to
realize this function, he is subject to the risks that this function entails
and ceases to enjoy the protection given to a civilian against being
attacked (see K. Watkin, ‘Controlling The Use of Force: A Role for
Human Rights Norms in Contemporary Armed Conflict,’ 98 Am. J. Int’l
L. 1 (2004)). This was discussed by H-P. Gasser in The Handbook of
Humanitarian Law in Armed Conflicts, where he said:
‘What are the consequences if civilians do engage in
combat? … Such persons do not lose their legal status as
civilians… However, for factual reasons they may not be able
to claim the protection guaranteed to civilians, since anyone
performing hostile acts may also be opposed, but in the case
of civilians, only for so long as they take part directly in
hostilities’ (at p. 211, para. 501).
In a similar vein, the manual of the Red Cross states:
‘Civilians are not permitted to take direct part in hostilities
and are immune from attack. If they take a direct part in
hostilities they forfeit this immunity’ (Model Manual on the
Law of Armed Conflict for Armed Forces, at para. 610, p. 34
(1999)).
This is the law with regard to the unlawful combatant. As long as he
retains his status as a civilian — i.e., he does not become a part of the
military forces — but he carries out combat activities, he ceases to enjoy
123
the protection given to the civilian, and he is subject to the risks of being
attacked like a combatant without enjoying the rights of the combatant
as a prisoner of war. Indeed, guerrillas and terrorists who carry out
hostilities are not entitled to the protection given to civilians.
Admittedly, terrorists who carry out hostilities do not cease to be
civilians, but by their actions they have deprived themselves of the
benefit of being civilians that grants them protection from military
attack. They also do not enjoy the rights of combatants, such as the status
of prisoners of war.
32. We have seen that the basic principle is that the civilian
population and individual civilians are protected against the dangers of
military activity and are not a target for an attack. This protection is
given to civilians ‘unless and for such time as they take a direct part in
hostilities.’ (art. 51(3) of the First Protocol). This provision is made up of
three main parts. The first part concerns the requirement that the
civilians take part in hostilities; the second part concerns the requirement
that the civilians take a ‘direct’ part in the hostilities; the third part
concerns the provision that civilians are not protected against being
attacked ‘for such time’ as they are taking a direct part in the hostilities.
Let us discuss each of these parts separately.
D. First part: ‘take a… part in hostilities’
33. Civilians lose the protection of customary international law
concerning hostilities of an international character if they ‘take a… part
in hostilities.’ What is the meaning of this provision? The accepted view
is that ‘hostilities’ are all those acts that by their nature and purpose are
intended to cause harm to armed forces. The Commentary on the
Additional Protocols that was published in 1987 by the Red Cross states:
‘Hostile acts should be understood to be acts which by their
nature and purpose are intended to cause actual harm to the
personnel and equipment of the armed forces’ (Y. Sandoz et
al., Commentary on the Additional Protocols (1987), at p.
618).
A similar approach was adopted by the Inter-American Commission
on Human Rights which is cited with approval by Henckaerts and
Doswald-Beck (Customary International Humanitarian Law, supra, at p.
22). It would appear that to this definition we should add those acts that
by their nature and purpose are intended to cause harm to civilians.
According to the accepted definition, a civilian takes part in hostilities
124
when he uses weapons within the framework of the armed conflict, when
he collects intelligence for this purpose or when he prepares himself for
the hostilities. With regard to taking part in the hostilities, there is no
requirement that the civilian actually uses the weapons that he has, nor is
it a requirement that he carries weapons on him (openly or concealed).
It is possible to take a part in hostilities without using weapons at all.
This was discussed by the Commentary on the Additional Protocols as
follows:
‘It seems that the word “hostilities” covers not only the time
that the civilian actually makes use of a weapon, but also, for
example, the time that he is carrying it, as well as situations
in which he undertakes hostile acts without using a weapon’
(at pp. 618-619).
As we have seen, this approach is not limited solely to ‘hostilities’
against the armed forces of a state. It applies also to hostilities against
the civilian population of the state (see Kretzmer, ‘Targeted Killing of
Suspected Terrorists: Extra-Judicial Executions or Legitimate Means of
Defence?’ supra, at p. 192).
E. Second part: ‘take a direct part’
34. Civilians lose their protection against the attack of armed forces
that is given to them under customary international law relating to
international armed conflicts ((as adopted in art. 51(3) of the First
Protocol) if ‘they take a direct part in hostilities.’ The provision therefore
distinguishes between civilians who are taking a direct part in hostilities
(who lose the protection from attack) and civilians who take an indirect
part in the hostilities (who continue to enjoy protection from attack).
What is this distinction? A similar provision appears in common article 3
of the Geneva Conventions, which adopts the expression ‘active part in
hostilities.’ A judgment of the International Criminal Tribunal for
Rwanda held that these two expressions have the same content (see
Prosecutor v. Akayesu [691]). What is this content? It would appear that it
is accepted in international literature that there is no agreed definition of
the word ‘direct’ in the context before us (see Direct Participation in
Hostilities under International Humanitarian Law, Report Prepared by the
International Committee of the Red Cross (2003); Direct Participation in
Hostilities under International Humanitarian Law (2004)). Henckaerts
and Doswald-Beck (Customary International Humanitarian Law, supra, at
p. 23) rightly said:
125
‘It is fair to conclude… that a clear and uniform definition of

direct participation in hostilities has not been developed in
state practice.’
In such circumstances, and in the absence of a complete and agreed
customary criterion, there is no alternative to judging each case on its
own merits, while limiting the scope of the dispute (cf. Prosecutor v. Tadić
[73]). In this regard we should mention the following remarks in the
Commentary of the Red Cross:
‘Undoubtedly there is room here for some margin of
judgment: to restrict this concept to combat and active
military operations would be too narrow, while extending it
to the entire war effort would be too broad, as in modern
warfare the whole population participates in the war effort
to some extent, albeit indirectly’ (ibid., at p. 516).
Indeed, a civilian who bears arms (openly or concealed) and is on his
way to the place where he will use them against the armed forces, or who
is at the place of shooting itself, or who is on his way back from the place
of shooting is a civilian who is taking a ‘direct part’ in the hostilities (see
Watkin, ‘Controlling the Use of Force: A Role for Human Rights Norms
in Contemporary Armed Conflict,’ supra, at p. 17). By contrast, a civilian
who supports the hostilities against the armed forces in a general manner
does not take a direct part in the hostilities (see Duffy, The ‘War on
Terror’ and the Framework of International Law, supra, at p. 230).
Similarly, a civilian who sells food or medicines to unlawful combatants
also is taking a merely indirect part in the hostilities. This was discussed
in the third report of the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights:
‘Civilians whose activities merely support the adverse party’s
war or military effort or otherwise only indirectly participate
in hostilities cannot on these grounds alone be considered
combatants. This is because indirect participation, such as
selling goods to one or more of the armed parties, expressing
sympathy for the cause of one of the parties or, even more
clearly, failing to act to prevent an incursion by one of the
armed parties, does not involve acts of violence which pose
an immediate threat of actual harm to the adverse party’
(IACHR, Third Report on Human Rights in Columbia, at
paras. 53, 56 (1999)).
126
What is the law with regard to the area between these two extremes?
On the one hand, the desire to protect innocent civilians leads in difficult
cases to give a narrow interpretation to the expression ‘taking a direct
part in hostilities.’ Prof. Cassese states:
‘The rationale behind the prohibition against targeting a
civilian who does not take a direct part in hostilities, despite
his possible (previous or future) involvement in fighting, is
linked to the need to avoid killing innocent civilians’ (Cassese,
International Law, supra, at p. 421; emphasis in the original).
On the other hand, it is possible to say that the desire to protect
combatants and the desire to protect innocent citizens leads in difficult
cases to giving a broad interpretation of the ‘direct’ character of the
hostilities, since thereby civilians are encouraged to distance themselves
from the hostilities as much as possible. As Prof. Schmitt says:
‘Gray areas should be interpreted liberally, i.e., in favor of
finding direct participation. One of the seminal purposes of
the law is to make possible a clear distinction between
civilians and combatants. Suggesting that civilians retain
their immunity even when they are intricately involved in a
conflict is to engender disrespect for the law by combatants
endangered by their activities. Moreover, a liberal approach
creates an incentive for civilians to remain as distant from
the conflict as possible — in doing so they can better avoid
being charged with participation in the conflict and are less
liable to being directly targeted’ (M.N. Schmitt, ‘Direct
Participation in Hostilities and 21st Century Armed
Conflict,’ in H. Fischerr (ed.), Crisis Management and
Humanitarian Protection: Festshrift Fur Dieter Fleck, 505
(2004), at p. 509).
35. Against the background of these considerations, the following
cases should be included within the scope of taking a ‘direct part’ in
hostilities: someone who collects information about the armed forces,
whether in the spheres in which the hostilities are being carried out (see
W. Hays Parks, ‘Air War and the Law of War,’ 32 A. F. L. Rev. 1, 116
(1990)) or whether outside these spheres (see Schmitt, ‘Direct
Participation in Hostilities and 21st Century Armed Conflict,’ supra, at p.
511); someone who leads unlawful combatants to or from the place
where the hostilities are being carried out; someone who operates
127
weapons being used by unlawful combatants or who supervises their

operation or provides service for them, whatever the distance from the
battlefield may be. All of these are carrying out a function of combatants.
The function determines the directness of the taking part in the
hostilities (see Watkin, ‘Controlling the Use of Force: A Role for Human
Rights Norms in Contemporary Armed Conflict,’ supra, at p. 17; Roscini,
‘Targeting and Contemporary Aerial Bombardment,’ supra). By contrast,
someone who sells an unlawful combatant food products or medicines
does not take a direct part, but merely an indirect one, in the hostilities.
The same is true of someone who helps unlawful combatants with a
general strategic analysis and grants them general logistic support,
including financial support. The same is true of someone who
disseminates propaganda that supports those unlawful combatants. If
these persons are harmed, the state may not be liable for this if they fall
within the scope of collateral or incidental damage. This was discussed by
Gasser:
‘Civilians who directly carry out a hostile act against the
adversary may be resisted by force. A civilian who kills or
takes prisoners, destroys military equipment, or gathers
information in the area of operations may be made the
object of attack. The same applies to civilians who operate a
weapons system, supervise such operation, or service such
equipment. The transmission of information concerning
targets directly intended for the use of a weapon is also
considered as taking part in hostilities. Furthermore, the
logistics of military operations are among the activities
prohibited to civilians… not only direct and personal
involvement but also preparation for a military operation
and intention to take part therein may suspend the immunity
of a civilian. All these activities, however, must be proved to
be directly related to hostilities or, in other words to
represent a direct threat to the enemy… However, the term
should not be understood too broadly. Not every activity
carried out within a state at war is a hostile act. Employment
in the armaments industry for example, does not mean that
civilian workers are necessarily participating in hostilities…
Since, on the other hand, factories of this industry usually
constitute lawful military objectives that may be attacked,
the normal rules governing the assessment of possible
128
collateral damage to civilians must be observed’ (Gasser, The

Handbook of Humanitarian Law in Armed Conflicts, supra, at
p. 232, paras. 517, 518).
In international literature there is a disagreement with regard to the
following case: what is the law that applies to a civilian who drives a
vehicle conveying ammunition? (see Parks, ‘Air War and the Law of
War,’ supra, at p. 134; Schmitt, ‘Direct Participation in Hostilities and
21st Century Armed Conflict,’ supra, at p. 507; A.P.V. Rogers, Law on
The Battlefield (1996), at p. 8; L.L. Turner and L.G. Norton, ‘Civilians At
The Tip of the Spear,’ 51 Air Force L. Rev. 1 (2001); J.R. Heaton,
‘Civilians at War: Re-Examining The Status of Civilians Accompanying
The Armed Forces,’ 57 Air Force L. Rev. 171 (2005)). Some authorities
hold that he is taking a direct part in the hostilities (and therefore he
may be attacked), while others hold that he is not taking a direct part in
the hostilities (and therefore he may not be attacked). The two opinions
hold that the ammunition in the vehicle may be attacked. The
disagreement is whether the civilian driver may be attacked. Those who
believe he is taking a direct part in the hostilities hold that he may be
attacked. Those who believe that he is not taking a direct part in the
hostilities hold that he may not be attacked, but if he is harmed it is a
case of collateral damage caused to a civilian who is in the vicinity of a
military objective that may be attacked. In our opinion, if the civilian
driver is taking the ammunition to the place where it will be used to carry
out hostilities, he should be regarded as taking a direct part in the
hostilities (see Dinstein, The Conduct of Hostilities under the Law of
International Armed Conflict, at p. 27; Schmitt, ‘Direct Participation in
Hostilities and 21st Century Armed Conflict,’ supra, at p. 509; Rogers,
Law on the Battlefield, at p. 7; A.P.V. Rogers and P. Malherbe, Model
Manual of the Law of Armed Conflict (ICRC, 1999), at p. 29).
36. What is the law with regard to civilians who act as a human shield
for terrorists who are taking a direct part in the hostilities? Certainly if
they are acting in this way because they were compelled to do so, these
innocent civilians should not be regarded as taking a direct part in the
hostilities. They are themselves the victims of terrorism. But if they are
acting in this way voluntarily because of their support for a terrorist
organization, they should be regarded as persons who are taking a direct
part in the hostilities (see Schmitt, ‘Direct Participation in Hostilities and
21st Century Armed Conflict,’ supra, at p. 521, and M.N. Schmitt,
‘Humanitarian Law and Direct Participation in Hostilities by Private
129
Contractors or Civilian Employees,’ 5 Ch. J. Int’l Law 511 (2004), at p.

541).
37. We have seen that a civilian who attacks armed forces is taking a
‘direct part’ in the hostilities. What is the law regarding the persons who
recruit him to take a direct part in the hostilities and the persons who
send him to carry out hostilities? Is there a difference between his direct
commanders and those who are more senior to them? Is it only the last
terrorist in the chain of command who is responsible for taking a ‘direct’
part in the hostilities or is the whole chain of command responsible? In
our opinion, the ‘direct’ character of taking part in the hostilities should
not be limited only to someone who carries out the physical attack.
Someone who sends him to carry out the attack also takes a ‘direct’ part.
The same is true of someone who decides upon the actual attack, or who
plans it. It cannot be said that all of these only take an indirect part in
the hostilities. Their participation is direct (and active) (see Schmitt,
‘Direct Participation in Hostilities and 21st Century Armed Conflict,’
supra, at p. 529).
F. Third part: ‘for such time’
38. Article 51(3) of the First Protocol provides that civilians enjoy
protection against the dangers arising from military operations and may
not be a target for attacks unless ‘and for such time’ as they take a direct
part in hostilities. The provisions of art. 51(3) of the First Protocol
introduce a requirement of time. A civilian who takes part in hostilities
loses the protection from being attacked ‘for such time’ as he is taking a
part in those hostilities. When this time has passed, the protection
afforded to the civilian is restored. In the respondents’ opinion, this part
of art. 51(3) of the First Protocol does not reflect customary
international law, and the State of Israel is not obliged to act accordingly.
We cannot accept this approach. As we have seen, all of the parts of art.
51(3) of the First Protocol reflect customary international law, including
the requirement concerning time. The key question concerns the
interpretation of this provisions and its scope of application.
39. Just as there is no consensus in international literature with regard
to the scope of the expression ‘take a direct part in hostilities,’ there is
also no consensus with regard to the scope of the expression ‘for such
time.’ Indeed, these two concepts are closely related. But they are not
identical. In the absence of a consensus as to the interpretation of the
expression ‘for such time,’ there is no alternative to taking each case as it
130
comes. Once again it is helpful to consider the extreme cases. At one

extreme, a civilian who takes a direct part in hostilities on a single
occasion or sporadically, and thereafter severs his connection with this
activity, is a civilian who, when he severs his connection with the activity,
is entitled to protection from an attack. He should not be attacked
because of the hostilities that he carried out in the past. At the other
extreme, a civilian who joins a terrorist organization that becomes his
home, and within the framework of his position in that organization he
carries out a series of hostilities, with short interruptions between them
for resting, loses his immunity against being attacked ‘for such time’ as
he is carrying out the series of operations. Indeed, for such a civilian the
rest between hostilities is nothing more than preparation for the next
hostile act (see D. Statman, ‘Targeted Killing,’ 5 Theoretical Inquiries in
Law 179 (2004), at p. 195).
40. These examples indicate the dilemma presented by the
requirement of ‘for such time.’ On the one hand, a civilian who takes a
direct part in hostilities on a single occasion or sporadically, but has
severed his connection with them (whether entirely or for a lengthy
period), should not be attacked. On the other hand, we must avoid a
phenomenon of the revolving door, whereby every terrorist may invoke
sanctuary or claim refuge while he is resting and making preparations, so
that he has protection from being attacked (see Schmitt, ‘Direct
Participation in Hostilities and 21st Century Armed Conflict,’ supra, at p.
536; Watkin, ‘Controlling the Use of Force: A Role for Human Rights
Norms in Contemporary Armed Conflict,’ supra, at p. 12; Kretzmer,
‘Targeted Killing of Suspected Terrorists: Extra-Judicial Executions or
Legitimate Means of Defence?’ supra, at p. 193; Dinstein, The Conduct
of Hostilities under the Law of International Armed Conflict, at p. 29;
Parks, ‘Air War and the Law of War,’ supra, at p. 118). In the
considerable distance between these two extremes lie the ‘grey’ areas,
where customary international law has not yet been formulated. There is
no alternative, therefore, to examining each case on its merits. In this
regard the following four issues should be addressed: first, reliable
information is required before the civilian is classified as falling into one
of the cases that we have discussed. Innocent civilians should not be
harmed (see Cassese, International Law, supra, at p. 421). Properly
verified information should exist with regard to the identity and activity
of the civilian who is claimed to be taking a direct part in the hostilities
(see Ergi v. Turkey [68]. Cassese rightly says that:
131
‘… if a belligerent were allowed to fire at enemy civilians

simply suspected of somehow planning or conspiring to plan
military attacks, or of having planned or directed hostile
actions, the basic foundations of international humanitarian
law would be seriously undermined. The basic distinction
between civilians and combatants would be called into
question and the whole body of law relating to armed
conflict would eventually be eroded’ (Cassese, International
Law, at p. 421).
The burden of proof of the armed forces in this matter is a heavy one
(see Kretzmer, ‘Targeted Killing of Suspected Terrorists: Extra-Judicial
Executions or Legitimate Means of Defence?’ supra, at p. 203; Gross,
Democracy’s Struggle against Terrorism: Legal and Moral Aspects, at p.
606). In case of doubt, a careful examination is required before an attack
is carried out. This was discussed by Henckaerts and Doswald-Beck:
‘… when there is a situation of doubt, a careful assessment
has to be made under the conditions and restraints
governing a particular situation as to whether there are
sufficient indications to warrant an attack. One cannot
automatically attack anyone who might appear dubious’
(Customary International Humanitarian Law, supra, at p. 24).
Second, a civilian should not be attacked at a time that he is taking a
direct part in hostilities if it is possible to act against him by means of a
less harmful measure. In our internal law this rule is derived from the
principle of proportionality. Indeed, of the possible military measures
one should choose the measure whose violation of the victim’s human
rights is the least. Therefore, if it is possible to arrest, interrogate and
prosecute a terrorist who is taking a direct part in hostilities, these steps
should be followed (see Mohamed Ali v. Public Prosecutor [66]). A trial is
preferable to the use of force. A country governed by the rule of law
resorts to the use of trials rather than the use of force. This question
arose in McCann v. United Kingdom [69]. In that case, three terrorists
from Northern Ireland who belonged to the I.R.A. were shot to death.
They were shot in the streets of Gibraltar, where they were attacked by
British agents. The European Court of Human Rights held that the
United Kingdom unlawfully violated the victims’ right to life (art. 2 of
the European Convention on Human Rights). The court held:
132
‘… the use of lethal force would be rendered

disproportionate if the authorities failed, whether
deliberately or through lack of proper care, to take steps
which would have avoided the deprivation of life of the
suspects without putting the lives of others at risk’ (ibid. [69],
at p. 148, para. 235).
Arrest, interrogation and trial are not measures that can always be
adopted. Sometimes this possibility simply does not exist; sometimes it
involves so great a risk to the lives of soldiers that there is no
requirement to adopt it (see A. Dershowitz, Preemption: A Knife that
Cuts Both Ways (2005), at p. 230). But it is a possibility that should always
be considered. It is likely to be practical especially in conditions of a
belligerent occupation where the army controls the territory where the
operation is being carried out, and arrest, interrogation and trial are
possibilities that can sometimes be carried out (see art. 5 of the Fourth
Geneva Convention). Naturally, in a specific case this possibility may not
exist. Sometimes it may cause greater harm to the lives of innocent
civilians in the vicinity. In such a case, it should not be adopted. Third,
after carrying out an attack on a civilian who is suspected of taking a
direct part at that time in hostilities, a thorough investigation should be
made (retrospectively) to ascertain that the identity of the target was
correct and to verify the circumstances of the attack on him. This
investigation should be an independent one (see Watkin, ‘Controlling the
Use of Force: A Role for Human Rights Norms in Contemporary Armed
Conflict,’ supra, at p. 23; Duffy, The ‘War on Terror’ and the Framework of
International Law, supra, at p. 310; Cassese, International Law, supra, at
p. 419; C. Warbrick, ‘The Principle of the European Convention on
Human Rights and the Responses of States to Terrorism,’ (2002) E. H. R.
L. R. 287, at p. 292; McCann v. United Kingdom [69], at pp. 161, 163;
McKerr v. United Kingdom [70], at p. 559). In appropriate cases there will
be grounds for considering the payment of compensation for harming an
innocent civilian (see Cassese, International Law, supra, at pp. 419, 423;
art. 3 of the Hague Regulations; art. 91 of the First Protocol). Finally, if
the attack is not only on the civilian who is taking a direct part in the
hostilities but also on innocent civilians who are in the vicinity, the harm
to them is collateral damage. This harm should satisfy the test of
proportionality. Let us now turn to examine this question.
133
(7) Proportionality
A. The principle of proportionality and its application in customary
international law
41. The principle of proportionality is a general principle in the law. It
is a part of our legal approach to human rights (see s. 8 of the Basic Law:
Human Dignity and Liberty; see also A. Barak, A Judge in a Democracy
(2004), at p. 346). It is an important element in customary international
law (see R. Higgins, Problems and Process – International Law and How
We Use It (1994), at p. 219; J. Delbruck, ‘Proportionality,’ in R.
Bernhardt (ed.), Encyclopedia of Public International Law (1997), at p.
1144). It is an integral part of the law of self-defence. It is a major
element in the protection of civilians in situations of armed conflicts (see
Conflict, at p. 119; Gasser, The Handbook of Humanitarian Law in Armed
Conflicts, supra, at p. 220; Cassese, International Law, supra, at p. 418;
Ben-Naftali and Shani, ‘“We Must Not Make a Scarecrow of the Law”:
A Legal Analysis of the Israeli Policy of Targeted Killings,’ supra, at p.
154; Henckaerts and Doswald-Beck, Customary International
Humanitarian Law, supra, at p. 60; J.G. Gardam, ‘Proportionality and
Force in International Law,’ 87 Am. J. Int’l L. 391 (1993); J.S. Pictet,
Development and Principles of International Humanitarian Law (1985), at
p. 62; W.J. Fenrick, ‘The Rule of Proportionality and Protocol I in
Conventional Warfare,’ 98 Mil. L. Rev. 91 (1982); T. Meron, Human
Rights and Humanitarian Norms as Customary International Law (1989),
at p. 74). It has a central role in the law of belligerent occupations (see
Hass v. IDF Commander in West Bank [20], at p. 461 {71}; Bethlehem
Municipality v. State of Israel [24]; Beit Sourik Village Council v.
Government of Israel [17], at p. 836 {293}; HCJ 1661/05 Gaza Coast
Local Council v. Knesset [28], at para. 102 of the majority opinion;
Marabeh v. Prime Minister of Israel [8], at para. 30 of my opinion; see also
Conflict, at p. 119; Henckaerts and Doswald-Beck, Customary
International Humanitarian Law, supra, at p. 60). In a whole host of cases
the Supreme Court has examined the authority of the military
commander in the territories according to the criterion of
proportionality. It has done so, inter alia, with regard to assigning
residence (Ajuri v. IDF Commander in West Bank [9]); surrounding towns
and erecting road blocks on access routes to and from them for the
purposes of fighting terrorism (see HCJ 2847/03 Alauna v. IDF
134
Commander in Judaea and Samaria [29]); damage to the property of

protected inhabitants as a result of army operations (see HCJ 9252/00
El-Saka v. State of Israel [30]); upholding the rights to pray at holy sites
and have access to them (Hass v. IDF Commander in West Bank [20]);
demolishing houses for operational needs (HCJ 4219/02 Gussin v. IDF
Commander in Gaza Strip [31]); imposing a blockade (Almadani v.
Minister of Defence [6]); building the security fence (Beit Sourik Village
Council v. Government of Israel [17]; Marabeh v. Prime Minister of Israel
[8]).
B. Proportionality in an international armed conflict
42. The principle of proportionality plays a major role in the
international law of armed conflicts (cf. arts. 51(5)(b) and 57 of the First
Protocol; see Henckaerts and Doswald-Beck, Customary International
Humanitarian Law, supra, at p. 46; Ben-Naftali and Shani, ‘“We Must
Not Make a Scarecrow of the Law”: A Legal Analysis of the Israeli
Policy of Targeted Killings,’ supra, at p. 154). These laws are of a
customary nature (see Henckaerts and Doswald-Beck, ibid., at p. 53;
Duffy, The ‘War on Terror’ and the Framework of International Law, supra,
at p. 235; Prosecutor v. Kupreškić [76]). The principle of proportionality
arises when the military activity is directed against combatants and
military targets, or against civilians for such time as they take a direct
part in hostilities, and in the course of this civilians are also harmed. The
rule is that the harm to innocent civilians that is caused as collateral loss
in the course of the combat activities should be proportionate (see
Conflict, at p. 119). Civilians are likely to be harmed because of their
presence inside a military target, such as civilians who work in a military
base; civilians are likely to be hurt when they live, work or pass close to
military targets; sometimes because of an error civilians are harmed even
if they are not close to military targets; sometimes civilians are used, by
means of coercion, as a ‘human shield’ against an attack on a military
target, and they are hurt as a result. In all of these situations and others
similar to them, the rule is that the harm to innocent civilians should,
inter alia, satisfy the principle of proportionality.
43. The principle of proportionality applies in every case where
civilians who are not taking a direct part in hostilities at the time are
harmed. This was discussed by Justice Higgins in Legality of the Threat or
Use of Nuclear Weapons, supra:
135
‘The principle of proportionality, even if finding no specific

mention, is reflected in many provisions of Additional
Protocol I to the Geneva Conventions of 1949. Thus even a
legitimate target may not be attacked if the collateral civilian
casualties would be disproportionate to the specific military
gain from the attack’ (at p. 587).
An expression of this customary principle can be found in the First
Protocol, according to which indiscriminate attacks are prohibited (art.
51(4). The First Protocol goes on to provide (in art. 51(5)):
‘5. Among others, the following types of attacks are to be
considered as indiscriminate:
(a) …
(b) An attack which may be expected to cause incidental loss
of civilian life, injury to civilians, damage to civilian objects,
or a combination thereof, which would be excessive in
relation to the concrete and direct military advantage
anticipated.’
44. The requirement of proportionality in the law of armed conflicts
focuses mainly on what in our constitutional law is called proportionality
‘in the narrow sense,’ i.e., the requirement that there is a proper
proportionate correlation between the military objective and the civilian
harm. Notwithstanding, the law of armed conflicts includes additional
elements, which are also an integral part of the theoretical principle of
proportionality in its broad sense. It would be proper to consider the
possibility of concentrating all of these laws into one body of material, by
formulating a comprehensive doctrine of proportionality, as has been
done in the internal law of many countries. We cannot examine this
matter within the framework of the petition before us. We will
concentrate on the aspect of proportionality that is agreed by everyone
to be relevant to our case.
Due proportion between the advantage and the damage
45. The test of proportionality stipulates that an attack on innocent
civilians is not permitted if the collateral damage to them is not
commensurate with the military advantage (in protecting combatants
and civilians). In other words, the attack is proportionate if the
advantage arising from achieving the proper military objective is
commensurate with the damage caused by it to innocent civilians. This is
an ethical test. It is based on a balance between conflicting values and
136
interests (see Beit Sourik Village Council v. Government of Israel [17], at p.

850 {309-310}; HCJ 7052/03 Adalah Legal Centre for Arab Minority Rights
in Israel v. Minister of Interior [32], at para. 74 of my opinion). It is
accepted in the national law of many countries. In Israel it constitutes a
main normative test for examining government activity in general and
army activity in particular. In one case I said:
‘This subtest is in essence a vehicle for the constitutional
outlook that the end does not justify the means. It is an
expression of the idea that there is an ethical barrier that
democracy cannot pass, even if the purpose that we wish to
realize is a proper one’ (HCJ 8276/05 Adalah Legal Centre
for Arab Minority Rights in Israel v. Minister of Defence [33], at
para. 30 of my opinion); see also R. Alexy, A Theory of
Constitutional Rights (2002), at p. 66).
As we have seen, this requirement of proportionality is found in
customary international law concerning the protection of civilians (see
Cassese, International Law, supra, at p. 418; Kretzmer, ‘Targeted Killing
of Suspected Terrorists: Extra-Judicial Executions or Legitimate Means
of Defence?’ supra, at p. 200; Ben-Naftali and Michaeli, ‘“We Must Not
Make a Scarecrow of the Law”: A Legal Analysis of the Israeli Policy of
Targeted Killings,’ supra, at p. 278; Gardam, ‘Proportionality and Force
in International Law,’ supra; art. 51(4)(c) of the First Protocol, which
constitutes customary law). When the damage to innocent civilians is
disproportionate to the advantage of the attacking army, the attack is
disproportionate and prohibited.
46. Proportionality in this sense is not required with regard to an
attack on a combatant or a civilian who is at that time taking a direct part
in the hostilities. Indeed, a civilian who is taking part in hostilities
endangers his life and he may, like a combatant, constitute a target for
an attack that causes death. This is a permitted killing. By contrast,
proportionality is required in any case where an innocent civilian is hurt.
Therefore the requirements of proportionality in the narrow sense
should be satisfied in a case where the attack on a terrorist causes
collateral damage to innocent civilians in the vicinity. The rule of
proportionality applies to the attack on these innocent civilians (see art.
51(5)b) of the First Protocol). The rule is that combatants or terrorists
may not be attacked if the expected damage to innocent civilians in their
vicinity is excessive in relation to the military benefit of attacking them
137
(see Henckaerts and Doswald-Beck, Customary International

Humanitarian Law, supra, at p. 49). Making this balance is difficult. Here
too we need to proceed on a case by case basis, while limiting the area of
the dispute. Take an ordinary case of a combatant or terrorist sniper who
is shooting at soldiers or civilians from the balcony of his home. Shooting
at him will be proportionate even if as a result an innocent civilian who
lives next to him or who passes innocently next to his home is hurt. This
is not the case if the house is bombed from the air and dozens of
residents and passers-by are hurt (cf. Dinstein, The Conduct of Hostilities
under the Law of International Armed Conflict, at p. 123; Gross,
Democracy’s Struggle Against Terrorism: Legal and Moral Aspects, at p.
621). The difficult cases are those that lie in the area between the
extreme examples. Here a careful examination of each case is required;
the military advantage should be concrete and direct (see art.
57(2)(a)(iii) of the First Protocol). Indeed, in international law just as in
internal law, the end does not justify the means. The power of the state is
not unlimited. Not all the means are permitted. This was discussed by the
Inter-American Court of Human Rights, which said:
‘… regardless of the seriousness of certain actions and the
culpability of the perpetrators of certain crimes, the power of
the state is not unlimited, nor may the state resort to any
means to attain its ends’ (Velásquez-Rodríguez v. Honduras
[71], at para. 154).
Notwithstanding, when there are hostilities, there are losses. A
balance should be struck between the duty of the state to protect the
lives of its soldiers and civilians and its duty to protect the lives of
innocent civilians who are harmed when targeting terrorists. This balance
is a difficult one, because it concerns human life. It gives rise to moral
and ethical problems (see A. Kasher and A. Yadlin, ‘Assassination and
Preventive Killing,’ 25 SAIS Rev. 41 (2005)). But despite the difficulty,
the balance must be struck.
8. Justiciability
47. A large part of the initial reply of the State Attorney’s Office (of
20 March 2002) was devoted to a preliminary argument. According to
this, ‘the combat activities of the IDF that are carried out within the
framework of the combat activities taking place in the territories, which
are of a purely operational character, are not justiciable — or at least are
not institutionally justiciable — and this honourable court will not
138
consider them’ (para. 26, p. 7; emphasis in the original). In explaining

this position, counsel for the respondents emphasized that in his opinion
‘the predominant character of the matter is not legal and judicial restraint
requires the court neither to enter the battlefield nor to consider the
purely operational activities taking place on the battlefield’ (ibid, at para.
36, p. 11; emphasis in the original). Counsel for the respondents
emphasized that:
‘It is obvious that the fact that a matter is “not justiciable”
does not mean that no supervision or control is exercised on
the part of the executive authority itself… The army
authorities have been instructed by the attorney-general and
the Chief Military Attorney to act in this area, as in others,
solely in accordance with the provisions of international law
that apply to the laws of war, and this instruction is observed
by them’ (ibid., para. 40, p. 13).
48. It is well known that we distinguish between a claim of no
normative justiciability and a claim of no institutional justiciability (see
HCJ 910/86 Ressler v. Minister of Defence [34]). A claim of no normative
justiciability proposes that there are no legal criteria for deciding a
dispute that is before the court. A claim of no institutional justiciability
proposes that it is not fitting that a dispute should be decided according
to the law by the court. The claim of no normative justiciability has no
legal basis, either in general or in the case before us. A claim of no
normative justiciability has no legal basis in general because there is
always a legal norm according to which a dispute may be decided, and
the existence of a legal norm gives rise to the existence of legal criteria
for it. Sometimes it is easy to recognize the norm and the criteria
inherent in it and at other times it is difficult to do so. But ultimately a
legal norm will always be found and legal criteria will always exist. This
norm may be a general one, such as the norm that a person may do
anything except what he has been prohibited from doing, and the
government may do only what it has been permitted to do. Sometimes
the norm is far more limited. Such is the position in our case. There are
legal norms that address the question before us, and from these it is
possible to derive criteria that determine what is permitted and what is
prohibited. There is therefore no basis to the claim of a lack of
normative justiciability.
139
49. The second type of non-justiciability concerns a lack of

institutional justiciability. This non-justiciability concerns the question —
‘… whether the law and the court are the proper framework
for deciding a dispute. The question is not whether it is
possible to decide a dispute according to the law and in the
court. The answer to this question is yes. The question is
whether it is desirable to decide a dispute — which is
normatively justiciable — according to legal criteria in the
court’ (Ressler v. Minister of Defence [34], at p. 489 {73}).
This type of non-justiciability is recognized in our legal system. Thus,
for example, it has been held that as a rule questions of the day-to-day
running of the affairs of the Knesset are not institutionally justiciable
(see HCJ 9070/00 Livnat v. Chairman of Constitution, Law and Justice
Committee [35], at p. 812; HCJ 9056/00 Kleiner v. Knesset Speaker [36], at
p. 708). Only if it is alleged that a breach of the rules concerning the
internal proceedings undermines the fabric of parliamentary life and the
foundations of the structure of our constitutional system will there be a
basis for considering the claim in the court (see HCJ 652/81 Sarid v.
Knesset Speaker [37]; HCJ 73/85 Kach Faction v. Knesset Speaker [38];
HCJ 742/84 Kahane v. Knesset Speaker [39]).
50. The scope of the doctrine of institutional non-justiciability in
Israel is not extensive. There is no consensus with regard to its limits. My
personal opinion is that it should only be recognized within very narrow
limits (see Barak, A Judge in a Democracy, at p.275). Whatever the
position is, the doctrine has no application in the petition before us, for
four reasons: first, in the case law of the Supreme Court there is a clear
policy that the doctrine of institutional non-justiciability does not apply
where recognizing it would prevent an examination of a violation of
human rights. This was discussed by Justice A. Witkon in HCJ 606/78
Awib v. Minister of Defence [40]. That case considered the legality of a
settlement in the territories. It was argued by the state that the question
of the legality of a settlement in the territories was non-justiciable. In
rejecting this argument, Justice A. Witkon said:
‘I was not impressed by this argument at all… It is clear that
in matters of foreign policy, like in several other matters, the
decision is made by political authorities and not by the
judiciary. But on the assumption… that a person’s property
has been harmed or taken away from him unlawfully, it is
140
difficult to believe that the court will refuse to hear that

person because his right may be the subject of political
negotiations’ (Awib v. Minister of Defence [40], at p. 124).
In HCJ 390/79 Dawikat v. Government of Israel [41] the question of
the legality of a settlement in the territories was considered once again.
Vice-President M. Landau said:
‘A military government that wishes to violate the property
rights of the individual should show a legal basis for doing
so, and it cannot avoid judicial scrutiny of its actions by
claiming non-justiciability’ (Dawikat v. Government of Israel
[41], at p. 15).
In Marabeh v. Prime Minister of Israel [8] the court considered the
legality of the separation fence in accordance with the rules of customary
international law. With regard to the justiciability of this question I said:
‘… the court is not prevented from exercising judicial
scrutiny merely because the military commander acts outside
Israel, and his actions have political and military
ramifications. When the decisions or actions of the military
commander violate human rights, they are justiciable. The
doors of the court are open. The argument that the violation
of human rights was the result of security considerations
does not prevent the exercising of judicial scrutiny. ‘Security
considerations’ and ‘military necessity’ are not magic
words… This is required by the protection of human rights’
(ibid. [8], at para. 31 {p. 140}).
The petition before us seeks to determine what is permitted and what
prohibited in military operations that may violate the most basic of
human rights, the right to life. The doctrine of institutional non-
justiciability cannot prevent an examination of this question.
51. Second, justices who think that there is a place for the doctrine of
institutional non-justiciability point out that the test is one of the
predominant nature of the question in dispute. When this is political or
military, there are grounds for refusing to hear the case. By contrast,
when the nature of the question is predominantly legal, the doctrine of
institutional non-justiciability does not apply (see HCJ 4481/91 Bargil v.
Government of Israel [42], at p. 218 {166}). The questions in dispute in
the petition before us are not questions of policy. Nor are they military
questions. The question is not whether or not to adopt a policy of a
141
preventative attack that causes the death of terrorists and sometimes also
of innocent civilians in the vicinity. The question is a legal one, which can
be seen from an analysis of our judgment; the question concerns the
legal classification of the military dispute taking place between Israel and
the terrorists who come from the territories; the question concerns the
existence or non-existence of customary international law on the matter
addressed by the petition; the question concerns the determination of
the scope of application of this customary law, in so far as it is reflected
in the provisions of art. 51(d) of the First Protocol; the question concerns
the rules of proportionality that apply in this matter. The answer to all of
these questions is predominantly a legal one.
52. Indeed, in a whole host of judgments the Supreme Court has
considered the rights of the inhabitants of the territories. Thousands of
judgments have been given by the Supreme Court, which, in the absence
of any other competent judicial instance, has addressed these issues.
These issues have concerned the powers of the army during combat and
the restrictions imposed on it under international humanitarian law.
Thus, for example, we have considered the rights of the local population
to food, medicines and other needs of the population during the combat
activities (Physicians for Human Rights v. IDF Commander in Gaza [10]);
we have considered the rights of the local population when terrorists are
arrested (Adalah Legal Centre for Arab Minority Rights in Israel v. IDF
Central Commander [25]); when transporting the injured (HCJ 2117/02
Physicians for Human Rights v. IDF Commander in West Bank [43]; when
besieging a church (Almadani v. Minister of Defence [6]); during arrest
and interrogation (Centre for Defence of the Individual v. IDF Commander
in West Bank [19]; Yassin v. Commander of Ketziot Military Camp [22];
Marab v. IDF Commander in Judaea and Samaria [23]). More than one
hundred petitions have examined the rights of the local inhabitants
under international humanitarian law as a result of the construction of
the separation fence (see Beit Sourik Village Council v. Government of
Israel [17]; Marabeh v. Prime Minister of Israel [8]; HCJ 5488/04 Al-Ram
Local Council v. Government of Israel [44]). In all of these the
predominant character of the question in dispute was legal. Admittedly,
the legal answer is likely to have political and military ramifications. But
they did not determine the nature of the question. It is not the results
that arise from the judgment that determine its nature, but the questions
that are considered by it and the way in which they are answered. These
142
questions have in the past been, and they remain today, predominantly
of a legal nature.
53. Third, the types of question that were considered by us are
considered by international courts. The international law that concerns
the duties of armed forces to civilians during an armed conflict has been
considered, for example, by the International Criminal Tribunals for war
crimes in Rwanda and the former Yugoslavia (see paras. 26, 30 and 34
above). These courts have examined the legal aspects of the conduct of
armed forces. Why cannot an Israeli court examine these matters too?
Why should these questions, which are justiciable in international courts,
not be justiciable in national courts?
54. Finally, the laws concerning the preventative operations of armed
forces that cause the death of terrorists and innocent civilians in their
vicinity require a retrospective investigation of the conduct of the armed
forces (see para. 40 above). Customary international law provides that
this investigation should be of an independent character. In order to
enhance its objective nature and ensure the maximum possible
objectivity, this investigation should be subject to judicial scrutiny. This
judicial scrutiny is not a substitute for the ongoing scrutiny of army
authorities, which exercise their scrutiny prospectively. ‘Because of the
court’s structure and the scope of its functions, it cannot operate by way
of ongoing scrutiny and supervision’ (per President M. Shamgar in HCJ
253/88 Sajadia v. Minister of Defence [45], at p. 825). Moreover, this
judicial scrutiny is not a substitute for an objective retrospective
investigation after an event in which, it is alleged, innocent civilians who
did not take a direct part in the hostilities were harmed. When a
retrospective investigation has been made, judicial scrutiny of the
decisions of the objective committee of investigation should be possible
in appropriate cases. This will ensure that they function properly.
(9) The scope of judicial scrutiny
55. The Supreme Court, sitting as the High Court of Justice, exercises
judicial scrutiny of the legality of the discretion of military commanders
in the territories. This court has done this since the Six Day War. The
premise that has guided the court was that the military commanders and
officers who are subject to its authority are civil servants who carry out
public duties according to the law (Jamait Askan Almalmoun Altaounia
Almahdouda Almasaoulia Cooperative Society v. IDF Commander in
143
Judaea and Samaria [11], at p. 809). This scrutiny ensures the legality of
the discretion exercised by the military commander.
56. The scope of judicial review on a decision of a military
commander to carry out a preventative attack that causes the death of
terrorists in the territories, and sometimes the death of innocent
civilians, varies according to the nature of the concrete question that is
under discussion. At one end of the spectrum lies the question, which we
are considering in the petition before us, concerning the content of the
international law of armed conflicts. This is simply a question of
determining the applicable law. According to our legal approach, this
question lies within the purview of the judiciary. ‘The final and decisive
decision as to the interpretation of a statute, according to its validity at
any given time, rests with the court’ (per President M. Shamgar in HCJ
306/81 Flatto-Sharon v. Knesset Committee [46], at p. 141). The task of
interpreting the law rests with the court. This is the case with regard to
the Basic Laws, statutes and regulations. This is the case with regard to
Israeli common law. It is certainly also the case with regard to customary
international law that applies in Israel. The court is not permitted to
shirk this authority. The question that the court should ask itself is not
whether the executive understood the law in a reasonable manner. The
question that the court should ask itself is whether the executive
understood the law correctly (HCJ 693/91 Efrat v. Director of Population
Registry, Ministry of Interior [47], at p. 762). It is the court that has
expertise in interpreting the law (see HCJ 3648/97 Stamka v. Minister of
Interior [48], at p. 743; HCJ 399/85 Kahane v. Broadcasting Authority
Management Board [49], at p. 305). It follows that the judicial scrutiny of
the content of customary international law with regard to the question
before us is comprehensive and complete. The court asks itself what the
international law is and whether the military commander’s approach is
consistent with that law.
57. At the other end of the spectrum of possibilities lies the
professional-military decision to carry out a preventative operation
which causes the death of terrorists in the territories. This is a decision
that falls within the authority of the executive branch. It has the
professional security expertise in this sphere. The court will ask itself
whether a reasonable military commander would have made the decision
that was actually made. The question is whether the decision of the
military commander falls within the margin of reasonable activity of a
military commander. If the answer is yes, the court will not replace the
144
security discretion of the military commander with the security discretion

of the court (see HCJ 1005/89 Agga v. IDF Commander in Gaza Strip
[50], at p. 539; Ajuri v. IDF Commander in West Bank [9], at p. 375
{109}). In Beit Sourik Village Council v. Government of Israel [17], which
concerned the route of the security fence, we said:
‘We, the justices of the Supreme Court, are not experts in
military matters. We shall not examine whether the military
outlook of the military commander corresponds with ours, in
so far as we have a military outlook concerning the military
character of the route. This is how we act with regard to all
questions of expertise, and this is how we act with regard to
military matters as well. All we can determine is whether a
reasonable military commander could have determined a
route as the military commander determined it’ (ibid. [17], at
p. 843 {300}).
It follows that judicial scrutiny with regard to military measures that
should be taken is an ordinary scrutiny of reasonableness. It is true that
‘military considerations’ and ‘state security’ are not magic words that
prevent judicial scrutiny. But the question is not what I would have
decided in the given circumstances, but whether the decision that the
military commander made is a decision that a reasonable military
commander was entitled to make. In this regard special weight should be
given to the military opinion of the person who has the responsibility for
security (see HCJ 258/79 Amira v. Minister of Defence [51]; Dawikat v.
Government of Israel [41], at p. 25; Beit Sourik Village Council v.
Government of Israel [17], at p. 844 {300}; Marabeh v. Prime Minister of
Israel [8], at para. 32 of the judgment).
58. Between these two ends of the spectrum there are cases that lie in
the middle ground. Each of these requires a careful examination of the
character of the decision. In so far as it involves a legal perspective, it will
approach one end of the spectrum. In so far as it involves a professional
military perspective, it will approach the other end of the spectrum of
possibilities. Take the question whether a decision to carry out a
preventative attack that causes the death of terrorists falls within the
framework of the conditions determined by customary international law
in this regard (as stated in art. 51(3) of the First Protocol). What is the
scope of the judicial scrutiny of a decision of the military commander
that these conditions are satisfied in a specific case? Our answer is that
145
the question whether the conditions provided in customary international

law for carrying out a military operation are satisfied is a legal question,
with regard to which the court has the expertise. I discussed this in
Physicians for Human Rights v. IDF Commander in Gaza [10]:
‘Judicial review does not examine the wisdom of the decision
to carry out military operations. The issue addressed by
judicial review is the legality of the military operations.
Therefore we presume that the military operations carried
out in Rafah are necessary from a military viewpoint. The
question before us is whether these military operations
satisfy the national and international criteria that determine
the legality of these operations. The fact that operations are
necessary from a military viewpoint does not mean that they
are lawful from a legal viewpoint. Indeed, we do not replace
the discretion of the military commander in so far as military
considerations are concerned. That is his expertise. We
examine their consequences from the viewpoint of
humanitarian law. That is our expertise’ (ibid. [10], at p. 393
{207-208}).
A similar approach exists with regard to proportionality. The decision
on a question whether the benefit that accrues from the preventative
attack is commensurate with the collateral damage caused to innocent
civilians who are harmed by it is a legal question, with regard to which it
is the judiciary that have the expertise. I discussed this in Beit Sourik
Village Council v. Government of Israel [17] with regard to the
proportionality of the harm that the security fence causes to the local
inhabitants’ quality of life:
‘The military commander is the expert on the military aspect
of the route of the separation fence. We are experts on its
humanitarian aspects. The military commander determines
whether the separation fence will pass over the hills or in the
plain. That is his expertise. We examine whether the harm
caused by this route to the local inhabitants is proportional.
That is our expertise’ (ibid. [17], at p. 846 {304}; Marabeh v.
Prime Minister of Israel [8], at para. 32 of the judgment).
Proportionality is not a precise criterion. Sometimes there are several
ways of satisfying its requirements. A margin of proportionality is
created. The court is the guardian of its limits. The decision within the
146
limits of the margin of proportionality rests with the executive branch.

This is its margin of appreciation (see HCJ 3477/95 Ben-Atiya v. Minister
of Education, Culture and Sport [52], at p. 12; HCJ 4769/95 Menahem v.
Minister of Transport [53], at p. 280; Adalah Legal Centre for Arab Minority
Rights in Israel v. Minister of Interior [32], at para. 78 of my opinion).
59. Judicial scrutiny of military decisions to carry out a preventative
attack that causes the death of terrorists and innocent civilians is by its
very nature of limited scope. There are two reasons for this: first, judicial
scrutiny cannot be exercised prospectively. Once we have determined in
this judgment of ours what the provisions of customary international law
that apply in the matter before us are, we naturally cannot examine its
realization prospectively. The judicial scrutiny in this matter naturally
occurs retrospectively. Second, the main investigation should be made by
the investigatory committee which according to international law should
carry out an objective investigation that is made retrospectively. The
scrutiny of this court can naturally be directed only against the decisions
of that committee, according to the accepted criteria in this regard.
(10) From general principles to the specific case
60. The order nisi that was issued at the request of the petitioners is
this:
‘To order respondents 1-3 to come and explain why the
“targeted killing” policy should not be cancelled and why
they should not refrain from giving orders to respondents 4-5
to carry out this policy, and also to order respondents 4-5 to
come and explain why they should not refrain from carrying
out operations of killing wanted persons in accordance with
the aforesaid policy.’
A consideration of the ‘targeted killing’ — or, as we call it, a
preventative attack that causes the death of terrorists, and sometimes
also of innocent civilians — shows that the question of the legality of the
preventative attack under customary international law is a complex one
(for an analysis of the Israeli policy, see Y. Shany, ‘Israeli Counter-
Terrorism Measures: Are They “Kosher” under International Law,’ in
M.N. Schmitt and G. Beruto (eds.), Terrorism and International Law:
Challenges and Responses 96 (2002); M. Gross, ‘Fighting by Other Means
in the Mideast: A Critical Analysis of Israel’s Assassination Policy,’ 51
Political Studies 360 (2003); S.R. David, ‘Debate: Israel’s Policy of
Targeted Killing,’ 17 Ethics and International Affairs 111 (2003); Y. Stein,
147
‘Response to Israel’s Policy of Targeted Killing: By Any Name Illegal and

Immoral,’ 17 Ethics and International Affairs 127 (2003); A. Guiora,
‘Symposium: Terrorism on Trial: Targeted Killing as Active Self-
Defense,’ 36 Case Western Res. J. Int’l L. 319; L. Bilsky, ‘Suicidal Terror,
Radical Evil, and the Distortion of Politics and Law,’ 5 Theoretical
Inquiries in Law 131 (2004)). What emerges is not that a preventative
attack is always permitted or that it is always prohibited. The approach of
customary international law as it applies to armed conflicts of an
international character is that civilians are protected against being
attacked by the armed forces. But this protection does not exist with
regard to those civilians ‘for such time as they take a direct part in
hostilities’ (art. 51(3) of the First Protocol). Targeting these civilians,
even if it results in death, is permitted, provided that there is no less
harmful measure and provided that innocent civilians in the vicinity are
not harmed. The harm inflicted upon them should be proportionate.
This proportionality is determined in accordance with an ethical test
which seeks to strike a balance between the military advantage and the
harm to civilians. It follows that we cannot determine that a preventative
attack is always legal, just as we cannot determine that it is always illegal.
Everything depends upon the question whether the criteria of customary
international law relating to international armed conflicts permit a
specific preventative attack or not.
Conclusion
61. The State of Israel is fighting against ruthless terrorism that is
inflicted on it from the territories. The means available to it are limited.
The state determined that an essential measure from a military
perspective is the preventative attack upon terrorists in the territories
that causes their death. This sometimes causes innocent civilians to be
injured or killed. This use of this preventative attack, notwithstanding its
military importance, should be done within the law. The maxim ‘When
the cannons speak, the Muses are silent’ is well known. A similar idea
was expressed by Cicero, who said: silent enim leges inter arma (laws are
silent in times of war). These statements are regrettable. They do not
reflect the law either as it is or as it should be (see Application under s.
83.28 of the Criminal Code (Re) [65], at p. 260). It is precisely when the
cannons speak that we need laws (see HCJ 168/91 Morcus v. Minister of
Defence [54], at p. 470). Every struggle of the state — whether against
terrorism or against any other enemy — is carried out in accordance with
rules and laws. There always exists a law that the state is liable to follow.
148
Black holes do not exist (see J. Steyn, Democracy through Law: Selected
Speeches and Judgments (2004), at p. 195). In our case, the law is
determined by customary international law relating to armed conflicts of
an international character. Indeed, the struggle of the state against
terrorism is not waged ‘outside’ the law. It is waged ‘within’ the law and
with tools that the law makes available to a democracy.
62. The war of the state against terrorism is a war of the state against
its enemies. It is also the war of the law against those who attack it (see
HCJ 320/80 Kawasma v. Minister of Defence [55], at p. 132). In one case
that considered the laws of war in an armed conflict, I said:
‘This fighting is not carried out in a normative vacuum. It is
carried out according to the rules of international law, which
set out the principles and rules for waging war. The
statement that “when the cannons speak, the Muses are
silent” is incorrect. Cicero’s aphorism that at a time of war
the laws are silent does not reflect modern reality… The
reason underlying this approach is not merely pragmatic, the
result of the political and normative reality. The reason
underlying this approach is much deeper. It is an expression
of the difference between a democratic state that is fighting
for its survival and the fighting of terrorists who want to
destroy it. The State is fighting for and on behalf of the law.
The terrorists are fighting against and in defiance of the law.
The war against terror is a war of the law against those who
seek to destroy it… But it is more than this: the State of
Israel is a state whose values are Jewish and democratic. We
have established here a state that respects law, that achieves
its national goals and the vision of generations, and that does
so while recognizing and realizing human rights in general
and human dignity in particular; between these two there is
harmony and agreement, not conflict and alienation’
(Almadani v. Minister of Defence [6], at pp. 34-35 {52-53}; see
also Morcus v. Minister of Defence [54], at p. 470; HCJ
1730/96 Sabiah v. IDF Commander in Judaea and Samaria
[56], at p. 369).
Indeed, in the struggle of the state against international terrorism, it is
obliged to act in accordance with the rules of international law (see M.
Kirby, ‘Australian Law – After September 11, 2001,’ 21 Austl. Bar. Rev.
149
253 (2001)). These rules are based on a balance. They are not a question
of all or nothing. I discussed this in Ajuri v. IDF Commander in West Bank
[9], where I said:
‘In this balance, human rights cannot receive complete
protection, as if there were no terror, and state security
cannot receive complete protection, as if there were no
human rights. A delicate and sensitive balance is required.
This is the price of democracy. It is expensive, but
worthwhile. It strengthens the State. It provides a reason for
its struggle’ (HCJ 7015/02 Ajuri v. IDF Commander in West
Bank [6], at p. 383 {120}).
Indeed, the struggle against terrorism has turned our democracy into
a ‘defensive democracy’ or a ‘militant democracy’ (see A. Sajo, Militant
Democracy (2004)). But this struggle must not be allowed to deprive our
system of government of its democratic character.
63. The question is not whether it is permitted to defend oneself
against terrorism. Certainly it is permitted to do so, and sometimes it is
also a duty to do so. The question is the manner in which one responds.
In this regard, a balance should be struck between security needs and the
rights of the individual. This balance imposes a heavy burden on those
involved in the defence of the state. Not every effective measure is also a
legal one. The end does not justify the means. The armed forces need to
train themselves to act in accordance with the rules of law. This balance
imposes a heavy burden on the justices, who need to determine, on the
basis of existing law, what is permitted and what is prohibited. I discussed
this in one case, where I said:
‘The decision has been placed at our door, and we must
accept it. We have a duty to preserve the legality of
government even in hard cases. Even when the cannons
speak and the Muses are silent, the law exists and operates,
and it determines what is permitted and what is prohibited,
what is legal and what is illegal. And where there is law,
there is also a court that determines what is permitted and
what is prohibited, what is legal and what is illegal. Some of
the public will rejoice at our decision; the rest of it will
criticize it. It is possible that neither the former nor the latter
will read out reasoning. But we shall do our duty’ (HCJFH
2161/96 Sharif v. Home Front Commander [57], at p. 491).
150
Indeed, the decision in the petition before us is not simple:

‘We are members of Israeli society. Although we sometimes
find ourselves in an ivory tower, that tower is in the heart of
Jerusalem, which has on more than one occasion suffered
from ruthless terror. We are aware of the killing and
destruction that the terror against the state and its citizens
brings in its wake. Like every other Israeli, we too recognize
the need to protect the State and its citizens against the
serious harm of terror. We are aware that, in the short term,
this judgment of ours will not make the state’s struggle
against those that attack it any easier. But we are judges.
When we sit in judgment, we ourselves are being judged. We
act to the best of our conscience and understanding. As to
the struggle of the State against the terror that besets it, we
are convinced that, in the final analysis, its struggle in
accordance with the law and its provisions strengthens its
power and its spirit. There is no security without law.
Upholding the requirements of the law is an element of
national security (Beit Sourik Village Council v. Government
of Israel [17], at p. 861 {323}).
64. In one case we considered the question whether the state was
entitled to order its interrogators to adopt special interrogation measures
that involved the use of force against terrorists in a situation of a ‘ticking
bomb.’ Our answer to this question was no. I described in my opinion the
difficult security reality that Israel faced, and I added:
‘We are aware that this decision does not make it easier to
deal with that reality. This is the destiny of a democracy — it
does not see all means as acceptable, and the ways of its
enemies are not always open to it. A democracy must
sometimes fight with one hand tied behind its back. Even so,
democracy has the upper hand. The rule of law and the
liberty of the individual constitute important components in
its understanding of security. In the final analysis, they
strengthen its spirit and this strength allows it to overcome
its adversities’ (HCJ 5100/94 Public Committee Against
Torture v. Government of Israel [58], at p. 845 {605}).
Let us pray that this is so!
151
It has therefore been decided that it cannot be determined ab initio

that every targeted killing is prohibited under customary international
law, just as it cannot be determined ab initio that every targeted killing is
permitted under customary international law. The laws relating to
targeted killings are determined in customary international law, and the
legality of each individual attack needs to be decided in accordance with
them.
Vice-President E. Rivlin
1. I agree with the important and comprehensive opinion of my
colleague President A. Barak.
The increase in terrorism in recent years — an increase both in scope
and intensity — has raised difficult questions concerning the manner in
which a democratic state should and may fight against the persons who
rise up against it and its citizens to destroy them. Indeed, it is not
disputed that a state may and should fight terrorism. It is also not
disputed that not all means are permitted. It is difficult to map out the
correct way of how to fight terrorism and defend oneself against it. The
ordinary means whereby a state protects itself and its citizens are not
necessarily effective against terrorist organizations and their members.
Even policing and enforcement methods that characterize the fight
against ‘conventional’ criminal activity are unsuited to the needs of
fighting terrorism (see also D. Statman, ‘Targeted Killing,’ 5 Theoretical
Inquiries in Law 179 (2004)). For these reasons, the State of Israel (like
other states) has over the years employed and continues to employ
various operations in order to deal with terrorism. This court, on various
occasions, is called upon to consider the question of the delicate balances
involved in making use of these courses of action.
The petition before us concerns the ‘targeted killing’ policy. In this
policy, the State of Israel attacks persons that it identifies as being
involved in the planning and execution of terror attacks. The goal, on the
one hand, is to protect the civilians and armed forces of the State of
Israel, and on the other hand, to prevent an attack upon, or to minimize
collateral damage to, the Palestinian civilian population. My colleague
President A. Barak is of the opinion that the question before us should
be examined in light of the rules of international law relating to an
armed conflict (or dispute) of an international character. I agree with
this position (see also J. N. Kendall, ‘Israeli Counter-Terrorism:
152
“Targeted Killings” under International Law,’ 80 N.C.L. Rev. 1069

(2002)). An armed dispute has existed for many years between Israel and
the various terrorist organizations operating in the territories. This
dispute, as my colleague the president says, does not exist in a normative
vacuum. Two normative sets of laws apply. In the words of my colleague
the president: ‘In addition to the provisions of international law
governing an armed conflict, the basic principles of Israeli public law are
likely to apply. These basic principles are carried by every Israeli soldier
in his backpack and they go with him wherever he goes.’ Indeed, two
normative systems require consideration in our case: one is the rules of
international law, and the other is the legal rules and moral principles of
the State of Israel, including the basic value of human dignity.
2. In his consideration of the normative system incorporated in the
rules of international law, my colleague the president addresses the
question of the correct classification of terrorist organizations and their
members: should they be regarded as combatants or civilians, or perhaps
as a separate group of unlawful combatants? My colleague’s conclusion
is that, in so far as the law currently stands, ‘we do not have before us
sufficient information that allows us to recognize the existence of this
third category’ of unlawful combatants, and since such combatants do
not satisfy the conditions for being included in the category of
‘combatants,’ they should be classified as civilians. He clarifies that this
classification does not, within the framework of international law, grant
protection to civilians who are taking a direct part in hostilities; these
persons are therefore not protected against attack, when they are taking
a direct part in terrorist operations.
The issue of the correct classification of terrorist organizations and
their members gives rise to difficult questions. Customary international
humanitarian law requires the parties to the dispute to distinguish
between civilians and combatants, between military objectives and
civilian objectives, and to refrain from causing excessive damage to
enemy civilians. The question is whether reality has not created, de facto,
an additional group that is subject to a special law. Indeed, the scope of
the danger presented by the terrorist organizations to the State of Israel
and the safety of its citizens, the unsuitability of the measures usually
employed against civilian lawbreakers and the threat arising from
terrorist activity all give rise to a feeling of discomfort when we try to
adapt the traditional category of ‘civilians’ to those persons who are
taking a direct part in acts of terrorism. The latter are not ‘combatants’
153
according to the definition of international law. The manner in which the

term ‘combatants’ has been defined in the relevant conventions resulted
precisely from a desire to deny ‘unlawful combatants’ certain protections
that are given to ‘lawful combatants’ (especially protections concerning
the status of prisoners of war and not being brought to trial). They are
‘unprivileged belligerents’ (see K. Watkin, Warriors without Rights?
Combatants, Unprivileged Belligerents, and Struggle Over Legitimacy,
Harvard Program on Humanitarian Policy and Conflict Research,
‘Occasional Paper’ (Winter 2005, no. 2); R.R. Baxter, ‘So Called
“Unprivileged Belligerency”: Spies, Guerrillas and Saboteurs,’ 28 British
Year Book of International Law 342 (1951)). But it is precisely the
characteristics of terrorist organizations and their members that exclude
them from the category of ‘combatants’ — the absence of recognizable
emblems and the refusal to observe the laws and customs of war — that
create a difficulty, in so far as this exclusion gives a better status, even if
only in certain matters, to someone who chooses to become an ‘unlawful’
combatant, who acts contrary to the rules of international law and the
rules of morality and humanitarianism.
The classification of members of terrorist organizations under the
category of ‘civilian’ is not, therefore, self-evident. Dinstein wrote in this
context that:
‘… a person is not allowed to wear simultaneously two caps:
the hat of civilian and the helmet of a soldier. A person who
engages in military raids by night, while purporting to be an
innocent civilian by day, is neither a civilian nor a lawful
combatant. He is an unlawful combatant in the sense that he
can be lawfully targeted by the enemy, but he cannot claim
the privileges appertaining to lawful combatancy. Nor does
he enjoy the benefits of civilian status: Article 5 (first
Paragraph) of the 1949 Geneva Convention (IV) Relative to
the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War specifically
permits derogation from the rights of such a person (the
derogation being less extensive in occupied territories,
pursuant to the second Paragraph of Article 5)’ (Y. Dinstein,
The Conduct of Hostilities under the Law of International
Armed Conflict (Cambridge, 2004) at pp. 29-30).
It has also been said that: ‘… If it is not fitting to regard terrorists as
combatants, and in consequence of this to give them the protections
154
given to combatants, they should certainly not be regarded as civilians

who are not combatants and be given far greater rights’ (E. Gross,
Democracy’s Struggle Against Terrorism: Legal and Moral Aspects (2004),
at p. 76; see also Y. Dinstein, ‘Unlawful Combatancy,’ 32 Israel Yearbook
on Human Rights 249 (2002); Baxter, ‘So Called “Unprivileged
Belligerency”: Spies, Guerrillas and Saboteurs,’ supra). Those who
believe that a third category of lawbreakers exists emphasize that this
includes those persons who seek to obscure the dividing line between
civilians and combatants: J.C. Yoo and J.C. Ho, ‘The New York
University–University of Virginia Conference on Exploring the Limits of
International Law: The Status of Terrorists,’ 33 Virginia Journal of
International Law 217 (2003). The difficulty may become even greater if
we take into account that those persons who do not satisfy the
requirements either of lawful combatants or of innocent civilians are not
homogeneous. They include groups that are not necessarily identical to
one another from the viewpoint of their willingness to accept the basic
legal and humanitarian norms. In particular, we should distinguish in this
context between unlawful combatants who fight against armed forces and
those who deliberately operate against civilians.
It would therefore appear that international law needs to be brought
into line with the age in which we live. In view of the facts that were
submitted before us, my colleague the president proposes that we adapt
the law by interpreting the existing law, which in his opinion recognizes
two categories — combatants and civilians (see also S. Zachary,
‘Between the Geneva Conventions: Where Does the Unlawful
Combatant Belong?’ 38 Israel L. Rev. 379 (2005)). As we have said, there
may be other approaches. I see no need to expand upon them, since in
view of the rules of interpretation proposed by my colleague the
president, the fundamental difficulty loses much of its urgency.
The interpretation that my colleague President A. Barak proposes de
facto creates an additional category, and rightly so. It is possible to derive
this from the category of combatants (‘unlawful combatants’), and it is
possible to derive this from the category of civilians. My colleague the
president follows the latter path. If we follow him, we will derive from
this category the group of civilians who are international lawbreakers,
whom I would call ‘uncivilized civilians.’ But whichever path we follow,
there is no difference in the result, since the interpretation that my
colleague the president proposes to give the provisions of international
law adapts the rules to the new reality. I agree with this interpretation. It
155
is a dynamic interpretation that rises above the limitations of a literal

reading of the laws of war.
3. Against the background of the differences between ‘lawful’
combatants and ‘international lawbreaking’ combatants, it is possible to
draw an analogy between the combat methods that are permitted in a
struggle between two armed forces and the ‘targeted killing’ of terrorists
(see also Statman, ‘Targeted Killing,’ supra). The approach underlying
the ‘targeted killing’ policy is that only persons who are actually involved
in terrorist activity should be targeted. Indeed, in a conventional war the
combatants are identifiable and distinguishable from the civilian
population. It is permitted to target these combatants (subject to the
limitations of international law). Civilians may not be targeted. Similarly,
within the framework of the struggle against terrorism, it is permitted to
target international lawbreaking combatants, but harming civilians
should be avoided in so far as possible. The difficulty arises of course
from the fact that the unlawful combatants by definition do not act in
accordance with the laws of war, which means, inter alia, that they very
often operate from a concealed position among the civilian population,
which is contrary to the express provisions of the First Additional
Protocol to the 1977 Geneva Conventions. They do this in order to
obtain an advantage that arises from the fact that the opposing forces
wish to respect the rules of international law (see J. Callen, ‘Unlawful
Combatants and the Geneva Conventions,’ 44 Va. J. Int’l L. 1025 (2004)).
But even under the difficult conditions of fighting against terrorism,
the distinction between lawbreaking combatants and civilians should be
maintained. This, for our purposes, is the significance of the word
‘targeted’ in the expression ‘targeted killings.’ The significance is the
requirement of proportionality that my colleague the president discusses
at length.
4. In so far as the implementation of the requirement of
proportionality is concerned, the proper premise emphasizes the rights
of innocent civilians. The State of Israel has the duty to respect the lives
of the civilians on the other side. It is liable to protect its own civilians
while respecting the lives of the civilians who are not under its effective
control. When we consider the rights of innocent civilians, we will find it
easier to recognize the importance of the restrictions placed upon the
manner in which the armed conflict is conducted. The duty to respect the
civilians on the other side is clearly stated in the rules of international
156
law (see E. Benvenisti, ‘Human Dignity in Combat: The Duty to Spare

Enemy Civilians,’ 39 Israel L. Rev. 81 (2006), at p. 96).
This duty is also a part of the other normative system that governs the
armed conflict: it is a part of the moral code of the state and the supreme
principle of preserving human dignity. I discussed this with regard to the
issue of the use of the ‘prior warning’ procedure (also known as the
‘neighbour’ procedure):
‘… In one matter the lines are clear and sharp — the respect
for human dignity as such. An army occupying a territory
under a belligerent occupation has the duty of protecting the
life of the local inhabitant. It also has the duty of protecting
his dignity. Making such an inhabitant, who is caught in a
battle zone, choose whether or not to agree to the army’s
request to convey a warning to a wanted person places him
in an impossible situation. The choice itself is immoral. It
violates human dignity’ (HCJFH 10739 Minister of Defence v.
Adalah Legal Centre for Arab Minority Rights in Israel [59]).
The two normative systems that govern armed conflicts are as one in
regarding the principle of human dignity as central. This principle
nourishes the interpretation of international law, just as it nourishes the
interpretation of Israeli internal public law. It expresses a general value
that gives rise to various specific duties (on the importance of this
principle in international law and its significance with regard to the
treatment of civilians, see Benvenisti, ‘Human Dignity in Combat: The
Duty to Spare Enemy Civilians,’ supra; it should be noted that Benvenisti
identifies two principles that are relevant to the implementation of the
principle of respecting human dignity in the context under discussion:
the principle of individualism, which states that every person is
responsible solely for his own actions, and the principle of universalism,
according to which all individuals are entitled to the same rights,
irrespective of the group to which they belong. This principle is not
expressly recognized in the law of armed conflicts. But this does not
negate the duty relating to enemy civilians. The scope of the duty varies
but not the existence of the duty itself (ibid., at p. 88)).
5. The principle of proportionality, which is a general principle that is
enshrined in various provisions of international law, seeks to realize this
duty. This principle does not allow disproportionate collateral damage to
innocent civilians. Thus it demands that the benefit that arises from
157
realizing the proper military objective should be commensurate with the

damage caused to innocent civilians. It demands that the collateral
damage should not be excessive in the circumstances of the case. There
are some who regard the weighing of the benefit against the damage as a
concretization of the requirement to refrain from harming civilians
excessively. Although the connection between the two is clear, it would
appear that there may be collateral damage to the civilian population
that is so serious that even a military objective of real benefit will not
justify causing it. After all, we are speaking of ethical requirements. ‘This
is an ethical test,’ my colleague the president says. ‘It is based on a
balance between conflicting values and interests.’ This ethical outlook is
accepted in customary international law with regard to the protection of
civilians (art. 51 of the First Additional Protocol to the 1977 Geneva
Conventions). It is also accepted in the national legal systems of many
countries. This test, as President Barak said in one case, ‘seeks in essence
to realize the constitutional outlook that the end does not justify the
means. It is an expression of the concept that there is an ethical barrier
that democracy cannot pass, even if the purpose that is being sought is a
proper one (Adalah Legal Centre for Arab Minority Rights in Israel v.
Minister of Defence [33]).
The duty to respect the lives of innocent civilians is therefore the
premise. It gives rise to the requirement that the collateral damage to
civilians should not be excessive and should be proportionate to the
benefit arising from the military operation. This ethical outlook logically
imposes restrictions on attacks against the lawbreaking combatants
themselves. The restrictions may relate to the type of weapon that is used
during the targeted killing. The restrictions may also result in choosing a
method that reduces the danger to the lives of innocent civilians. The
restrictions may relate to the degree of care that should be taken in
identifying the target for the killing. These are all restrictions that seek in
essence to realize the duty to respect the lives of innocent civilians, and
they will be interpreted accordingly.
The premise is therefore the rights of innocent civilians. It is the
premise, but it is not the only premise. It does not detract from the
human dignity of the lawbreaking combatants themselves. Admittedly,
international law does not grant lawbreaking combatants equal rights to
those given to lawful combatants or, conversely, to innocent civilians. But
human dignity is a supreme principle that applies to every person, even
in times of war and conflict. It is not conditional upon reciprocity. One of
158
the consequences of this, which is not disputed by the state, is that

whenever it is possible to arrest a terrorist who is taking a direct part in
hostilities and bring him to trial, the state will do so. This is a possibility
that should always be considered. But as my colleague the president says,
sometimes this possibility may be completely impractical or may
endanger soldiers excessively.
6. The principle of proportionality is easy to state, but hard to
implement. When we consider it prospectively, under time constraints
and on the basis of limited sources of information, the decision may be a
difficult and complex one. Frequently it is necessary to consider values
and principles that cannot be easily balanced. Each of the competing
considerations is based upon relative variables. None of them can be
considered as standing on its own. Proportionate military needs include
humanitarian elements. Humanitarian considerations take into account
existential military needs. As my colleague the president says, the court
determines the law that governs the decision of the military commander.
The professional military decision is the responsibility of the executive
branch, and the court will ask itself if a reasonable military commander
could have made the decision that was actually made, in view of the
normative principles that apply to the case (cf. Final Report to the
Prosecutor by the Committee Established to Review the NATO Bombing
Campaign Against the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, which was
submitted to the International Criminal Tribunal for the former
Yugoslavia in June 2000).
7. In conclusion, like my colleague the president, I too am of the
opinion that it cannot be decided ab initio that a targeted killing
operation is always illegal, just as it cannot be decided ab initio that it is
legal and permitted in all circumstances. Such an operation — in order
to be legal — must satisfy the rules of law, including the requirement of
proportionality as explained above, from an outlook that places the main
emphasis on the right of the State of Israel to protect itself and the lives
of its civilians, but at the same time regards the principle of human
dignity as a fundamental value.
I therefore agree with the opinion of my colleague President A.
Barak.
159
I agree with the judgment of President (Emeritus) Barak and would
like to emphasize several aspects of the difficult subject that has been
brought before us.
In the petition before us the petitioners requested us to order the
respondents to cancel the ‘targeted killing’ policy and to refrain from
carrying out any operations within the framework of that policy. This is
therefore a petition for a general and broad relief that relies on the
petitioners’ claim that Israel’s policy in this regard is ‘manifestly illegal.’
Among the other arguments from the field of international law and
Israeli internal law, the petitioners also based their claims on specific
examples from the past, which they believe show the illegality of the
aforesaid policy. These specific examples indicate the problems and the
risks involved in the ‘targeted killing’ policy, but they cannot decide the
legal question of the legality of the policy in general.
For the reasons set out in the opinion of my colleague President
Barak, I agree with the conclusion that the question before us is
governed by the laws applying to international armed conflicts, and that
the petitioners’ sweeping position is not mandated by the rules of
international humanitarian law. The conclusion reached by President
Barak, with which I agree, is that it cannot be said that the aforesaid
policy is always prohibited, just as it cannot be said that it is permitted in
all circumstances at the discretion of the military commander. The legal
question before us is complex and cannot be addressed in the broad and
all-embracing manner as argued by the petitioners.
This court has held many times in the past that even combat
operations are governed by the norms enshrined in both international
law and internal law, and that military activity does not take place in a
normative vacuum. The legal difficulties that we are required to confront
derive first and foremost from the fact that international law has not yet
developed the laws of war in a manner that will make them suitable for
war against terrorist organizations as opposed to a regular army.
Therefore, we are required make use of interpretive tools in order to
adapt existing humanitarian law to the needs of the cruel reality with
which the State of Israel is contending. It should be noted that the
spread of the scourge of terrorism in recent years is a concern of legal
scholars in many countries and experts in international law, who seek to
establish the norms of what is permitted and prohibited with regard to
160
terrorists who do not comply with any law. Against this normative reality,
I too agree that within the framework of existing law, terrorists and their
organizations should not be classified as ‘combatants’ but as ‘civilians.’ In
view of this, they are subject to art. 51(3) of the First Additional Protocol
to the 1977 Geneva Conventions — an arrangement that is a part of
customary international law — according to which:
‘Civilians shall enjoy the protection afforded by this section,
unless and for such time as they take a direct part in
hostilities.’
In his opinion President Barak discussed at length the interpretation
of the main elements of the aforesaid art. 51(3), in view of the need to
define the expression ‘civilians’ that ‘take a direct part in hostilities’ and
to clarify the meaning of ‘for such time.’ As can be seen from the
interpretation given in the president’s opinion, the power of the state to
carry out ‘targeted killing’ operations is subject to restrictions and
reservations. From these reservations we see that not every involvement
in terrorist activity will constitute taking ‘a direct part in hostilities’ under
art. 51(3) and that we are speaking of activity relating to actual
hostilities — activity which, although is not limited merely to the physical
attack, does not include activity of indirect assistance (see para. 35 of the
president’s opinion). I agree that the dilemmas that arise in view of the
interpretation of the elements of the aforesaid art. 51(3) require a
specific examination on a case by case basis. It should be remembered
that the purpose of the ‘targeted killing’ is to prevent harm to human life
as a part of the duty of the state to protect its armed forces and civilians.
Since art. 51(3) is an exception to the duty to refrain from harming the
lives of innocent civilians, great caution should be exercised when
considering, in the appropriate circumstances, the possibility of
endangering the lives of civilians. When exercising this caution, an
examination should be made of the level of information required in
order to classify a ‘civilian’ as someone who is taking a direct part in the
hostilities. This information should be reliable, substantial and
convincing with regard to the risk presented by the terrorist to human
life — a risk that includes persistent activity that is not limited to
sporadic activity or a single concrete act. I would add that in appropriate
circumstances information concerning the activity of the terrorist in the
past may be used to examine the risk that he presents in the future. I
would also add that when assessing the risk, the likelihood of the hostile
activity that endangers human life should be considered. In this regard, a
161
remote suspicion is insufficient; there should be a significant probability

that such a risk exists. I agree of course with the finding that a thorough
and independent (retrospective) investigation should be made with
regard to the correctness of the identification and the circumstances of
the attack. To all of the above I would add two points: first, no use should
be made of ‘targeted killings’ when it is possible to arrest a terrorist who
is taking a direct part in hostilities without any real risk to the lives of the
armed forces. Second, the principle of proportionality as accepted in
customary international law, according to which disproportionate
collateral damage to innocent civilians should be avoided, should be
observed. When the harm to innocent civilians is not proportionate to
the benefit of the military operation (the test of ‘proportionality in the
narrow sense’), the ‘targeted killing’ will be disproportionate. This matter
was also discussed in depth by my colleague Vice-President Rivlin, and I
agree with him too. Ultimately, when a ‘targeted killing’ operation is
carried out in accordance with the reservations that have been discussed
and within the framework of the law relating to international armed
conflicts in customary humanitarian law as we have interpreted it, we are
not speaking of taking human life in an arbitrary manner, but of an
action that is intended to save human life.
Therefore I too am of the opinion that in Israel’s difficult war against
terror that besets it, we cannot say in a sweeping manner that the use of
the measure of ‘targeted killings’ as one of the strategies in the war
against terrorism is prohibited, and thereby prevent the state from using
a strategy which, in the opinion of those responsible for security, is
essential for the protection of the lives of Israeli inhabitants.
Notwithstanding, in view of the extreme nature of the ‘targeted killing’
strategy, it should only be used subject to the restrictions and
reservations outlined in our judgment and in accordance with the
circumstances and merits of each individual case.
Petition denied.
23 Kislev 5767.
14 December 2006.
162
Mayor of Ad-Dhahiriya v. IDF Commander in West Bank
(Judgment)
——————
Synopsis
The Israel Defence Forces constructed a concrete barricade (not to be

confused with the security fence) along a section of road in the south of
Mount Hebron in the territory of Judaea and Samaria. The barricade was
built to a height of 82 centimetres, and its purpose was to prevent the
passage of vehicles except at points where there was a gap in the
barricade.
The military commander, who is responsible for security in the territories,

argued that the barricade was required to counter various terrorist threats,
and in particular the threat of drive-by shootings. It did this by limiting the
possibilities of exiting the road and thereby making it difficult for terrorists
to escape after carrying out a shooting. He further argued that the
barricade caused minimal harm to the local population, since it was no
different from the barricades found along many Israeli inter-city roads,
whose purpose is to separate the traffic going in different directions. There
were gaps in the barricades at regular intervals, where vehicles as well as
pedestrians could pass freely.
The Supreme Court rejected the argument comparing the security

barricade to traffic barricades on inter-city roads. In view of the
agricultural lifestyle of the local inhabitants, the harm caused by the
barricade to them was serious. Many of the Palestinian inhabitants of the
area use donkeys and other animals as means of transport, and many of
them travel by foot. Many of the inhabitants of the area earn their
livelihood from herding sheep. The barricade impeded the passage of
pack animals and flocks of sheep and goats. The barricade also impeded
the passage of cetain pedestrians, since not everyone is capable of
climbing over a concrete barricade with a height of 82 centimetres. The
barricade denied passage to the disabled, the elderly and other persons
163
Mayor of Ad-Dhahiriya v. IDF Commander
with limited movement, and it made the passage of women with small
children difficult.
The court accepted that the concrete barricade had been built for a
proper purpose, namely as a measure to counter terrorism, and especially
‘drive-by shootings.’ Nonetheless, the court held that the barricade as it
had been constructed (solid concrete) was a disproportionate measure,
since it was not the least harmful measure that was capable of achieving
the security purpose. A metal barricade, which would allow livestock to
pass underneath and would make it easier for people to climb over,
would achieve the same security purpose, but cause less harm to the local
inhabitants.
164
HCJ 1748/06
Mayor of Ad-Dhahiriya
and others
v.
IDF Commander in West Bank
HCJ 1845/06
Khalil Mahmud Younis
and others
v.
1. IDF Commander in West Bank
2. Head of Civilian Administration in West Bank, Bethel
HCJ 1856/06
As-Samu Municipality
and others
v.
2. State of Israel
Amicus curiae: Council for Peace and Security

[14 December 2006]
Before Emeritus President A. Barak, President D. Beinisch
and Vice-President E. Rivlin
Facts: The petitioners challenged the construction of a concrete barricade, with

a height of 82 centimetres, along a section of road in the south of Mount
Hebron in the territory of Judaea and Samaria. The respondents argued that the
barricade was required for security purposes. The petitioners argued that it
impeded the movement of pedestrians and animals.
165
Held: The concrete barricade was disproportionate, since it was not the least
harmful measure that was capable of achieving the security purpose. A metal
barricade, which would allow livestock to pass underneath and would make it
easier for people to climb over, would achieve the same security purpose, but
cause less harm to the local inhabitants.
Petition granted.

IsrSC 58(5) 807; [2004] IsrLR 264.
[3] HCJ 3680/05 Tana Town Committee v. Prime Minister (not yet reported).
[4] HCJ 4938/04 Shuqba Village Council v. Prime Minister (not yet reported).
[5] HCJ 1348/05 Shatiyeh v. State of Israel (not yet reported).
[6] HCJ 1998/06 Bet Aryeh Local Council v. Minister of Defence (not yet
reported).
[8] HCJ 2942/05 Mansour v. State of Israel (not yet reported).
352; [2002-3] IsrLR 83.
[10] HCJ 399/06 Susiya Agricultural Communal Settlement Cooperative Society
Ltd v. Government of Israel (not yet reported).
[12] HCJ 258/79 Amira v. Defence Minister [1980] IsrSC 34(1) 90.
[13] HCJ 4825/04 Alian v. Prime Minister (not yet reported).
For the petitioners in HCJ 1748/06 — L. Yehuda.

For the petitioners in HCJ 1845/06 — N. Amar.
For the petitioners in HCJ 1856/06 — G. Nassir.
For the respondents — G. Shirman, D. Tirza.
For the Council for Peace and Security — Col. (res.) S. Arieli, Maj-Gen. (ret.) S.
Givoli.
166
JUDGMENT

This petition is directed against the construction of a concrete
barricade by the IDF forces in the south of Mount Hebron and against
orders to requisition land that were made for the purpose of constructing
this barricade.
The background to the petition
1. There are three roads in the south of Mount Hebron in Judaea.
Road no. 60 runs from the south-west to the north-east and it passes
through the Jewish town of Shima. Road no. 317 is the continuation of
road 60, extending east from Shima Junction, and it connects the towns
of Susiya, Maon and Carmel. The third road connects road 60 to the
town of Tana. The petition concerns three sections of these roads, which
jointly create a continuous road that is approximately 41 kilometres long,
from the town of Tana in the west to the town of Carmel in the east
(hereafter: the roads). North of the roads lie the Palestinian towns of
Ad-Dhahiriya, As-Samu and Al-Carmel, and beyond these to the north
lies the Palestinian city of Yatta. The Green Line passes to the south of
the roads, at a distance of between three and seven kilometres. The
route for constructing the separation fence was planned to run close to
the Green Line. In the area between the planned separation fence and
the roads there are approximately twenty small Palestinian villages in
which there live a total of approximately 2,000 inhabitants. This area also
contains agricultural land that is cultivated by the local Palestinian
inhabitants. The roads are crossed by various paths that connect the
Palestinian towns in the north with the Palestinian towns and agricultural
land in the south.
2. On 14 December 2005 the respondents made three requisition
orders: order R/185/05, order R/186/05 and order R/187/05 (hereafter —
the new requisition orders). According to what is stated in the orders,
they were issued ‘in order to establish a defensive barricade in the south
of Mount Hebron.’ They requisition land in a strip adjacent to the roads,
which has a length of approximately 41 kilometres and a width of several
metres. The strip of land passes through the lands of the villages of Ad-
Dhahiriya, Yatta, As-Samu, At-Tuwani, Khirbet Zanuta, Khirbet Ar-
Rahwa and A-Tuba. The new requisition orders include a strip that is
167
adjacent to the whole length of the roads, with the exception of several
sections, whose total length is approximately three kilometres, which
according to the military commander are subject to old requisition
orders by virtue of which he is in any case authorized to act as aforesaid
(order R/82/19 of 17 March 1982, order R/82/31 of 28 June 1982, order
R/99/2 of 23 March 1999 and order R/96/4 of 2 April 1996). In total the
new requisition orders cover an area of approximately 230 dunams of
private land. Objections to the requisition orders that the petitioners
filed were rejected by the respondents on 12 February 2006.
3. The respondents began to construct a concrete barricade in the
strip that was requisitioned along the roads, i.e., from Tana to Carmel.
The barricade was built on the north side of the roads at a distance of up
to three metres from the road itself. It is approximately 41 kilometres
long. It is 82 centimetres high and the width of its base is 60 centimetres.
There are 13 openings in the barricade that are intended to allow the
traffic of vehicles on the paths that cross the roads. Two of these serve a
quarry that is situated in the area and the remainder serve the local
inhabitants and farmers. During the hearing of the petition, the
respondents decided to make eleven additional openings so that there
are a total of 24 openings in the barricade. Six of the openings are
situated in close proximity to one another along a four-kilometre section
of the road south of the town of Tana, and the remainder are at intervals
of between one and three kilometres. Most of the openings are located
at intervals of approximately two kilometres.
4. When they filed the petitions, the petitioners requested an interim
order that would prevent the performance of the works to construct the
concrete barricade until the petition is decided on its merits. We held a
hearing of the interim order application on 3 April 2006. The application
was denied. We held that in view of the scope of the harm that was
anticipated from the works to construct the barricade, which was
relatively small, and the fact that the measures were not irreversible, it
was not proved that the petitioners’ immediate damage from the
performance of the works outweighed the risk involved in delaying the
construction of the barricade. After the respondents sealed the opening
in the concrete barricade that allowed the traffic of vehicles between the
city of Yatta and the village of A-Tuwani and other towns, the petitioners
filed an additional application for an interim order. We heard the
positions of the parties on this matter at a hearing that took place on 27
July 2006. The respondents explained that the sealing of the opening was
168
carried out as an exceptional and temporary step in consequence of the

serious deterioration in the security position, and on account of the
redeployment of considerable forces from the territory of Judaea and
Samaria to the combat areas in Gaza and Lebanon. In such
circumstances, we decided (on 31 July 2006) that there was no basis for
granting the application. On 6 September 2006 we held a hearing of the
petitions themselves. The hearing was attended by Brigadier (res.)
Danny Tirza, who is in charge of the ‘Rainbow’ administration, which
deals with the construction of the separation fence, and Colonel (res.)
Shaul Arieli from the Council for Peace and Security, which was joined
as a party to the hearing, at its request, as amicus curiae. During the
hearing the parties agreed to regard the petitions as if an order nisi had
been made.
The parties to the petition
5. The petitioners in HCJ 1748/06 are the mayor of Ad-Dhahiriya, a
part of whose land is included in the requisition orders made by the
respondents; the head of the village council of A-Tuwani, which is
situated south of the concrete barricade; and Palestinian inhabitants who
live in the area or who own agricultural land in the area. The seventh
petitioner is the Association for Civil Rights. The petitioners in HCJ
1845/06 are the mayor of Yatta and the mayor of the towns around Yatta,
which are all near the area where the barricade is being built, and
Palestinian inhabitants who live in the area south of the barricade or who
live in towns in the area and have land in the area. Petitioner 30 is a non-
profit association, Rabbis for Human Rights. The petitioners in HCJ
1856/06 are the municipality, mayor and inhabitants of As-Samu, a town
whose agricultural lands are mostly situated in the area south of the
concrete barricade. The respondent in the three petitions is the IDF
Commander in Judaea and Samaria.
The arguments of the parties
6. The petitioners request that we set aside the decision to build the
barricade. They emphasize that the barricade does not merely prevent
the passage of motor vehicles but also the passage of livestock, whether
these are herds or pack animals. The barricade also prevents the passage
of pedestrians, including children, the elderly and the disabled. In view of
the character of the local population, travel in the area takes place on
foot, on horses or donkeys, or by means of agricultural vehicles such as
tractors. The use of these forms of transport has increased as a result of
169
the travel restrictions imposed on the Palestinian population. The result

is that the concrete barricade seriously disrupts the petitioners’ mobility.
The situation is even more serious on account of the proximity to the
separation fence. The concrete barricade encloses an extensive area of
land to the north and west, and the separation fence is being built to the
south. This creates an enclave that is surrounded on all sides by a barrier.
The ability of the inhabitants of the enclave to leave it and the ability of
farmers from nearby towns to enter the cultivated areas in the enclave is
very restricted and is only possible via the openings that remain in the
concrete barricade.
7. The petitioners point out that the enclave contains approximately
twenty villages, which are inhabited by two thousand people. These
villages are very small and most of them are not connected to water and
electricity. Therefore the inhabitants of the villages are dependent upon
Palestinian towns on the other side of the roads for every sphere of life:
the supply of water and fuel, health and education services, and a
livelihood. According to the petitioners, the construction of the concrete
barricade will result in the demographic and economic decline of the
villages in the enclave to the point where their long-term existence is
endangered. The petitioners attached to their petition a professional
opinion of the non-profit association Bimkom — Planners for Planning
Rights, which supports this conclusion. According to the petitioners, the
concrete barricade bisects kilometres of agricultural land. It encloses
within the enclave agricultural land that belongs to the inhabitants of the
nearby towns. According to the records in the petitioners’ possession, at
least 3,500 families from the towns of Yatta, As-Samu and Ad-Dhahiriya
own rights in land in the area of the enclave. It is becoming difficult for
these farmers to have access to their land. Sheepherding is impeded
because the movement of the flocks has become very restricted. These
injuries exacerbate the harm to the property rights of the owners of the
private land that has been requisitioned for building the barricade. In
most places where openings have been left in the barricade, the paths
that connect with the road on either side do not meet at the same point.
This means that in order for an inhabitant of the area to pass from one
side of the road to the other, he needs to reach the road via a path on
one side that leads to an opening, enter the road and travel along it until
he reaches another opening which connects with the other side. The
problem with this, according to the petitioners, is that in recent years the
170
IDF forces prevent Palestinians from travelling on the roads that are the
subject of this petition.
8. The petitioners claim that the construction of the barricade is not
required at all for security reasons and therefore its construction is
improper and falls outside the authority of the respondents. The petition
was supported by a professional opinion signed by Brigadier (res.)
Yehuda Golan-Ashenfeld and four other reserve IDF officers with the
rank of colonel or lieutenant-colonel, who all formerly held senior army
positions in Judaea and Samaria or the Gaza Strip. The authors of the
opinion say that most of the terrain where the barricade was constructed
could not in any case be negotiated by vehicles, and the construction of
the barricade in fact increased certain threats, such as shooting
ambushes, and created security problems. Their conclusion is that not
only does the concrete barricade provide no benefit, but it is more of a
security liability than an asset. According to the authors of the opinion,
the IDF protects hundreds of kilometres of other roads in the territory of
Judaea and Samaria without using concrete barricades of the type under
discussion in this petition. The petitioners conclude their arguments in
this regard by saying that the concrete barricade seriously violates the
basic rights of the Palestinian inhabitants without there being any
military need that can justify this violation. They therefore claim that this
is an act that is ultra vires, or at the very least a disproportionate act that
should be set aside.
9. Finally the petitioners point out that it was originally planned (in a
government decision in 2003) to build the separation fence with a route
that is close to the route chosen for the concrete barricade. The route of
the separation fence was changed (in a government decision in 2005) in
order to comply with the principles laid down by this court in HCJ
2056/04 Beit Sourik Village Council v. Government of Israel [1]. According
to the petitioners, the construction of the concrete barricade along a
route that is very similar to the original route of the separation fence is a
way of circumventing the requirement of determining a proportionate
route for the separation fence. The petitioners express the concern that
the barricade constitutes an initial stage on the way to building a barrier
like the separation fence, which will be accompanied by the introduction
of travel restrictions.
10. According to the respondents, the barricade is intended to protect
persons travelling on the roads. These are roads that lead to Israeli
171
towns that are situated on the ‘Palestinian’ side of the security fence in
the area, and therefore there is a special defensive need in this area. The
respondents pointed out that ‘the security need is based, inter alia, on a
series of security incidents that have taken place in the area where the
barricade is being constructed (including during 2005), namely stone
throwing, Molotov cocktails, shooting at vehicles, etc.’. The concrete
barricade restricts the possibilities of entering and exiting the road. It
directs vehicles travelling along the road to specific exit openings. These
openings will admittedly not be fitted with gates and they will allow free
passage, but directing the traffic of vehicles in the area to specific
openings will allow the IDF to control the traffic that crosses the road
more effectively. The concrete barricade is especially useful in
contending with the phenomenon of ‘drive-by shootings,’ because it
limits the car’s possibilities of escaping. The respondents claim that the
harm to the inhabitants as a result of building the concrete barricade is
minimal. The respondents insisted that a barricade that is 82 centimetres
high does not create any restriction upon pedestrian traffic. Cars can
cross the roads freely at the openings in the barricade. In their
statements before us, both in oral argument and in written pleadings, the
respondents insisted that there is no general restriction upon the
movement of Palestinian cars on the roads themselves. At the last
hearing that took place on 6 September 2006 the respondents stated that
if the petitioners make specific requests to make additional openings in
the concrete barricade, their requests will be considered favourably. On
19 October 2006 the respondents notified the court that they had made a
‘detailed re-examination’ of the route of the concrete barricade and the
openings that were made in it. The petitioners’ proposal of making 45
openings in the barricade was examined. The respondents found that the
application was not sufficiently detailed and coherent and that it did not
‘represent real needs.’ Notwithstanding, a decision was made to add
eleven openings that would be used for the passage of vehicles, pack
animals and pedestrians, so that there would be a total of twenty-four
openings in the barricade.
11. The experts of the Council for Security and Peace appeared
before us and filed a detailed and coherent security opinion. According
to them, the concrete barricade does not provide any protection for
persons travelling on the roads. On the contrary, it creates security
weaknesses. The barricade provides cover for persons wishing to ambush
passing cars. It makes it impossible to carry out an immediate pursuit of
172
terrorists when necessary. According to the representatives of the

Council for Security and Peace, no incident of ‘shooting from a passing
car,’ which according to the respondents is the threat that the concrete
barricade is supposed to prevent, ever occurred in the area under
consideration in the petition, but only in remote parts of Judaea and
Samaria. Instead, other security incidents have taken place in the area
under consideration in the petition; these are no less serious, but the
concrete barricade is of no use in preventing them. In their opinion the
representatives of the Council for Security and Peace point out that the
concrete barricade was also built along sections of roads that cannot be
used by wheeled vehicles because of topographic conditions, natural
obstacles and mounds of earth that are in the area. In view of this, the
representatives of the Council for Security and Peace wonder why the
concrete barricade was built, why in particular it was built on the roads
that are under consideration in the petition, and why no such barricade
has been built anywhere else in Judaea and Samaria.
Deliberations
12. According to the laws relating to a belligerent occupation, the
military commander is competent to order the construction of a concrete
barricade and to requisition land belonging to Palestinian inhabitants for
this purpose. This power only exists when the reason that gave rise to the
decision is a military or security one. According to art. 52 of the
regulations appended to the Hague Convention Respecting the Laws
and Customs of War on Land, 1907, the requisition of the land should be
for the ‘needs of the army of occupation.’ According to art. 53 of the
Fourth Geneva Convention Relative to the Protection of Civilian
Persons in Time of War, 1949, a requisition should be ‘rendered
absolutely necessary by military operations.’ The military commander is
also competent to requisition land and to build a concrete barricade on it
in order to protect the lives and security of Israelis who live in Israeli
towns in the territory of Judaea and Samaria, even though the Israelis
who live in the territories are not ‘protected persons’ within the meaning
of this term in art. 4 of the Fourth Geneva Convention. This was what we
held with regard to the separation fence in HCJ 7957/04 Marabeh v.
Prime Minister of Israel [2], at paras. 18-22; see also HCJ 3680/05 Tana
Town Committee v. Prime Minister [3], at paras. 8-10). It is also the
position in the petition before us. Indeed, the normative position for
deciding the matter before us is identical to the normative position that
was determined for considering the petitions concerning the separation
173
fence in Beit Sourik Village Council v. Government of Israel [1] and in

Marabeh v. Prime Minister of Israel [2] (see also HCJ 4938/04 Shuqba
Village Council v. Prime Minister [4]; HCJ 1348/05 Shatiyeh v. State of
Israel [5]; HCJ 1998/06 Bet Aryeh Local Council v. Minister of Defence
[6]). The principles guiding the military commander when constructing
the separation fence also apply when he decides to requisition land for
other defensive activity, such as the construction of the concrete
barricade under discussion in this petition.
13. When he considered the decision whether to construct the
barricade, the military commander was required to take several
considerations into account. The first consideration is the security or
military consideration, which concerns the protection of the security of
the state and the security of the army. The second consideration concerns
the welfare of the inhabitants who live in the area. The military
commander is obliged to protect the human dignity, life and security of
every one of them. The third consideration is that the military
commander is obliged to protect the human dignity, life and security of
Israelis who live in Israeli towns in the territories. These considerations
conflict with one another. The military commander should balance the
conflicting considerations. Indeed —
‘The laws of belligerent occupation recognize the authority
of the military commander to maintain security in the area
and thereby to protect the security of his country and its
citizens, but it makes the exercising of this authority
conditional upon a proper balance between it and the rights,
needs, and interests of the local population’ (Beit Sourik
Village Council v. Government of Israel [1], at p. 833 {290};
see also Marabeh v. Prime Minister of Israel [2], at para. 29;
Tana Town Committee v. Prime Minister [3], at para. 10).
14. The balance between security needs and the interests of
Palestinian inhabitants and Israeli citizens is not simple. The military
commander is responsible for striking a balance between them. A main
criterion in this balance is ‘proportionality,’ with its three subtests. First,
there should be a rational connection between the measure chosen and
the purpose that it is supposed to realize. Second, the measure chosen
should be the one that is least harmful to the violated rights. The
question is whether, of all the various measures that are capable of
realizing the security purpose, the least harmful one was chosen.
174
‘The obligation to choose the least harmful measure does

not amount to the obligation to choose the measure that is
absolutely the least harmful. The obligation is to choose, of
the reasonable options that are available, the least harmful.
One must therefore compare the rational possibilities, and
choose the possibility that, in the concrete circumstances, is
capable of achieving the proper purposes with a minimal
violation of human rights’ (HCJ 7052/03 Adalah Legal Centre
for Arab Minority Rights in Israel v. Ministry of Interior [7], at
para. 68 of my opinion).
Third, the measure chosen should strike a proper balance between the
purpose underlying its realization and the violated rights (see Adalah
Legal Centre for Arab Minority Rights in Israel v. Ministry of Interior [7], at
paras. 64-75 of my opinion; Beit Sourik Village Council v. Government of
Israel [1], at p. 841 {297}; Shatiyeh v. State of Israel [5], at para. 22; HCJ
2942/05 Mansour v. State of Israel [8], at para. 23). When determining the
proportional balance, the military commander’s discretion is not
absolute. His decision should be one that a reasonable military
commander could make (see Marabeh v. Prime Minister of Israel [2], at
para. 32, and the references cited there). His decision is subject to
judicial scrutiny. Notwithstanding, the Supreme Court sitting as the High
Court of Justice does not replace the military commander’s discretion
with its own discretion. This court exercises judicial scrutiny of the
legality of the military commander’s exercise of discretion. In this
scrutiny —
‘… we do not appoint ourselves as experts in security
matters. We do not replace the security considerations of the
military commander with our own security considerations.
We do not adopt any position with regard to the manner in
which security matters are conducted… Our role is to ensure
that boundaries are not crossed and that the conditions that
restrict the discretion of the military commander are
upheld…’ (HCJ 7015/02 Ajuri v. IDF Commander in West
Bank [9], at p. 375 {109-110}, and see: Tana Town Committee
v. Prime Minister [3], at para. 11; Bet Aryeh Local Council v.
Minister of Defence [6], at para. 8; Shatiyeh v. State of Israel
[5], at para. 22).
175
The court does not take the place of the responsible military
authority. Judicial scrutiny examines whether the actions and decisions of
the military commander comply with the law.
From general principles to the specific case
15. In Tana Town Committee v. Prime Minister [3] and HCJ 399/06
Susiya Agricultural Communal Settlement Cooperative Society Ltd v.
Government of Israel [10] we denied petitions of Jewish inhabitants of the
towns of Tana and Susiya, which are situated in the area under discussion
in this petition; they requested, contrary to the position of the army, that
the separation fence should pass to the north of their towns so that they
would be included on the ‘Israeli’ side. We held that the decisions of the
military commander were made after he considered all the relevant
factors and struck a proper balance between them. These factors
included the protection of the Jewish inhabitants, the protection of the
military forces and the protection of the human rights and needs of the
protected inhabitants in the territory. Within the framework of the
hearings of each of the petitions, the respondents told us that they
believed that they could discharge their responsibility to provide the
petitioners with security to a sufficient degree even if the town was on
the northern side of the fence. The military commander gave details of
security measures that would make it possible to provide security for the
Jewish towns in the area. The position of the respondents was described
in the judgment in Tana Town Committee v. Prime Minister [3] as follows:
‘The military commander is of the opinion that he can
discharge his responsibility to provide the inhabitants with
security to a sufficient degree even if the town of Tana is left
on the northern side of the fence. The town of Tana itself
will receive perimeter protection by means of a special
security zone, which is a security system that includes a
security fence and a series of security measures whose
purpose is to prevent any infiltration into the town and to
allow advance warning of any attempt to infiltrate the town.
The security fence itself will be constructed at a distance of
approximately 400 metres from the most outlying houses of
the town. A patrol route and lighting will be set up between
the security fence and the fence that surrounds the town.
The approach route to the town will be protected in the
same way in which main traffic arteries are protected in the
176
territories, by means of two long-range observation towers

and by means of fences (which are not uninterrupted) along
the road, to prevent the throwing of stones and other short-
range terrorist measures. Apart from the physical protection
measures, rapid response forces will operate in the area at
all times’ (Tana Town Committee v. Prime Minister [3], at
para. 4; see also Susiya Agricultural Communal Settlement
Cooperative Society Ltd v. Government of Israel [10], at para.
5).
Indeed, it should be taken into account that this area contains Jewish
towns whose protection requires proper military deployment. The
protection of persons travelling on the access routes to these towns also
requires proper military deployment. The respondents have the authority
to employ military measures in order to guarantee this essential
protection. The construction of the concrete barricade is therefore an act
that derives from the authority of the military commander.
16. Have the respondents exercised their power proportionately?
Does the harm arising from the concrete barricade strike a proper
balance between the rights of the petitioners on the one hand and
security needs on the other? The respondents insist that the concrete
barricade is similar in nature ‘to the safety barricades on Israeli roads,’
such as those that have been constructed along inter-city roads in order
to separate the traffic going in different directions. According to them,
this implies that the measure is a commonplace one that does not unduly
harm the petitioners. We do not accept this argument. The extent of the
harm should be examined against the background of the characteristics
of the injured population. The principle of proportionality is a concrete
test. It is ‘a criterion that balances the authority of the military
commander in the occupied area against the needs of the local
population’ (Beit Sourik Village Council v. Government of Israel [1], at p.
838 {295}). Proportionality focuses therefore on the harm caused by the
administrative action to a certain group. The harm depends upon the
circumstances. The harm caused by an administrative action varies from
person to person and from one population group to another. The harm
caused to an urban population by a barricade built along a paved and
developed road that is used by motor vehicles cannot be compared to the
harm caused by such a barricade to a rural population. The conditions
and character of the petitioners’ lives are such that the nature of the
harm caused by the barricade to them is serious. Many of the Palestinian
177
inhabitants of the area make use of donkeys and other animals as means
of transport, and many of them travel by foot. Many of the inhabitants of
the area earn their livelihood from herding sheep. The barricade
impedes the passage of pack animals and flocks of sheep and goats. The
barricade impedes the passage of pedestrians. Not every person is
capable of climbing over a concrete barricade with a height of 82
centimetres. The barricade denies passage to the disabled. The barricade
prevents the passage of the elderly and other persons who have limited
movement. The barricade makes the passage of women with small
children difficult.
17. The concrete barricade causes serious harm. It is more than forty
kilometres long. It restricts the movement of more than five thousand
inhabitants who live or own agricultural plots to the south. The
petitioners filed affidavits of dozens of inhabitants of the villages that are
situated in the enclave, which is enclosed by the concrete barricade on
one side and the separation fence on the other. The concrete barricade
restricts the movement of the inhabitants of these villages in a way that
will make it difficult for them to lead normal lives. It seriously impedes
access to basic and essential services that are located in nearby urban
centres. It makes it difficult for the inhabitants of these villages to earn a
livelihood, since they need to reach the nearby urban centres in order to
market their crops, and it substantially increases the costs of essential
products such as water, food, fuel and animal fodder. Thus the concrete
barricade violates property rights, the freedom of movement and the
right to education, health, family life and dignity. Indeed, the effect of
constructing the concrete barricade, which is more than forty kilometres
long, is to isolate a large area and separate it from the other parts of
Judaea and Samaria. The lifestyles of the inhabitants will be deeply
affected by this isolation. It constitutes a major change for the local
inhabitants and imposes a real burden on their ability to continue to live
in this area. We are not speaking of self-sufficient towns. These are small
villages that depend extensively on their contact with nearby towns.
Moreover, the barricade separates the farmers who live north of the road
from their crops and grazing land to the south of it. Thus it separates the
town of Ad-Dhahiriya from approximately half of its inhabitants’
agricultural land. More than 950 inhabitants of Ad-Dhahiriya own rights
in agricultural land in the enclave. The barricade separates the city of as-
Samu from 80 per cent of its agricultural land, an area of approximately
22,000 dunams. Admittedly we are not speaking of a complete isolation,
178
since the concrete barricade does have openings, which can be used by
the inhabitants to cross the roads. But we are speaking of a significant
impediment to the mobility of farmers in the area, especially in view of
the extensive use that they make of pack animals and the considerable
amount of sheep herding.
18. Does this harm satisfy the first test of proportionality? Is there a
rational connection between the measure that was adopted and the
purpose that the respondents are seeking to achieve? The petitioners
claim that there is no rational connection between the declared security
purpose and the construction of the concrete barricade. The
representatives of the Council for Security and Peace also claimed before
us that constructing the barricade not only makes no contribution to
security, but does more harm than good, since it increases the security
risks to persons travelling on the roads. By contrast, the professional
opinion of the respondents is that restricting the movement of vehicles in
the area is important from a security viewpoint and will make it possible
to contend with threats presented to those travelling on the roads. We
have before us two conflicting viewpoints. When there is a professional
dispute between the military commander and other security experts,
serious weight should be attached to the professional approach of the
military commander in the area. ‘… we must attribute special weight to
the military opinion of the party who has the responsibility for security’
(Beit Sourik Village Council v. Government of Israel [1], at p. 844 {302},
and see HCJ 390/79 Dawikat v. Government of Israel [11], at p. 25; HCJ
258/79 Amira v. Defence Minister [12], at p. 92; HCJ 4825/04 Alian v.
Prime Minister [13], at para. 15; Marabeh v. Prime Minister of Israel [2], at
para. 32 of my opinion; HCJ 1661/05 Gaza Coast Local Council v. Knesset
[14], at pp. 574-576). Therefore, anyone who asks the court to prefer a
professional opinion of another expert to the position of the military
commander needs to discharge a heavy burden. The petitioners did not
discharge this burden. We have not been persuaded that we should
prefer the professional opinion of the members of the Council for Peace
and Security or the professional opinion of the security experts
representing the petitioners to the position of the military commander.
In such circumstances we should base our judgment on the security
opinion of the military commander. We therefore accept the
respondents’ position with regard to the military solution to the security
needs in the area. We rely upon their position that the concrete
barricade is an effective means of protecting whoever travels on the
179
roads. The result is therefore that the construction of the concrete

barricade satisfies the first subtest of proportionality.
19. Does the harm satisfy the second subtest of proportionality? Have
the respondents discharged their duty to choose the least harmful of all
possible measures in order to realize the purpose? In their updated
statement to the court, the respondents said that following a re-
examination that they made, they made additional openings in the
concrete barricade to allow the passage of pedestrians and livestock. The
petitioners for their part replied to this statement by claiming that the
vast majority of these openings do not allow anyone to cross the roads.
Some of the openings are situated in impassable areas from a
topographical viewpoint; some are not situated in places where the local
inhabitants wish to cross the road; others are not even openings, but
merely narrow slits that do not allow people and animals to pass through.
In their most recent statements, the respondents even undertook that
requests to make additional openings in the concrete barricade will be
considered favourably. Indeed, this is capable of reducing the degree of
harm caused by the barricade. We have taken the most recent statements
of the respondents into account, but they are insufficient. The question
that is considered by the second subtest of proportionality is whether in
comparison to the measure chosen by the respondents — which we are
considering in the light of their most recent statements — a less harmful
alternative exists. The answer to this is that a less harmful alternative
does indeed exist.
20. The alternative measure that is less harmful is a barricade as
constructed by the respondents, with one difference: instead of concrete
it should be a metal barricade, like the safety barricades that have been
constructed at the sides of many roads in Israel and in various parts of
the territories. This measure was proposed by the petitioners. It is a less
harmful measure. Flocks of sheep will be able to pass under the metal
bar of the fence. It will be easier for pedestrians to climb over the fence.
The respondents themselves do not deny that a metal barricade is
capable of achieving the same security benefit as the concrete barricade,
but they argued before us that there is a concern that parts of the
barricade will be dismantled by metal thieves. In view of this assessment,
the respondents’ position is this measure should not be adopted. Counsel
for the respondents did not present any figures with regard to the scope
of the phenomenon of the theft of metal in the area under discussion in
the petition or in the territories in general. In any case, proportionality
180
demands the construction of a metal barricade and protecting it against

theft, rather than a serious injury to the lifestyle of the local inhabitants.
It should also be noted that the material before us shows that in addition
to the alternative of the metal barricade there are other options. The
representatives of the Council for Peace and Security said in their
opinion that in order to achieve the respondents’ declared security
purpose, it is also possible to construct a lower barricade, which will
prevent the passage of wheeled vehicles. A lower barricade is easier for
pedestrians and livestock to cross. It is a less harmful measure.
Additional options were raised during the petitions, such as the
replacement of the barricade with metal posts or stone blocks that can be
placed at distances in such a way that they will prevent the passage of
cars but allow the free passage of pedestrians and animals. We are not
considering the choice of the most suitable option from among these or
other options. This matter lies within the respondents’ authority. Our
task is to examine whether there is an alternative measure to the one
chosen by the respondents — a measure that achieves the same benefit
but is less harmful. Such a measure exists. It can realize the security
benefit that the barricade seeks to realize, while harming the lifestyle and
human rights of the local population to a lesser degree.
21. In view of this finding, the conclusion is that the concrete
barricade does not satisfy the requirement of the second subtest of
proportionality. Since several rational options were available to the
respondents for realizing the same security purpose, they should have
chosen the one that is the least harmful to human rights. The
respondents did not discharge this duty. In view of our finding with
regard to the second condition of proportionality, we do not need to go
on to examine whether the third subtest is satisfied.
22. The result is that we are making the order nisi absolute in respect
of the construction of the concrete barricade. Within six months the
respondents shall dismantle the concrete barricade that they built
between the town of Carmel and the town of Tana, along road 60, road
317 and the road leading to the town of Tana. The respondents may
construct an alternative barrier that is consistent with this judgment.
The respondents shall be liable for the petitioners’ costs in a sum of
NIS 25,000 in each of the petitions.
181
I agree.
I agree
Petition granted.
23 Kislev 5767.
14 December 2006.
182
Mayor of Ad-Dhahiriya v. IDF Commander in West Bank
(Contempt of Court Decision)
——————
Synopsis
In the judgment in Mayor of Ad-Dhahiriya v. IDF Commander in West

Bank (see page 163), the Supreme Court ordered the military commander
to dismantle a solid concrete barricade, with a height of 82 centimetres,
that had been built along a section of road in the south of Mount Hebron
in the territory of Judaea and Samaria. According to the judgment, the
concrete barricade was to be replaced by a metal barricade, which was
not solid but made of a metal bar supported by posts, which allowed
animals to pass underneath it.
The military commander was given six months to comply with the order.
At the end of the six months, he applied for a four month extension, on
the ground that the military authorities were considering making changes
to the existing barricade rather than removing it. In response, the
petitioners applied to the court for an order under the Contempt of Court
Ordinance.
The Supreme Court saw no reason why the state’s application should be
granted. The state was ordered to remove the barricade within two
weeks, in accordance with the original judgment.
183
HCJ 1748/06
Mayor of Ad-Dhahiriya
and others
v.
IDF Commander in West Bank
HCJ 1845/06
Khalil Mahmud Younis
and others
v.
2. Head of Civilian Administration in West Bank, Bethel
HCJ 1856/06
As-Samu Municipality
and others
v.
2. State of Israel
Amicus curiae: Council for Peace and Security

[24 July 2007]
Before President D. Beinisch, Vice-President E. Rivlin
and Justice A. Procaccia
Application of the respondents of 11 June 2007 to defer the date of compliance

with the judgment, and applications of the petitioners of 17 June 2007 and 24
June 2007 under section 6 of the Contempt of Court Ordinance.
Facts: On 14 December 2006 the Supreme Court ordered the respondents to

remove a concrete barricade along a forty-one kilometre section of road in the
area to the south of Mount Hebron in the territory of Judaea and Samaria. The
respondents were given six months to comply with the order. At the end of the
six months the respondents applied for a four month extension, on the ground
that they were considering making changes to the existing barricade rather than
184
removing it. In response, the petitioners applied to the court for an order under
the Contempt of Court Ordinance.
Held: The state was ordered to remove the barricade within two weeks, in
accordance with the original judgment.
Legislation cited:
Contempt of Court Ordinance, 1929, s. 6.
Israel Supreme Court cases cited:

[1] HCJ 1748/06 Mayor of Ad-Dhahiriya v. IDF Commander in West Bank
[2006] (2) IsrLR 602.
Respondents’ application denied; petitioners’ applications granted.
For the petitioners in HCJ 1748/06 — L. Yehuda, D. Yakir.

For the petitioners in HCJ 1845/06 — Q. Mishirqi.
For the petitioners in HCJ 1856/06 — G. Nassir.
For the respondents — G. Shirman.
DECISION
1. On 14 December 2006, judgment was given by this court
(President Emeritus A. Barak, President D. Beinisch and Vice-President
E. Rivlin) in three petitions that were directed against a concrete
barricade, 41 kilometres in length, that was built as a barrier by the Israel
Defence Forces (IDF) in the south of Mount Hebron (hereafter: the
barricade) and against orders to requisition land that were made for the
purpose of constructing this barricade (HCJ 1748/06 Mayor of Ad-
Dhahiriya v. IDF Commander in West Bank [1]; hereafter: the judgment).
In the judgment, which was written by President Emeritus A. Barak with
the agreement of the other members of the panel, the court discussed
the serious harm caused by the barricade to the local population in the
territories. It was held that the barricade restricted the movement of the
inhabitants in such a way that made it difficult for the local population to
185
lead their normal lives. The court held that it involved ‘… a significant
impediment to the mobility of farmers in the area, especially in view of
the extensive use that they make of pack animals and the considerable
amount of sheep herding’ (at para. 17 of the judgment [1]).
The court addressed the serious harm to the population and held that
it was disproportionate and did not strike a proper balance between the
rights of the inhabitants and security needs. In this respect it was held in
the judgment that there were less harmful options that realized these
security needs. In view of the court’s conclusion that the barricade
harmed the local population disproportionately, an absolute order was
made in the judgment in the following terms:
‘The result is that we are making the order nisi absolute in
respect of the construction of the concrete barricade. Within
six months the respondents shall dismantle the concrete
barricade that they built between the town of Carmel and
the town of Tana, along road 60, road 317 and the road
leading to the town of Tana. The respondents may construct
an alternative barrier that is consistent with this judgment’
(at para. 22 of the judgment [1]).
As can be seen from the aforesaid, according to the order the
respondents were supposed to dismantle the barricade. At the same
time, it was held that the respondents might construct an alternative
barricade that was consistent with the principles laid down in the
judgment.
2. On 11 June 2007, only three days before the date on which the
respondents were supposed to carry out what was stated in our
judgment, they filed an application to defer the date of compliance. This
application described the sequence of events leading to the date on
which it was filed. The respondents informed us that after the judgment
was given, the security authorities began to examine other options that
would satisfy the principles laid down in the judgment. Ultimately the
respondents decided at the end of March 2007 to choose an alternative
according to which the barricade would not be destroyed, as the court had
ordered; instead, changes would be made to the format of the existing
barricade, in order to make the harm to the inhabitants more
proportionate. The details of this alternative (hereafter: the new
alternative), as set out in a letter sent by the respondents to the
186
petitioners on 28 March 2007, included the creation of new openings

along the existing barricade. The letter said:
‘According to the new format of the barricade, every two
hundred metres — and in populated areas, every one
hundred metres — an element of the New Jersey type will be
removed and replaced with an alternative element that will
allow the easy and safe passage of pedestrians and animals…
In its new format the barricade will continue to serve the
security goal for which it was constructed — limiting the
movement of vehicles to the openings provided for this
purpose, while at the same time it will allow the convenient
and easy passage of pedestrians and animals; from every
point along the route they will be able to reach an opening
within a range of approximately one hundred metres at the
most in either direction.’
The respondents allowed the petitioners to present their reservations
with regard to this alternative, and on 1 April 2007 counsel for the
petitioners in HCJ 1748/06 and HCJ 1845/06 did indeed contact the
respondents and express their opposition to the new alternative. In the
letter sent by counsel for the petitioners, it was argued that the new
alternative ‘represented an attempt, in bad faith, to circumvent the
judgment of the High Court of Justice, and to distort its clear
instructions to dismantle the barricade.’ It should also be pointed out
that on the very same day counsel for the petitioners in HCJ 1748/06
received a letter from Mr Haggai Elon, who was at that time an adviser
to the Minister of Defence (hereafter: the adviser to the Minister of
Defence), in which he expressed his opposition to the respondents’
planned alternative, according to which, instead of dismantling the
barricade, changes would be made to it by creating openings that would
allow the passage of humans beings and animals.
In view of the petitioners’ opposition and in view of what was stated in
the letter of the adviser to the Minister of Defence, the respondents
decided to refer the matter for a reassessment and for the subsequent
approval of the Chief of Staff and the Minister of Defence. But on 10
June 2007 the respondents notified the petitioners that they had decided
not to change the new alternative. According to what was stated in this
notice to the respondents —
187
‘Contrary to what was claimed in the [petitioners’]

reservations, the new format of the barricade is not identical
or similar to the proposals that were raised in the past in the
Supreme Court. In the current format, we are not speaking
of an addition of several isolated openings for the passage of
vehicles, but of a major and real change in the barricade by
means of the dismantling of many dozens of elements and
the creation of openings for pedestrians and animals
throughout the length of the barricade.’
In view of the aforesaid, the respondents applied to this court for a
deferral of execution of the judgment. They argued that the new
administrative work that was carried out after the petitioners submitted
their reservations rendered it impossible to complete the works on the
ground within the period of time defined by the court in the judgment.
The respondents therefore requested that the date by which they needed
to comply with the judgment should be deferred by four months until 14
October 2007.
3. On 17 June 2007, six days after the respondents filed their
application for additional time to comply with the judgment, the
petitioners in HCJ 1748/06 filed an application under s. 6 of the
Contempt of Court Ordinance. On the same day the petitioners in HCJ
1845/06 joined that application, and on 24 June 2007 a similar
application was also filed by the petitioners in HCJ 1856/06. According
to all of the petitioners, the respondents’ conduct during the period since
the judgment was given shows that no effort was made to ensure that the
court’s decision would be carried out by the stipulated date, despite the
many requests made by the petitioners to the respondents that the latter
should begin to carry out what was stated in the judgment. The
petitioners also argued that even if the court granted the application to
allow additional time for complying with the judgment, the respondents
had no intention of complying with the terms of the judgment, since
within the framework of the new alternative the respondents did not plan
to dismantle the existing barricade, as stipulated in the judgment, but to
take steps in order to make additional openings in it. According to the
petitioners, the new alternative will continue to harm the local
population, for the same reasons discussed by the court in the judgment.
It should also be pointed out that in their application the petitioners
asked the court to find the respondents liable for costs in a manner that
would reflect the court’s censure of their conduct.
188
4. In response to the petitioners’ claims in the contempt of court

application, the state referred to the new alternative as a proper and
proportionate solution. From the response it can be seen that the state
remains steadfast in its position that despite the order made by this
court, it intends to leave the existing barricade in place, while making
changes to it.
5. The state was ordered to remove the barricade within six months
of the date of the judgment. The period of time that was granted for
complying with the order was intended to allow the state to prepare a
suitable alternative in the spirit of the principles set out in the judgment.
The court ordered the respondents to remove the barricade, but it did
not determine the proper alternative, so that the respondents could
exercise their discretion in choosing a new barricade that harms the local
inhabitants to a lesser degree. But now it transpires that the state has
waited the whole length of the period of time that it was granted, it has
not removed the barricade and it has even considered an alternative
based on the existing barricade. From the correspondence exchanged
between the parties and from the arguments that we heard, it is clear
that counsel for the state knew that the petitioners were not in
agreement with the attempt to modify the character of the existing
barricade and also that they intended to apply to the court for a
contempt order. Despite this, the state applied to the court to defer the
execution of the judgment only at the end of the six month period that
was granted to the state for removing the barricade.
The state chose not to comply with the order of the court, but to come
before us after the period stipulated for complying with the order ended
and to apply for what amounts to a change of the judgment. We cannot
accept conduct of this kind. We therefore order the state to remove the
barricade, as it was ordered to do in the judgment of this court. Counsel
for the respondents stated that this can be done within fourteen days,
and we so order. The respondents shall be liable for legal fees in the
proceeding before us in a total amount of NIS 30,000, which shall be
divided equally between the three petitions.
I agree.
189
I agree.
Respondents’ application denied; petitioners’ applications granted.

9 Av 5767.
24 July 2007.
190
Yassin v. Government of Israel
——————
Synopsis
This case concerns another challenge to the route of the security fence,
this time in the area of the Palestinian village of Bil’in in the West Bank.
The petitioner, the head of the Bil’in Village Council, claimed that the
route chosen for the security fence in the area was not motivated by
security concerns, but by a desire to allow the future expansion of the
Israeli town of Modi’in Illit. The route chosen required the expropriation
of a large amount of land belonging to the village of Bil’in and left
additional tracts of the village’s cultivated land on the western (the
‘Israeli’) side of the fence.
The respondents argued that, in determining the route of the fence, the
military commander was entitled to take into account plans for expanding
Israeli towns. This means that the military commander is authorized to
take into account new neighbourhoods that are currently being built, and
also to consider valid plans when there is a real likelihood that they will
be implemented within a reasonable time, since there is no logic in
building the fence and leaving new neighbourhoods on the ‘Palestinian’
side of it.
The Supreme Court found that the route of the fence took into account
the plans for the expansion of Modi’in Illit. In so far as this concerned new
neighbourhoods that had already been mostly built, the court found no
defect in the military commander’s discretion. But the court found that
the respondents had exercised their discretion improperly by also taking
into account the possibility of future construction in Modi’in Illit. In view
of the temporary nature of the security fence, the possibility of additional
building in the future should not have been taken into account.
191
The respondents were therefore ordered to reconsider the route of the

fence without taking into account the possibility of additional building in
the future.
192
HCJ 8414/05
Ahmed Issa Abdullah Yassin, Head of Bil’in Village Council
v.
1. Government of Israel
3. Green Park Inc.
4. Green Mount Inc.
5. Land Redemption Planning and Development Fund
6. Ein Ami Promotions and Development Ltd
7. Modi’in Illit Local Council
8. Heftziba Building and Development Ltd

[4 September 2007]
Before President D. Beinisch, Vice-President E. Rivlin
and Justice A. Procaccia
Facts: The petitioner challenged the route of the security fence in the area of
the Palestinian village of Bil’in, on the ground that it was not motivated by
security concerns, but in order to allow the future expansion of the Israeli town
of Modi’in Illit. The route that was chosen required the requisitioning of a large
amount of land belonging to the village of Bil’in and left additional tracts of the
village’s cultivated land on the western (the ‘Israeli’) side of the fence.
Held: The first and second respondents exercised their discretion improperly, by
taking into account, when determining the route of the fence, the possibility of
the construction of the second stage of the neighbourhood of East Matityahu in
Modi’in Illit. This second stage of construction requires the approval of the
Minister of Defence, which has not been given, and in view of the temporary
nature of the security fence, the possibility of building this second stage at some
time in the future should not have been taken into account. The first and second
respondents were ordered to re-examine the route of the fence in accordance
with this guideline.
193
Petition granted.

IsrSC 58(5) 807; [2004] IsrLR 264.
[2] HCJ 7957/04 Marabeh v. Prime Minister [2005] (2) IsrLR 106.
736; [2005] (1) IsrLR 98.
reported decision of 13 December 2006).
[5] HCJ 3680/05 Tana Town Committee v. Prime Minister (not yet reported
decision of 1 February 2006).
[6] HCJ 1998/06 Bet Aryeh Local Council v. Minister of Defence (unreported
decision of 21 May 2006).
[7] HCJ 1348/05 Mayor of Salfit v. State of Israel (unreported decision of 17
July 2006).
[8] HCJ 258/79 Amira v. Minister of Defence [1980] IsrSC 34(1) 90.
352; [2002-3] IsrLR 83.
[12] HCJ 2732/05 Head of Azzun Town Council v. Government of Israel (not yet
reported decision of 15 June 2006).
[13] HCJ 3998/06 Yassin v.Government of Israel (unreported decision of 9
November 2006).
[14] HCJ 5495/06 Midreshet Eretz Yisrael Fund Ltd v. Minister of Defence (not
yet reported decision of 15 August 2006).
[15] HCJ 399/06 Susya Community Settlement Agricultural Cooperative Society
Ltd v. Government of Israel (not yet reported decision of 6 July 2006).
[16] HCJ 4289/05 Bir Nabala Local Council v. Government of Israel (not yet
reported).
[17] HCJ 1844/06 Rinawi v. Prime Minister (not yet reported decision of 15
June 2006).
For the petitioner — M. Sfard.

For respondents 1-2 — A. Licht.
For respondents 3, 4 and 6 — R. Jarach, S. Hyam.
For the fifth respondent — M. Glick.
For the seventh respondent — G. Rogel.
For the eighth respondent — Y. Barsela.
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JUDGMENT
The petition is directed at land requisition order no. 40/04/A
(amendment of borders), which was issued by the military commander
for the purpose of constructing the security fence on the land of the
village of Bil’in, which lies to the east of the town of Modi’in Illit in the
Modi’in block, in the territory of Judaea and Samaria.
Background
1. The town of Modi’in Illit is an Israeli town in the Modi’in area that
lies east of the Green Line, to the north of road 443. It has
approximately 32,000 inhabitants, the majority of whom are strictly
observant Jews. There are several Palestinian villages in the vicinity of
Modi’in Illit. Within the framework of the plan of the Government of
Israel to construct a security fence between Israel and the territories, the
route for the fence in this area was also planned, as a part of the third
stage of the fence’s construction. The fence in this area separates the
towns of the Modi’in block (Matityahu, Modi’in Illit and Hashmonaim)
from the Palestinian villages of Bil’in, Saffa, Kharbatha, Deir Qaddis,
Na’alin and Al-Midya. It is intended to protect the nearby inhabitants of
Modi’in Illit and the inhabitants of the Modi’in block and the city of
Modi’in. The petition before us is directed at a section of the fence that
is being built on the land of the village of Bil’in, a Palestinian village that
lies to the east of Modi’in Illit, which has a population of 1,700
inhabitants. The route of the fence on the land of Bil’in is the
continuation of the route that passes over the land of Kharbatha to the
north of Bil’in. The route continues southward over the land of the
village of Saffa to road 443.
2. For the purpose of erecting the fence east of Modi’in Illit, three
requisition orders were issued at the beginning of 2004: requisition order
27/04/A (on 21 March 2004), requisition order 40/04/A (on 25 April
2004) and requisition order 44/04/A (on 25 April 2004). In the course of
examining objections that were filed by inhabitants of Bil’in against the
route, several surveys of the area were carried out and meetings were
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held between the parties. On 13 May 2004 the inhabitants were notified
that the objections were rejected. Following the judgment in HCJ
2056/04 Beit Sourik Village Council v. Government of Israel [1], the
military commander re-examined the route of the fence in view of the
criteria that were set out in that judgment. A decision was made to
amend the route in such a way that the part of the fence passing over
Modi’in Stream (west of Bil’in) would be moved westwards, with the
result that the point where it crossed the stream would be 800 metres
away from the original crossing point. The amendment to the route was
presented to the inhabitants in October 2004 and on 24 November 2004
an amended requisition order — requisition order 40/04/A (amendment
of borders) — was issued. This is the order that is the subject of the
petition.
3. The revised route of the fence that passes over the land of Bil’in
has a length of approximately 1.7 kilometres. It occupies approximately
260 dunams. The route passes up to a distance of approximately two
kilometres from the nearest houses of Modi’in Illit. It leaves
approximately half of the land of Bil’in (according to the allocation of
village land made by the British Mandate) on the ‘Israeli’ side of the
fence. According to the petitioner, the amount of land belonging to the
village of Bil’in that remains in the area between the fence and the
Green Line is approximately 1,980 dunams of village land, some of which
is owned privately by inhabitants of Bil’in and some of which is village
land that is cultivated by its inhabitants. According to the figures
presented by the first and second respondents (hereafter — the
respondents), the route leaves on the ‘Israeli’ side of the fence
approximately 1,647 dunams of land belonging to the village of Bil’in,
according to the allocation of village land made by the British Mandate
(the total amount of all the land belonging to Bil’in according to that
allocation is approximately 4,085 dunams). According to the
respondents, 678 dunams of the land that remain between the fence and
the Green Line are privately owned by inhabitants of the village and the
rest is included in the area of Israeli master plans. Approximately 196
dunams of the land are cultivated land.
4. The route of the fence on the land belonging to Bil’in incorporates
areas for which there are master plans to expand Modi’in Illit — plans
that are in various stages of planning. One plan is master plan 210/4/2 for
the construction of a residential neighbourhood called ‘Neot HaPisga’ to
the east of Modi’in Illit and the north of Dolev Stream. The vast majority
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of the neighbourhood is planned to be built on the land of the village of

Kharbatha. The neighbourhood of Neot HaPisga is being built according
to a valid master plan and the infrastructure works for building the
neighbourhood began in 2004. Approximately 2,750 residential units are
going to be built in the neighbourhood of Neot HaPisga, in multi-storey
buildings. Hitherto hundreds of residential units have actually been built
and works have been carried out to prepare the land.
5. South of the neighbourhood of Neot HaPisga, on the southern side
of Dolev Stream, there is a plan to construct an additional residential
neighbourhood called ‘East Matityahu.’ The original plan to build this
neighbourhood was detailed master plan 210/8, which was approved and
published as valid in 1999. According to plan 210/8, approximately 1,500
residential units were planned in the neighbourhood of East Matityahu,
on an area of 900 dunams that was declared ‘state land.’ The main and
central part of plan 210/8 is situated within the area of the municipal
jurisdiction of Modi’in Illit, even though parts of it fall outside the
municipal jurisdiction of the town. De facto until 2004 no steps were
taken to implement plan 210/8. In the meantime, private developers of
the neighbourhood of East Matityahu and the Modi’in Illit Local
Council began to promote an amended plan for building the
neighbourhood, plan 210/8/1, which was supposed to allow the number
of residential units in the neighbourhood to be doubled to 3,000 units, by
means of more dense building, while the area of the neighbourhood
remained essentially the same as its area under plan 210/8. In February
2004 the settlement subcommittee of the Supreme Judaea and Samaria
Planning Council (hereafter — the settlement subcommittee) approved
the filing of plan 210/8/1 and it was published in August 2004 that it had
been filed. But already during 2004, while plan 210/8/1 was being
considered by the planning organizations, contracting firms began to
implement it on the ground. It became clear that the promoters had
taken the law into their own hands and had begun to build the
neighbourhood in accordance with the prospective plan 210/8/1 before it
was approved. As a result of this, since 2004 illegal building works have
been carried out in the area of East Matityahu on a large scale.
6. In September 2005, shortly after the filing of the petition before us,
plan 210/8/1 was approved. It should be pointed out in this context that
plan 210/8/1 is divided into two parts, the western part (stage one) and
the eastern part (stage two), which includes 1,082 residential units. Stage
one can be built after approval of the plan. With regard to stage two,
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according to a decision of the Minister of Defence in August 2005, this

may not be developed or built during the first stage, and the marketing
of this stage in the future will be conditional upon receiving an additional
approval from the Minister of Defence. In practice, building was carried
out on the western part of the neighbourhood of East Matityahu, on
which hundreds of residential units were built on three compounds, two
compounds by the eighth respondent and one by respondents 3-5. In one
of the compounds belonging to the eighth respondent, which it began to
build as long ago as the end of 2002, eight buildings are already inhabited
to various degrees. All the buildings were built in accordance with the
provisions of plan 210/8/1 and not in accordance with the provisions of
plan 210/8, which is the plan that was valid at the time when the buildings
were built.
7. Moreover, following the filing of the petition, the state attorney’s
office became aware of various defects that occurred in the proceedings
for the approval of plan 210/8/1, which related inter alia to the fact that
the plan includes areas outside the municipal jurisdiction of Modi’in Illit.
In the course of preparing its response to the petition, the state
attorney’s office instructed the respondents not to publish the approval
of plan 210/8/1, since it thought that the planning proceedings should be
restarted from the beginning, from the deposit stage. The respondents
also decided to re-examine claims with regard to the ownership of a part
of the land in the area of the plan. Against this background a separate
petition was filed by the petitioner and the ‘Peace Now’ movement,
which focused on planning issues relating to the East Matityahu
neighbourhood (HCJ 143/06, filed on 4 January 2006). That petition
requested that the court should revoke the approval that was given by
the settlement subcommittee to master plan 210/8/1 in September 2005
and it requested that action should be taken to enforce the planning and
building laws in East Matityahu. When the petition was filed, a
temporary order was made (on 6 January 2006) for the immediate
cessation of all the building works that were being carried out in the area
of plan 210/8 and the area of plan 210/8/1 without a building permit. The
court also ordered the immediate cessation of any activity of moving into
the apartments in the area and of transferring possession of additional
residential units in the area. Entering the residential units and making
use of them were also prohibited. Subsequently (on 12 January 2006) a
provision was added to the temporary order to the effect that all the
building works being carried out in the area by virtue of building permits
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that had been issued, whether in accordance with the original plan
(210/8) or in accordance with the new plan (210/8/1), should be stopped
immediately. Because of serious economic difficulties that befell the
Heftziba company (the thirteenth respondent in HCJ 143/06 and the
eighth respondent in our case), a series of incursions by apartment
buyers took place on the company’s building sites, including Heftziba’s
site in the East Matityahu neighbourhood. Following this development,
the Jerusalem District Court (Justice D. Cheshin) decided on 6 August
2006 (within the framework of the proceedings in Bankruptcy File
4202/07) that ‘at this stage, buyers should not be evicted from the
apartments which they have entered.’ Against this background, the
Supreme Court decided on 27 August 2007, within the framework of its
hearing of HCJ 143/06, that despite the existence of the interim order —
‘At this stage, as long as all of the facts relating to the
position of the Heftziba company and the residents’ chances
of receiving the apartments that they bought or,
alternatively, of receiving back the money that they paid for
them have not been clarified, the status quo that currently
exists on the ground shall not be changed.’
It was also held that no action should be taken at this stage to evict
the residents who broke into the Heftziba apartments between 1 August
2007 and 6 August 2007.
8. After the current petition was filed, the state authorities gave
instructions that the planning procedures for plan 210/8/1 should be
cancelled and restarted from the beginning. Plan 210/8/1 was submitted
once again. This plan originally included enclaves of private land that
belong to Palestinians from the village of Bil’in. The revised plan states
that these enclaves are not a part of the area of the plan, and that all of
the operations that are being carried out to build on or use the private
enclaves will be stopped, the enclaves will be returned to their original
state by removing the buildings, building materials and any other debris,
and the area will be covered with garden soil. In order to allow the
promoters of the plan to comply with the aforesaid preliminary
condition, the works required to return the private enclaves to their
original position were exempted from the temporary order. The revised
plan was approved for filing on 15 February 2006, the fact that it had
been filed was published on 13 March 2006 (in both Hebrew and Arabic
language newspapers) and objections to it were heard. On 3 July 2006 a
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decision was made by the sub-committee on the question of the

objections. Subject to several amendments that were made to the plan
and to compliance with additional conditions that are set out in the
provisions of the plan, the committee decided to recommend to the
Supreme Planning Council that it should be approved. On 31 January
2007 a decision was made by the Supreme Planning Committee that the
new plan 210/8/1 should be approved. Pursuant to the decision approving
the plan and after the changes required by the decision were
incorporated in the provisions of the plan, in February 2007 the approval
of the plan was published in the Hebrew and Arabic newspapers.
9. The route of the fence on the land of Bil’in was considered by this
court in several previous petitions. After requisition orders 27/04/A and
40/04/A (and their amendments in November 2004) were made, the
heads of Bil’in Village Council and Saffa Village Court filed a joint
petition against the route of the fence (HCJ 11363/04). In that petition,
an agreed statement was filed in the court by the parties. The agreed
statement relates, inter alia, to two sections of the fence on the land of
Bil’in: ‘segment C,’ which begins at the border of the land of Saffa and
Bil’in and continues northwards to Dolev Stream, and ‘segment D,’ from
Dolev Stream to the border of the land of Bil’in and Kharbatha. The
following is the text of the statement:
‘c. From the border of the village lands of Saffa and Bil’in to
the path to the east of the isolated house [segment C], the
parties agree that works shall be carried out to implement
requisition order 40/04/A. The width of the works, as a rule,
shall not exceed 50 metres. In the course of carrying out the
works, an effort shall be made to limit the harm to
agricultural crops and to keep the route to the western part
of the area of the requisition order. The works shall begin
only after the route has been marked on the ground, the
respondents have delivered to counsel for the petitioners the
map of the master plan for the south-east neighbourhood of
Modi’in Illit and final approval has been received from
counsel for the petitioners.
d. From the path east of the isolated house to the border of
the lands of Bil’in and Kharbatha [segment D] the
petitioners shall notify the respondents, by 12 December
2004, of their response with regard to the proposal to amend
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the route that was presented to counsel for the petitioners by

the respondents, after the respondents have delivered to the
petitioners’ counsel the map of the master plan for the
south-east neighbourhood of Modi’in Illit.’
According to the procedural agreement between the parties, an
inspection of the route was made (on 22 December 2004) with counsel
for the petitioners in HCJ 11363/04 (Advocate Atiya) and
representatives of the village of Bil’in. During the inspection, the map of
plan 210/8 was delivered to Advocate Atiya. From the response of the
state to that petition it can be seen that contrary to what was agreed,
Advocate Atiya did not attend the meeting with the respondents with
regard to segments C and D nor did she give the respondents any written
response with regard to these segments. At the beginning of the hearing
of the aforesaid petition, Advocate Atiya notified the court that the
petitioners withdrew the petition and the petition was struck out (on 16
February 2005). When the petition was struck out, the respondents
began to implement requisition order 40/04/A (amendment of borders)
and to construct the fence.
10. Within a few days (on 21 February 2005) several inhabitants of
Bil’in filed a new petition through Advocate Atiya (HCJ 1778/05). This
was based on the claim that the works to construct the fence began
without their having been given a right to state their case and file
objections. The new petition did not mention the existence of the
previous petition, which was struck out at the request of the petitioners.
At the end of the hearing of the petition (on 3 March 2005), the court
ordered the petition to be struck out because of improper conduct. In
the judgment the court said:
‘The fact that the petition in HCJ 11363/04 existed — and
was struck out — is essential and directly relevant to the
matter. The petitioners, and at least their counsel, are
presumed to have been aware of the existence of the petition
and the proceedings that took place in it. In such
circumstances, the failure to mention these facts in the
petitions before us constitutes a serious case of improper
conduct, which justifies the striking out of the petition.
Moreover, in view of the proceedings that took place in HCJ
11363/04, it would appear that even on the merits of the
matter there were no grounds for filing the petitions before
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us. The petitioners’ claims (through the heads of the village

councils and their lawyers) concerning the proper route in
the area where they live were heard and considered in detail
within the framework of the respondents’ response to HCJ
11363/04, and they were given an objective solution, which
even resulted in various procedural arrangements. Against
that background, they chose to withdraw their previous
petition and to request that it should be struck out. The
petitioners before us have not shown any justification for
recommencing proceedings on precisely the same issues
within the framework of their current petitions.’
Another proceeding that is related to the route of the fence at Bil’in is
HCJ 2847/04. The petition was originally directed against the route of
the fence on the land of the village of Kharbatha north of Bil’in. On 26
April 2005 an application was filed to amend the petition, in which the
petitioners applied to join inhabitants of the village of Bil’in as parties in
the petition and also to amend the petition to challenge the route of the
fence on the land of the village of Bil’in. The court decided to strike out
the application to amend the petition ‘because of delay, because of
improper conduct and because Mr Shavita cannot apply to amend a
petition that was filed by others’ (decision of 14 June 2005).
The petition and the proceedings
11. The petition before us was filed on 5 September 2005 by the head
of the village council of Bil’in. In the petition the court was requested to
order that the fence should be moved further away from the houses of
the village and from the agricultural land of its inhabitants. When the
petition was filed, it was decided that it would be set down for a hearing
after judgment was given in HCJ 7957/04 Marabeh v. Prime Minister [2],
because both petitions addressed a common legal question concerning
the effect of the advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice at
the Hague. When judgment was given in Marabeh v. Prime Minister [2],
the parties in the current petition were requested to file their revised
positions. Respondents 3-6, the real estate companies that are involved
in promoting and building the neighbourhood of East Matityahu (the
real estate companies), applied to be joined as respondents in the
petition. The petitioner’s position was that the joinder should be made
conditional upon the real estate companies proving their rights in the
land that is the subject of the petition. The petition was heard on 1
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February 2006 before a panel of President A. Barak and Justices D.

Beinisch and E. Rivlin. Counsel for the respondents argued that the
petition should be dismissed in limine. He said that the respondents had
also clarified in the previous petitions that the route had been planned
with a view to protecting the new neighbourhoods that would be built in
Modi’in Illit and that this was within the authority of the military
commander. At the end of the hearing, an order nisi was issued as
requested in the petition. It was also decided to join the real estate
companies, the Modi’in Illit Local Council and the Heftziba company,
which had also carried out building in East Matityahu, as respondents in
the petition. The court saw no need to make an interim order.
Notwithstanding, it made a note of the state’s declaration that no gate
would be built at the northern end of ‘segment C’ and this area would
remain open until the petition was decided on its merits.
12. After the affidavits-in-reply were filed, the petition was heard (on
14 May 2006) before President A. Barak and Justices E. Rivlin and A.
Procaccia. The hearing before the court was attended by Colonel (res.)
Dan Tirza, who was the head of Operation Rainbow (which deals with
the planning of the route of the barrier between Israel and the territory
of Judaea and Samaria). Colonel (res.) Tirza reviewed the route of the
fence and the considerations that were taken into account by the route
planners. Counsel for the respondents once again argued that the
petition should be dismissed in limine. She also emphasized that the
original plan for East Matityahu (210/8) was the basis for the route. Its
borders were almost identical to those in the new plan (210/8/1). A
similar position was presented by counsel for the real estate companies
and counsel for the Modi’in Illit Council. Counsel for the petitioner
argued in reply that the expansion of the neighbourhood of East
Matityahu, where at the present only approximately 80 families are
living, should not be taken into account. Moreover, the construction
works for the neighbourhood were carried out partly without a permit
and partly with illegal building permits.
13. At the petitioner’s request, we held another hearing of the
petition after President A. Barak retired. At the hearing (on 18 February
2007), the parties once again presented before us their arguments and
their objections to the route of the fence. Just prior to the hearing we
were told that the Supreme Planning Council had decided to approve the
new plan 210/8/1 and that the plan had been published in the newspapers
as valid. Counsel for the petitioner told us that currently the actual
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building is taking place on the western part of the neighbourhood of East

Matityahu. The eastern part of the plan, which is supposed to be built at
a distance of up to 80 metres from the fence, is in a preliminary stage: no
tenders have been held and no development works have been carried
out. According to the conditions of the plan, implementing the eastern
part of the plan requires the approval of the Minister of Defence.
Counsel for the respondents told us once again that the route was
planned on the basis of plan 210/8, and he emphasized that the security
consideration underlying it is the protection of future inhabitants.
Colonel Ofer Hindi, who is currently the head of Operation Rainbow,
also appeared before us at the hearing, and he said that an agricultural
gate was built at the site, which reduces the injury to the Palestinian
inhabitants and allows them to enter the area between the fence and the
Green Line in order to cultivate their land. The real estate companies
further argued that now, after the new plan 210/8/1 has been approved,
the implementation of the plan to build East Matityahu is not theoretical
and it will take place in the very near future.
14. On 8 May 2007 the respondents filed an application to change the
status quo, according to which they had undertaken not to build a gate at
the northern end of ‘segment C,’ which would remain, by mutual
consent, open for free passage until the petition was decided. They
argued that allowing free passage to continue at the site was not essential
for local agricultural purposes, while it constituted a security risk and
required the stationing of a relatively large force of soldiers at the site.
Therefore they applied to open the gate three times a day for half an
hour each time, and to prohibit Palestinians from remaining in the
aforesaid area during the night. On 12 June 2007 we decided that the
opening of the gate for only one and a half hours each day, as requested
by the respondents, would exacerbate the injury to the inhabitants of
Bil’in and would seriously affect the access to and cultivation of their
agricultural land. Notwithstanding, we said that we accepted the
respondents’ position that leaving the gate open on a constant basis, and
especially at night, was not essential. In these circumstances, in order to
reduce the risk to the safety of the soldiers stationed at the gate during
the night, we held that until a decision is given in the petition, the Bil’in
gate would remain open for the passage of the inhabitants of Bil’in from
6:00 a.m. until 8:00 p.m..
15. To complete the picture it should be noted that in the interim the
petitioner filed another petition, which concerned the property law status
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of the land on which the neighbourhood of East Matityahu was planned

(HCJ 3998/06, filed on 14 May 2006). The petition sought the
retrospective cancelation of notice no. 10/91 of 15 January 1991 and
notice no. 20/90 of 25 November 1990 issued by the Director of
Government and Abandoned Property in Judaea and Samaria, in which
certain tracts of land that belonged to the village of Bil’in were declared
government property. It was alleged that the notices should be cancelled
since they were based on an act of fraud — ‘a secret circular transaction’
between the first and second respondents and the fourth respondent.
The petition was denied on 9 November 2006. In the judgment, which
was given by Justice E. Rivlin with the agreement of President A. Barak
and Justice A. Procaccia, it was stated inter alia that:
‘We have reached the conclusion that insufficient evidence
has been brought before us to determine that a “circular
transaction” as alleged did indeed take place in this instance;
in other words, it has not been proved that the notices that
are the subject of the petition were made in order to
circumvent the proceedings required by law for the
acquisition of rights in land of the aforesaid type.’
The petitioner’s arguments
16. The petitioner’s main argument is that the route of the fence is
not legal, since it was not chosen for security reasons but for the
purposes of Modi’in Illit, which wishes to expand into the areas east of it.
Including hundreds of dunams to the east of the urban area of Modi’in
Illit was designed to incorporate an area for the future development of
the town in a strip of land that is contiguous with Israel. The fence does
not serve a military need. It was alleged in the petition that the route of
the fence follows the border of master plan 210/8/1, part of which is even
located outside the municipal jurisdiction of Modi’in Illit, rather than a
topographical route or a route based on the outlying houses of the town
or any other route that can be considered a security route. A significant
part of the route passes along the foot of a slope, which certainly cannot
be considered a commanding strategic position. The petitioner says that
the master plan for the Modi’in Illit block also includes agricultural land
in the vicinity of the Dolev Stream (between the Neot HaPisga
neighbourhood and the East Matityahu neighbourhood), which is private
land that belongs to Palestinian inhabitants. The neighbourhood of East
Matityahu is a part of the main plan. Thus the roads in plan 210/8/1 were
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planned as a part of the network of roads that is set out in the master
plan. In practice, the route of the fence follows the borders of the master
plan in its entirety. The petitioner’s concern is that in the future the
respondents also intend to take control of these areas, in order to expand
Modi’in Illit.
17. The petitioners argue further that the route of the fence separates
the village of Bil’in from more than half of the village’s remaining land.
There are currently thousands of olive trees, almond trees and vines on
this land. The land is also used as pasture for the flocks of sheep that are
owned by the inhabitants of the village. These constitute the main source
of livelihood for the approximately two hundred families in Bil’in.
Without them these families are doomed to a life of poverty and want.
They also claim that in order to access their land the Palestinian
inhabitants will need to obtain an entry permit for the closed area and to
pass a gate that will be made in the fence. In view of the intention to
build the neighbourhood of West Matityahu, it appears that the
construction of the fence will put an end to the cultivation of the land.
The fence is de facto a part of a strategy to take control of the cultivated
land of the village of Bil’in. The petition also contains claims against the
proceeding that declared Bil’in land to be ‘state land.’ According to the
petitioner, it is clear in retrospect that the declaration was made,
apparently, with the knowledge of the civilian administration that the
land was not abandoned or ownerless, and that there is a claim it was
bought by Jews. The procedure is not legal since the land does not satisfy
the conditions provided in the law for the declaration and because the
declaration was intended to conceal the true nature of the transaction.
18. With regard to the preliminary arguments, the petitioner claims
that former counsel for the inhabitants of Bil’in signed agreements
without consulting and informing the inhabitants and it was not their
fault that the proceedings were not conducted properly. Only in May
2005 did the petitioner and the inhabitants of the village find out about
the agreements that had been signed by their counsel on their behalf, the
manner in which the petitions had been conducted and the reasons why
they had been denied. As a result of the sequence of events, despite the
large number of proceedings the court has not hitherto addressed the
questions of substance that arise from the determination of the route of
the fence and the inhabitants have not had their day in court. Moreover,
the petitioner has only recently discovered the truth concerning the
motives for determining the route. During the period when the previous
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proceedings were taking place, the petitioner and the inhabitants of

Bil’in had not had any information about the plans to expand Modi’in
Illit and whether these were coordinated with the planned route of the
fence in the area. He claims that the inhabitants of Bil’in encountered a
persistent refusal on the part of the civil administration in response to
their demand to receive copies of the master plans for Modi’in Illit. The
inspection of the plans became possible only several weeks after the
present petition was filed, as a result of a proceeding pursuant to the
Freedom of Information Law that was filed in the Administrative Affairs
Court in Jerusalem.
19. The petitioner’s legal argument is that the construction of the
fence in the territories of Judaea and Samaria is not legal and constitutes
a violation of public international law. The petition relies inter alia on the
advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice at the Hague
(Legal Consequences of the Construction of a Wall in the Occupied
Palestinian Territory, Advisory Opinion (International Court of Justice,
July 9, 2004), 43 ILM 1009 (2004)). According to the argument, the route
was not chosen for security reasons but merely for political ones, and it
was intended to annex territory to the State of Israel for the future
development of Modi’in Illit. Therefore it is argued that the fence is
being constructed ultra vires or without authority. It was also argued in
the petition that the route of the fence is disproportionate, since it causes
immense harm to the village and the basic rights of its inhabitants,
including property rights, the freedom of movement and the right to
livelihood. It was also argued that it is possible to build the fence in such
a way that it will neither rob the petitioner and the inhabitants of his
village of their land nor will it violate their rights.
The respondents’ position
20. The respondents argue that the petition should be dismissed in
limine because of the lengthy delay in filing it, the serious improper
conduct on the part of the petitioner and the existence of a valid
agreement between the respondents and the petitioner. The petition
should also be denied on its merits. With regard to the delay, it was
argued that the petitioner was aware of the agreements that were signed
by his counsel at the time, at least after the state filed its response to the
application to amend the petition in HCJ 2847/04. The petition was filed
four months after the petitioner became aware, according to him, of the
facts concerning the agreements and almost three months after the
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decision to deny the application in HCJ 2847/04. During this time the
inhabitants could see the fence being built in front of them. The delay
adversely changed the respondents’ position. During these months
various works were carried out for the construction of the fence. A
considerable amount of money was invested in constructing the fence.
Changing the route now will cause a serious and unreasonable delay in
completing the fence and will require the investment of many additional
resources. With regard to segment C, the respondents argue that the
petitioner is estopped from raising any arguments in view of the
agreement that was made with his counsel according to which it was
possible to implement the requisition order relating to this segment. The
respondents point out that although the agreement was not completely
formalized, the continuation of the proceedings — which focused on
segment D — clearly shows the existence of an agreement with regard to
segment C. Dismissal of the petition in limine is also required on the
ground of seriously improper conduct. The argument is based on the fact
that the petitioner does not state in his petition the existence of plan
210/8, which has been in force since 1999, and it focuses on plan 210/8/1
that had not been approved on the date of filing the petition.
21. On the merits of the petition, the respondents claim that the route
of the fence is legal and is consistent with the provisions of international
law and the case law of the court. Because of the security position that
prevails in the territories, there is an essential security need to construct
the fence in accordance with the route that was determined. The fence is
a security measure of supreme importance, which was designed to
protect the citizens of the state that live in the Modi’in block and the
security of the state and its inhabitants. According to the respondents,
when determining the route of the fence the military commander is also
authorized to take into account new plans for expanding Israeli towns.
The military commander is authorized to take into account new
neighbourhoods that are currently being built. He is also authorized to
consider valid master plans when there is a real likelihood that they will
be implemented within a reasonable time, since there is no logic in
building the fence and leaving new neighbourhoods on the other side of
it. The weight that should be attributed to the existence of a master plan
is not always the same. It depends upon how far the proceedings to
realize the valid master plan have progressed. It depends both on
internal factors concerning the sector of the population which the
208
neighbourhood is intended to serve and external factors concerning the

degree of harm to the Palestinian inhabitants.
22. In the present case, the determination of the route for the fence
took into account the need to protect the neighbourhood that was
approved for building under plan 210/8, which is very likely to be
realized, and building has even begun on the area of the plan, albeit with
major deviations from the provisions of the plan. The plan for building
the neighbourhood has been valid since 1999 and the western part of it
has already been built and is partly inhabited, albeit with illegal building,
since it does not correspond to the provisions of the valid plan for the
building. The route also took into account the need to protect the
neighbourhood of Neot HaPisga, which is currently in advanced stages of
construction. Since the neighbourhood of East Matityahu is supposed to
be built within the municipal jurisdiction of Modi’in Illit, and since in the
circumstances of time and place there is a very reasonable likelihood that
the fence will remain in place for a considerable number of years after
the new neighbourhood is built, there was no reason why the fact that
there is a plan to build the new neighbourhood should not be taken into
account when determining the route of the fence. The fact that the
promoters of the East Matityahu neighbourhood took the law into their
own hands and chose to start building illegally in the neighbourhood
should not prevent proper weight being given, when determining the
route, to the fact that a new neighbourhood will be built on the site.
The position of the real estate companies
23. The real estate companies also put forward several preliminary
arguments with regard to serious delay and improper conduct, and they
argued that they relied on the agreement of 15 December 2004 between
the petitioner and the respondents, according to which the works would
continue in accordance with the existing route. It was also alleged that
the relief sought in the petition is vague and general, and that the
petitioner has not proved ownership of the relevant land or pointed to
any specific harm to any of the inhabitants of Bil’in. On the merits of the
petition, the real estate companies claim that there is no justification for
changing the route of the fence. They claim that they are the owners of
the land that is the subject of city building plan 210/8, since the land was
acquired lawfully and for full consideration from its Arab owners many
years ago. But in view of the concern that revealing the purchase
documents in a public proceeding will place the sellers of the parcels in
209
danger of their lives, the real estate companies did not attach the
documents that prove this. For this reason, the real estate companies
claim that at their request the state has declared the parcels that were
bought to be government property, and they have been defined as
‘private property under government administration.’ A large number of
the inhabitants of the village filed an appeal against this declaration, but
the appeals committee rejected most of the appeals, including the
petitioner’s appeal, and approved the declaration that the parcels are
government property, subject to a decision to exclude several parcels
from the area of the declaration. The real estate companies claim that a
large residential neighbourhood, which is an integral part of Modi’in Illit,
is being built on the land that is the subject of city building plan 210/8,
and the respondents are obliged to protect its inhabitants and to include
this area on the Israeli side of the fence.
24. The real estate companies also claim that the solution provided by
the current route is a reasonable one, even if it is not optimal, for the
security purpose of the fence, and that any relocation of the route to the
west will frustrate the original purpose of the fence and endanger the
inhabitants of Modi’in Illit. According to their claim, moving the fence to
the west will violate their established rights unnecessarily and
disproportionately. In this regard the real estate companies are of the
opinion that the current route also takes into account the lifestyle of the
inhabitants of Bil’in, and they emphasize that this route distances the
fence from the homes of the inhabitants, even though this involves a
concession with regard to essential strategic positions. According to
them, most of the area that is situated to the west of the route is owned
by Jews; most of this is being used to build the residential
neighbourhoods; there are no real signs in the area of the lifestyle of the
Arab population; and even though the channel of the Dolev Stream has
trees planted in it, it can be clearly seen that the area has been neglected
for years and is untended and uncultivated. In such circumstances, they
claim that the proper balance of interests requires the construction of
the fence with the current route, which strikes a proper balance between
the security of the inhabitants of Israel, and especially of Modi’in Illit, on
the one hand, and the rights and lifestyle of the local inhabitants (both
Arabs and Israelis), including the property rights of the real estate
companies.
25. With regard to the defects that were discovered in connection with
plan 210/8/1, the real estate companies explain that they had no intention
210
of building without a permit or of acting in defiance of the law. They

claim that they had reasons to believe that until the works reached the
relevant stages, they would have building permits that reflected the new
planning. What made the building technically ‘illegal’ was the fact that
the state attorney’s office stopped plan 210/8/1 from coming into effect.
Had matters proceeded as they were intended and expected to do,
according to the long-standing practice of the Supreme Planning
Council, the real estate companies would already have had building
permits and everything would have been done according to law. The real
estate companies further claim that the building offences on the area of
plan 210/8, in so far as they were committed, are totally irrelevant to the
route of the fence in the area of the village of Bil’in.
26. The response of the real estate companies was accompanied by an
expert opinion of General (res.) Dr Yom-Tov Samia, which supports their
claims. General Samia expressed the opinion that from a security
perspective the location of the route of the fence represents the
maximum extent to which the military commander can take into account
the rights of the local Arab population, on the one hand, while providing
security (albeit not optimally) for the inhabitants of Modi’in Illit, on the
other. The route makes it possible to control the essential strategic areas
in order to protect Modi’in Illit. On the other hand, there is very minor
harm to the lifestyle of the Palestinians who will be required to pass
through an agricultural gate three weeks in the year to tend the trees and
harvest the olives. The location of the route at a reasonable distance
from the houses of the Israeli town is the preferable position from a
security perspective, despite the location of the route being in an area
that is relatively low-lying from a topographical viewpoint relative to
Modi’in Illit and Bil’in. A concession of a line of commanding hills has
already been made in the planning of the route (which was changed
following Beit Sourik Village Council v. Government of Israel [1]) and
these remain to the east of the fence. If the hills are used as commanding
positions, the targets will be the forces that patrol the fence. Moving the
route to the west will bring the houses of the neighbourhood of East
Matityahu and the neighbourhood of Neot HaPisga into the effective
range of weapons that are in the possession of the terrorist organizations
in the territories.
211
Deliberations
27. The decision on the question of the legality of the security fence
that is located in the territories of Judaea and Samaria is made on the
basis of a two-stage analysis. The first stage examines the authority of the
military commander and the second stage examines his discretion in
exercising his authority (HCJ 1890/03 Bethlehem Municipality v. State of
Israel [3], at p. 747 {109-110}). The powers of the military commander
derive from the rules of public international law with respect to a
belligerent occupation. These are mainly enshrined in the Regulations
concerning the Laws and Customs of War on Land, which are annexed to
the Fourth Hague Convention of 1907 (hereafter — the Hague
Regulations). These regulations reflect customary international law. The
power of the military commander is also enshrined in the Fourth Geneva
Convention relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Times of
War, 1949 (hereafter — the Fourth Geneva Convention). According to
the laws with respect to a belligerent occupation, the military
commander is authorized to order the construction of a security fence in
the territories of Judaea and Samaria for military-security reasons (Beit
Sourik Village Council v. Government of Israel [1]; HCJ 5488/04 Al-Ram
Local Council v. Government of Israel [4]). He is competent to seize
possession of land for this purpose, and this includes land that is
privately owned.
28. The military commander has authority only where the reason
underlying the construction of the fence is a military-security one:
‘… the military commander is not authorized to order the
construction of the separation fence if his reasons are
political. The separation fence cannot come into existence in
order to “annex” territories from Judaea and Samaria to the
State of Israel. The purpose of the separation fence cannot
be to draw a political border’ (Beit Sourik Village Council v.
Government of Israel [1], at p. 828 {285}; see also Marabeh v.
Prime Minister [2], at para. 15).
According to art. 52 of the Hague Regulations, the requisition should
be done for the ‘needs of the army of occupation.’ According to art. 53 of
the Geneva Convention, the requisition should be ‘rendered absolutely
necessary by military operations.’ The power of the military commander
to construct a separation fence also includes a power to erect a fence to
protect the lives and security of Israelis who live in Israeli towns in the
212
territory of Judaea and Samaria, even though the Israelis who live in the
territories are not ‘protected persons,’ within the meaning of this
expression in art. 4 of the Fourth Geneva Convention (see Marabeh v.
Prime Minister [2], at paras. 18-22; HCJ 3680/05 Tana Town Committee v.
Prime Minister [5], at paras. 8-10; HCJ 1998/06 Bet Aryeh Local Council v.
Minister of Defence [6]; HCJ 1348/05 Mayor of Salfit v. State of Israel [7],
at para. 20). The question of the legality of the Israeli settlement of the
territories does not affect the duty of the military commander to protect
the lives and security of the Israeli inhabitants (Marabeh v. Prime Minister
[2], at para. 20).
29. A second stage in examining the legality of the fence is the
scrutiny of discretion. The military commander is not free to make any
decision that realizes legitimate security needs. When he is determining
the route of the fence, he should consider and balance several factors.
The first factor is the military-security factor. By virtue of this the military
commander is entitled to take into account considerations with regard to
protecting the security of the state and the army. These considerations
involve questions of military and security expertise. On these questions
the military commander has broad discretion. It is he who is responsible
for maintaining security. He has the security expertise, knowledge and
responsibility. The court gives considerable weight to his position (see
Beit Sourik Village Council v. Government of Israel [1], at para. 46; HCJ
258/79 Amira v. Minister of Defence [8], at p. 92; HCJ 390/79 Dawikat v.
Government of Israel [9], at p. 25). It has therefore been said in our case
law that:
‘… we do not appoint ourselves as experts in security
matters. We do not replace the security considerations of the
military commander with our own security considerations.
We do not adopt any position with regard to the manner in
which security matters are conducted… Our role is to ensure
that boundaries are not crossed and that the conditions that
restrict the discretion of the military commander are upheld’
(HCJ 7015/02 Ajuri v. IDF Commander in West Bank [10], at
pp. 375-376 {109-110}).
The second factor that the military commander should take into
account is the interests of the members of the local population who are
‘protected persons.’ The military commander should protect the human
rights of the members of the local population that are recognized by
213
international law (see Marabeh v. Prime Minister [2], at para. 24; Tana
Town Committee v. Prime Minister [5], at para. 10; Bet Aryeh Local
Council v. Minister of Defence [6], at para. 8). The third factor is the
protection of the human rights of Israelis living in the territories (see
HCJ 1661/05 Gaza Coast Local Council v. Knesset [11], at p. 560;
Marabeh v. Prime Minister [2], at paras. 18-22; Tana Town Committee v.
Prime Minister [5], at paras. 8-10; Bet Aryeh Local Council v. Minister of
Defence [6], at para. 8). This duty is derived from the rules of
international law and the rules of Israeli law. In determining the
substance of the rights of Israelis who live in the territories,
consideration should be given to the character of the territory that is
subject to a belligerent occupation and the powers of the military
commander.
30. The human rights to which the ‘protected persons’ in the
territories and the Israelis in the territories are entitled are not absolute.
Like all human rights they are relative. They may be restricted. Some of
the restrictions arise from the need to consider the rights of others. Some
of the restrictions derive from the security interest. The military
commander should strike a balance between the various considerations
that often conflict with one another. A main criterion in this balance is
‘proportionality,’ which is examined by means of three tests. The first test
provides that the means must correspond with the purpose. The second
test provides that of the various measures that may be adopted to
achieve the purpose, the least harmful measure should be adopted. The
third test provides that the harm caused to the individual by the measure
that is adopted should be commensurate with the benefit arising from it.
With regard to the three elements of the proportionality test, it should be
noted that —
‘Not infrequently there are several ways that the
requirement of proportionality can be satisfied. In these
situations, a “margin of proportionality” should be
recognized (similar to the margin of reasonableness). Any
measure that the authority chooses within the margin is
proportionate’ (Beit Sourik Village Council v. Government of
Israel [1], at p. 840 {297-298}; Marabeh v. Prime Minister [2],
at para. 30).
214
The legality of the fence on the land of Bil’in — framework of the

deliberations
31. Let us begin our deliberations with regard to the legality of the
fence on the land of Bil’in by examining the respondents’ preliminary
arguments. After this we shall examine the question whether the fence
on the land of Bil’in was built with authority. This examination will
consider the reasons underlying the construction of the fence near
Modi’in Illit. After examining the authority we shall turn to examine the
scope of the harm to the local inhabitants and whether this harm is
proportionate. We shall conclude our deliberations by examining the
reliefs that may be required by the overall legal analysis.
Preliminary arguments
32. In their responses the respondents and the real estate companies
raise three preliminary arguments: delay, improper conduct and the
existence of an agreement with the petitioner with regard to ‘segment C’
of the fence. Counsel for the petitioner says in reply that before the
present petition was filed, the petitioner and the inhabitants of Bil’in did
not have any information with regard to the plans for expanding Modi’in
Illit and with regard to whether these corresponded with the planned
route of the fence in the area. Only shortly before filing the petition did
he find out about plan 210/8/1 and about the illegal building. The
petitioner also did not originally know about the master plan for Modi’in
Illit. Therefore the filing of the petition should not be regarded as
tainted by delay, improper conduct or estoppel on account of the
agreement with his counsel in the previous petitions. Counsel for the
petitioner also argued at the hearing before us that since the petition was
filed additional facts have come to light, which in themselves justify a re-
examination of the case.
33. Our opinion is that the preliminary arguments do not justify the
denial of the petition. We accept the petitioner’s claim that the previous
contacts and proceedings concerning the fence in Bil’in were conducted
solely on the basis of partial information regarding the planning position
of the neighbourhood of East Matityahu, the actual building works and
the considerations that formed the basis for the planning of the route of
the fence. As can be seen from the material before us, counsel for the
petitioner was in the past shown plan 210/8, but not plan 210/8/1,
according to which the actual building was carried out. It follows that we
should not attach much weight to the procedural agreement concerning
215
‘segment C’ (which lies on the border of plan 210/8/1), which did not
even amount to a binding agreement from a formal viewpoint.
Moreover, in the state’s response to HCJ 11363/04 the two new
neighbourhoods of Modi’in Illit were mentioned only in general terms,
without any reference to the numbers of the plans. The neighbourhood
of East Matityahu was also not mentioned in the response, only the
names of Neot HaPisga and Or Sameach (para. 26 of the state’s response
to HCJ 11363/04 of 9 January 2005). Moreover, the state’s response did
not contain any hint that plan 210/8 deviated from the municipal
jurisdiction of Modi’in Illit and that any building was being carried out
on the ‘enclaves’ of private Palestinian land. The state in its response also
emphasized that ‘land that is situated within the borders of a master plan
is necessarily state land or land that was bought by Israelis’ (para. 15 of
the response of the respondents in HCJ 11363/04 of 9 January 2005). It
was only as a result of filing of the present petition that it transpired that
there were serious defects in plan 210/8/1, which required extensive
amendments and new proceedings to approve them. It was also
discovered that additional information that was presented to the court
was inaccurate. Thus, for example, the figure stated by the respondents
to be the extent of the land privately owned by Palestinians on the
‘Israeli’ side of the fence increased from 500 dunams to 678 dunams. In
view of all the circumstances — the petitioner encountered difficulties in
ascertaining the facts relevant to the petition, the figures presented to his
counsel and to the court did not present the complete picture, major
defects were discovered over the course of time with regard to the
building without an approved plan and the information concerning the
detailed plan was not provided — we should not address the preliminary
arguments raised by the respondents and the real estate companies.
Even if there is a defect in the fact that the petition before us does not
mention plan 210/8 (which is formally the valid plan), and the pleadings
address plan 210/8/1 (which is the plan according to which the actual
building was carried out), in view of the extent of the defects that were
discovered in the manner in which the respondents and the real estate
companies acted, I do not think that this is sufficient in order to justify
dismissing the petition in limine, without considering it on its merits.
The authority of the military commander
34. Let us turn therefore to examine the first aspect of the legality of
the fence, which is the question of authority. The question is whether the
route of the fence on the land of Bil’in is based on military-security
216
considerations or on political considerations, as alleged in the petition.

We have examined, with the tools available to us, the motive underlying
the construction of the fence. We cannot accept the claim that the
purpose of the fence is to annex areas of the territory of Judaea and
Samaria to the territory of Israel and to the town of Modi’in Illit.
According to the facts brought before us, the motive for building the
security fence in the area that is the subject of the petition is a security
one. The fundamental decision to build a fence did not arise as a
political idea relating to the annexation of territory but was the result of
military-security needs, as an essential measure for protecting the state
and its citizens. The decision to build a fence to the north and east of the
Modi’in block and the town of Modi’in Illit was also made against a
background of the reality of the serious terrorism that has been directed
at Israel since September 2000, and this gave rise to an essential security
need to adopt measures to protect the lives and safety of Israeli citizens.
Among these measures the government decided to construct a security
fence whose purpose was to frustrate and prevent the infiltration of
terrorist activity from Judaea and Samaria into the territory of the State
of Israel. We have already held in our case law that the construction of
the fence is based on a security need and not on a political motive (Beit
Sourik Village Council v. Government of Israel [1], at p. 830; see also
Marabeh v. Prime Minister [2], at para. 100).
35. Notwithstanding, in the matter before us it is clear that the
determination of the route of the fence was significantly influenced by
the plan to construct new neighbourhoods to the east of Modi’in Illit. In
the case of building plans that are in advanced stages of construction and
where the buildings are already inhabited, this does not give rise to any
real difficulty for several reasons. This is the case with regard to the
neighbourhood of Neot HaPisga which is being built in accordance with
a valid master plan. Hundreds of residential units, some of which are
inhabited, have already been built in the neighbourhood. This
neighbourhood is a part of Modi’in Illit and as such it too should be
protected. Therefore the fact that one of the considerations in the
planning of the route is the protection of the neighbourhood of Neot
HaPisga does not derogate from the authority of the military
commander. But it transpires that a major additional consideration in
the planning of the route was the protection of the neighbourhood of
East Matityahu. In view of the planning position of the neighbourhood
of East Matityahu and the decisive weight that the military commander
217
gave to the protection of this future neighbourhood, the legality of the

route that takes this consideration into account gives rise to a difficulty.
Naturally the planning of the route of the security fence should not be
based on the desire to include on the ‘Israeli’ side of the fence areas that
are designated for the expansion of towns, especially where we are
speaking of master plans that are not going to be realized in the near
future (see Marabeh v. Prime Minister [2], at para. 113; Mayor of Salfit v.
State of Israel [7], at para. 29; HCJ 2732/05 Head of Azzun Town Council
v. Government of Israel [12]). With regard to the neighbourhood of East
Matityahu, it transpired that plan 210/8/1 in fact replaced plan 210/8 that
has been valid since 1999 but was not realized. The route of the fence
therefore took into account a plan that had been abandoned, before the
new plan was approved. In such circumstances, it is not possible to
continue to rely on the original plan, which was abandoned by the
promoters and the local authority, in order to justify the route of the
fence. It should be emphasized that in view of the temporary nature of
the fence as a security measure (Marabeh v. Prime Minister [2], at para.
100), there is no basis when planning the route for considerations
relating to building plans that are not valid or for future plans that have
not yet been realized and are not even expected to be realized in the
near future. Even today, despite the fact that plan 210/8/1 has undergone
the approval proceedings once again, in view of the fact that the
realization of stage two (the east part) is conditional upon the approval
of the Minister of Defence, it is very doubtful whether the route of the
fence can be based upon a desire to include the whole neighbourhood to
the west of the fence. The planning position of the neighbourhood of
East Matityahu is complex. It has undergone various changes since plan
210/8 was approved and since the route of the fence was planned. The
provisions of the plan are also complex. In view of this complexity and in
view of the conclusion that we have reached on the question of
proportionality, we are refraining from deciding the question whether
the fact that the neighbourhood of East Matityahu was a decisive
consideration in the planning of the route leads to the conclusion that
there was a defect in the actual authority of the military commander to
order the construction of the fence on the land of Bil’in, or whether it
should be determined that this was a defect in discretion as opposed to a
lack of authority. We are therefore assuming, for the purposes of the
case, that the construction of the fence was done within the framework
of the authority given to the military commander. Let us turn, therefore,
218
to examine the question whether the exercising of the authority given to

the military commander is proportionate.
The proportionality of the route
36. The route of the fence injures the inhabitants of Bil’in. This injury
is caused as a result of the requisition of land for the purpose of
constructing the fence itself, the uprooting of trees that are situated
along the route, and the fact that cultivated agricultural areas are left on
the ‘Israeli’ side of the fence. The route of the fence occupies 260
dunams. In addition, the route separates the inhabitants of Bil’in from
hundreds of dunams of private land and cultivated agricultural land.
Olive trees, vines and almond trees are planted on this land and it is also
used for pasturing the flocks of sheep belonging to the inhabitants of the
village. Many of the inhabitants of Bil’in derive their livelihood from it.
The access to this land will be restricted to a crossing through an
agricultural gate for persons holding permits, with all of the difficulties
that this entails. The respondents do not deny that the inhabitants of
Bil’in are being injured. Nonetheless, their position is that the injury is
proportionate in view of the essential security need, which includes, in
their opinion, giving protection to the inhabitants who will live in the new
neighbourhoods to the east of Modi’in Illit, including the two stages of
the neighbourhood of East Matityahu, which they claim can only be
realized by constructing the fence with the route on which it is being
built. The respondents say in this regard that they intend to minimize the
injury to the inhabitants of Bil’in and that they are also prepared to pay
compensation and payments for the use of the land being requisitioned
for building the fence.
37. Is the injury to the inhabitants of Bil’in proportionate? It would
appear that the fence satisfies the rational connection test. The fence
realizes the security purpose that was the reason for building it, which is
to create a barrier between the Israeli towns and the Palestinian towns in
the territory of Judaea and Samaria, and to protect the Israeli
inhabitants against acts of terrorism. Does the route of the fence satisfy
the second subtest, the least harmful measure test? It was argued before
us that the security purpose can be achieved by means of an alternative
route that will pass closer to the houses of Modi’in Illit, along the
existing perimeter fence of the town. At the hearing before us the
petitioner further claimed that even if there is a desire to include the
houses that have been built in the neighbourhood of East Matityahu on
219
the ‘Israeli’ side of the fence, it is still possible to move the fence to the
west and to reduce the injury to the inhabitants of Bil’in. The
respondents’ position is that there is no other reasonable measure that
can achieve the essential security purpose for which the fence is being
built that will injure the inhabitants of Bil’in to a lesser degree. This
position is based on their approach that the security purpose is to
provide protection for the inhabitants who will live in the new
neighbourhoods of Neot HaPisga and East Matityahu. It is possible to
accept this position in so far as it concerns the neighbourhood of Neot
HaPisga which has reached an advanced stage of construction and is
already inhabited, but not with regard to East Matityahu. As can be seen
from our deliberations, a route that is based on the master plans for the
construction of East Matityahu gives rise to considerable difficulties. The
basis at this time for examining the route of the fence should therefore
by, as we said above, plan 210/8/1, both from the viewpoint of its
planning status and provisions and from the viewpoint of its actual
realization. Plan 210/8/1 is divided into two parts. Stage one (the western
part) can be implemented when the plan comes into effect. By contrast,
the development and marketing of stage two (the eastern part) is
conditional upon receiving approval from the Minister of Defence. No
one disputes that more than forty buildings have been built in the
neighbourhood of East Matityahu, and these include hundreds of
residential units. Dozens of apartments are already inhabited, but the
building is all in the western part of the neighbourhood. No building or
development works have been carried out in the eastern part. This part is
still a long way from being implemented both from a normative
viewpoint and from a practical one. The future realization of stage two is
not certain at all. In these circumstances, we cannot accept the claim that
protecting the eastern part of the neighbourhood of East Matityahu is an
essential security need. With regard to the eastern part we are speaking
merely of a future need. In view of the lack of certainty with regard to
the construction of stage two of the neighbourhood and in view of the
temporary nature of the fence, at this time we are not speaking of a
definite security need. Moreover, as we shall explain below, it would
appear that in view of the desire to ensure the construction of the
eastern neighbourhood in the future, the route of the fence was planned
according to a route that has no security advantage.
38. It follows that the question that needs to be decided is whether
there is an alternative route that provides protection for the houses that
220
are being built in the western part of East Matityahu and that injures the
Palestinian inhabitants to a lesser degree. The respondents did not
explain why the security purpose underlying the fence cannot be
achieved by changing the route so that it incorporates the western part of
East Matityahu but allows the Palestinian land in the channel of the
Dolev Stream and other areas, as well as the ‘enclaves’ in plan 210/8/1, to
remain on the eastern side of the fence. The respondents did not provide
figures with regard to the distance between the route of the fence and
the houses that have already been actually built in the neighbourhood of
East Matityahu. Moreover, no information was provided with regard to
the distance between the route of the fence and the border of stage one
of East Matityahu on the basis of the aforesaid. From the facts that were
brought before us, the existing route of the fence also raises questions
from the viewpoint of the security benefit that it provides. No one
disputes that the route passes mostly over terrain that lies lower than
both Modi’in Illit and Bil’in from a topographical viewpoint. It leaves
several hills on the Palestinian side and two hills on the Israeli side. It
endangers the forces patrolling the route. Against the background of the
security approach that was presented to us in many other cases,
according to which it is important for security reasons to construct the
fence on commanding topographical terrain, the existing route is
surprising. As a rule, in many cases concerning the planning of the route
of the fence the military commander has presented the retention of
commanding hills as a significant security advantage, whereas in the case
before us a route was determined that at least in part is situated on an
area that is overlooked by hills. This route cannot be explained other
than by the desire to include the eastern part of East Matityahu on the
western side of the fence. Otherwise it is doubtful whether there is a
military or security reason for determining the route of the fence in the
place where it now passes. The respondents do not even deny this, and
they state openly in their pleadings that the route was chosen in
accordance with a security purpose that also includes the protection of
the new neighbourhoods that will be built in the future, and that the
safety distances of the route from the Israeli towns was measured
according to the borders of the future master plan, and not according to
the existing building. The rejection of ‘option A,’ which was intended to
exclude the channel of the Dolev Stream from the border zone, was also
explained by the respondents on the ground that ‘option A does not
provide a proper security solution for the inhabitants of the new
221
neighbourhoods and the inhabitants of Modi’in Illit, because of its

proximity to the residential houses in the new neighbourhoods.’ It should
be remembered, as we said above, that the future intention of developing
the eastern part of East Matityahu is not a consideration that should be
taken into account at all at this time. In these circumstances, we have not
been persuaded that it is essential, for military and security reasons, to
retain the existing route that passes over the land of Bil’in. We have not
been persuaded that had plan 210/8 not been considered in its entirety, a
proper security alternative would not have been found for constructing
the fence in order to protect the inhabitants of Modi’in Illit. It seems to
us that against the background of the respondents’ reliance upon the
original plan 210/8, no detailed consideration was given to any
alternative route that can ensure security for the inhabitants of the
western part of East Matityahu, while injuring the inhabitants of Bil’in to
a lesser degree. All of the options that were considered by the
respondents were rejected for security reasons relating to the protection
of the new neighbourhoods, including both stages of the neighbourhood
of East Matityahu, and in practice the military commander did not
examine any other option that does not take into account, for example,
the future stage two of the neighbourhood of East Matityahu. It should
be recalled that moving the route to the west will result, so it would
seem, in building the fence on the area of plan 210/8. This area is mostly
‘state land’ and not private Palestinian land, which will also reduce the
injury to the Palestinian inhabitants. The respondents should reconsider
the existing route once again, and examine a possibility of an alternative
route that is not based on the protection of stage two of East Matityahu.
39. We have not overlooked the arguments of the real estate
companies that moving the fence to the west will result in a violation of
their property rights and economic expectations. But these arguments
cannot affect the conclusion that the respondents should re-examine the
route. There are several reasons for this. First, there is a disparity
between the respondents’ position that the area on which the
neighbourhood of East Matityahu is supposed to be built is ‘state land’
and the position of the real estate companies that it is private land that
was bought by them or for them. According to the determination of the
court in HCJ 3998/06 Yassin v. IDF Commander in West Bank [13], the
land that is the subject of city building plan 210/8 was declared to be
government property on the basis of it being ‘state land’ and not on the
basis of a claim that it is owned by private parties. This declaration does
222
not in itself determine or create rights of ownership in the land. As of the

present there has been no determination, in accordance with substantive
law, with regard to the rights of ownership of any of the real estate
companies. A hearing on the question of the route of the fence is not the
appropriate procedural framework for considering the rights of
ownership. Second, even if we assume, for the purpose of the proceeding
before us, that the real estate companies are the owners of parcels of
land that are included in plan 210/8, this does not preclude the moving of
the route to the west. Just as security needs may prejudice the land of the
local inhabitants and their ability to use it, so too they may prejudice the
land of Israelis and their ability to use it (see, for example, HCJ 5495/06
Midreshet Eretz Yisrael Fund Ltd v. Minister of Defence [14]). The rules of
proportionality in planning the route of the fence may result in Israeli
inhabitants and Israeli property being left on the ‘Palestinian’ side of the
fence (see, inter alia, Tana Town Committee v. Prime Minister [5], HCJ
399/06 Susya Community Settlement Agricultural Cooperative Society Ltd v.
Government of Israel [15]; Al-Ram Local Council v. Government of Israel
[4]; HCJ 4289/05 Bir Nabala Local Council v. Government of Israel [16];
HCJ 1844/06 Rinawi v. Prime Minister [17]). The balance between the
various interests — security needs, the rights of the Palestinian
inhabitants and the rights of Israelis — should be made by the military
commander within the framework of his re-examination of the route of
the fence.
40. In summary, we have not been persuaded that the second subtest
of proportionality is satisfied by the route of the fence on the land of
Bil’in. We have not been persuaded that it is essential, for military and
security reasons, to retain the existing route that passes through a
topographically less advantageous area of the land of Bil’in and that
there is no proper security alternative for constructing the fence in order
to protect the inhabitants of Modi’in Illit. The respondents should
reconsider the existing route and examine an alternative route that will
be capable of ensuring the security of the inhabitants in the western part
of East Matityahu, while injuring the inhabitants of Bil’in to a lesser
degree. We are aware that this change cannot be made overnight, since it
requires the demolition of the existing fence and the construction of a
new fence in certain places. In view of the continuing injury to the
inhabitants of Bil’in, the respondents should carry out the re-
examination within a reasonable time.
223
41. In view of our determination with regard to the second subtest, we

do not need to decide the question whether the route of the fence
satisfies the third test of proportionality, which is the test of
proportionality ‘in the narrow sense.’ Notwithstanding, we think we
should point out that in view of all of the factors and considerations that
we have mentioned above, the current route of the fence also does not
satisfy the third test of proportionality. This test examines the question
whether the injury caused by the route of the fence to the petitioner is
commensurate with the benefit derived from the construction of the
fence according to the route that was determined. In our case, the route
that was determined seriously injures the inhabitants of Bil’in. The injury
is caused as a result of requisitioning land to build the fence, uprooting
trees along the route and leaving cultivated agricultural areas on the
‘Israeli’ side of the fence. As we have already said, the route of the fence
separates the village of Bil’in from a large part of the village’s remaining
land. The route of the fence itself occupies approximately 260 dunams,
and approximately 1,700 additional dunams of its land according to the
land allocated to the village of Bil’in by the British Mandate, of which
more than 670 dunams are privately owned by inhabitants of Bil’in, have
been left on the western side of the fence. There are currently thousands
of olive trees, almond trees and vines on this land. The land is also used
as pasture for the flocks of sheep owned by the inhabitants of the village.
It serves as the main source of livelihood for approximately 200 families
in Bil’in. The respondents do not deny that the inhabitants of Bil’in have
been injured, but they are of the opinion that the injury is reasonable and
proportionate. According to them, the injury to the inhabitants of the
village of Bil’in is proportionate to the essential security need of
protecting the inhabitants of Israel in general and the inhabitants of the
Modi’in block in particular. We cannot accept this position. The
construction of the fence on a part of the land of Bil’in, and the
restriction of access of the inhabitants of Bil’in to a significant additional
part of their land by means of the construction of a checkpoint and an
agricultural gate for permit holders only, create significant difficulties for
the inhabitants of Bil’in and seriously harm the fabric of their lives. At
the same time, the expected security benefit provided by the present
route, which currently protects areas where no building is taking place, is
not commensurate with the injury to the ‘protected’ inhabitants.
Therefore the route that was determined does not satisfy a balance
between security needs, on the one hand, and the welfare of the
224
inhabitants of Bil’in, on the other. Of course, we accept the respondents’

position that choosing a route that is adjacent to the houses of Modi’in
Illit does not provide a proper security solution. But the respondents’
position was formulated in accordance with the borders of the future
master plan of the neighbourhood of East Matityahu, and not in
accordance with the building that is actually being carried out. As we
held above, a future intention to develop the eastern part of East
Matityahu is not a consideration that should be taken into account at this
stage, and it would therefore seem that it is possible to reduce the harm
to the local inhabitants by choosing an alternative route that does not
take into account the areas that are designated for the future
construction of stage two of the neighbourhood of East Matityahu.
42. As we have said, at the hearings that took place before us we were
not presented with all of the facts concerning the proper alternative
route that should replace the route of the fence under discussion in the
petition, and in actual fact such a route has not been considered by the
respondents. Therefore we have decided to make the order nisi absolute
in the following manner: the first and second respondents shall
reconsider, within a reasonable time, an alternative to the route of the
separation fence on the land of Bil’in, which injures the inhabitants of
Bil’in to a lesser degree, and leaves the cultivated areas in so far as
possible on the eastern side of the fence; in this respect an alternative
should be considered that includes the areas of stage one of the
neighbourhood of East Matityahu on the western side of the fence,
whereas the agricultural areas in the channel of the Dolev Stream which
are designated for the future construction of the second stage of the
neighbourhood of East Matityahu should be left on the eastern side of
the fence. Until the re-examination of the alternative route has been
completed, the interim order of 12 June 2007 shall remain in force, with
the result that the Bil’in gate shall remain open for the passage of the
inhabitants of Bil’in from 6:00 a.m. until 8:00 p.m..
I agree.
I agree.
225
Petition granted.
21 Elul 5767.
4 September 2007.
226
Al-Bassiouni v. Prime Minister
——————
Synopsis
In 2005 the Israel Defence Forces left the Gaza Strip and all of the Israeli
inhabitants of the Gaza Strip were evacuated. However, a large
proportion of the electricity in the Gaza Strip continues to be supplied
from Israel. The Gaza Strip also remains largely dependent upon supplies
of food and medicine, as well as many other products, from Israel.
Regrettably, the end of Israeli military rule in the Gaza Strip did not result
in a decrease in attacks launched against Israel from the Gaza Strip, but in
an increase of these attacks, both in the number of the attacks and the
range of the areas affected. Following years of rocket and mortar attacks
fired from the Gaza Strip into the territory of the State of Israel, the Israeli
government decided in 2007 to limit the supply of fuel and electricity into
the Gaza Strip.
The petitioner challenged the decision of the Israeli government, on the

ground that the it prejudiced the humanitarian needs of the inhabitants of
the Gaza Strip.
In reply, the respondents argued that the decision was made because
some of the fuel and electricity supplied to the Gaza Strip was being used
in order to carry out attacks on the State of Israel. The respondents argued
that while they allowed unlimited amounts of food and medicine to enter
the Gaza Strip, the amounts of fuel and electricity that they were
obligated to supply to the Gaza Strip was limited to the amounts needed
to satisfy the humanitarian needs of the inhabitants, in accordance with
international humanitarian law. The respondents also argued that Hamas’s
portrayal of the humanitarian situation in the Gaza Strip as a crisis was
exaggerated.
The petitioners argued that there was no physical way of restricting the
electricity to the Gaza Strip without causing power stoppages in hospitals
227
and stopping the pumping of clean water to the civilian population in

Gaza, and without causing serious disruptions to basic needs. They
therefore claimed that implementation of the decision would cause
certain, serious and irreversible damage to the essential humanitarian
needs of the Gaza Strip, its hospitals, the water and sewage system, and
the entire civilian population.
The Supreme Court held that since 2005 Israel does not have effective
control of what happens in the Gaza Strip. Therefore, under the laws of
belligerent occupation in international law Israel does not have a general
responsibility for the welfare of the inhabitants of the Gaza Strip or for
maintaining public order in the Gaza Strip. Neither does Israel have an
effective capability of enforcing order and managing civilian life in the
Gaza Strip. In these circumstances, the court held that the main duties of
the State of Israel regarding the inhabitants of the Gaza Strip derive from
the state of armed conflict that exists between it and the Hamas
organization that controls the Gaza Strip, the degree of control exercised
by the State of Israel over the border crossings between it and the Gaza
Strip, as well as the relationship that was created between Israel and the
territory of the Gaza Strip after the years of Israeli military rule in the
territory, as a result of which the Gaza Strip is currently almost completely
dependent upon the supply of electricity from Israel.
While the State of Israel has a duty to refrain from intentional harm to the
civilian population of the Gaza Strip, it has no duty to allow an unlimited
amount of electricity and fuel to enter the Gaza Strip in circumstances
where some of these products are in practice being used by the terrorist
organizations in order to attack Israeli civilians. The duty of the State of
Israel is to allow the supply of the humanitarian needs of the inhabitants
of the Gaza Strip. In view of the relatively small scale of the reductions in
the electricity supply (a reduction of 5% in only three of the ten lines
supplying electricity from Israel to the Gaza Strip) and the undertakings
given by the respondents to the court, the Supreme Court accepted that
the State of Israel was discharging its humanitarian obligations properly
and would continue to monitor the humanitarian situation in the Gaza
Strip to ensure that no humanitarian crisis occurred.
228
HCJ 9132/07
Jaber Al-Bassiouni Ahmed
and others
v.
1. Prime Minister

[30 January 2008]
Before President D. Beinisch and Justices E. Hayut, J. Elon
Facts: The petitioner challenged the respondents’ decision to limit the supply of
fuel and electricity to the Gaza Strip, which the petitioners claimed prejudiced
the humanitarian needs of the inhabitants of the Gaza Strip. The respondents
argued that the decision was made because some of the fuel and electricity
supplied to the Gaza Strip is being used in order to carry out attacks on the
State of Israel. The respondents argued that the amounts of fuel and electricity
being supplied to the Gaza Strip satisfied the humanitarian needs of the
inhabitants, in accordance with international humanitarian law.
Held: The State of Israel has no duty to allow an unlimited amount of electricity
and fuel to enter the Gaza Strip in circumstances where some of these products
are in practice being used by the terrorist organizations in order to attack Israeli
civilians. The duty of the State of Israel derives from the essential humanitarian
needs of the inhabitants of the Gaza Strip. The respondents satisfied the court
that these needs are indeed being satisfied.
Petition denied.

[2002-3] IsrLR 47.
[2] HCJ 168/91 Morcus v. Minister of Defence [1991] IsrSC 45(1) 467.
[3] HCJ 3114/02 Barakeh v. Minister of Defence [2002] IsrSC 56(3) 11;
[2002-3] IsrLR 39.
229
For the petitioners: N. Peleg, Prof. K. Mann, F. El-Ajou, H. Jabareen, S. Bashi.

For the respondents: G. Shirman, O. Mendel.
JUDGMENT
1. The petition before us is directed against the respondents’ decision
to reduce or limit the supply of fuel and electricity to the Gaza Strip. In
their petition for relief from this court, the petitioners mainly addressed
the need for various types of fuel (gasoline and diesel) for the proper
running of hospitals and water and sewage pumps, as well as for the
supply of electricity, whether via power lines from Israel or by supplying
industrial diesel for operating the Gaza Strip power plant.
2. The circumstances surrounding the petition are the combat
activities that have been taking place in the Gaza Strip for a long period,
and the continuing campaign of terrorism directed against the citizens of
Israel. The terrorist attacks have intensified and worsened since the
Hamas organization took control of the Gaza Strip. These attacks
include the continuous firing of rockets and mortar shells at civilian
targets in the territory of the State of Israel, as well as terrorist attacks
and attempted attacks that target civilians and IDF soldiers at the border
crossings between the Gaza Strip and the State of Israel, along the
border fence and in the territory of the State of Israel. The respondents’
decision to limit the supply of fuel and electricity to the Gaza Strip was
made as a part of the State of Israel’s operations against the continuous
terrorism. The following is the text of the decision that was adopted by
the Ministerial Committee on National Security Affairs on 19 September
2007:
‘The Hamas organization is a terrorist organization that has
taken control of the Gaza Strip and turned it into a hostile
territory. This organization carries out acts of hostility
against the State of Israel and its citizens, and the
responsibility for these acts lies with it. It has therefore been
resolved to adopt the recommendations presented by the
security establishment, including the continuation of the
230
military and intelligence operations against the terrorist

organizations. Additional restrictions will also be placed
upon the Hamas regime, so that the passage of goods to the
Gaza Strip will be limited, the supply of fuel and electricity
will be reduced and restrictions will be imposed upon the
movement of persons to and from the Strip. The restrictions
will be implemented after considering the legal ramifications
of the humanitarian situation in the Gaza Strip, in order to
prevent a humanitarian crisis.’
The petition is directed against this decision.
3. The petition against the decision was filed on 28 October 2007 and
it was heard on 7 November 2007, in the presence of the parties. On the
date of the hearing the state gave notice that a final decision as to
whether to implement the restrictions upon the supply of electricity to
the Gaza Strip had not yet been made, and therefore we only heard
argument regarding the restrictions upon the supply of fuel. During the
hearing, counsel for the respondents told the court that the state
recognizes that it has a duty not to prevent the supply of basic
humanitarian needs to the Gaza Strip, and therefore it announced that it
would monitor the situation and ensure that the restrictions being made
do not harm the supply of basic humanitarian needs. At the end of the
hearing we held that within seven days the state should present the data
on which it based its assessment of the effect of reducing the fuel supply
to the Gaza Strip, and explain the methods of monitoring and of
checking the data that it intends to adopt in order to safeguard the
humanitarian needs of the inhabitants of the Gaza Strip.
Reduction of the fuel supply to the Gaza Strip
4. On 29 November 2007 we held, with regard to that part of the
petition addressing the reduction of the fuel supply to the Gaza Strip,
that the fuel that the Palestinian Energy Authority buys from the Israeli
Dor Alon company, which is distributed by private suppliers to the
highest bidder irrespective of any other concerns, can be distributed in
another manner. We said that the various types of fuel supplied to the
Gaza Strip can be distributed according to priorities that take into
account the humanitarian needs of the civilian population, as well as the
functioning of the generators that operate the water pumps and
electricity plants in the Gaza Strip. In our decision we gave weight to the
state’s position that while combat operations and missile attacks are
231
being carried out against Israeli towns, some of the fuel that enters the
Gaza Strip is used de facto for various objectives of the terrorist
organizations, and in such circumstances the reduction of the fuel supply,
in the controlled manner in which it is made, may damage the terrorist
infrastructures and their ability to operate against the citizens of the
State of Israel, considering that the amount of fuel that enters the Gaza
Strip is supposed to satisfy only the humanitarian purposes that require
the use of fuel. We were therefore not persuaded at that stage, on the
basis of the data presented to us, that the respondents’ decision to
reduce the amount of fuel allowed into the Gaza Strip through the
border crossings with Israel currently violates the basic humanitarian
needs of the Gaza Strip. We therefore held that there was no basis for
any order nisi or interim order concerning the reduction of the fuel
supply (gasoline and diesel). Our decision was mainly based on the
state’s undertaking, as required by Israeli and international law, to
monitor the situation in the Gaza Strip and ensure that the aforesaid
reduction does not prejudice the humanitarian needs of the inhabitants
of the Gaza Strip. In these circumstances we concluded the hearing of
the issue of the restrictions on the fuel supply to the Gaza Strip, and
proceeded to examine the arguments concerning the harm to the
inhabitants of the Gaza Strip that could be anticipated as a result of the
restrictions on the supply of electricity.
Reduction of the supply of electricity to the Gaza Strip
5. The hearing of the part of the petition regarding the reduction of
the supply of electricity to the Gaza Strip required complex factual
verification, and we encountered difficulty in receiving figures on this
issue from the state’s representatives. Therefore the proceedings on this
issue were drawn out while on various dates we received detailed
applications from the petitioners and written and oral responses from
the respondents. On 15 November 2007 the petitioners filed an urgent
application for an interim order in the petition, and on 23 November
2007 they applied for an urgent hearing of the petition in view of the
state’s notice that as of December 2007 it would begin to restrict the
amount of electricity supplied to the Gaza Strip. The petitioners argued
that there is no physical way of restricting the electricity to the Gaza
Strip without causing power stoppages in hospitals and stopping the
pumping of clean water to the civilian population in Gaza, and without
causing serious disruptions to basic needs. Their main argument was that
implementation of the decision would cause certain, serious and
232
irreversible damage to the essential humanitarian needs of the Gaza

Strip, its hospitals, the water and sewage system, and the entire civilian
population.
6. According to figures that are not disputed by either party, the
amount of electricity needed for the Gaza Strip at peak times is slightly
more than 200 megawatts. Approximately 120 megawatts are supplied by
Israel, and approximately 17 megawatts are supplied by Egypt. The
remainder is supplied by the Gaza Strip power plant. The electricity
supplied to the Gaza Strip by the State of Israel is supplied via 10 power
lines, on four of which load limiters have been installed. The
respondents’ intention was to reduce the supply of electricity through
those four power lines gradually, by 5% of the amount of electricity
transferred through each of the lines. The respondents’ claim that this
step would require the authority that controls the Gaza Strip to manage
the load and reduce the actual consumption of electricity in the area to
which the relevant line supplies electricity, to prevent the supply of
electricity for terrorist purposes such as workshops where Qassam
rockets are made. According to their approach, if the authorities in Gaza
manage the consumption of electricity properly, the flow of electricity
from Israel to the Gaza Strip will continue without interruption. But if
consumption exceeds the permitted amount, the supply of electricity will
cease automatically, due to the load limiters installed upon the four
power lines described above. The respondents emphasized in their
response that the aforesaid reduction of electricity does not affect the
basic humanitarian needs of the residents of the Gaza Strip.
7. The petitioners argue that there is no physical way of reducing the
supply of electricity to Gaza without causing power stoppages in
hospitals and the pumping of clean water to the civilian population of
Gaza, and therefore the implementation of this decision will cause
certain, serious and irreversible harm to the necessary humanitarian
needs of the Gaza Strip, its hospitals, the water and sewage system, and
the entire civilian population. In their supplementary pleadings of 27
November 2007, the petitioners presented detailed arguments regarding
the future reduction of electricity to the Gaza Strip, and according to
them even now, since the bombing of the local power plant by the Israeli
Air Force in 2006, the Gaza Strip has suffered from a shortage of
electricity that compels the Electricity Distribution Company in Gaza to
make electricity stoppages for several hours each day. They argue that
even now the frequent power stoppages affect the functioning of
233
essential services in Gaza, such as hospitals, because the infrastructure in

the Gaza Strip does not make it possible to disconnect the electrical
supply to the civilian population without disconnecting essential services.
Moreover, it was emphasized that stopping the supply of electricity to
the homes of Gaza residents denies them the possibility of receiving
clean drinking water in their homes and interrupts the functioning of the
water and sewage pumps.
8. On 29 November 2007 we held a hearing of the petition, at which
we heard the arguments of the parties. During the hearing we also heard
the respondents’ deponents, Colonel Shlomi Muchtar, head of the
Operations Department at the Unit for Coordination of Government
Activities in the Territories, and Mr Idan Weinstock, director of the
Electricity Authority at the Ministry of National Infrastructures. For the
petitioners we heard the second petitioner, Mr Maher Najar, the
assistant-director of the Water Authority in the Coastal Cities
Administration in Gaza. After we heard the arguments of the parties and
their deponents regarding the planned reduction of the electricity supply
to the Gaza Strip and after we received the incomplete facts that were
presented to us, we saw fit to request further pleadings from the
respondents on several points concerning the possibility of regulating the
flow of electricity to the Gaza Strip so that humanitarian needs will not
be harmed. We also made an order that until the aforesaid submissions
were received, the plan to reduce the electricity supply to the Gaza Strip
should not be implemented.
9. While the petition was pending, the petitioners once again filed
applications to compel the state to continue the normal supply of
electricity to the Gaza Strip without restrictions. Their arguments
focused mainly on the fact that the local power plant, which supplies
electricity to essential humanitarian facilities, cannot function properly
due to a severe shortage of industrial diesel fuel. They argue that the
amount of industrial diesel that the respondents are allowing to enter the
Gaza Strip is insufficient for the needs of the power plant and does not
enable it to produce the amount of electricity that the residents of the
Gaza Strip need during the winter months. It was argued that the
shortage of industrial diesel caused a reduction of approximately 30% in
the amount of electricity produced by the power plant in the Gaza Strip,
which has led to long electricity stoppages. It was emphasized that the
industrial diesel supplied to the Gaza Strip is used solely for producing
electricity at the power plant. On 9 January 2008 filed an update, in
234
which they said that as a result of the severe shortage of industrial diesel
at the power plant in the Gaza Strip, power stoppages of eight hours
every day were being imposed in central Gaza, and in the city of Gaza
itself stoppages were being imposed for eight hours every two days. It
was further alleged that as a result of the reduction in electricity
production, the central hospital in Gaza was suffering power stoppages
of 6-12 hours each day, which disrupted the functioning of the hospital.
On 21 January 2008 the petitioners informed the court that, due to the
shortage of industrial diesel, the power plant in Gaza had completely
stopped the production of electricity, which resulted in a shortage of
approximately 43% of the amount of electricity required by the residents
of the Gaza Strip. They claimed that on 20 January 2008 the respondents
imposed a complete ban on the entry of industrial diesel into the Gaza
Strip, and in the absence of reserves this led to the shutdown of the
power plant. In the prevailing circumstances, the petitioners claimed that
many residents of the Gaza Strip had no access to clean drinking water,
sewage was overflowing and residents were unable to operate in their
homes the medical equipment that they needed.
10. Following the aforesaid, the respondents filed a further statement,
in which they addressed the various claims and the dynamic changes in
the factual position. They said that at a meeting between the head of the
Operations Department of the Unit for Coordination of Government
Activity in the Territories, Colonel Shlomi Muchtar, and the
representatives of the Palestinian Energy Authority, the Palestinians had
said that they were able to regulate loads by reducing the consumption of
electricity in the distribution area of a certain line, and that such
regulation had already been put into operation; thus, for example, the
Palestinian authorities confirmed that they were able to reduce the
consumption on a certain power line in order to allow the proper
functioning of a hospital. We were also informed that as a result of an
arrangement between the Israel Electric Corporation and the Palestinian
Authority in 2005, the supply of electricity through two of the lines
providing electricity from Israel to the Gaza Strip was limited to 11
megawatts. The respondents admitted that the Nachal Oz crossing,
through which the industrial diesel fuel needed to run the Gaza power
plant enters the Gaza Strip, had indeed been closed for several days, and
therefore the supply of industrial diesel to the power plant in the Gaza
Strip had been prevented during those days. The respondents explained
that the closure of the crossing and the stoppage in the supply of
235
industrial diesel to the power plant occurred as a result of a very serious

rocket barrage against Israel, in which between the fifteenth and
eighteenth of January 2008, 222 mortar shells had been shot at Israeli
towns near the Gaza Strip, Ashkelon and Sederot, which caused the
wounding of seven civilians, many victims of trauma and considerable
damage. Despite that, we were told that it has now been decided that the
amount of industrial diesel supplied to the Gaza Strip will amount to 2.2
million litres a week, as it was before the reduction plan. Regarding the
supply of electricity from Israel, the respondents said that they intend to
implement a gradual reduction in only three power lines, in an amount
of 5% of the total current in each of those lines, so that the amount of
electricity supplied through them will total 13.5 megawatts in two of
them and 12.5 megawatts in the third. The respondents emphasized in
this context that the Palestinians themselves have said on several
occasions that they are able to carry out load reductions if restrictions
are imposed on the power lines, so that humanitarian purposes and
needs are not affected. Finally, the respondents said that the opening of
a Rafah crossing into Egypt, which was an action taken unilaterally by
the Palestinians, might affect the entire situation in the Gaza Strip and
all of the obligations of the State of Israel towards the Gaza Strip, but
they added that this subject is a new development and is being examined
from a factual, legal and political perspective. On 27 January 2008 we
held a hearing that focused on the supply of industrial diesel fuel to the
Gaza Strip, at which the parties reiterated their main arguments, as set
out above, and the state announced, as aforesaid, that industrial diesel
fuel was being supplied to the Gaza Strip in the same manner as it had in
the past.
Deliberations
11. The question before us is whether the various restrictions upon
the supply of fuel and electricity to the Gaza Strip harm the essential
humanitarian needs of the residents of the Gaza Strip. As we said in our
decision of 29 November 2007, the State of Israel has no duty to allow an
unlimited amount of electricity and fuel to enter the Gaza Strip in
circumstances where some of these products are in practice being used
by the terrorist organizations in order to attack Israeli civilians. The duty
of the State of Israel derives from the essential humanitarian needs of
the inhabitants of the Gaza Strip. The respondents are required to
discharge their duties under international humanitarian law, which
requires them to allow the Gaza Strip to receive only what is needed in
236
order to provide the essential humanitarian needs of the civilian

population.
12. The State argued before us that it conducts itself in accordance
with the rules of international law and respects its humanitarian
obligations under the laws of war. Counsel for the state argues that these
duties are limited and are derived from the state of armed conflict that
exists between the State of Israel and the Hamas organization that
controls the Gaza Strip, and from the need to avoid harm to the civilian
population that finds itself in the combat zone. We should point out in
this context that since September 2005 Israel no longer has effective
control over what happens in the Gaza Strip. The military government
that was in force in this territory in the past was ended by a decision of
the government, and Israeli soldiers are no longer stationed in the
territory on a permanent basis, nor are they in charge of what happens
there. In these circumstances, the State of Israel does not have a general
duty to ensure the welfare of the residents of the Gaza Strip or to
maintain public order in the Gaza Strip under all of the laws of a
belligerent occupation under international law. Neither does Israel have
any effective ability, in its present position, of enforcing order and
managing civilian life in the Gaza Strip. In the prevailing circumstances,
the main duties of the State of Israel relating to the residents of the Gaza
Strip derive from the state of armed conflict that exists between it and
the Hamas organization that controls the Gaza Strip; these duties also
derive from the degree of control exercised by the State of Israel over
the border crossings between it and the Gaza Strip, as well as from the
relationship that was created between Israel and the territory of the
Gaza Strip after the years of Israeli military rule in the territory, as a
result of which the Gaza Strip is currently almost completely dependent
upon the supply of electricity from Israel.
13. In this context, the respondents referred in their pleadings to
various provisions of international humanitarian law that apply to this
case. Inter alia, the respondents referred to art. 23 of the Fourth Geneva
Convention relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War,
1949 (hereinafter: ‘the Fourth Geneva Convention’), which requires a
party to a conflict to allow the free passage of consignments intended for
the civilians of the other party. They said, however, that this is a very
limited obligation, since it only requires a party to a conflict to allow the
unlimited passage of medical equipment, and to allow the passage of
foodstuffs, clothing and medicine intended for children under the age of
237
fifteen and expectant mothers. The respondents also referred to art. 70

of the Protocol Additional to the Geneva Conventions of 12 August 1949
and relating to the Protection of Victims of International Armed
Conflicts, 1977 (hereinafter: ‘the First Protocol’), which in their opinion
constitutes customary international law, and which imposes a general
and broader obligation according to which parties to a conflict are
required to allow the rapid and unimpeded passage of essential goods for
the civilian population. Finally, the respondents also referred in their
pleadings to art. 54 of the First Protocol, which prohibits the starvation
of civilians as a method of warfare, as well as any attack, destruction,
removal or rendering useless of installations required by the civilian
population, including foodstuffs, agricultural areas and drinking water
installations.
14. The state’s pleadings in this regard are based upon norms that are
part of the customary international law, which set out basic obligations
that govern combatant parties during an armed conflict, and require
them to ensure the welfare of the civilian population and respect its
dignity and basic rights. It should also be noted that under the rules of
customary international humanitarian law, each party to a conflict is
obliged to refrain from disrupting the passage of basic humanitarian
relief to populations needing it in areas under its control (J. Henckaerts
& L. Doswald-Beck, Customary International Humanitarian Law (ICRC,
vol. 1, 2005), at pp. 197, 199). It is also stated in the commentary on art.
70 of the First Protocol that arts. 54 and 70 of the First Protocol should
be read together, so that a party to a conflict should not be permitted to
refuse to allow the passage of foodstuffs and basic humanitarian
equipment necessary for the survival of the civilian population
(Commentary on the Additional Protocols of 8 June 1977 to the Geneva
Conventions of 12 August 1949 (Y. Sandoz, C. Swinarski, B.
Zimmermann, eds., ICRC, Geneva, 1987), at p. 820).
15. It follows from the aforesaid that the respondents do not in any
way deny the existence of their humanitarian duties, which require the
State of Israel to allow the passage of essential humanitarian goods to
the Gaza Strip, and to refrain from intentional harm to humanitarian
facilities. According to the respondents’ arguments, which they
supported with affidavits and statements of the responsible authorities,
not only are the respondents allowing the transfer of essential goods to
the civilian population in the Gaza Strip, but they also regard this as a
humanitarian obligation for which they are liable pursuant to
238
international law and the decision of the ministerial committee.

Notwithstanding, the respondents emphasized that this does not require
them to allow the passage of unessential goods or amounts of goods that
exceed what is required for basic humanitarian needs, and this is the
heart of the disagreement between them and the petitioners.
16. In this last respect, Colonel Nir Press, the commander of the
Coordination and Liaison Authority, appeared before us during the final
hearing and gave details of the relevant data and information upon
which the respondents rely. Colonel Press clarified the statements made
on behalf of the state, and insisted that the amount of fuel and electricity
entering the Gaza Strip is sufficient for the proper functioning of all the
humanitarian services in the territory; Colonel Press further told us of
contacts that he held with Palestinian representatives for the routine
monitoring of the functioning of the humanitarian services in the Gaza
Strip. Inter alia, he described how the State of Israel allows the safe
conduct of the sick for treatment in the State of Israel, and allows the
unlimited passage of food and medicine, in order to avoid harming the
residents of the Gaza Strip beyond the extent necessitated by the state of
armed conflict between the State of Israel and the Hamas organization.
Colonel Press admitted to us that the situation of the civilian population
in the Gaza Strip is indeed difficult, but he also gave examples of
exaggerated descriptions published by the Hamas organization with
regard to a humanitarian crisis in the territory.
17. The main issue remaining before us, as became clear from the last
hearing, is the amount of industrial diesel fuel required for the operation
of the power plant in the Gaza Strip. As stated above, we were
persuaded by the respondents’ declarations that they intend to continue
to allow the supply of industrial diesel fuel at the same level as prior to
the implementation of the limitations, namely 2.2 million litres per week.
Since it has been clarified that industrial diesel can be used, and is used
de facto, solely for the power plant in the Gaza Strip, it can be assumed
that the supply of industrial diesel will not fall short of this amount. Our
examination of the matter revealed that the supply of industrial diesel to
the Gaza Strip during the winter months last year was similar to the
amount that the respondents now promise will be permitted to enter the
Gaza Strip, and this fact also indicates that it is a reasonable amount that
is sufficient for the basic humanitarian needs of the Gaza Strip.
Admittedly, for several days the border crossings were closed and
consequently the required amount of diesel was not delivered. But this, it
239
was explained, was on account of a temporary security need that was

caused by a very severe rocket attack launched against Israeli towns from
within the Gaza Strip. It need not be said that even during this period,
when there was a specific security need to close the border crossings, the
State of Israel continued to supply the Gaza Strip with the same amount
of electricity that it usually provides.
18. As for the revised plan presented to us, which concerns a five per
cent reduction of the supply of electricity through three of the ten power
lines supplying electricity to the Gaza Strip, to a level of 13.5 megawatts
in two of the lines and 12.5 megawatts in the third, we have been
persuaded that this reduction does not breach the State of Israel’s
humanitarian duties within the context of the armed conflict taking place
between it and the Hamas organization that controls the Gaza Strip. This
conclusion is based, inter alia, upon the fact that the respondents’
affidavit shows that the relevant Palestinian authorities have said that
they have the ability to carry out load reductions if limits are placed on
the power lines, and they have made actual use of this ability in the past.
19. It should be emphasized that during the hearing of the petition
the state reiterated its undertaking to monitor the humanitarian situation
in the Gaza Strip, and in this context we were informed, in various
affidavits filed on behalf of the respondents, that this commitment is
being discharged very responsibly and seriously, and that the security
establishment carries out a weekly assessment of the position in this
regard, which is based, inter alia, upon contacts with Palestinian
authorities in the fields of electricity and health, and on contacts with
international organizations. It should be noted in this context that from
the hearing of this issue before us, as well as from other cases where an
immediate response was required on matters regarding humanitarian
concerns, it has be seen that the parties are capable of reaching
understandings and arrangements in these matters. Indeed, a solution in
the form of communication between the persons in charge of the security
establishment and those authorities in contact with them who can inform
them of the essential basic needs is the best way of finding speedy
solutions to concrete problems that arise from time to time; that is shown
by the fact that even before we held a hearing, the state announced, of its
own initiative, that it was renewing the supply of regular diesel fuel,
which is required, inter alia, for ambulances and operating generators in
hospitals, in the same amount as prior to the reduction, as well as the
supply of industrial diesel. These facts shows that the state is indeed
240
monitoring the situation in the Gaza Strip, and allowing the supply of the
amount of fuel and electricity needed for the essential humanitarian
needs in the area.
20. We have said, on more than one occasion, that we do not
intervene in the question of the effectiveness or the wisdom of the
security measures adopted by those responsible for security, but only in
the question of their legality. Our role is limited to judicial review of
compliance with the rules of Israeli and international law that bind the
State of Israel, which the respondents declared before us are being
scrupulously observed by the state. In this regard it has been said in the
past that in times of war legal norms continue to apply, and the laws of
war should be observed. In HCJ 3451/02 Almadani v. Minister of Defence
[1] we held, in a similar context, that:
‘Israel finds itself in severe combat against raging terrorism.
Israel acts pursuant to its right to self-defence (see art. 51 of
the Charter of the United Nations). This combat is not
carried out in a normative void. It is carried out pursuant to
the rules of international law, which determines principles
and rules for conduct of combat’ (Almadani v. Minister of
Defence [1], per President Barak; see also HCJ 168/91
Morcus v. Minister of Defence [2], at p. 470).
And in a judgment concerning the humanitarian obligations of the
State of Israel during the combat operations carried out in the
‘Defensive Shield’ operation, we said that:
‘Even during periods of combat the laws of war should be
upheld. Everything should be done in order to protect the
civilian population (see HCJ 2901/02; HCJ 2936/02; HCJ
2977/02, and HCJ 3022/02)’ (HCJ 3114/02 Barakeh v.
Minister of Defence [3]).
21. Indeed, in times of war, as in our case, the civilian population
regrettably finds itself in a combat zone, and it is the first and main
victim of the state of hostilities, even when efforts are made to limit the
harm to it. In the territory of the State of Israel, in a period of terrorist
attacks that have been continuing for years, the immediate and main
victim of the state of hostilities is also the civilian population. But in so
far as the operations being carried out against Israel are concerned, we
are not speaking of accidental harm or collateral damage, but of
persistent terrorist attacks that directly target the civilian population with
241
the intention of harming innocent civilians. This is the difference

between the State of Israel, a democratic state fighting for its survival by
the methods that the law permits, and the terrorist organizations that
seek to destroy it. ‘The state is fighting in the name of the law and in
order to preserve it. The terrorists fight against the law and in violation
thereof. The war against terrorism is also the struggle of the law against
those who seek to undermine it’ (HCJ 320/80 Kawasma v. Minister of
Defence [4], at p. 132; see also Almadani v. Minister of Defence [1]). In this
case, the facts that were presented to us, as set out above, show that the
State of Israel accepts and respects the rules provided in the laws of war,
and is committed to continuing to supply the amount of fuel and
electricity needed for the essential humanitarian needs of the civilian
population in the Gaza Strip.
22. In conclusion, we reiterate that the Gaza Strip is controlled by a
murderous terrorist organization, which acts unceasingly to strike at the
State of Israel and its inhabitants, violating every possible rule of
international law in its violent acts, which are directed indiscriminately
toward civilians — men, women and children. Notwithstanding, as we
said above, the State of Israel is committed to acting against the terrorist
organizations within the framework of the law and in accordance with
the provisions of international law, and to refrain from intentional harm
to the civilian population in the Gaza Strip. In view of all of the
information presented to us with regard to the supply of electricity to the
Gaza Strip, we are of the opinion that the amount of industrial diesel
that the State said it intends to supply, as well as the electricity that is
continually supplied through the power lines from Israel, are capable of
satisfying the essential humanitarian needs of the Gaza Strip at the
present.
Therefore, for the reasons set out above, the petition is denied.
Justice E. Hayut
I agree.
Justice J. Elon
I agree.
242
Petition denied.
23 Shevat 5768.
30 January 2008.
243
A v. State of Israel
——————
Synopsis
The appeals before the court focused on the Internment of

Unlawful Combatants Law, 5762-2002. The appeals challenged
specific internment orders that were made under the law, but the
case focused mainly on fundamental questions concerning the
interpretation of the provisions of the Internment of Unlawful
Combatants Law and the extent to which it is consistent with
international humanitarian law, as well as the constitutionality of
the arrangements prescribed in the law.
The Internment of Unlawful Combatants Law was enacted against

the background of a harsh security reality of murderous terrorist
threats that have plagued the State of Israel for years and attacked
innocent persons indiscriminately. In view of this, the court held
that the law’s security purpose — removing ‘unlawful combatants’
from the cycle of hostilities conducted by the terror organizations
against the State of Israel — constitutes a proper purpose that is
based on a public need of the kind that may justify a significant
violation of the right to personal liberty.
The measure chosen by the legislature to realize the purpose of the

Internment of Unlawful Combatants Law is administrative
detention, in accordance with the arrangements provided in the
law. There is no doubt that this is a measure that violates the right
to personal liberty significantly. In view of the extent of the violation
of personal liberty and in view of the extreme nature of the
measure of detention provided in the law, the court held that an
interpretive effort should be made in order to minimize, in so far as
possible, the violation of the right to liberty so that it is
commensurate with the need to achieve the security purpose, and
not in excess thereof. This interpretation should be consistent with
the basic outlook that prevails in the Israeli legal system, according
245
to which it is preferable to uphold a statute by interpretive means

wherever possible, rather than to declare it void for constitutional
reasons. The court also held that the provisions of the statute should
be interpreted, in so far as possible, in a manner consistent with the
accepted norms of international law.
Examining the arrangements that were provided in the law in the

light of their interpretation, which the court discussed at length in
the judgment, led to the conclusion that the arrangements provided
in the law fall within the margin of proportionality. First, the
measure chosen by the legislature, namely administrative detention
that prevents the ‘unlawful combatant’ from returning to the cycle
of hostilities against the State of Israel, serves the legislative purpose
and therefore satisfies the requirement of the rational connection
between the legislative measure and the purpose that the law was
intended to realize. Second, the measures indicated by the
appellants in their pleadings before the court, namely recognizing
them as prisoners of war, bringing them to a criminal trial or
detaining them under the Emergency Powers (Detentions) Law, do
not realize the purpose of the Internment of Unlawful Combatants
Law and therefore they cannot constitute a proper alternative
measure to detention under the law under discussion. Third, the
specific arrangements provided in the law do not, in themselves
and irrespective of the manner in which they are applied, violate
the right to personal liberty excessively, and they fall within the
scope of the margin of constitutional appreciation given to the
legislature. Finally, a look at the overall combination of the aforesaid
provisions in light of the interpretation that the court discussed in
the judgment leads to the conclusion that the violation of the
constitutional right is reasonably commensurate with the social
benefit arising from realizing the legislative purpose. This conclusion
is based on the combined effect of the following considerations:
First, according to the interpretation of the provisions of the law, the

scope of the law’s application is relatively narrow: the law does not
apply to citizens and residents of the State of Israel, but only to
foreign parties who endanger the security of the state.
246
Second, the interpretation of the definition of ‘unlawful combatant’

in section 2 of the law is subject to constitutional principles and
international humanitarian law that require proof of an individual
threat as a basis for administrative detention. Accordingly the court
held that for the purpose of detention under the law, the state is
required to prove with administrative evidence that the detainee
directly or indirectly played a real part — which is not negligible or
marginal — in the hostilities against the State of Israel; or that the
detainee belonged to an organization that carries out hostilities
against the State of Israel, in view of the detainee’s connection with,
and the extent of his contribution to, the organization’s cycle of
hostilities in the broad sense of this concept. In the judgment the
court said that proving the conditions of the definition of ‘unlawful
combatant’ in the aforesaid sense includes proving a personal threat
that derives from the actual type of the detainee’s involvement in
the terrorist organization. The court also said that the state declared
before it that its policy until now has been to prove the personal
threat of all the detainees who have been detained under the law
on an individual basis, and it has refrained from relying on the
probative presumptions provided in sections 7 and 8 of the law. In
view of this, the court saw no reason to decide the question of the
constitutionality of those presumptions.
Third, the court held that because administrative detention is an

exceptional and extreme measure, and in view of the significant
violation of the constitutional right to personal liberty, the state
should prove, with clear and convincing evidence, that the
conditions of the definition of ‘unlawful combatant’ are satisfied
and that the continuation of the detention is essential, both in the
initial judicial review and in the periodic judicial reviews. In this
regard the court held that importance should be attached to the
quantity and quality of the evidence against the detainee and also
to whether the relevant intelligence information against him is up to
date.
Fourth, the court saw fit to attribute significant weight to the fact
that detention orders under the Internment of Unlawful
Combatants Law are subject to initial and periodic judicial reviews
247
before a District Court judge, whose decisions may be appealed to

the Supreme Court that will hear the case with one judge. In view
of the reliance upon administrative evidence and privileged
evidence that is heard ex parte, the court held that the judge should
act cautiously and carefully when examining the material brought
before him. It was also held that the court that exercises judicial
review of detention under the law may restrict and shorten the
period of detention in view of the nature and strength of the
evidence brought before it with regard to the security threat
presented by the detainee as an ‘unlawful combatant,’ and in view
of the time that has passed since the detention order was issued.
This led the court to say that judicial review may ensure that the
absence of a specific date for the termination of the detention order
under the law does not excessively violate the right to personal
liberty, and that detainees under the law are not held in detention
for a period longer than what is required by major security
considerations.
Finally, the court emphasized that the periods of time that were
provided in the law with regard to the holding of an initial judicial
review after the detention order is made and with regard to
preventing a meeting between the detainee and his lawyer
constitute maximum periods that do not release the state from the
duty to make efforts to shorten these periods in each case on its
merits, in so far as this is possible in view of security constraints and
all the circumstances of the case. The court also held that detention
under the Internment of Unlawful Combatants Law cannot
continue indefinitely, and that the question of the proportionality of
the continuation of the detention should also be considered on a
case by case basis in accordance with its specific circumstances.
In view of all of the aforesaid considerations, the relatively broad

margin of appreciation given to the legislature when choosing the
proper measure for realizing the essential purpose of the law and
the fact that according to the interpretation that the court discussed
above the law does not allow the detention of innocent persons
who have no real connection to the cycle of violence of terrorist
organizations, while it provides mechanisms whose purpose is to
248
limit the violation of the detainees’ rights, the court’s conclusion is

that notwithstanding the fact that the law significantly violates the
constitutional right to personal liberty, the Internment of Unlawful
Combatants Law satisfies the conditions of the constitutional
limitations clause and there is no constitutional ground for any
intervention in the law.
Regarding the specific internment orders made against the

appellants under the law, here too the court found that the appeals
should be denied. From the evidence in the case it could clearly be
seen that the appellants are closely connected with the Hezbollah
organization and hold positions in the organization’s fighting force,
including involvement in hostile terrorist activity against Israeli
civilian targets. In view of this, the court was persuaded that the
individual threat presented by the appellants to state security was
proved.
249
Iyyad v. State of Israel
CrimA 6659/06
CrimA 1757/07
CrimA 8228/07
CrimA 3261/08
1. Raid Saadi Abed El-Hamid Iyyad
2. Hassan Masoud Hassin Iyyad
v.
State of Israel

[11 June 2008]
Before President D. Beinisch and Justices A. Procaccia, E.E. Levy
Appeals of the decisions of the Tel-Aviv-Jaffa District Court (the

honourable Justice Z. Caspi) of 16 July 2006, 19 July 2006, 13 February
2007 and 3 September 2007, and the decision of the Tel-Aviv-Jaffa
District Court (the honourable Justice D. Rozen) of 20 March 2008.
Facts: The appellants were detained under the provisions of the Internment of
Unlawful Combatants Law, 5762-2002, on the ground that they were members
of the Hezbollah organization operating in the Gaza Strip. Their appeals
challenged not only the specific decisions made in their cases to detain them,
but also the constitutionality of the law under which they were detained. The
appellants argued that the Internment of Unlawful Combatants Law was
unconstitutional in that it contravened the provisions of the Basic Law: Human
Dignity and Liberty, and also that it contravened international law. They argued
that international law only recognizes two classes of persons — combatants and
civilians — and it does not recognize a class of ‘unlawful combatants.’ They also
argued that since Israel’s rule in the Gaza Strip ended in 2005, it was no longer
entitled to detain them under the laws of war.
Held: The Internment of Unlawful Combatants Law applies to foreign

combatants that belong to terrorist organizations operating against the State of
Israel. Since Israel’s rule in the Gaza Strip ended in 2005, the Internment of
Unlawful Combatants Law is the law that applies to the detention of unlawful
combatants in the Gaza Strip, and not the security legislation that was in force in
the Gaza Strip until 2005.
250
The Internment of Unlawful Combatants Law is consistent with international

law that recognizes only two classes of persons: combatants and civilians. It
treats unlawful combatants as civilians. But under international law, civilians
who are involved in unlawful combat are not entitled to the same degree of
protection as innocent civilians, and they may be detained when they present a
threat to security. The Internment of Unlawful Combatants Law satisfied the
requirements of international law and Israeli law, inter alia by virtue of its
provisions requiring periodic judicial review of all internment decisions.
The evidence before the court showed that the appellants presented a serious
threat to security, and therefore their continued detention was justified.
Appeal denied.
Legislation cited:
Administrative Detentions (Temporary Provision) (Territory of Gaza Strip)
Order (no. 941), 5748-1988.
Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty, ss. 1, 5, 8, 11.
Emergency Powers (Detentions) Law, 5739-1979.
Entry into Israel Law, 5712-1952.
Internment of Unlawful Combatants Law, 5762-2002, ss. 1, 2, 3, 3(a), 3(b), 3(c),
5, 5(a), 5(b), 5(c), 5(d), 5(e), 6, 6(a), 6(b), 7, 8, 9, 11.
Military Jurisdiction Law, 5715-1955, s. 318(c).

[1] CrimFH 7048/97 A v. Minister of Defence [2000] IsrSC 44(1) 721.
[2] HCJ 4562/92 Zandberg v. Broadcasting Authority [1996] IsrSC 50(2) 793.
[3] HCJ 9098/01 Ganis v. Ministry of Building and Housing [2005] IsrSC 59(4)
241; [2004] IsrLR 505.
[4] HCJ 769/02 Public Committee against Torture v. Government of Israel
[2006] (2) IsrLR 459.
Samaria [1983] IsrSC 37(4) 785.
IsrSC 58(5) 807; [2004] IsrLR 264.
352; [2002-3] IsrLR 83.
IsrSC 57(2) 349; [2002-3] IsrLR 173.
251
[11] HCJ 2599/00 Yated, Children with Down Syndrome Parents Society v.
Ministry of Education [2002] IsrSC 56(5) 834; [2002-3] IsrLR 57.
[12] HCJ 4542/02 Kav LaOved Worker’s Hotline v. Government of Israel [2006]
(1) IsrLR 260.
[13] HCJ 9132/07 Al-Bassiouni v. Prime Minister [2006-9] IsrSR 215.
[14] ADA 8607/04 Fahima v. State of Israel [2005] IsrSC 59(3) 258.
[15] HCJ 554/81 Beransa v. Central Commander [1982] IsrSC 36(4) 247.
[16] HCJ 11026/05 A v. IDF Commander (unreported decision of 22
December 2005).
[17] CrimA 3660/03 Abeid v. State of Israel (unreported decision of 8
September 2005).
[18] HCJ 1853/02 Navi v. Minister of Energy and National Infrastructures
(unreported decision of 8 October 2003).
[19] HCJ 6055/95 Tzemah v. Minister of Defence [1999] IsrSC 53(5) 241; [1998-
9] IsrLR 635.
[20] HCJ 4827/05 Man, Nature and Law — Israel Environmental Protection
Society v. Minister of Interior (unreported decision of 20 July 2005).
[21] CA 7175/98 National Insurance Institute v. Bar Finance Ltd (in liquidation)
(unreported decision of 17 December 2001).
[22] HCJ 5319/97 Kogen v. Chief Military Prosecutor [1997] IsrSC 51(5) 67;
[1997] IsrLR 499.
[23] CrimA 4596/05 Rosenstein v. State of Israel [2005] (2) IsrLR 232.
[24] CrimA 4424/98 Silgado v. State of Israel [2002] IsrSC 56(5) 529.
[27] HCJ 3434/96 Hoffnung v. Knesset Speaker [1996] IsrSC 50(3) 57.
[28] HCJ 6893/05 Levy v. Government of Israel [2005] IsrSC 59(2) 876.
IsrLR 149.
[30] HCJ 5627/02 Saif v. Government Press Office [2004] IsrSC 58(5) 70; [2004]
IsrLR 191.
[31] EA 2/84 Neiman v. Chairman of Central Elections Committee for Tenth
Knesset [1985] IsrSC 39(2) 225; IsrSJ 8 83.
[32] CA 6821/93 United Mizrahi Bank Ltd v. Migdal Cooperative Village [1995]
IsrSC 49(4) 221.
[33] HCJ 450/97 Tenufa Manpower and Maintenance Services Ltd v. Minister of
Labour and Social Affairs [1998] IsrSC 52(2) 433.
[34] AAA 4436/02 Tishim Kadurim Restaurant, Members’ Club v. Haifa
252
Municipality [2004] IsrSC 58(3) 782.

[35] HCJ 2967/00 Arad v. Knesset [2000] IsrSC 54(2) 188.
[36] CrimApp 8780/06 Sarur v. State of Israel (unreported decision of 20
November 2006).
[37] HCJ 403/81 Jabar v. Military Commander [1981] IsrSC 35(4) 397.
[38] HCJ 102/82 Tzemel v. Minister of Defence [1983] IsrSC 37(3) 365.
[39] ADA 4794/05 Ufan v. Minister of Defence (unreported decision of 12 June
2005).
[40] ADA 7/94 Ben-Yosef v. State of Israel (unreported decision of 1 September
1994).
[41] ADA 8788/03 Federman v. Minister of Defence [2004] IsrSC 58(1) 176.
[42] HCJ 5445/93 Ramla Municipality v. Minister of Interior [1996] IsrSC 50(1)
397.
[43] HCJ 2159/97 Ashkelon Coast Regional Council v. Minister of the Interior
[1998] IsrSC 52(1) 75.
[44] HCJ 253/88 Sajadia v. Minister of Defence [1988] IsrSC 42(3) 801.
[45] ADA 334/04 Darkua v. Minister of Interior [2004] IsrSC 58(3) 254.
[46] HCJ 4400/98 Braham v. Justice Colonel Shefi [1998] IsrSC 52(5) 337.
[47] HCJ 11006/04 Kadri v. IDF Commander in Judaea and Samaria
(unreported decision of 13 December 2004).
[48] CrimApp 3514/97 A v. State of Israel (unreported decision of 22 June
1997).
[49] HCJ 5994/03 Sadar v. IDF Commander in West Bank (unreported decision
of 27 July 2003).
[50] CrimA 5121/98 Yissacharov v. Chief Military Prosecutor [2006] (1) IsrLR
320.
[51] HCJ 3412/93 Sufian v. IDF Commander in Gaza Strip [1993] IsrSC 47(2)
843.
[52] HCJ 6302/92 Rumhiah v. Israel Police [1993] IsrSC 47(1) 209.
West Bank [2002] IsrSC 56(3) 19.
[54] CrimA 1221/06 Iyyad v. State of Israel (unreported decision of 14 March
2006).

[55] Hamdi v. Rumsfeld, 542 U.S. 507 (2004).
For the appellants: H. Abou-Shehadeh.

For the respondents: S. Nitzan, Y. Roitman, Z. Goldner, O.J. Koehler.
253
JUDGMENT
President D. Beinisch:
We have before us appeals against the decisions of the Tel-Aviv-Jaffa
District Court (Justice Z. Caspi), in which the detention of the appellants
under the Internment of Unlawful Combatants Law, 5762-2002
(hereafter: ‘the Internment of Unlawful Combatants Law’ or ‘the law’)
was upheld as lawful. Beyond the specific cases of the appellants, the
appeals raise fundamental questions concerning the interpretation of the
provisions of the Internment of Unlawful Combatants Law, whether the
arrangements provided in the law are constitutional and to what extent
the law is consistent with international humanitarian law.
The main facts and sequence of events
1. The first appellant is an inhabitant of the Gaza Strip, born in 1973,
who was placed under administrative detention on 1 January 2002
pursuant to the Administrative Detentions (Temporary Provision)
(Territory of Gaza Strip) Order (no. 941), 5748-1988. The detention of
the first appellant was extended from time to time by the military
commander and upheld on judicial review by the Gaza Military Court.
The second appellant is also an inhabitant of Gaza, born in 1972, and he
was placed under administrative detention on 24 January 2003 pursuant
to the aforesaid order. The detention of the second appellant was also
extended from to time and reviewed by the Gaza Military Court.
On 12 September 2005 a statement was published by the Southern
District Commander with regard to the end of military rule in the
territory of the Gaza Strip. On the same day, in view of the change in
circumstances and also the change in the relevant legal position,
internment orders were issued against the appellants; these were signed
by the chief of staff under section 3 of the Internment of Unlawful
Combatants Law, which is the law that is the focus of the case before us.
On 15 September 2005 the internment orders were brought to the
attention of the appellants. At a hearing that took place pursuant to the
law, the appellants said that they did not wish to say anything, and on 20
September 2005 the chief of staff decided that the detention orders
under the aforesaid law would remain valid.
254
2. On 22 September 2005 a judicial review proceeding began in the

Tel-Aviv-Jaffa District Court (Justice Z. Caspi) in the appellants’ case.
On 25 January 2006 the District Court held that there had been no
impropriety in the procedure of issuing internment orders against the
appellants and that all the conditions prescribed in the Internment of
Unlawful Combatants Law were satisfied, including the fact that their
release would harm state security. The appellants appealed this decision
to the Supreme Court, and on 14 March 2006 their appeal was denied
(Justice E. Rubinstein). In the judgment it was held that from material
that was presented to the court it could be seen that the appellants were
clearly associated with the Hezbollah organization and that they
participated in combat activities against the citizens of Israel before they
were detained. The court emphasized in this context the individual threat
presented by the two appellants and the risk that they would return to
their activities if they were released, as could be seen from the material
presented to the court.
3. On 9 March 2006 the periodic judicial review under section 5(c) of
the law began in the District Court. In the course of this review, not only
did the court consider the specific complaints of the appellants against
their detention but also fundamental arguments against the
constitutionality of the law through an indirect attack on its provisions.
On 16 July 2006 the District Court gave its decision with regard to the
appellant’s specific claims. This decision said that from the information
that was presented to the court it could be seen that the appellants were
major activists in the Hezbollah organization who would very likely
return to terror activities if they were released now, and that their release
was likely to harm state security. On 19 July 2006 the District Court gave
its decision on the fundamental claims raised by the appellants
concerning the constitutionality of the law. The District Court also
rejected the appellants’ claims in this regard and held that the law
befitted the values of the State of Israel, its purpose was a proper one
and its violation of the appellants’ rights was proportionate. The court
said further that in its opinion the law was also consistent with the rules
of international law. The appeal in CrimA 6659/06 is directed at these
two decisions of 16 July 2006 and 19 July 2006.
On 13 February 2007 the District Court gave a decision in a second
periodic judicial review of the appellants’ detention. In its decision the
District Court approved the internment orders, discussed the appellants’
importance to the activity of the Hezbollah organization as shown by the
255
testimonies of experts who testified before it and said that their

detention achieved a preventative goal of the first order. The appeal in
CrimA 1757/07 is directed at this decision.
On 3 September 2007 the District Court gave its decision in the third
periodic review of the appellants’ detention. In its decision the District
Court said that the experts remained steadfast in their opinion that there
was a high probability that the two appellants would return to their
terrorist activity if they were released, and as a result the operative
abilities of the Hezbollah infrastructure in the Gaza Strip would be
improved and the risks to the State of Israel and its inhabitants would
increase. It also said that the fact that the Hamas organization had taken
control of the Gaza Strip increased the aforesaid risks and the difficulty
of contending with them. The court emphasized that there was
information with regard to both of the appellants concerning their desire
to return to terrorist activity if they were released, and that they had
maintained their contacts in this regard even while they were imprisoned.
In such circumstances, the District Court held that the passage of time
had not reduced the threat presented by the appellants, who were the
most senior persons in the Hezbollah terrorist infrastructure in the Gaza
Strip, and that there was no basis for cancelling the internment orders
made against them. The appeal in CrimA 8228/07 is directed at this
decision.
On 20 March 2008 the District Court gave its decision in the fourth
periodic review of the appellants’ detention. During the hearing, the
court (Justice D. Rozen) said that the evidence against each of the two
appellants contained nothing new from recent years. Notwithstanding,
the court saw fit to approve their continued internment after it found
that each of the two appellants was closely associated with the Hezbollah
organization, both of them were intensively active in that organization,
the existing evidence with regard to them showed that their return to the
territory was likely to act as an impetus for terror attacks and the long
period during which both of them had been imprisoned had not reduced
the threat that they present. The appeal in CrimA 3261/08 was directed
at this decision.
Our judgment therefore addresses all of the aforesaid appeals
together.
256
The arguments of the parties

4. The appellants’ arguments before us, as in the trial court, focused
on two issues: first, the appellants raised specific arguments concerning
the illegality of the internment orders that were made in their cases, and
they sought to challenge the factual findings reached by the District
Court with regard to their membership in the Hezbollah organization
and their activity in that organization against the security of the State of
Israel. Second, once again the appellants indirectly raised fundamental
arguments with regard to the constitutionality of the law. According to
them, the law in its present format violates the rights to liberty and
dignity enshrined in the Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty, in a
manner that does not satisfy the conditions of the limitations clause in
the Basic Law. The appellants also claimed that the law is inconsistent
with the rules of international humanitarian law that it purports to
realize. Finally the appellants argued that the end of Israel’s military rule
in the Gaza Strip prevents it, under the laws of war, from detaining the
appellants.
The state’s position was that the petitions should be denied. With
regard to the specific cases of the appellants, the state argued that the
internment orders in their cases were made lawfully and they were in no
way improper. With regard to the arguments in the constitutional sphere,
the state argued that the law satisfies the tests of the limitations clause in
the Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty, since it was intended for a
proper purpose and its violation of personal liberty is proportionate.
With regard to the rules of international law applicable to the case, the
state argued that the law is fully consistent with the norms set out in
international law with regard to the detention of ‘unlawful combatants.’
5. In order to decide the questions raised by the parties before us, we
shall first address the background that led to the enactment of the
Internment of Unlawful Combatants Law and its main purpose. With
this in mind, we shall consider the interpretation of the statutory
definition of ‘unlawful combatant’ and the conditions that are required
to prove the existence of a ground for detention under the law.
Thereafter we shall examine the constitutionality of the arrangements
provided in the law and finally we shall address the specific detention
orders made in the appellants’ cases.
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The Internment of Unlawful Combatants Law — the background to its

legislation and its main purpose
6. The Internment of Unlawful Combatants Law gives the state
authorities power to detain ‘unlawful combatants’ as defined in section 2
of the law, i.e., persons who participate in hostilities or are members of
forces that carry out hostilities against the State of Israel and who do not
satisfy the conditions that grant a prisoner of war status under
international humanitarian law. As we shall explain below, the law allows
the internment of foreign persons who belong to a terrorist organization
or who participate in hostilities against the security of the state, and it
was intended to prevent these persons returning to the cycle of hostilities
against Israel.
Originally the initiative to enact the law arose following the judgment
in CrimFH 7048/97 A v. Minister of Defence [1], in which the Supreme
Court held that the state did not have authority to hold Lebanese
nationals in detention by virtue of administrative detention orders, if the
sole reason for the detention was holding them as ‘bargaining chips’ in
order to obtain the release of captives and missing servicemen. Although
the original draft law came into being against a background of a desire to
allow detainees to be held as ‘bargaining chips,’ the proposal underwent
significant changes during the legislative process after lengthy
deliberations were held in this matter by the Knesset’s Foreign Affairs
and Defence Committee, which was chaired by MK Dan Meridor. On 4
March 2002, the Internment of Unlawful Combatants Law was passed by
the Knesset. Its constitutionality has not been considered by this court
until now.
At the outset it should be emphasized that examining the historical
background to the enactment of the law and the changes that were made
to the original draft law, what was said during the Knesset debates, the
wording of the law as formulated at the end of the legislative process and
the effort that was made to ensure that it conformed to the provisions of
international humanitarian law, as can be seen from the statute’s
purpose section which we shall address later, all show that the
Internment of Unlawful Combatants Law as formulated during the
legislative process was not intended to allow hostages to be held as
‘bargaining chips’ for the purpose of obtaining the release of Israeli
captives and missing servicemen being held in enemy territory, as alleged
by the appellants before us. The simple language of the law and its
258
legislative history indicate that the law was intended to prevent a person
who represents a threat to the security of the state because of his activity
or his belonging to a terrorist organization from returning to the cycle of
hostilities. Thus, for example, MK David Magen, who was chairman of
the Foreign Affairs and Defence Committee at the time of the debate in
the plenum of the Knesset prior to the second and third readings, said:
‘The draft law is very complex and of course gave rise to
many disagreements during the committee deliberations.
The Foreign Affairs and Defence Committee held
approximately ten sessions at which it discussed the difficult
questions raised by this draft law and considered all the
possible ramifications of its passing the second and third
readings. The draft before you is the result of considerable
efforts to present an act of legislation whose provisions are
consistent with the rules of international humanitarian law
and which satisfies the constitutional tests, in consequence of
our outlook and insistence that a balance should be
maintained between security and human rights…
I should like to emphasize that the draft also seeks to
determine that a person who is an unlawful combatant, as
defined in the new law, will be held by the state as long as he
represents a threat to its security. The criterion for interning
someone is whether he represents a threat. No one should be
interned under the draft law as a punishment or, as many
persons tend to think in error, as a bargaining chip. No mistake
should be made in this regard. Notwithstanding, we should
ask ourselves whether it is conceivable that the state should
release a detainee who will return to the cycle of hostilities
against the State of Israel?’ (emphasis supplied).
The law was therefore not intended to allow detainees to be held as
‘bargaining chips.’ The purpose of the law is to remove from the cycle of
hostilities someone who belongs to a terrorist organization or who takes
part in hostilities against the State of Israel. The background to this is
the harsh reality of murderous terrorism, which has for many years
plagued the inhabitants of the state, harmed the innocent and
indiscriminately taken the lives of civilians and servicemen, the young
and old, men, women and children. In order to realize the aforesaid
purpose, the law applies only to persons who take part in the cycle of
259
hostilities or who belong to a force that carries out hostilities against the
State of Israel, and not to innocent civilians. We shall return to address
the security purpose of the law later.
Interpreting the provisions of the law
7. As we have said, in their arguments before us the parties addressed
in detail the question of the constitutionality of the arrangements
provided in the law. In addition, the parties addressed at length the
question whether the arrangements provided in the Internment of
Unlawful Combatants Law are consistent with international law. The
parties addressed this question, inter alia, because in section 1 of the law,
which is the purpose section, the law states that it is intended to realize
its purpose ‘in a manner that is consistent with the commitments of the
State of Israel under the provisions of international humanitarian law.’
As we shall explain below, this declaration gives clear expression to the
basic outlook prevailing in our legal system that the existing law should
be interpreted in a manner that is as consistent as possible with
international law.
In view of the two main focal points in the fundamental arguments of
the parties before us — whether the arrangements prescribed in the law
are constitutional and whether they are consistent with international
humanitarian law — we should clarify that both the constitutional
scrutiny from the viewpoint of the limitations clause and the question of
compliance with international humanitarian law may be affected by the
interpretation of the arrangements provided in the law. Because of this,
before we decide the aforesaid questions, we should first consider the
interpretation of the main arrangements prescribed in the Internment of
Unlawful Combatants Law. The interpretation of these arrangements
will be made in accordance with the language and purpose of the law,
and on the basis of two interpretive presumptions that exist in our legal
system: one, the presumption of constitutionality, and the other, the
interpretive presumption of consistency with the norms of international
law — both those that are part of Israeli law and those which Israel has
taken upon itself in its undertakings in the international arena.
8. Regarding the presumption of constitutionality, in our legal system
there is a presumption that the legislature should be regarded as being
aware of the content and the ramifications of the Basic Laws on every
statute that is enacted subsequently. According to this presumption, a
provision of statute is examined while attempting to interpret it so that it
260
is consistent with the protection that the Basic Laws afford to human
rights. This realizes the presumption of normative harmony, according to
which ‘we do not assume that there exists a conflict between legal norms
and every possible attempt is made to achieve “uniformity in the law”
and harmony between the various norms’ (A. Barak, Legal
Interpretation – the General Theory of Interpretation (1992), at page 155).
According to the presumption of constitutionality, we are therefore
required to examine the meaning and scope of the detention provisions
prescribed in the Internment of Unlawful Combatants Law while
aspiring to realize, in so far as possible, the provisions of the Basic Law:
Human Dignity and Liberty. It should immediately be said that the
detention powers provided in the law significantly and seriously violate
the personal liberty of the detainee. This violation is justified in
appropriate circumstances in order to protect state security.
Notwithstanding, in view of the extent of the violation of personal liberty
and in view of the exceptional nature of the measure of detention that is
provided in the law, an interpretive effort should be made in order to
minimize the violation of the right to liberty as much as possible so that it
is proportionate to the need to achieve the security purpose and does not
go beyond this. Such an interpretation will be consistent with the basic
outlook that prevails in our legal system, according to which a statute
should be upheld by interpretive means and the court should refrain, in
so far as possible, from setting it aside on constitutional grounds. In the
words of President A. Barak:
‘It is better to arrive at a reduced scope of a statute by
interpretive means rather than being compelled to arrive at
the same reduced scope by declaring a part of a statute void
because it conflicts with the provisions of a Basic Law… A
reasonable interpretation of a statute is preferable to a
decision on the question of its constitutionality’ (HCJ
4562/92 Zandberg v. Broadcasting Authority [2], at page 812;
see also HCJ 9098/01 Ganis v. Ministry of Building and
Housing [3], at page 276).
9. With regard to the presumption of conformity to international
humanitarian law, as we have said, section 1 of the law expressly declares
that its purpose is to regulate the internment of unlawful combatants ‘…
in a manner that is consistent with the commitments of the State of Israel
under the provisions of international humanitarian law.’ The premise in
this context is that an international armed conflict prevails between the
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State of Israel and the terrorist organizations that operate outside Israel
(see HCJ 769/02 Public Committee against Torture v. Government of Israel
[4], at paragraphs 18, 21; see also A. Cassese, International Law (second
edition, 2005), at page 420).
The international law that governs an international armed conflict is
enshrined mainly in the Hague Convention (IV) Respecting the Laws
and Customs of War on Land (1907) (hereafter: ‘the Hague
Convention’) and the regulations appended to it, whose provisions have
the status of customary international law (see HCJ 393/82 Jamait Askan
IDF Commander in Judaea and Samaria [5], at page 793; HCJ 2056/04
Beit Sourik Village Council v. Government of Israel [6], at page 827; HCJ
7015/02 Ajuri v. IDF Commander in West Bank [7], at page 364); the
Geneva Convention (IV) relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in
Time of War, 1949 (hereafter: ‘the Fourth Geneva Convention’), whose
customary provisions constitute a part of the law of the State of Israel
and some of which have been considered in the past by this court (Ajuri
v. IDF Commander in West Bank [7], at page 364; HCJ 3239/02 Marab v.
IDF Commander in Judaea and Samaria [8]; HCJ 7957/04 Marabeh v.
Prime Minister of Israel [9], at paragraph 14 of the judgment); and the
Protocol Additional to the Geneva Convention of 12 August 1949
Relating to the Protection of Victims of International Armed Conflicts
(Protocol I), 1977 (hereafter: ‘the First Protocol’), to which Israel is not a
party, but whose customary provisions also constitute a part of the law of
the State of Israel (see Public Committee against Torture in Israel v.
Government of Israel [4], at paragraph 20). In addition, where there is a
lacuna in the laws of armed conflict set out above, it is possible to fill it
by resorting to international human rights law (see Public Committee
against Torture in Israel v. Government of Israel [4], at paragraph 18; see
also Advisory Opinion on the Legality of the Threat or Use of Nuclear
Weapons (1996) ICJ Rep. 226, at page 240; Advisory Opinion on the Legal
Consequences of the Construction of a Wall in the Occupied Palestinian
Territory, 43 ILM 1009 (2004)).
It should be emphasized that no one in this case disputes that an
express provision of statute enacted by the Knesset overrides the
provisions of international law (see in this regard the remarks of
President A. Barak in HCJ 7052/03 Adalah Legal Centre for Arab Minority
Rights in Israel v. Ministry of Interior [10], at paragraph 17).
Notwithstanding, according to the presumption of interpretive
262
consistency, an Israeli act of legislation should be interpreted in a

manner that is consistent, in so far as possible, with the norms of
international law to which the State of Israel is committed (see HCJ
2599/00 Yated, Children with Down Syndrome Parents Society v. Ministry of
Education [11], at page 847; HCJ 4542/02 Kav LaOved Worker’s Hotline v.
Government of Israel [12], at paragraph 37). According to this
presumption, which as we have said is clearly expressed in the purpose
clause of the Internment of Unlawful Combatants Law, the
arrangements provided in the law should be interpreted in a manner that
is as consistent as possible with the international humanitarian law that
governs the matter.
Further to the aforesaid it should be noted that when we approach
the task of interpreting provisions of the statute in a manner consistent
with the accepted norms of international law, we cannot ignore the fact
that the provisions of international law that exist today have not been
adapted to changing realities and the phenomenon of terrorism that is
changing the form and characteristics of armed conflicts and those who
participate in them (see in this regard the remarks of President A. Barak
in Ajuri v. IDF Commander in West Bank [7], at pages 381-382). In view
of this, we should do our best in order to interpret the existing laws in a
manner that is consistent with new realities and the principles of
international humanitarian law.
10. In view of all of the aforesaid, let us now turn to the interpretation
of the statutory definition of ‘unlawful combatant’ and the interpretation
of the conditions required for proving the existence of a ground for
detention under the law. The presumption of constitutionality and the
provisions of international law to which the parties referred will be our
interpretive tools and they will assist us in interpreting the provisions of
the statute and in evaluating the nature and scope of the power of
detention provided in it.
The definition of ‘unlawful combatant’ and its scope of application
11. Section 2 of the law defines ‘unlawful combatant’ as follows:
‘Definitions 2. In this law —
…
‘Unlawful combatant’ — a person who took
part in hostilities against the State of Israel,
whether directly or indirectly, or who is a
263
member of a force carrying out hostilities

against the State of Israel, who does not
satisfy the conditions granting a prisoner of
war status under international humanitarian
law, as set out in article 4 of the Third
Geneva Convention of 12 August 1949
relative to the Treatment of Prisoners of
War;
…’
This statutory definition of ‘unlawful combatant’ relates to those
persons who take part in hostilities against the State of Israel or who are
members of a force that carries out such hostilities, and who are not
prisoners of war under international humanitarian law. In this regard two
points should be made: first, from the language of the aforesaid section 2
it can clearly be seen that it is not essential for someone to take part in
hostilities against the State of Israel; his being a member of a ‘force
carrying out hostilities’ — i.e., a terrorist organization — may include
that person within the definition of ‘unlawful combatant.’ We will discuss
the significance of these two alternatives in the definition of ‘unlawful
combatant’ later (paragraph 21 below).
Second, as we said above, the purpose clause in the law refers
expressly to the provisions of international humanitarian law. The
definition of ‘unlawful combatant’ in the aforesaid section 2 also refers to
international humanitarian law when it provides that the law applies to
someone who does not enjoy a prisoner of war status under the Third
Geneva Convention. As a rule, the rules of international humanitarian
law were not intended to apply to the relationship between the state and
its citizens (see, for example, the provisions of article 4 of the Fourth
Geneva Convention, according to which a ‘protected civilian’ is someone
who is not a citizen of the state that is holding him in circumstances of an
international armed conflict). The express reference by the legislature to
international humanitarian law, together with the requirement stipulated
in the wording of the law that there is no prisoner of war status, show
that the law was intended to apply only to foreign parties who belong to a
terror organization that operates against the security of the state. We are
not unaware that in the draft law of 14 June 2000 there was a provision
that stated expressly that the law would not apply to Israeli inhabitants
(and also to inhabitants of the territories), except in certain
264
circumstances that were set out therein (see section 11 of the draft
Internment of Enemy Forces Personnel Who Are Not Entitled to a
Prisoner of War Status Law, 5760-2000, Draft Laws 5760, no. 2883, at
page 415). This provision of statute was omitted from the final wording
of the law. Notwithstanding, in view of the express reference made by the
law to international humanitarian law and the laws concerning prisoners
of war as stated above, we are drawn to the conclusion that according to
the wording and purpose of the law it was not intended to apply to local
parties (citizens and residents of Israel) who endanger state security. For
these there are other legal measures that are intended for a security
purpose, which we shall address later.
It is therefore possible to summarize the matter by saying that an
‘unlawful combatant’ under section 2 of the law is a foreign party who
belongs to a terrorist organization that operates against the security of
the State of Israel. This definition may include residents of a foreign
country that maintains a state of hostilities against the State of Israel,
who belong to a terrorist organization that operates against the security
of the state and who satisfy the other conditions of the statutory
definition of ‘unlawful combatant.’ This definition may also include
inhabitants of the Gaza Strip which today is no longer held under
belligerent occupation. In this regard it should be noted that since the
end of Israeli military rule in the Gaza Strip in September 2005, the State
of Israel has no permanent physical presence in the Gaza Strip, and it
also has no real possibility of carrying out the duties required of an
occupying power under international law, including the main duty of
maintaining public order and security. Any attempt to impose the
authority of the State of Israel on the Gaza Strip is likely to involve
complex and prolonged military operations. In such circumstances,
where the State of Israel has no real ability to control what happens in
the Gaza Strip in an effective manner, the Gaza Strip should not be
regarded as a territory that is subject to a belligerent occupation from
the viewpoint of international law, even though because of the unique
situation that prevails there, the State of Israel has certain duties to the
inhabitants of the Gaza Strip (for the position that the Gaza Strip is not
now subject to a belligerent occupation, see Yuval Shany, ‘Faraway So
Close: The Legal Status of Gaza after Israel’s Disengagement,’ 8
Yearbook of International Humanitarian Law 2005 (2007) 359; see also
the judgments of the International Court of Justice in Democratic
Republic of the Congo v. Uganda, where the importance of a physical
265
presence of military forces was emphasized for the existence of a state of

occupation: Case Concerning Armed Activities on the Territory of the
Congo (Democratic Republic of the Congo v. Uganda (ICJ, 19 December
2005), at paragraph 173; with regard to the existence of certain
obligations that the State of Israel has in the prevailing circumstances
vis-à-vis the inhabitants of the Gaza Strip, see HCJ 9132/07 Al-Bassiouni
v. Prime Minister [13]. In our case, in view of the fact that the Gaza Strip
is no longer under the effective control of the State of Israel, we are
drawn to the conclusion that the inhabitants of the Gaza Strip constitute
foreign parties who may be subject to the Internment of Unlawful
Combatants Law in view of the nature and purpose of this law.
With regard to the inhabitants of the territory (Judaea and Samaria)
that is under the effective control of the State of Israel, for the reasons
that will be stated later (in paragraph 36 below), I tend to the opinion
that in so far as this is required for security reasons, the administrative
detention of these inhabitants should be carried out pursuant to the
security legislation that applies in the territories and not by virtue of the
Internment of Unlawful Combatants Law. Notwithstanding, the question
of the application of the aforesaid law to the inhabitants of the territories
does not arise in the circumstances of the case before us and it may
therefore be left undecided.
Conformity of the definition of ‘unlawful combatant’ to a category
recognized by international law
12. The appellants argued before us that the definition of ‘unlawful
combatant’ in section 2 of the law is contrary to the provisions of
international humanitarian law, since international law does not
recognize the existence of an independent and separate category of
‘unlawful combatants.’ In their view there are only two categories in
international law, ‘combatants’ and ‘civilians,’ who are subject to the
provisions and protections enshrined in the Third and Fourth Geneva
Conventions respectively. In their view international law does not have
an intermediate category that includes persons who are not protected by
either of these conventions.
With regard to the appellants’ aforesaid arguments we should point
out that the question of the conformity of the term ‘unlawful combatant’
to the categories recognized by international law has already been
addressed in our case law in Public Committee against Torture v.
Government of Israel [4], in which it was held that the term ‘unlawful
266
combatants’ does not constitute a separate category but is a sub-category

of ‘civilians’ recognized by international law. This conclusion is based on
the approach of customary international law, according to which the
category of ‘civilians’ includes everyone who is not a ‘combatant.’ We are
therefore dealing with a negative definition. In the words of President A.
Barak:
‘The approach of customary international law is that
“civilians” are persons who are not “combatants” (see article
50(1) of the First Protocol, and Sabel, supra, at page 432). In
the Blaskic case, the International Tribunal for War Crimes
in Yugoslavia said that civilians are “persons who are not, or
no longer, members of the armed forces” (Prosecutor v.
Blaskic (2000), Case IT-95-14-T, at paragraph 180). This
definition is of a “negative” character. It derives the concept
of “civilians” from its being the opposite of “combatants.”
Thus it regards unlawful combatants, who as we have seen
are not “combatants,” as civilians’ (ibid., at paragraph 26 of
the opinion of President A. Barak).
In this context, two additional points should be made: first, the finding
that ‘unlawful combatants’ belong to the category of ‘civilians’ in
international law is consistent with the official interpretation of the
Geneva Conventions, according to which in an armed conflict or a state
of occupation, every person who finds himself in the hands of the
opposing party is entitled to a certain status under international
humanitarian law — a prisoner of war status which is governed by the
Third Geneva Convention or a protected civilian status which is
governed by the Fourth Geneva Convention:
‘There is no “intermediate status”; nobody in enemy hands
can be outside the law’ (O. Uhler and H. Coursier (eds.),
Geneva Convention relative to the Protection of Civilian
Persons in Time of War: Commentary (ICRC, Geneva, 1950),
commentary to article 4, at page 51).
(See also S. Borelli, ‘Casting Light on the Legal Black Hole:
International Law and Detentions Abroad in the “War on Terror”,’
87(857) IRRC 39 (2005), at pages 48-49).
Second, it should be emphasized that prima facie the statutory
definition of ‘unlawful combatant’ under section 2 of the law applies to a
broader group of people than the group of ‘unlawful combatants’
267
discussed in Public Committee against Torture v. Government of Israel [4],

in view of the difference in the measures under discussion: the judgment
in Public Committee against Torture v. Government of Israel [4] considered
the legality of the measure of a military operation intended to cause the
death of an ‘unlawful combatant.’ According to international law, it is
permitted to attack an ‘unlawful combatant’ only during the period of
time when he is taking a direct part in the hostilities. By contrast, the
Internment of Unlawful Combatants Law addresses the measure of
internment. For the purposes of detention under the law, it is not
necessary that the ‘unlawful combatant’ will take a direct part in the
hostilities, nor is it essential that his detention will take place during the
period of time when he is taking part in hostilities; all that is required is
that the conditions of the definition of ‘unlawful combatant’ in section 2
of the law are proved. This statutory definition does not conflict with the
provisions of international humanitarian law since, as we shall clarify
clear below, the Fourth Geneva Convention also permits the detention
of a protected ‘civilian’ who endangers the security of the detaining state.
Thus we see that our reference to the judgment in Public Committee
against Torture v. Government of Israel [4] was not intended to indicate
that an identical issue was considered in that case. Its purpose was to
support the finding that the term ‘unlawful combatants’ in the law under
discussion does not create a separate category of treatment from the
viewpoint of international humanitarian law, but constitutes a sub-group
of the category of ‘civilians.’
13. Further to our finding that ‘unlawful combatants’ are members of
the category of ‘civilians’ from the viewpoint of international law, it
should be noted that this court has held in the past that international
humanitarian law does not grant ‘unlawful combatants’ the same degree
of protection to which innocent civilians are entitled, and that in this
respect there is a difference from the viewpoint of the rules of
international law between ‘civilians’ who are not ‘unlawful combatants’
and ‘civilians’ who are ‘unlawful combatants.’ (With regard to the
difference in the scope of the protection from a military attack upon
‘civilians’ who are not ‘unlawful combatants’ as opposed to ‘civilians’ who
are ‘unlawful combatants,’ see Public Committee against Torture v.
Government of Israel [4], at paragraphs 23-26). As we shall explain below,
in the present context the significance of this is that someone who is an
‘unlawful combatant’ is subject to the Fourth Geneva Convention, but
according to the provisions of the aforesaid convention it is possible to
268
apply various restrictions to them and inter alia to detain them when they
represent a threat to the security of the state.
In concluding these remarks it should be noted that although there
are normative disagreements between the parties before us as to the
scope of the international laws that apply to ‘unlawful combatants,’
including the application of the Fourth Geneva Convention and the
scope of the rights of which they may be deprived for security reasons
under article 5 of the convention, we are not required to decide most of
these disagreements. This is because of the state’s declaration that in its
opinion the law complies with the most stringent requirements of the
Fourth Geneva Convention, and because of the assumption that the
appellants enjoy all the rights that are enshrined in this convention (see
paragraphs 334 and 382 of the state’s response).
14. In summary, in view of the purpose clause of the Internment of
Unlawful Combatants Law, according to which the law was intended to
regulate the status of ‘unlawful combatants’ in a manner that is
consistent with the rules of international humanitarian law, and in view
of the finding of this court in Public Committee against Torture v.
Government of Israel [4] that ‘unlawful combatants’ constitute a
subcategory of ‘civilians’ under international law, it is possible to
determine that, contrary to the appellants’ claim, the law does not create
a new reference group from the viewpoint of international law, but it
merely determines special provisions for the detention of ‘civilians’
(according to the meaning of this term in international humanitarian
law) who are ‘unlawful combatants.’
The nature of detention of ‘unlawful combatants’ under the law —
administrative detention
15. Now that we have determined that the definition of ‘unlawful
combatant’ in the law does not conflict with the two-category
classification of ‘civilians’ and ‘combatants’ in international law and the
case law of this court, let us turn to examine the provisions of the law
that regulate the detention of unlawful combatants. Section 3(a) of the
law provides the following:
‘Internment 3. (a) If the chief of staff has a reasonable basis
of unlawful for believing that a person who is held by
combatant state authorities is an unlawful
combatant and that his release will harm
state security, he may make an order with
269
his signature requiring his internment in

a place that he will determine
(hereafter — an internment order); an
internment order will include the reasons
for internment without harming the
security needs of the state.
…’
Section 7 of the law adds in this context a probative presumption,
which provides the following:
‘Presumption 7. With regard to this law, a person who is a
member of a force that carries out hostilities
against the State of Israel or who took part
in the hostilities of such a force, whether
directly or indirectly, shall be regarded as
someone whose release will harm state
security as long as the hostilities of that
force against the State of Israel have not
ended, as long as the contrary has not been
proved.’
The appellants argued before us that the detention provisions
provided in the law de facto create a third category of detention, which is
neither criminal arrest nor administrative detention, and which is not
recognized at all by Israeli law or international law. We cannot accept
this argument. The mechanism provided in the law is a mechanism of
administrative detention in every respect, which is carried out in
accordance with an order of the chief of staff, who is an officer of the
highest security authority. As we shall explain below, we are dealing with
an administrative detention whose purpose is to protect state security by
removing from the cycle of hostilities anyone who is a member of a
terrorist organization or who is taking part in the organization’s
operations against the State of Israel, in view of the threat that he
represents to the security of the state and the lives of its inhabitants.
16. It should be noted that the actual power provided in the law for
the administrative detention of a ‘civilian’ who is an ‘unlawful combatant’
on account of the threat that he represents to the security of the state is
not contrary to the provisions of international humanitarian law. Thus
article 27 of the Fourth Geneva Convention, which lists a variety of
rights to which protected civilians are entitled, recognizes the possibility
270
of a party to a dispute adopting ‘control and security’ measures that are

justified on security grounds. The wording of the aforesaid article 27 is as
follows:
‘… the Parties to the conflict may take such measures of
control and security in regard to protected persons as may be
necessary as a result of the war.’
With regard to the types of control measures that are required for
protecting state security, article 41 of the convention prohibits the
adoption of control measures that are more severe that assigned
residence or internment in accordance with the provisions of articles 42-
43 of the convention. Article 42 enshrines the rule that a ‘civilian’ should
not be interned unless it is ‘absolutely necessary’ for the security of the
detaining power. Article 43 goes on to oblige the detaining power to
approve the detention in a judicial or administrative review, and to hold
periodic reviews of the continuing need for internment at least twice a
year. Article 78 of the convention concerns the internment of protected
civilians that are inhabitants of a territory that is held by an occupying
power, and it provides that it is possible to employ various security
measures against them for essential security reasons, including assigned
residence and internment. Thus we see that the Fourth Geneva
Convention allows the internment of protected ‘civilians’ in
administrative detention, when this is necessary for reasons concerning
the essential security needs of the detaining power.
17. In concluding these remarks we should point out that the
appellants argued before us that the aforesaid provisions of the Fourth
Geneva Convention are not appropriate in their case. According to
them, articles 41-43 of the convention concern the detention of protected
civilians who are present in the territory of a party to a dispute, whereas
the appellants were taken into detention when they were in the Gaza
Strip in the period prior to the implementation of the disengagement
plan and the departure of IDF forces from the Gaza Strip. In view of
this, the appellants argued that there is no provision of international
humanitarian law that allows them to be placed in administrative
detention, and therefore they argued that their detention under the
Internment of Unlawful Combatants Law is contrary to the provisions of
international law.
With regard to these arguments we shall reply that the detention
provisions set out in the Fourth Geneva Convention were intended to
271
apply and realize the basic rule provided in the last part of article 27 of
the convention, which was cited above. As we have said, this article
provides that the parties to a dispute may adopt security measures
against protected civilians in so far as this is required as a result of the
war. The principle underlying all the detention provisions provided in the
Fourth Geneva Convention is that it is possible to detail ‘civilians’ for
security reasons in accordance with the extent of the threat that they
represent. According to the aforesaid convention, there is a power of
detention for security reasons, whether we are concerned with the
inhabitants of an occupied territory or we are concerned with foreigners
who were found in the territory of one of the states involved in the
dispute. In the appellants’ case, although the Israeli military rule in the
Gaza Strip has ended, the hostilities between the Hezbollah organization
and the State of Israel have not ended, and therefore the detention of
the appellants in the territory of the State of Israel for security reasons is
not inconsistent with the detention provisions in the Fourth Geneva
Convention.
The ground for detention under the law — the requirement of an
individual threat to security and the effect of the interpretation of the
statutory definition of ‘unlawful combatant’
18. It is one of the first principles of our legal system that
administrative detention is conditional upon the existence of a ground
for detention that derives from the individual threat of the detainee to
the security of the state. This was discussed by President Barak when he
said that:
‘[In order that there may be a ground for detention] it is
necessary that the circumstances of the detention are such
that they give rise with regard to [the detainee] — with
regard to him personally and not with regard to someone
else — to a concern of a risk to security, whether because he
was found in the combat area when he was actually fighting
or carrying out terrorist acts, or because there is a concern
that he is involved in fighting or terrorism’ (Marab v. IDF
Commander in Judaea and Samaria [8], at page 367).
The requirement of an individual threat for the purposes of placing
someone in administrative detention is an essential part of the protection
of the constitutional right to dignity and personal liberty. This court has
held in the past that administrative detention is basically a preventative
272
measure; administrative detention was not intended to punish someone

for acts that have already been committed or to deter others from
committing them, but its purpose is to prevent the tangible risk
presented by the acts of the detainee to the security of the state. It is this
risk that justifies the use of the unusual measure of administrative
detention that violates human liberty (see and cf. Ajuri v. IDF
Commander in West Bank [7], at pages 370-372, and the references cited
there).
19. It should be noted that the individual threat to the security of the
state represented by the detainee is also required by the principles of
international humanitarian law. Thus, for example, in his interpretation
of articles 42 and 78 of the Fourth Geneva Convention Pictet emphasizes
that the state should make use of the measure of detention only when it
has serious and legitimate reasons to believe that the person concerned
endangers its security. In his interpretation Pictet discusses the
membership of organizations whose goal is to harm the security of the
state as a ground for recognizing a threat, but he emphasizes the
supreme principle that the threat is determined in accordance with the
individual activity of that person. In Pictet’s words:
‘To justify recourse to such measures, the state must have
good reason to think that the person concerned, by his
activities, knowledge or qualifications, represents a real
threat to its present or future security’ (J.S. Pictet,
Commentary: IV Geneva Convention Relative to the Protection
of Civilian Persons in Time of War (1958), at pages 258-259).
20. No one before us disputes that the provisions of the Internment of
Unlawful Combatants Law should be interpreted in accordance with the
aforesaid principle, which make administrative detention conditional
upon proving the existence of a ground that establishes an individual
threat. Indeed, an examination of the provisions of the law in accordance
with the aforesaid principles shows that the law does not allow anyone to
be detained arbitrarily, and that the power of detention under the law is
conditional upon the existence of a ground of detention that is based on
the individual threat represented by the detainee: first, the definition of
‘unlawful combatant’ in section 2 of the law requires proof that the
detainee himself took part or belonged to a force that is carrying out
hostilities against the State of Israel, the significance of which we shall
address below. Second, section 3(a) of the law expressly provides that the
273
ground of detention under the law arises only with regard to someone for
whom there is a reasonable basis to believe ‘that his release will harm
state security.’ Section 5(c) of the law goes on to provide that the District
Court shall set aside a detention order that was issued pursuant to the
law only when the release of the detainee ‘will not harm state security’
(or when there are special reasons that justify the release). To this we
should add that according to the purpose of the law, the administrative
detention is intended to prevent the ‘unlawful combatant’ from returning
to the cycle of hostilities, thus indicating that he was originally a part of
that cycle.
The dispute between the parties before us in the context under
discussion concerns the level of the individual threat that the state is
liable to prove for the purpose of administrative detention under the law.
This dispute arises because of the combination of two main provisions of
the law: one is the provision of section 2 of the law that according to a
simple reading states that an ‘unlawful combatant’ is not only someone
who takes a direct or indirect part in hostilities against the State of Israel,
but also someone who is a ‘member of a force carrying out hostilities.’
The other is the probative presumption provided in section 7 of the law,
according to which a person who is a member of a force that carries out
hostilities against the State of Israel shall be regarded as someone whose
release will harm the security of the state unless the contrary is proved.
Relying on the combination of these two provisions of the law taken
together, the state argued that it is sufficient to prove that a person is a
member of a terrorist organization in order to prove his individual threat
to the security of the state in such a manner that gives rise to a ground
for detention under the law. By contrast, the appellants’ approach was
that relying upon a vague ‘membership’ in an organization that carries
out hostilities against the State of Israel as a basis for administrative
detention under the law makes the requirement of proving an individual
threat meaningless, which is contrary to constitutional principles and
21. Deciding the aforesaid dispute is affected to a large degree by the
interpretation of the definition of ‘unlawful combatant’ in section 2 of
the law. As we have said, the statutory definition of ‘unlawful combatant’
contains two limbs: one, ‘a person who took part in hostilities against the
State of Israel, whether directly or indirectly,’ and the other, a person
who is ‘a member of a force carrying out hostilities against the State of
Israel,’ when the person concerned does not satisfy the conditions
274
granting a prisoner of war status under international humanitarian law.

These two limbs should be interpreted with reference to the security
purpose of the law and in accordance with the constitutional principles
and international humanitarian law that we discussed above, which
require the proof of an individual threat as a ground for administrative
detention.
With regard to the interpretation of the first limb that concerns ‘a
person who took part in hostilities against the State of Israel, whether
directly or indirectly,’ according to the legislative purpose and the
principles that we have discussed, we are drawn to the conclusion that in
order to detain a person it is not sufficient for him to have made a
remote, negligible or marginal contribution to the hostilities against the
State of Israel. In order to prove that someone is an ‘unlawful
combatant,’ the state needs to prove that the detainee made a
contribution to the waging of hostilities against the state, whether
directly or indirectly, in a manner that can indicate his individual threat.
Naturally it is not possible to define the nature of such a contribution
precisely and exhaustively, and the matter will be examined on a case by
case basis according to the circumstances.
With regard to the second limb that concerns a person who is ‘a
member of a force carrying out hostilities against the State of Israel,’
here too we require an interpretation that is consistent with the purpose
of the law and the constitutional principles and international
humanitarian law that we discussed above: on the one hand it is
insufficient to show any tenuous connection with a terrorist organization
in order to be included within the cycle of hostilities in the broad
meaning of this concept. On the other hand, in order to establish a
ground for detention with regard to someone who is a member of an
active terrorist organization whose self-declared goal is to fight
unceasingly against the State of Israel, it is not necessary for that person
to take a direct or indirect part in the hostilities themselves, and it is
possible that his connection and contribution to the organization will be
expressed in other ways that are sufficient to include him in the cycle of
hostilities in its broad sense, in such a way that his detention will be
justified under the law.
Thus we see that for the purpose of detention under the law at issue,
the state is liable to prove with administrative proofs that the detainee is
an ‘unlawful combatant’ with the meaning that we discussed, namely that
275
the detainee took a direct or indirect part that involved a contribution to

the fighting — a part that is not negligible or marginal — in the
hostilities against the State of Israel, or that the detainee belongs to an
organization that is carrying out hostilities, in which case we should
consider the detainee’s connection and the nature of his contribution to
the cycle of hostilities of the organization in the broad sense of this
concept.
It should be noted that providing the conditions of the definition of
an ‘unlawful combatant’ in the aforesaid sense naturally includes proof
of an individual threat that derives from the type of involvement in the
organization. It should also be noted that only after the state has proved
that the detainee satisfies the conditions of the statutory definition of
‘unlawful combatant’ can the state make use of the probative
presumption set out in section 7 of the law, according to which the
release of the detainee will harm state security as long as the contrary
has not been proved. It is therefore clear that section 7 of the law does
not negate the duty imposed on the state to prove the threat represented
by the detainee, which derives from the type of involvement in the
relevant organization that is required in order to prove him to be an
‘unlawful combatant’ under section 2 of the law. In view of this, we are
drawn to the conclusion that the argument that the law includes no
requirement of an individual threat goes too far and should be rejected.
Proving someone to be an ‘unlawful combatant’ under the law — the
need for clear and convincing administrative evidence
22. In our remarks above, we discussed the interpretation of the
definition of ‘unlawful combatant.’ According to the aforesaid
interpretation, the state is required to prove that the detainee took a
direct or indirect part, which was of significance, in the hostilities against
the State of Israel, or that the detainee belonged to an organization that
carries out hostilities, all of which while taking into account the
connection and the extent of his contribution to the organization’s cycle
of hostilities. In these circumstances a person’s detention may be
required in order to remove him from the cycle of hostilities that harms
the security of the citizens and residents of the State of Israel. The
question that arises in this regard is: what evidence is required in order
to persuade the court that the detainee satisfies the conditions of the
definition of an ‘unlawful combatant’ with the aforesaid meaning.
276
This court has held in the past that since administrative detention is
an unusual and extreme measure, and in view of its violation of the
constitutional right to personal liberty, clear and convincing evidence is
required in order to prove a security threat that establishes a basis for
administrative detention (see Ajuri v. IDF Commander in West Bank [7],
at page 372, where this rule was determined with regard to the measure
of assigned residence; also see and cf. the remarks of Justice A.
Procaccia in ADA 8607/04 Fahima v. State of Israel [14], at page 264;
HCJ 554/81 Beransa v. Central Commander [15]). It would appear that
the provisions of the Internment of Unlawful Combatants Law should be
interpreted similarly. In view of the importance of the right to personal
liberty and in view of the security purpose of the aforesaid law, the
provisions of sections 2 and 3 of the law should be interpreted in such a
way that the state is liable to prove, with clear and convincing
administrative evidence, that even if the detainee did not take a direct or
indirect part in the hostilities against the State of Israel, he belonged to a
terrorist organization and made a significant contribution to the cycle of
hostilities in its broad sense, in such a way that his administrative
detention is justified in order to prevent his returning to the aforesaid
cycle of hostilities.
The significance of the requirement that there is clear and convincing
evidence is that importance should be attached to the quantity and
quality of the evidence against the detainee and the degree to which the
relevant intelligence information against him is up to date; this is
necessary both for proving the detainee to be an ‘unlawful combatant’
under section 2 of the law and also for the purpose of the judicial review
of the need to continue the detention, to which we shall return later.
Indeed, the purpose of administrative detention is to prevent anticipated
future threats to the security of the state, and naturally we can learn of
these threats from tangible evidence concerning the detainee’s acts in the
past (see the remarks of President M. Shamgar in Beransa v. Central
Commander [15], at pages 249-250; HCJ 11026/05 A v. IDF Commander
[16], at paragraph 5). Notwithstanding, for the purposes of long-term
detention under the Internment of Unlawful Combatants Law, adequate
administrative evidence is required, and a single piece of evidence with
regard to an isolated act carried out in the distant past is insufficient.
23. It follows that for the purposes of detention under the Internment
of Unlawful Combatants Law the state is required to prove with clear
and convincing evidence that, even if the detainee did not take a
277
significant direct or indirect part in the hostilities against the State of

Israel, he belonged to a terror organization and made a contribution to
the cycle of hostilities in its broad sense. It should be noted that this
requirement is not always easy to prove, since proving that someone is a
member of a terrorist organization is not the same as proving that
someone is a member of a regular army, because of the manner in which
terrorist organizations work and the manner in which people joint their
ranks. The court held in Public Committee against Torture v. Government
of Israel [4] that unlike lawful combatants, unlawful combatants do not as
a rule carry any clear and unambiguous indication that they belong to a
terrorist organization (see Public Committee against Torture v.
Government of Israel [4], at paragraph 24). Therefore proving that
someone belongs to an organization as aforesaid is not always an easy
task. Notwithstanding, the state is required to prove with sufficient
administrative evidence the nature of the detainee’s connection to the
terrorist organization, and the degree or manner of his contribution to
the broad cycle of hostilities or operations carried out by the
organization.
It should also be noted that in its pleadings before us, the state
discussed how the power of detention provided in the Internment of
Unlawful Combatants Law was intended to apply to members of terrorist
organizations in a state of ongoing hostilities in an area that is not under
the full control of the State of Israel, where in the course of the
hostilities a relatively large number of unlawful combatants may fall into
the hands of the security forces and where there is a need to prevent
them returning to the cycle of hostilities against Israel. The special
circumstances that exist in situations of this kind require a different
course of action from the one that is possible within the territory of the
state or in an area subject to a belligerent occupation. In any case, it may
be assumed that the reality under discussion may give rise to additional
difficulties of assembling evidence with regard to whether those persons
detained by the state during hostilities on the field of battle belong to a
terrorist organization and how great a threat they are.
The probative presumptions provided in sections 7 and 8 of the law
24. As we have said, section 7 of the law provides a presumption
according to which a person who satisfies the conditions of the definition
of ‘unlawful combatant’ shall be regarded as someone whose release will
harm the security of the state as long as the hostilities against the State
278
of Israel have not come to an end. This is a rebuttable presumption, and

the burden of rebutting it rests with the detainee. We should emphasize
what we said above, that the presumption provided in the aforesaid
section 7 may be relevant only after the state has proved that the
detainee satisfies the conditions of the definition of ‘unlawful
combatant.’ In such circumstances it is presumed that the release of the
detainee will harm state security as required by section 3(a) of the law.
As we said above, one of the appellants’ main claims before us was
that the aforesaid presumption makes it unnecessary to prove an
individual threat from the detainee and that this is inconsistent with
constitutional principles and international humanitarian law. The
respondent opposed this argument but went on to declare before us that,
as a rule, the state acts in order to present a broad and detailed basis in
evidence with regard to the threat presented by detainees, and it has
done this in the past with regard to everyone who has been detained
under the law, including in the appellants’ case. The significance of this
claim is that de facto the state refrains from relying on the probative
presumption provided in section 7 of the law and it proves the individual
threat presented by detainees on an individual basis, without making use
of the aforesaid presumption. It should be noted that this practice of the
state is consistent with our finding that proving the conditions of the
definition of ‘unlawful combatant’ in section 2 of the law involves proving
the individual threat that arises from the type of involvement in an
organization as explained above.
In any case, since the state has refrained until now from making use of
the presumption provided in section 7 of the law, no question arises in
this case as to whether the aforesaid presumption reduces the
requirement of proving the individual threat needed for detention under
the law, and whether this violates the constitutional right to liberty and
the principles of international humanitarian law excessively. We can
therefore leave these questions undecided, since as long as the state
produces prima facie evidence of the individual threat presented by the
detainee and does not rely on the presumption under discussion, the
question of the effect of the presumption on proving an individual threat
remains theoretical. It should be noted that if the state chooses to make
use of the presumption provided in section 7 of the law in the future
rather than proving the threat to the required degree, it will be possible
to bring the aforesaid questions before the court, since it will be
necessary to decide them concretely rather than theoretically (see CrimA
279
3660/03 Abeid v. State of Israel [17]; HCJ 1853/02 Navi v. Minister of

Energy and National Infrastructures [18]; HCJ 6055/95 Tzemah v. Minister
of Defence [19], at page 250; HCJ 4827/05 Man, Nature and Law — Israel
Environmental Protection Society v. Minister of Interior [20], at paragraph
10; CA 7175/98 National Insurance Institute v. Bar Finance Ltd (in
liquidation) [21]).
25. With regard to the probative presumption provided in section 8 of
the law, this section states the following:
‘Determin- 8. The determination of the Minister of
ation Defence, in a certificate signed by him, that
concerning a certain force carries out hostilities against
hostilities
the State of Israel or that the hostilities of
that force against the State of Israel have
come to an end or have not yet come to an
end shall serve as evidence in any legal
proceeding, unless the contrary is proved.’
The appellants argued before us that the aforesaid probative
presumption places the burden of proof on the detainee in a matter
which he will never be able to refute, since it is a matter that is subject to
the discretion of the Minister of Defence. In reply, the state argued that
in all the proceedings under the law it has refrained from relying solely
on the determination of the Minister of Defence, and it has seen fit to
present the court and counsel for the detainees with an up to date and
specific opinion with regard to the relevant organization to which the
detainee belongs. This was also done in the case of the appellants, who
are alleged to belong to the Hezbollah organization. In view of this, we
are not required to decide the fundamental questions raised by the
appellants with regard to the aforesaid section 8. In any case, it should be
stated that in the situation that currently prevails in our area, in which
the organizations that operate against the security of the State of Israel
are well known to the military and security services, it may be assumed
that there is no difficulty in proving the existence and nature of the
activity of hostile forces by means of a specific and up to date opinion, in
order to provide support for the determination of the Minister of
Defence as stated in clause 8 of the law.
The constitutional scrutiny
26. Up to this point we have deal with the interpretation of the
statutory definition of ‘unlawful combatant’ and the conditions required
280
for proving the existence of a ground for detention under the law. This
interpretation was made with reference to the language and purpose of
the Internment of Unlawful Combatants Law, and in accordance with
the presumption of constitutionality and the principles of international
humanitarian law to which the purpose clause of the law expressly refers.
Now that we have discussed the scope of the law’s application and the
nature of the power of detention provided in it, let us turn to the
arguments of the parties concerning the constitutionality of the
arrangements provided in it. These arguments were raised in the District
Court and before us during the hearing concerning the appellants’
detention, within the framework of an indirect attack on the aforesaid
law.
The violation of the constitutional right to personal liberty
27. Section 5 of the Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty provides
the following:
‘Personal 5. A person’s liberty shall not be denied or
liberty restricted by imprisonment, arrest,
extradition or in any other way.’
There is no dispute between the parties before us that the Internment
of Unlawful Combatants Law violates the constitutional right to personal
liberty enshrined in the aforesaid section 5. This is a significant and
serious violation, in view of the fact that the law allows the use of the
extreme measure of administrative detention that deprives a person of
his personal liberty. It should be clarified that the Internment of
Unlawful Combatants Law was admittedly intended to apply to foreign
parties who belong to a terrorist organization that operates against the
security of the state (see paragraph 11 above). Notwithstanding, the
detention of unlawful combatants is carried out in Israel by the
government authorities that are obliged to uphold the rights enshrined in
the Basic Law in every case (see sections 1 and 11 of the Basic Law).
Consequently the violation of rights inherent in the arrangements of the
Internment of Unlawful Combatants Law should be examined in
accordance with the tests in the Basic Law.
Examining the violation of the constitutional right from the perspective of
the limitations clause
28. No one disputes that the right to liberty is a constitutional right
with a central role in our legal system and it lies at the heart of the values
281
of the State of Israel as a Jewish and democratic state (see Marab v. IDF
Commander in Judaea and Samaria [8], at paragraph 20). It has been
held in our case law that ‘personal liberty is a constitutional right of the
first degree and from a practical viewpoint it is also a condition for
realizing other basic rights’ (Tzemah v. Minister of Defence [19], at page
251; see also HCJ 5319/97 Kogen v. Chief Military Prosecutor [22], at page
81; CrimA 4596/05 Rosenstein v. State of Israel [23], at paragraph 53;
CrimA 4424/98 Silgado v. State of Israel [24], at pages 539-540).
Notwithstanding, like all protected human rights, the right to personal
liberty is not absolute and a violation of the right is sometimes required
in order to protect essential public interests. The balancing formula in
this regard is provided in the limitations clause in section 8 of the Basic
Law, which states:
‘Violation of 8. The rights under this Basic Law may only be
rights violated by a law that befits the values of the
State of Israel, is intended for a proper
purpose, and to an extent that is not
excessive, or in accordance with a law as
aforesaid by virtue of an express
authorization therein.’
The question before us is whether the violation of the right to
personal liberty caused by the Internment of Unlawful Combatants Law
satisfies the conditions of the limitations clause. The arguments of the
parties before us focused on the requirements of the proper purpose and
proportionality, and we too will focus our deliberations on these.
29. At the outset and before we examine the provisions of the law
from the perspective of the limitations clause, we should mention that
the court will not be quick to intervene and set aside a provision of
statute enacted by the legislature. The court should uphold the law as an
expression of the will of the people (HCJ 1661/05 Gaza Coast Local
Council v. Knesset [25], at pages 552-553; HCJ 4769/95 Menahem v.
Minister of Transport [26], at pages 263-264; HCJ 3434/96 Hoffnung v.
Knesset Speaker [27], at pages 66-67). This is an expression of the
principle of the separation of powers: the legislative authority
determines the measures that should be taken in order to achieve public
goals, whereas the judicial authority examines whether these measures
violate basic rights in contravention of the conditions provided for this
purpose in the Basic Law. It is the legislature that determines national
282
policy and formulates it in statute, whereas the court scrutinizes the

constitutionality of the legislation to discover to what extent it violates
constitutional human rights (see Adalah Legal Centre for Arab Minority
Rights in Israel v. Ministry of Interior [10], at paragraph 78 of the opinion
of President A. Barak). It has therefore been held in the case law of this
court that when we examine the legislation of the Knesset from the
perspective of the limitations clause, the court will act ‘with judicial
restraint, caution and moderation’ (Menahem v. Minister of Transport
[26], at page 263). The court will not refrain from constitutional scrutiny
of legislation, but it will act with care and exercise its constitutional
scrutiny in order to protect human rights within the restrictions of the
limitations clause, while refraining from reformulating the policy that the
legislature saw fit to adopt. Thus the delicate balance between majority
rule and the principle of the separation of powers on the one hand and
the protection of the basic values of the legal system and human rights
on the other will be maintained.
The requirement of a proper purpose
30. According to the limitations clause, a statute that violates a
constitutional right must have a proper purpose. It has been held in our
case law that a legislative purpose is a proper one if it is designed to
protect human rights, including by determining a reasonable and fair
balance between the rights of individuals with conflicting interests, or if it
serves an essential public purpose, an urgent social need or an important
social concern whose purpose is to provide an infrastructure for
coexistence and a social framework that seeks to protect and promote
human rights (see Menahem v. Minister of Transport [26], at page 264;
HCJ 6893/05 Levy v. Government of Israel [28], at pages 889-890; HCJ
5016/96 Horev v. Minister of Transport [29], at pages 52-53). It has also
been held that not every purpose may justify a violation of constitutional
basic rights, and that the essence of the violated right and the degree of
the violation thereof may have ramifications for the purpose that is
required to justify the violation.
In our remarks above we discussed how the Internment of Unlawful
Combatants Law, according to its wording and its legislative history, was
intended to prevent persons who threaten the security of the state
because of their activity or their membership in terrorist organizations
that carry out hostilities against the State of Israel from returning to the
cycle of hostilities (see paragraph 6 above). This legislative purpose is a
283
proper one. Protecting the security of the state is an urgent and even
essential public need in the harsh reality of unceasing murderous
terrorism that attacks innocent people indiscriminately. It is difficult to
exaggerate the security importance of preventing members of terrorist
organizations from returning to the cycle of hostilities against the State
of Israel in a period when there is relentless terrorist activity that
threatens the lives of the citizens and residents of the State of Israel. In
view of this, the purpose of the law under discussion may justify a
significant and even serious violation of human rights, including the right
to personal liberty. Thus was discussed by President A. Barak when he
said that:
‘There is no alternative — in a freedom and security seeking
democracy — to striking a balance between liberty and
dignity on the one hand and security on the other. Human
rights should not become a tool for depriving the public and
the state of security. A balance — a delicate and difficult
balance — is required between the liberty and dignity of the
individual and state and public security’ (A v. Minister of
Defence [1], at page 741).
(See also Ajuri v. IDF Commander in West Bank [7], at page 383; the
remarks of Justice D. Dorner in HCJ 5627/02 Saif v. Government Press
Office [30], at pages 76-77; EA 2/84 Neiman v. Chairman of Central
Elections Committee for Tenth Knesset [31], at page 310).
The purpose of the Internment of Unlawful Combatants Law is
therefore a proper one. But this is not enough. Within the framework of
constitutional scrutiny, we are required to go on to examine whether the
violation of the right to personal liberty does not exceed what is
necessary for realizing the purpose of the law. We shall now turn to
examine this question.
The requirement that the measure violating a human right is not
excessive
31. The main issue that arises with regard to the constitutionality of
the law under consideration before us concerns the proportionality of
the arrangements provided in it. As a rule, it is customary to recognize
three subtests that constitute fundamental criteria for determining the
proportionality of an act of legislation that violates a constitutional
human right: the first is the rational connection test that requires the
legislative measure that violates the constitutional right to correspond to
284
the purpose that the law is intended to realize; the second is the least
harmful measure test, which requires the legislation to violate the
constitutional right to the smallest degree possible while achieving the
purpose of the law; and the third is the test of proportionality in the narrow
sense, according to which the violation of the constitutional right must be
commensurate with the social benefit arising from it (see Menahem v.
Minister of Transport [26], at page 279; Adalah Legal Centre for Arab
Minority Rights in Israel v. Ministry of Interior [10], at paragraphs 65-75;
Beit Sourik Village Council v. Government of Israel [6], at pages 839-840).
It has been held in the case law of this court that the test of
proportionality, with its three subtests, is not a precise test since by its
very nature it involves assessment and evaluation. The subtests
sometimes overlap and each of them allow the legislature a margin of
discretion. There may be circumstances in which the choice of an
alternative measure that violates the constitutional right slightly less
results in a significant reduction in the realization of the purpose or the
benefit derived from it, and therefore it would not be right to oblige the
legislature to adopt the aforesaid measure. Consequently this court has
recognized a ‘margin of constitutional appreciation’ which is also called
the ‘margin of proportionality.’ The limits of the margin of constitutional
appreciation are determined by the court in each case on its merits and
according to its circumstances, with a view to the nature of the right that
is being violated and the extent of the violation thereof, as compared
with the nature and substance of the competing rights or interests. This
court will not substitute its own discretion for the criteria chosen by the
legislature and will refrain from intervention as long as the measure
chosen by the legislature lies within the margin of proportionality. The
court will only intervene when the chosen measure significantly departs
from the limits of the margin of constitutional appreciation and is clearly
disproportionate (see CA 6821/93 United Mizrahi Bank Ltd v. Migdal
Cooperative Village [32], at page 438; HCJ 450/97 Tenufa Manpower and
Maintenance Services Ltd v. Minister of Labour and Social Affairs [33];
AAA 4436/02 Tishim Kadurim Restaurant, Members’ Club v. Haifa
Municipality [34], at page 815; Gaza Coast Local Council v. Knesset [25],
at pages 550-551).
In the circumstances of the case before us, the extent of the violation
of the constitutional right to personal liberty is significant and even
severe. Notwithstanding, as we said above, the legislative purpose of
removing ‘unlawful combatants’ from the cycle of hostilities in order to
285
protect state security is essential in view of the reality of murderous

terrorism that threatens the lives of the residents and citizens of the
State of Israel. In these circumstances, I think that we ought to recognize
that the legislature has a relatively broad margin of appreciation, in
order to choose the proper measure for realizing the purpose of the law.
The first subtest: a rational connection between the measure and the
purpose
32. The measure chosen by the legislature in order to realize the
purpose of the Internment of Unlawful Combatants Law is
administrative detention. As we explained in paragraph 21 above, for the
purpose of detention under the aforesaid law, the state is required to
prove with clear and convincing evidence that the detainee is an
‘unlawful combatant’ with the meaning that we have discussed.
Consequently the state is required to prove the personal threat
presented by the detainee that derives from his involvement in the
organization. Administrative detention constitutes a suitable means of
averting the security threat presented by the detainee, in that it prevents
the ‘unlawful combatant’ from returning to the cycle of hostilities against
the State of Israel and thereby serves the purpose of the law. For this
reason the first subtest of proportionality — the rational connection
test — is satisfied.
The main question concerning the proportionality of the law under
discussion before us concerns the second subtest, namely the question
whether there are alternative measures that violate the constitutional
right to a lesser degree. In order to examine this question, we should first
consider the appellants’ argument that there are more proportionate
measures for realizing the purpose of the Internment of Unlawful
Combatants Law. Next we should consider the specific arrangements
that were provided in the law and examine whether they depart from the
margin of proportionality. Finally we should examine the law in its
entirety and examine whether the combination of arrangements that
were provided in the law satisfies the test of proportionality in the
narrow sense, namely whether the violation of the right to personal
liberty is reasonably commensurate with the public benefit that arises
from it in realizing the legislative purpose.
286
The argument that there are alternative measures to detention under the
law
33. The appellants’ main argument on the subject of proportionality
was that there are alternative measures to administrative detention
under the law under discussion and that these violate the right to liberty
to a lesser degree. In this regard, the appellants raised two main
arguments: first, it was argued that for the purpose of realizing the
legislative purpose it is not necessary to employ the measure of
administrative detention and the appellants ought to be recognized as
prisoners of war, or alternatively use should be made of the measure of
bringing the appellants to a criminal trial. Second, it was argued that
even if there is a need for administrative detention in the appellants’
case, this should be done under the Emergency Powers (Detentions)
Law, 5739-1979, since they argue that this is a law that is less harmful
than the Internment of Unlawful Combatants Law.
The first argument that the appellants should be declared prisoners of
war should be rejected. In HCJ 2967/00 Arad v. Knesset [35], which
considered the case of Lebanese detainees, a similar argument to the one
raised in the appellants’ case was rejected as follows:
‘We agree with the position of Mr Nitzan that the Lebanese
detainees should not be regarded as prisoners of war. It is
sufficient that they do not satisfy the provisions of section
4(2)(d) of the Third Geneva Convention, which provides
that one of the conditions that must be satisfied in order to
comply with the definition of “prisoners of war” is “that of
conducting their operations in accordance with the laws and
customs of war.” The organizations to which the Lebanese
detainees belonged are terrorist organizations, which
operate contrary to the laws and customs of war. Thus, for
example, these organizations deliberately attack civilians and
shoot from the midst of the civilian population, which they
use as a shield. All of these are operations that are contrary
to international law. Indeed, Israel’s consistent position over
the years was not to regard the various organizations such as
Hezbollah as organizations to which the Third Geneva
Convention applies. We have found no reason to intervene
in this position’ (ibid., at page 191).
287
(See also CrimApp 8780/06 Sarur v. State of Israel [36]; HCJ 403/81
Jabar v. Military Commander [37]; and also HCJ 102/82 Tzemel v. Minister
of Defence [38], at pages 370-371).
Similar to what was said in Arad v. Knesset [35], in the circumstances
of the case before us the appellants should also not be given a prisoner of
war status, since they do not satisfy the conditions of article 4 of the
Third Geneva Convention, and especially the condition concerning the
observance of the laws of war.
The appellants’ argument that a more proportionate measure would
be to bring them to a criminal trial should also be rejected, in view of the
fact that bringing a person to a criminal trial has a different character
and purpose to the measure of administrative detention. Bringing
someone to a criminal trial is intended to punish him for acts that were
committed in the past, and this depends upon the existence of evidence
that can be brought before a court in order to prove guilt beyond a
reasonable doubt. By contrast, administrative detention was not intended
to punish but to prevent activity that is prohibited by law and that
endangers the security of the state. The quality of evidence that is
required for administrative detention is different from the quality of
evidence that is required for a criminal trial. Moreover, as a rule the use
of the extreme measure of administrative detention is justified in
circumstances where other measures, including holding a criminal trial,
are impossible, because of the absence of sufficient admissible evidence
or the impossibility of revealing privileged sources, or when holding a
criminal trial does not provide a satisfactory solution to averting the
threat presented to the security of the state in circumstances where after
serving the sentence the person concerned is likely to become a security
danger once again (see, inter alia, ADA 4794/05 Ufan v. Minister of
Defence [39]; ADA 7/94 Ben-Yosef v. State of Israel [40]; ADA 8788/03
Federman v. Minister of Defence [41], at pages 185-189; Fahima v. State of
Israel [14], at pages 263-264). In view of all this, it cannot be said that
holding a criminal trial constitutes an alternative measure for realizing
the purpose of the Internment of Unlawful Combatants Law.
34. As we have said, the appellants’ alternative claim before us was
that even if it is necessary to place them in administrative detention this
should be done by virtue of the Emergency Powers (Detentions) Law.
According to this argument, the Emergency Powers (Detentions) Law
violates the right to personal liberty to a lesser degree than the
288
arrangements provided in the Internment of Unlawful Combatants Law.

Thus, for example, it is argued that the Emergency Powers (Detentions)
Law requires an individual threat as a ground for detention, without
determining presumptions that place the burden of proof on the
detainee as provided in the Internment of Unlawful Combatants Law.
Moreover, the Emergency Powers (Detentions) Law requires judicial
scrutiny to be held within 48 hours of the time of detention and a
periodic review every three months, whereas the Internment of Unlawful
Combatants Law allows a detainee to be brought before a judge as much
as fourteen days from the time he is detained, and it requires the holding
of a periodic review only once every half a year; the Emergency Powers
(Detentions) Law makes the power of detention conditional upon the
existence of a state of emergency in the state, whereas detention under
the Internment of Unlawful Combatants does not make such a condition
and it is even unlimited in time, apart from the stipulation that the
detention will end by the time that the hostilities against the State of
Israel have come to an end. To this it should be added that detention
under the Emergency Powers (Detentions) Law is effected by an order
of the Minister of Defence whereas detention under the Internment of
Unlawful Combatants is effected by an order of the chief of staff, who is
competent to delegate his authority to an officer with the rank of
general. In view of all this, the appellants’ argument before us was that
detention under the Emergency Powers (Detentions) Law constitutes a
more proportionate alternative than administrative detention under the
Internment of Unlawful Combatants Law.
35. Prima facie the appellants are correct in their argument that in
certain respects the arrangements provided in the Emergency Powers
(Detentions) Law violate the right to personal liberty to a lesser degree
than the Internment of Unlawful Combatants Law. Notwithstanding, we
accept the state’s argument in this regard that the Internment of
Unlawful Combatants Law is intended for a different purpose than that
of the Emergency Powers (Detentions) Law. In view of the different
purposes, the two laws contain different arrangements, such that the
Emergency Powers (Detentions) Law does not constitute an alternative
measure for achieving the purpose of the law under discussion in this
case. Let us clarify our position.
The Emergency Powers (Detentions) Law applies in a time of
emergency and as a rule its purpose is to prevent threats to state security
arising from local individuals (i.e., citizens and residents of the state).
289
Consequently the law contains a power of administrative detention that

is usually used with regard to isolated individuals who threaten state
security and whose detention is intended to last for relatively short
periods of time, apart from in exceptional cases. On the other hand, as
we clarified in paragraph 11 above, the Internment of Unlawful
Combatants Law is intended to apply to foreign individuals who operate
within the framework of terrorist organizations against the security of
the state. The law was intended to be of use at a time when there are
organized and persistent hostilities against Israel on the part of terrorist
organizations. The purpose of the law is to prevent persons who belong
to these organizations or who take part in hostilities under their banner
from returning to the cycle of hostilities, as long as the hostilities against
the State of Israel continue. In order to achieve the aforesaid purpose,
the Internment of Unlawful Combatants Law contains arrangements that
are different from those in the Emergency Powers (Detentions) Law (we
will discuss the question of the proportionality of these arrangements
below). Moreover, according to the state, the power of detention
provided in the Internment of Unlawful Combatants Law was intended
to apply to members of terrorist organizations in a persistent state of war
in a territory that is not a part of Israel, where a relatively large number
of enemy combatants is likely to fall into the hands of the military forces
during the fighting. The argument is that these special circumstances
justify the use of measures that are different from those usually
employed.
Thus we see that even though the Emergency Powers (Detentions)
Law and the Internment of Unlawful Combatants Law provide a power
of administrative detention whose purpose is to prevent a threat to state
security, the specific purposes of the aforesaid laws are different and
therefore the one cannot constitute an alternative measure for achieving
the purpose of the other. In the words of the trial court: ‘We are dealing
with a horizontal plane on which there are two acts of legislation, one
next to the other. Each of the two was intended for a different purpose
and therefore, in circumstances such as ours, they are not alternatives to
one another’ (page 53 of the decision of the District Court of 19 July
2006). It should be clarified that in appropriate circumstances the
Emergency Powers (Detentions) Law may be used to detain foreigners
who are not residents or citizens of the State of Israel. Notwithstanding,
the premise is that the specific purposes of the Emergency Powers
(Detentions) Law and the Internment of Unlawful Combatants Law are
290
different, and therefore it cannot be determined in a sweeping manner

that detention under the Emergency Powers (Detentions) Law
constitutes a more appropriate and proportionate alternative to
detention under the Internment of Unlawful Combatants Law.
36. In concluding these remarks it should be pointed out that the
appellants, who are inhabitants of the Gaza Strip, were first detained in
the years 2002-2003, when the Gaza Strip was subject to belligerent
occupation. At that time, the appellants’ administrative detention was
carried out by virtue of the security legislation that was in force in the
Gaza Strip. A change occurred in September 2005, when Israeli military
rule in the Gaza Strip ended and the territory ceased to be subject to a
belligerent occupation (see paragraph 11 above). One of the
consequences accompanying the end of the Israeli military rule in the
Gaza Strip was the cancellation of the security legislation that was in
force there. In consequence of this, the chief of staff issued detention
orders for the appellants under the Internment of Unlawful Combatants
Law.
In view of the cancellation of the security legislation in the Gaza Strip,
obviously no question arises with regard to inhabitants of the Gaza Strip
as to whether administrative detention by virtue of security legislation
may constitute a suitable and more proportionate measure than
detention under the Internment of Unlawful Combatants Law.
Notwithstanding, I think it right to point out that the aforesaid question
may arise with regard to inhabitants of the territories that are under the
belligerent occupation of the State of Israel (Judaea and Samaria). As
can be seen from what is stated in paragraph 11 above, I tend to the
prima facie opinion that both under the international humanitarian law
that governs the matter (article 78 of the Fourth Geneva Convention)
and according to the test of proportionality, the administrative detention
of inhabitants of Judaea and Samaria should be carried out by virtue of
the current security legislation that is in force in the territories, and not
by virtue of the Internment of Unlawful Combatants Law in Israel.
Notwithstanding, this issue does not arise in the circumstances of the
case before us and therefore I think it right to leave it for the future.
Proportionality of the specific arrangements provided in the law
37. In view of all of the reasons set out above, we have reached the
conclusion that the measures indicated by the appellants in their
pleadings cannot constitute alternative measures to administrative
291
detention under the law that we are considering. The appellants further
argued that the specific arrangements provided in the Internment of
Unlawful Combatants Law violate the right to personal liberty
excessively, and more proportionate arrangements that violate personal
liberty to a lesser degree could have been determined. Let us therefore
turn to examine this argument with regard to the specific arrangements
provided in the law.
(1) Entrusting the power of detention to military personnel
38. Section 3(a) of the law, which was cited in paragraph 15 above,
provides that a detention order under the law will be issued by the chief
of staff ‘with his signature’ and will include the reasons for the detention
‘without harming the security needs of the state.’ Section 11 of the law
goes on to provide that ‘the chief of staff may delegate any of his powers
under this law to an officer with the rank of general that he may
determine.’ According to the appellants, entrusting the power of
detention under the law to the chief of staff who may delegate it to an
officer with the rank of general violates the detainees’ right to personal
liberty excessively. In this context, the appellants emphasized that the
Emergency Powers (Detentions) Law entrusts the power of
administrative detention to the Minister of Defence only.
In the circumstances of the case, we have come to the conclusion that
the state is correct in its argument that entrusting the power of detention
to the chief of staff or an officer with the rank of general falls within the
margin of proportionality and we should not intervene in it. First, as we
said above, the specific purposes of the Internment of Unlawful
Combatants Law and the Emergency Powers (Detentions) Law are
different, and therefore there is a difference in the arrangements
provided in the two laws. Since the law under consideration before us
was intended to apply, inter alia, in a situation of combat and prolonged
military activity against terrorist organizations in a territory that is not
subject to the complete control of the State of Israel, there is logic in
determining an arrangement that entrusts the power of detention to
military personnel of the highest rank. Second, it should be made clear
that the provisions of international law do not deny the power of
detention to the military authority responsible for the security of a
territory where there are protected civilians. This is capable of
supporting the conclusion that entrusting the power of detention to the
292
chief of staff or an officer with a rank of general does not, in itself,

violates the right to personal liberty disproportionately.
(2) The detainee’s right to a hearing after a detention order is issued
39. Sections 3(b) and 3(c) of the law provide the following:
‘Internment 3. (a) …
of unlawful (b) An internment order may be given
combatant
without the person being held by the
state authorities being present.
(c) An internment order shall be brought to
the attention of the internee at the
earliest possible time, and he shall be
given an opportunity to state his case
with regard to the order before an officer
with the rank of at least lieutenant-
colonel who will be appointed by the
chief of staff; the arguments of the
internee shall be written down by the
officer and shall be brought before the
chief of staff; if the chief of staff, after he
has studied the internee’s arguments,
finds that the conditions provided in sub-
section (a) are not satisfied, he shall
cancel the internment order.
It can be seen from the aforesaid section 3(b) that a detention order
may be made by the chief of staff (or a general who is appointed by him)
without the detainee being present. Section 3(c) of the law goes on to
provide that the order shall be brought to the attention of the detainee
‘at the earliest possible time’ and that he shall be given a hearing before
an army officer with the rank of at least lieutenant-colonel, in order to
allow the detainee to state his case; the detainee’s arguments shall be
written down by the officer and brought before the chief of staff (or a
general acting for him). According to the law, if after studying the
detainee’s arguments the chief of staff (or the general) is persuaded that
the conditions for detention under the law are not satisfied, the
internment order shall be cancelled.
The appellants’ argument in this regard was that the aforesaid
arrangement violates the right to personal liberty excessively in view of
293
the fact that the detainee may state his case only after the event, i.e.,
after the detention order has been issued, and only before an officer with
the rank of lieutenant-colonel, who will refer his arguments to the chief
of staff (or a general) in order that they will consider their position once
again. According to the appellants, the person who issues the order —
the chief of staff or the general — should be obliged to hear the
detainee’s arguments, and this should occur before the order is made.
These arguments should be rejected, for several reasons: first, it has been
established in case law that the person who makes the decision does not
need to conduct the hearing personally, and that it is also permissible to
hold the hearing before someone who has been appointed for this
purpose by the person making the decision, provided that the person
making the decision — in our case the chief of staff or the general acting
on his behalf — will have before him all of the arguments and facts that
were raised at the hearing (see HCJ 5445/93 Ramla Municipality v.
Minister of Interior [42], at page 403; HCJ 2159/97 Ashkelon Coast
Regional Council v. Minister of the Interior [43], at pages 81-82). Second,
from a practical viewpoint, providing a duty to hold hearings ab initio
and before the chief of staff or the general personally at times of combat
and in circumstances where many detentions may take place in the
combat zone may give rise to significant practical problems. Moreover,
holding a hearing in the manner proposed by the appellants is contrary
to the purpose of the law, which is to allow an immediate removal of the
‘unlawful combatants’ from the cycle of hostilities in an effective manner.
It should be emphasized that the hearing under section 3(c) of the law is
an initial procedure whose main purpose is to prevent mistakes of
identity. As we shall explain below, in addition to the initial hearing, the
law requires a judicial review to take place before a District Court judge
no later than 14 days from the date of issuing the internment order,
which reduces the violation argued by the appellants. In view of all of the
aforesaid, it cannot be said that the arrangement provided in the law
with regard to the hearing falls outside the margin of proportionality.
(3) The judicial review of detention under the law
40. Section 5 of the law, which is entitled ‘Judicial review,’ provides in
subsections (a) to (d) the following arrangement:
294
‘Judicial 5. (a) An internee shall be brought before a

review judge of the District Court no later than
14 days from the date of issuing the
internment order; if a District Court
judge finds that the conditions provided
in section 3(a) are not satisfied, he shall
cancel the internment order.
(b) If the internee is not brought before the
District Court and the hearing before it is
not begun within 14 days of the date of
issuing the internment order, the
internee shall be released unless there is
another ground for his detention under
the law.
(c) Once every six months from the date of
issuing the order under section 3(a) the
internee shall be brought before a judge
of the District Court; if the court finds
that his release will not harm state
security or that there are special reasons
that justify his release, it shall cancel the
internment order.
(d) A decision of the District Court under
this section may be appealed within thirty
days to the Supreme Court which shall
hear the appeal with one judge; the
Supreme Court shall have all the powers
given to the District Court under this
law.
(e) …
(f) …’
The appellants argued before us that the judicial review proceeding
provided in the aforesaid section 5 violates the right to personal liberty
excessively, for two main reasons: first, under section 5(a) of the law the
detainee should be brought before a District Court judge no later than
14 days from the date of his detention. According to the appellants, this
is a long period of time that excessively violates the right to personal
295
liberty and the detainee’s right of access to the courts. In this respect the
appellants argued that in view of the constitutional status of the right to
personal liberty and in accordance with the norms applicable in
international law, the legislature should have determined that the
detainee should be brought to a judicial review ‘without delay.’ Second, it
was argued that the period of time provided in section 5(c) of the law for
carrying out a periodic judicial review of the detention — every six
months — is too long and is therefore disproportionate. By way of
comparison, the appellants pointed out that the Emergency Powers
(Detentions) Law provides in this regard a period of time that is shorter
by half — only three months. In reply, the state argued that in view of the
purpose of the law, the periods of time provided in section 5 are
proportionate and they are consistent with the provisions of international
law.
41. Section 5 of the law is based on the premise that judicial review
constitutes an integral part of the administrative detention procedure. In
this respect it has been held in the past that:
‘Judicial involvement with regard to detention orders is
essential… Judicial involvement is a safeguard against
arbitrariness; it is required by the principle of the rule of
law… It ensures that the delicate balance between the liberty
of the individual and the security of the public — a balance
that lies at the heart of the laws of detention — will be
upheld’ (per President A. Barak in Marab v. IDF Commander
in Judaea and Samaria [8], at page 368).
The main dispute with regard to the constitutionality of section 5 of
the law concerns the question of the proportionality of the periods of
time provided in it.
With regard to the periods of time between the detention of the
detainee and the initial judicial review of the detention order, it has been
held in the case law of this court that in view of the status of the right to
personal liberty and in order to prevent mistakes of fact and discretion
whose price is likely to be a person’s loss of liberty without just cause, the
administrative detainee should be brought before a judge ‘as soon as
possible’ in the circumstances (per President M. Shamgar in HCJ 253/88
Sajadia v. Minister of Defence [44], at pages 819-820). It should be noted
that this case law ruling is consistent with the arrangements prevailing in
international law. International law does not stipulate the number of
296
days during which it is permitted to detain a person without judicial

involvement, but it determines a general principle that can be applied in
accordance with the circumstances of each case on its merits. According
to the aforesaid general principle, the detention decision should be
brought before a judge or another person with judicial authority
‘promptly’ (see in this regard the provisions of article 9(3) of the
International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, 1966, which is
regarded as being of a customary nature; see also the references cited in
Marab v. IDF Commander in Judaea and Samaria [8], at pages 369-370).
A similar principle is provided in sections 43 and 78 of the Fourth
Geneva Convention according to which the judicial (or administrative)
review of a detention decision should be made ‘as soon as possible’ (in
the wording of article 43 of the convention) or ‘with the least possible
delay’ (in the wording of article 78 of the convention). Naturally the
question as to what is the earliest possible time for bringing a detainee
before a judge depends upon the circumstances of the case.
In the case before us, the Internment of Unlawful Combatants Law
provides that the date for holding the initial judicial review is ‘no later
than 14 days from the date of issuing the internment order.’ The
question that arises in this context is whether the aforesaid period of
time excessively violates the right to personal liberty. The answer to this
question lies in the purpose of the law and the special circumstances of
the detention thereunder, as well as in the interpretation of the aforesaid
provision of the law. As we have said, the Internment of Unlawful
Combatants Law applies to foreign parties who belong to terrorist
organizations and who conduct persistent hostilities against the State of
Israel. As we have said, the law was intended to apply, inter alia, in
circumstances where hostilities are taking place in a territory that is not a
part of Israel, in the course of which a relatively large number of enemy
combatants may fall into the hands of the military forces. In view of these
special circumstances, we do not see fit to hold that the maximum period
of time of fourteen days for holding an initial judicial review of the
detention order departs from the margin of proportionality in such a way
that it justifies our intervention by shortening the maximum period
provides in the law. At the same time, it should be emphasized that the
period of time provided in the law is a maximum period and it does not
exempt the state from making an effort to bring the detainee to an initial
judicial review as soon as possible in view of all the circumstances of the
case. In other words, whereas we do not see fit to intervene in the
297
proportionality of the maximum period provided in the law, exercising

the power of detention in each specific case should be done
proportionately, and there should not be a delay of 14 whole days before
holding an initial judicial review where it is possible to hold a judicial
review earlier (see and cf. ADA 334/04 Darkua v. Minister of Interior [45],
at page 371, where it was held that even though under the Entry into
Israel Law, 5712-1952, a person taken into custody should be brought
before the Custody Review Tribunal no later than fourteen days from
the date on which he was taken into custody, the whole of the aforesaid
fourteen days should not be used when there is no need to do so).
In concluding these remarks it should be noted that section 3(c) of the
law, whose wording was cited above, provides that ‘An internment order
shall be brought to the attention of the internee at the earliest possible
time, and he shall be given an opportunity to state his case with regard to
the order before an officer with the rank of at least lieutenant-colonel
who will be appointed by the chief of staff…’ (emphasis supplied). Thus
we see that although section 5(a) of the law provides a maximum period
of fourteen days for an initial judicial review, section 3(c) of the law
provides a duty to hold a hearing for the detainee before a military
officer at the earliest possible time after issuing the order. Certainly the
aforesaid hearing is not a substitute for a review before a judge of the
District Court, which is an independent and objective judicial instance,
but the holding of an early hearing on a date as soon after the issuing of
the order as possible is capable of reducing to some degree the concern
of an erroneous or ostensibly unjustified detention, which will lead to an
excessive violation of the right to liberty.
42. As stated, the appellants’ second argument concerned the
frequency of the periodic judicial review of detention under the law.
According to section 5(c) of the law, the detainee should be brought
before a District Court judge once every six months from the date of
issuing the order; if the court finds that the release of the detainee will
not harm state security or that there are special reasons that justify his
release, the court shall cancel the internment order.
The appellants’ argument before us was that the frequency of once
every six months is insufficient and disproportionately violates the right
to personal liberty. With regard to this argument, we should point out
that the holding of a periodic review of the necessity of continuing the
administrative detention once every six months is consistent with the
298
requirements of international humanitarian law. Thus article 43 of the

Fourth Geneva Convention provides that:
‘Any protected person who has been interned or placed in
assigned residence shall be entitled to have such action
reconsidered as soon as possible by an appropriate court or
administrative board designated by the Detaining Power for
that purpose. If the internment or placing in assigned
residence is maintained, the court or administrative board
shall periodically, and at least twice yearly, give
consideration to his or her case, with a view to the
favourable amendment of the initial decision, if
circumstances permit.’
From the aforesaid article 43 it can be seen that holding a periodic
review of a detention order ‘at least twice yearly’ is consistent with the
requirements of international humanitarian law, in a manner that
supports the proportionality of the arrangement provided in section 5(c)
of the law. Moreover, whereas section 43 of the Fourth Geneva
Convention is satisfied with the holding of an administrative review that
is carried out by an administrative body, the Internment of Unlawful
Combatants provides that a District Court judge is the person who
should carry out a judicial review of the detention orders under the
aforesaid law, and his decision may be appealed to the Supreme Court
which shall hear the appeal with one judge (section 5(d) of the law). In
view of all this, it cannot be said that the arrangement provided in the
law with regard to the nature and frequency of the judicial review
violates the constitutional right to personal liberty excessively.
(4) Departure from the rules of evidence and reliance upon privileged
evidence within the framework of proceedings under the law
43. Section 5(e) of the law provides the following:
‘Judicial 5. …
review (e) In proceedings under this law it is
permitted to depart from the rules of
evidence, for reasons that will be
recorded; the court may admit evidence,
even without the internee or his counsel
being present or without disclosing it to
them, if, after it has seen the evidence or
heard argument, even without the
299
internee or his counsel being present, it is

persuaded that disclosure of the evidence
to the detainee or his counsel is likely to
harm the security of the state or the
security of the public; this provision does
not derogate from any right not to
produce evidence under chapter 3 of the
Evidence Ordinance [New Version],
5731-1971.
…’
The appellants’ argument before us was that the arrangement
provided in the aforesaid section 5(e) disproportionately violates the
right to personal liberty, since it allows the holding of a judicial review of
a detention order under the law to depart from the rules of evidence and
it allows evidence to be heard ex parte without the detainee and his
counsel being present and without disclosing it to them.
With respect to this argument it should be noted that by their very
nature administrative detention proceedings are based on administrative
evidence concerning security matters. The nature of administrative
detention for security reasons requires use to be made of evidence that
does not satisfy the admissibility tests of the rules of evidence and that
therefore may not be brought in a normal criminal trial. Obviously the
confidentiality of the sources of the information is important, and
therefore it is often not possible to disclose all of the intelligence
material that is used to prove the ground for detention. Reliance on
inadmissible administrative evidence and on privileged material for
reasons of state security lies at the heart of administrative detention,
since had there been sufficient admissible evidence that could have been
shown to the detainee and brought before the court, in general the
measure of holding a criminal trial should be chosen (see Federman v.
Minister of Defence [41], at pages 185-186). There is no doubt that a
proceeding that is held ex parte for the sake of presenting privileged
evidence to the court has many deficiencies. But the security position in
which we find ourselves in view of the persistent hostilities against the
security of the State of Israel requires the use of tools of this kind when
making a detention order under the Internment of Unlawful Combatants
Law, the Emergency Powers (Detentions) Law or the security legislation
in areas under military control.
300
It should be emphasized that in view of the problems inherent in

relying upon administrative evidence for the purpose of detention, the
judicial system has over the years developed a tool for control and
scrutiny of intelligence material, in so far as this is possible in a
proceeding of the kind that takes place in judicial review of
administrative detention. In these proceedings the judge is required to
question the validity and credibility of the administrative evidence that is
brought before him and to assess its weight. In this regard the following
was held in HCJ 4400/98 Braham v. Justice Colonel Shefi [46], at page
346, per Justice T. Or:
‘The basic right of every human being as such to liberty is not
a slogan devoid of content. The protection of this basic value
requires that we give significant content to the proceeding of
judicial review for administrative detention. In this
framework, I am of the opinion that the professional judge
can and should consider not only the question whether prima
facie the competent authority was entitled to decide what it
decided on the basis of the material that was before it, but
the judge should also consider the question of the credibility
of the material that was submitted as a part of its assessment
of the weight of the material. Indeed, that fact that certain
“material” is valid administrative evidence does not exempt
the judge from examining its degree of credibility against a
background of the other evidence and all of the
circumstances of the case. As such, the “administrative
evidence” label does not exempt the judge from the need to
demand and receive explanations from the authorities that
are capable of providing them. In other words, its
significance is to weaken considerably the process of judicial
review, and to allow the loss of liberty for prolonged periods
on the basis of scanty and insufficient material. Such an
outcome is unacceptable in a legal system that regards
human liberty as a basic right.’
It has also been held in our case law that in view of the problems
inherent in submitting privileged evidence ex parte, the court that carries
out a judicial review of an administrative detention is required to act
with caution and great care when examining the material that is brought
before it for its inspection alone. In such circumstances, the court has a
duty to act with great caution and to examine the privileged material
301
brought before it from the viewpoint of the detainee, who has not seen
the material and cannot argue against it. In the words of Justice A.
Procaccia: ‘… the court has a special duty to act with great care when
examining privileged material and to act as the “mouth” of the detainee
where he has not seen the material against him and cannot defend
himself’ (HCJ 11006/04 Kadri v. IDF Commander in Judaea and Samaria
[47], at paragraph 6; see also CrimApp 3514/97 A v. State of Israel [48]).
Thus we see that in view of the reliance on administrative evidence
and the admission of privileged evidence ex parte, the court carrying out
a judicial review under the Internment of Unlawful Combatants Law is
required to act with caution and care in examining the material brought
before it. The scope of the judicial review cannot be defined ab initio and
it is subject to the discretion of the judge who will take into account the
circumstances of each case on its merits, such as the quantity, level and
quality of the privileged material brought before the judge for his
inspection, as opposed to the activity attributed to the detainee that gives
rise to the allegation that he represents a threat to state security. In a
similar context it has been held that:
‘Information relating to several incidents cannot be
compared to information concerning an isolated incident;
information from one source cannot be compared to
information from several sources; and information that is
entirely based on the statements of agents and informers
only cannot be compared to information that is also
supported or corroborated by documents submitted by the
security or intelligence services that derive from employing
special measures’ (per Justice E. Mazza in HCJ 5994/03
Sadar v. IDF Commander in West Bank [49], at paragraph 6).
In view of all of the aforesaid reasons, we are drawn to the conclusion
that reliance on inadmissible evidence and privileged evidence is part
and parcel of administrative detention. In view of the fact that there is a
judicial review of the quality and quantity of the administrative evidence
that supports the ground of detention, and in view of the care with which
the court is required to examine the privileged material brought before it
ex parte, it cannot be said that the arrangement provided in section 5(e)
of the law in itself violates the rights of detainees disproportionately.
302
(5) Detainee’s meeting with his lawyer

44. Section 6 of the law, which is entitled ‘Right of internee to meet
with lawyer’ provides the following:
‘Right of 6. (a) The internee may meet with a lawyer at
internee to the earliest opportunity when it is
meet with possible to hold the meeting without
lawyer
prejudicing the needs of state security,
but no later than seven days before he is
brought before a judge of the District
Court in accordance with the provisions
of section 5(a).
(b) The Minister of Justice may in an order
restrict the right of representation in
proceedings under this law to someone
who has been given unconditional
approval to act as defence counsel in the
military tribunals under the provisions of
section 318(c) of the Military Jurisdiction
Law, 5715-1955.’
In their arguments before us the appellants raised two main
arguments against the proportionality of the arrangements that were
provided in the aforesaid section 6: first, it was argued that under section
6(a) of the law, it is possible to prevent a meeting of a detainee with his
lawyer for a period of up to seven days, during which a hearing is
supposed to be held for the detainee under section 3(c) of the law. It is
argued that holding a hearing without giving the detainee a possibility of
first consulting a lawyer is likely to make the hearing meaningless in such
a way that it violates the right to personal liberty excessively. Second, it
was argued that section 6(b) of the law, which makes representation
dependent upon an unconditional approval for a lawyer to act as defence
counsel, also violates the rights of the detainee disproportionately.
With regard to the appellants’ first argument, no one disputes that the
right of the detainee to be represented by a lawyer constitutes a major
basic right that has been recognized in our legal system since its earliest
days (see in this regard CrimA 5121/98 Yissacharov v. Chief Military
Prosecutor [50], at paragraph 14, and the references cited there). Both
according to the basic principles of Israeli law and the principles of
international law, the rule is that a detainee should be allowed to meet
303
with his lawyer as a part of the right of every human being to personal
liberty (see the remarks of President A. Barak in Marab v. IDF
Commander in Judaea and Samaria [8], at pages 380-381). For this
reason section 6(a) of the law provides that a detainee should be allowed
to meet with his lawyer ‘at the earliest opportunity.’ Notwithstanding, it
should be remembered that like all human rights the right to legal
counsel is also not absolute, and it may be restricted if this is essential for
protecting the security of the state (see HCJ 3412/93 Sufian v. IDF
Commander in Gaza Strip [51], at page 849; HCJ 6302/92 Rumhiah v.
Israel Police [52], at pages 212-213). Section 6(a) of the law therefore
provides that it is possible to postpone the meeting of the detainee with
his lawyer for security reasons, but no more than seven days before he is
brought before a District Court judge under the provisions of section
5(a) of the law. Since under the aforementioned section 5(a) a detainee
should be brought before a District Court judge no later than 14 days
from the date on which the internment order is made, this means that a
meeting between a detainee and his lawyer may not be prevented for
more than seven days from the time the detention order is made against
him.
In view of the security purpose of the Internment of Unlawful
Combatants Law and in view of the fact that the aforesaid law was
intended to apply in prolonged states of hostilities and even in
circumstances where the army is fighting in a territory that is not under
Israeli control, it cannot be said that a maximum period of seven days
during which a meeting of a detainee with a lawyer may be prevented
when security needs so require falls outside the margin of proportionality
(see and cf. Marab v. IDF Commander in Judaea and Samaria [8], where
it was held that ‘As long as the hostilities continue, there is no basis for
allowing a detainee to meet with a lawyer,’ at page 381; see also HCJ
2901/02 Centre for Defence of the Individual v. IDF Commander in West
Bank [53]).
In addition to the aforesaid, two further points should be made: first,
even though the detainee may present his arguments in the course of the
hearing under section 3(c) of the law without consulting a lawyer
previously, section 6(a) of the law provides that the state should allow
the detainee to meet with his defence counsel ‘no later than seven days
before he is brought before a judge of the District Court.’ It follows from
this that as a rule the detainee is represented in the judicial review
proceedings concerning the making of the detention order under the law.
304
I think that this reduces the intensity of the violation of the right to
consult a lawyer as a part of the right to personal liberty. Second, it
should be emphasized that the maximum period of seven days does not
exempt the state from its duty to allow the detainee to meet with his
lawyer at the earliest possible opportunity, in circumstances where
security needs allow this. Therefore the question of the proportionality
of the period during which a meeting between the detainee and his
defence counsel is prevented is a function of the circumstances of each
case on its merits. It should be noted that a similar arrangement exists in
international law, which determines the period of time during which a
meeting with a lawyer may be prevented with regard to all the
circumstances of the case, without stipulating maximum times for
preventing the meeting (see, in this regard, Marab v. IDF Commander in
Judaea and Samaria [8], at page 381).
45. The appellants’ second argument concerning section 6(b) of the
law should also be rejected. Making representation dependent upon an
unconditional approval of the lawyer to act as defence counsel under the
provisions of section 318(c) of the Military Jurisdiction Law, 5715-1955,
is required for security reasons in view of the security sensitivity of
administrative detention proceedings. The appellants did not argue that
the need for an unconditional approval as aforesaid affected the quality
of the representation that they received, and in any case they did not
point to any real violation of their rights in this regard. Consequently the
appellants’ arguments against the proportionality of the arrangement
provided in section 6 of the law should be rejected.
(6) The length of the detention under the law
46. From the provisions of sections 3, 7 and 8 of the Internment of
Unlawful Combatants Law it can be seen that a detention order under
the law need not include a defined date for the end of the detention. The
law itself does not provide a maximum period of time for the detention
imposed thereunder, apart from the determination that the detention
should not continue after the hostilities of the force to which the
detainee belongs against the State of Israel ‘have ended’ (see sections 7
and 8 of the law). According to the appellants, this is an improper
detention without any time limit, which disproportionately violates the
constitutional right to personal liberty. In reply, the state argues that the
length of the detention is not ‘unlimited,’ but depends on the duration of
305
the hostilities being carried out against the security of the State of Israel
by the force to which the detainee belongs.
It should immediately be said that making a detention order that does
not include a specific time limit for its termination does indeed raise a
significant difficulty, especially in the circumstances that we are
addressing, where the ‘hostilities’ of the various terrorist organizations,
including the Hezbollah organization which is relevant to the appellants’
cases, have continued for many years, and naturally it is impossible to
know when they will end. In this reality, detainees under the Internment
of Unlawful Combatants Law may remain in detention for prolonged
periods of time. Notwithstanding, as we shall explain immediately, the
purpose of the law and the special circumstances in which it was
intended to apply, lead to the conclusion that the fundamental
arrangement that allows detention orders to be made without a defined
date for their termination does not depart from the margin of
proportionality, especially in view of the judicial review arrangements
that are provided in the law.
As we have said, the purpose of the Internment of Unlawful
Combatants Law is to prevent ‘unlawful combatants’ as defined in
section 2 of the law from returning to the cycle of hostilities, as long as
the hostilities are continuing and threatening the security of the citizens
and residents of the State of Israel. For similar reasons the Third Geneva
Convention allows prisoners of war to be interned until the hostilities
have ended, in order to prevent them returning to the cycle of hostilities
as long as the fighting continues. Even where we are concerned with
civilians who are detained during an armed conflict, international
humanitarian law provides that the rule is that they should be released
from detention immediately after the specific ground for the detention
has elapsed and no later than the date when the hostilities end (see J.
Henckaerts and L. Doswald-Beck, Customary International Humanitarian
Law (vol. 1, 2005), at page 451; also see and cf. Hamdi v. Rumsfeld [55],
at pages 518-519, where the United States Supreme Court held that the
detention of members of forces hostile to the United States and
operating against it in Afghanistan until the end of the specific dispute
that led to their arrest is consistent with basic and fundamental principles
of the laws of war).
In view of the aforesaid, we are drawn to the conclusion that the
fundamental arrangement that allows a detention order to be made
306
under the law without a defined termination date, except for the
determination that the detention will not continue after the hostilities
against the State of Israel have ended, does not depart from the margin
of constitutional appreciation. Notwithstanding, it should be emphasized
that the question of the proportionality of the duration of detention
under the law should be examine in each case on its merits and according
to its specific circumstances. As we have said, the Internment of
Unlawful Combatants Law provides a duty to hold a periodic judicial
review once every six months. The purpose of the judicial review is to
examine whether the threat presented by the detainee to the security of
the state justifies the continuation of the detention, or whether the
internment order should be cancelled in circumstances where the release
of the detainee will not harm the security of the state or where there are
special reasons justifying the release (see section 5(c) of the law). When
examining the need to extend the detention, the court should take into
account inter alia the period of time that has passed since the order was
made. What was held in A v. Minister of Defence [1] concerning detention
under the Emergency Powers (Detentions) Law, per President A. Barak,
is also true in our case:
‘Administrative detention cannot continue indefinitely. The
longer the period of detention has lasted, the more
significant the reasons that are required to justify a further
extension of detention. With the passage of time the
measure of administrative detention becomes burdensome
to such an extent that it ceases to be proportionate’ (ibid., at
page 744).
Similarly it was held in A v. IDF Commander [16] with regard to
administrative detention under the security legislation in the territories
that:
‘… The duration of the detention is a function of the threat.
This threat is examined in accordance with the
circumstances. It depends upon the level of risk that the
evidence attributes to the administrative detainee. It
depends upon the credibility of the evidence itself and how
up to date it is. The longer the duration of the administrative
detention, the greater the burden imposed on the military
commander to show the threat presented by the
307
administrative detainee’ (ibid., at paragraph 7 of the

judgment).
Indeed, unlike in the arrangements provided in the Emergency
Powers (Detentions) Law, a court that is trying a case under the
Internment of Unlawful Combatants Law does not exercise judicial
review with regard to the duration of the detention order but examines
the question whether there is a justification for cancelling an existing
order, for the reasons listed in section 5(c) of the law. Notwithstanding,
even a detention order under the Internment of Unlawful Combatants
Law cannot continue indefinitely. The period of time that has elapsed
since the order was made constitutes a relevant and important
consideration in the periodic judicial review for determining whether the
continuation of the detention is necessary. In the words of Justice A.
Procaccia in a similar context:
‘… The longer the period of the administrative detention,
the greater the weight of the detainee’s right to his personal
liberty in its balance against considerations of public interest,
and therefore the greater the burden placed upon the
competent authority to show that it is necessary to continue
holding the person concerned in detention. For this purpose,
new evidence relating to the detainee’s case may be
required, and it is possible that the original evidence that led
to his original detention will be insufficient’ (Kadri v. IDF
Commander in Judaea and Samaria [47], at paragraph 6).
In view of all of the aforesaid, a court that exercises judicial review of
detention under the Internment of Unlawful Combatants Law may
restrict and shorten the period of detention in view of the nature and
weight of the evidence brought before it with regard to the security
threat presented by the detainee as an ‘unlawful combatant’ and in view
of the time that has passed since the detention order was made. By
means of judicial review it is possible to ensure that the absence of a
specific date on which the detention order under the law ends will not
violate the right to personal liberty excessively and that detainees under
the law will not be held in detention for a period greater than what is
required by significant security considerations.
308
(7) The possibility of conducting criminal proceedings in addition to a

detention proceeding under the law
47. Section 9 of the law, which is entitled ‘Criminal proceedings,’
provides the following:
‘Criminal 9. (a) It is permitted to conduct a criminal
proceedings proceeding against an unlawful
combatant under any law.
(b) The chief of staff may make an order for
the detention of an unlawful combatant
under section 3, even if a criminal
proceeding is being conducted against
him under any law.’
According to the appellants, the aforesaid section 9 violates the right
to personal liberty disproportionately since it makes it possible to detain
someone under the Internment of Unlawful Combatants Law even
though there are already criminal proceedings against him, and vice
versa. The argument is that by conducting both sets of proceedings it is
possible to continue to inter a person even after he has finished serving
the sentence handed down to him in the criminal proceeding in a manner
that it is argued amounts to cruel punishment. In reply the state said that
this is a proper and proportionate arrangement in view of the fact that it
is intended to apply in circumstances where a person will shortly finish
serving his criminal sentence and hostilities are still continuing between
the organization of which he is a member and the State of Israel, so that
his release may harm state security.
With regard to these arguments we should reiterate what we said
earlier in our remarks (at paragraph 33 above), that bringing someone to
a criminal trial is different in its nature and purpose to the measure of
administrative detention. In general it is desirable and even preferable to
make use of criminal proceedings where this is possible. The use of the
extreme measure of administrative detention is justified in circumstances
where other measures, including the holding of a criminal trial, are not
possible, because of a lack of sufficient admissible evidence or because it
is impossible to disclose privileged sources. Notwithstanding, the reality
of prolonged terrorist operations is complex. There may be cases in
which a person is detained under the Internment of Unlawful
Combatants Law and only at a later stage evidence is discovered that
makes it possible to bring him to a criminal trial. There may be other
309
cases in which a person was brought to a criminal trial and was convicted
and served his sentence, but this does not provide a satisfactory solution
to preventing the threat that he presents to state security in
circumstances where after serving the sentence he may once again
become a security threat. Since bringing someone to a criminal trial and
administrative detention are proceedings that are different from one
another in their character and purpose, one cannot rule out the other,
even though in my opinion substantial and particularly weighty security
considerations are required to justify the use of both types of proceeding
with regard to the same person. In any case, the fundamental
arrangement that allows criminal proceedings to be conducted alongside
detention proceedings under the law does not, in itself, create a
disproportionate violation of the right to liberty of the kind that requires
our intervention.
Interim summary
48. Our discussion hitherto with regard to the requirement of
proportionality has led to the following conclusions: first, the measure
chosen by the legislator, namely administrative detention that prevents
the ‘unlawful combatant’ returning to the cycle of hostilities against the
State of Israel, realizes the legislative purpose and therefore satisfies the
requirement of a rational connection between the legislative measure
and the purpose that the law is supposed to realize. Second, the measures
indicated by the appellants in their arguments before us, namely
recognizing them as prisoners of war, bringing them to a criminal trial or
detaining them under the Emergency Powers (Detentions) Law, do not
realize the purpose of the Internment of Unlawful Combatants Law and
therefore they cannot constitute a fitting alternative measure to
detention in accordance with the law under discussion. Third, the specific
arrangements provided in the law do not, in themselves and irrespective
of the manner in which they are implemented, violate the right to
personal liberty excessively, and they fall within the margin of
constitutional appreciation given to the legislature. In view of all this, the
question that remains to be examined is whether the combination of the
arrangements provided in the law satisfies the test of proportionality in
the narrow sense. In other words, is the violation of the right to personal
liberty reasonably commensurate with the public benefit that arises from
it in achieving the legislative purpose? Let us now turn to examine this
question.
310
Proportionality in the narrow sense — is the violation of the

constitutional right reasonably commensurate with the public benefit arising
from it
49. The Internment of Unlawful Combatants Law was enacted against
a background of a harsh reality. The citizens and residents of the State of
Israel have been threatened unceasingly by murderous terrorism that has
attacked them indiscriminately for many years. In view of this, we held
that the law’s security purpose — removing ‘unlawful combatants’ from
the terrorist organizations’ cycle of hostilities against the State of
Israel — constitutes a proper purpose that is based on a public need of a
kind that is capable of justifying a significant violation of the right to
personal liberty. In view of all this, we were of the opinion that we should
recognize that the legislature has a relatively broad margin of
appreciation in order to choose the proper measure for realizing the
legislative purpose (see paragraph 31 above).
As we have said, the measure that the legislature chose in order to
realize the purpose of the Internment of Unlawful Combatants Law is
administrative detention in accordance with the arrangements that are
provided in the law. There is no doubt that this is a harmful measure that
should be employed as little as possible. Notwithstanding, a look at the
total combination of the aforesaid arrangements, in view of the
interpretation that we have discussed above, leads to the conclusion that
according to constitutional criteria the violation of the constitutional
right is reasonably commensurate with the social benefit that arises from
the realization of the legislative purpose. This conclusion is based on the
following considerations taken together:
First, for the reasons that we discussed at the beginning of our
deliberations (paragraph 11 above), the scope of application of the law is
relatively limited: the law does not apply to citizens and residents of the
State of Israel but only to foreign parties who endanger the security of
the state (see paragraph 11 above).
Second, the interpretation of the definition of ‘unlawful combatant’ in
section 2 of the law is subject to constitutional principles and
international humanitarian law that require proof of an individual threat
as a basis for administrative detention. Consequently, for the purpose of
detention under the Internment of Unlawful Combatants Law the state
is required to prove with administrative evidence that the detainee
directly or indirectly played a real part — which is not negligible or
311
marginal — in the hostilities against the State of Israel; or that the

detainee belonged to an organization that is carrying out hostilities, in
view of his connection and the extent of the detainee’s contribution to
the organization’s cycle of hostilities in the broad sense of this concept.
In our remarks above we said that proving the conditions of the
definition of ‘unlawful combatant’ in the aforesaid sense includes proof
of a personal threat that arises from the manner in which the detainee
was involved in the terrorist organization. We also said that the state has
declared before us that until now it has taken pains to prove the personal
threat of all of the detainees under the law specifically, and it has
refrained from relying on the probative presumptions provided in
sections 7 and 8 of the law. In view of this, we saw no reason to decide
the question of the constitutionality of those presumptions (see
paragraphs 24 and 25 above).
Third, we held that in view of the fact that administrative detention is
an unusual and extreme measure, and in view of its significant violation
of the constitutional right to personal liberty, the state is required to
prove, with clear and convincing evidence, that the conditions of the
definition of ‘unlawful combatant’ are satisfied and that the continuation
of the detention is essential. This needs to be done in both the initial and
the periodic judicial reviews. In this context we held that importance
should be attached both to the quantity and the quality of the evidence
against the detainee and to the extent that the relevant intelligence
information against him is up to date (see paragraphs 22 and 23 above).
Fourth, we saw fit to attribute significant weight to the fact that
detention orders under the Internment of Unlawful Combatants Law are
subject to an initial and periodic judicial reviews before a District Court
judge, whose decisions may be appealed to the Supreme Court, which
will hear the case with one judge. Within the framework of the aforesaid
proceedings, the judge is required to consider the question of the validity
and credibility of the administrative evidence that is brought before him
and to assess its weight. In view of the reliance upon administrative
evidence and the fact that privileged evidence is admitted ex parte, we
held that the judge should act with caution and great care when
examining the material brought before him. We also held that a court
that exercises judicial review of detention under the law may restrict and
shorten the period of detention in view of the nature and weight of the
evidence brought before him with regard to the security threat presented
by the detainee as an ‘unlawful combatant,’ and in view of the time that
312
has passed since the detention order was made. For this reason we said
that it is possible, by means of the judicial review, to ensure that the lack
of a specific date for the termination of the detention order under the
law does not excessively violate the right to personal liberty, and that
detainees under the law will not be held in detention for a longer period
than what is required by significant security considerations (paragraph 46
above).
Finally, although the arrangements that were provided in the law for
the purpose of exercising the power of detention therein are not the only
possible ones, we reached the conclusion that the statutory arrangements
that we considered do not depart from the margin of proportionality to
an extent that required our intervention. In our remarks above we
emphasized that the periods of time that were determined in the law
with regard to holding an initial judicial review after the detention order
has been made, and with regard to preventing a meeting between the
detainee and his lawyer, constitute maximum periods that do not exempt
the state from the duty to make an effort to shorten these periods in each
case on its merits, in so far as this is possible in view of the security
constraints and all of the circumstances of the case. We also held that
detention under the Internment of Unlawful Combatants Law cannot
continue indefinitely, and that the question of the proportionality of the
duration of the detention must also be examined in each case on its
merits according to the specific circumstances.
In view of all of the aforesaid considerations, and in view of the
existence of a relatively broad margin of constitutional appreciation in
view of the essential purpose of the law as explained above, our
conclusion is that the Internment of Unlawful Combatants Law satisfies
the third subtest of the requirement of proportionality, namely that the
violation of the constitutional right to personal liberty is reasonably
commensurate with the benefit accruing to the public from the aforesaid
legislation. This conclusion of ours is based on the fact that according to
the interpretation that we discussed above, the law does not allow the
detention of innocent persons who have no real connection with the
cycle of hostilities of the terror organizations, and it provides
mechanisms whose purpose is to reduce the violation of the detainees’
rights, including a ground for detention that is based on a threat to state
security and the holding of a hearing and initial and periodic judicial
reviews of detention under the law.
313
Therefore, for all the reasons that we have mentioned above, it is

possible to determine that the violation of the constitutional right to
personal liberty caused by the law, although it is a significant and severe
violation, is not excessive. Our conclusion is therefore that the
Internment of Unlawful Combatants Law satisfies the conditions of the
limitations clause and there is no constitutional ground for our
intervention.
50. As we said at the outset, the appellants, who are inhabitants of the
Gaza Strip, were originally detained in the years 2002-2003, when the
Gaza Strip was subject to a belligerent occupation. At that time, the
administrative detention of the appellants was effected by virtue of the
security legislation that was in force in the Gaza Strip. Following the end
of military rule in the Gaza Strip in September 2005 and the cancellation
of the security legislation in force there, on 20 September 2005 the chief
of staff issued detention orders for the appellants under the Internment
of Unlawful Combatants Law.
On 22 September 2005 the Tel-Aviv-Jaffa District Court began the
initial judicial review of the appellants’ case. From then until now the
District Court has held four periodic judicial reviews of the appellants’
continuing detention. The appeal against the decision of the District
Court not to order the release of the appellants within the framework of
the initial judicial review was denied by this court on 14 March 2006
(Justice E. Rubinstein in CrimA 1221/06 Iyyad v. State of Israel [54]).
Before us are the appeals on three additional periodic decisions of the
District Court not to order the cancellation of the appellants’ detention
orders.
51. In their pleadings before us, the appellants raised two main
arguments with regard to their specific cases: first, it was argued that
according to the provisions of the Fourth Geneva Convention, Israel
should have released the appellants when the military rule in the Gaza
Strip ended, since they were inhabitants of an occupied territory that was
liberated. Second, it was argued that even if the Internment of Unlawful
Combatants Law is constitutional, no ground of detention thereunder
has been proved with regard to the appellants. According to this
argument, it was not proved that the appellants are members of the
Hezbollah organization nor has it been proved that their release would
harm state security.
314
52. We cannot accept the appellants’ first argument. The end of

military rule in the Gaza Strip did not oblige Israel to release
automatically all the detainees held by it who are inhabitants of the Gaza
Strip, as long as the personal threat that the detainees represented
continued against the background of the continued hostilities against the
State of Israel. This conclusion is clearly implied by the arrangements set
out in articles 132-133 of the Fourth Geneva Convention. Section 132 of
the aforesaid convention provides the general principle that the date for
the release of detainees is when the grounds of detention that originally
led to their detention no longer exist. The first part of article 133 of the
convention, which relates to a specific case that is included within the
scope of the aforesaid general principle, goes on to provide that the
detention will end as soon as possible after the hostilities have ended.
Article 134 of the convention, which concerns the question of the place
where the detainees should be released, also relates to the date on which
hostilities end as the date on which detainees should be released from
detention. Unfortunately, the hostilities of the terrorist organizations
against the State of Israel have not yet ended, and they lead almost on a
daily basis to physical injuries and mortalities. In such circumstances, the
laws of armed conflict continue to apply. Consequently it cannot be said
that international law requires Israel to release the detainees that were
held by it when the military rule in the Gaza Strip came to an end, when
it is possible to prove the continued individual threat presented by the
detainees against the background of the continued hostilities against the
security of the state.
53. With regard to the specific internment orders against the
appellants under the Internment of Unlawful Combatants Law, the
District Court heard the testimonies of experts on behalf of the security
establishment and studied the evidence brought before it. We have also
studied the material that was brought before us during the hearing of the
appeal. The material shows clearly the close links of the appellants to the
Hezbollah organization and their role in the organization’s ranks,
including involvement in hostilities against Israeli civilian targets. In view
of this, we have been persuaded that the individual threat of the
appellants to state security has been proved, even without resorting to
the probative presumption provided in section 7 of the law (see and cf.
the remarks of Justice E. Rubinstein in Iyyad v. State of Israel, at
paragraph 8(k) of his opinion). In view of the aforesaid, we cannot
accept the appellants’ claim that the change in the form of their
315
detention — from detention by virtue of an order of the IDF

Commander in the Gaza Strip to internment orders under the law — was
done arbitrarily and without any real basis in evidence. As we have said,
the change in the form of detention was required by the end of the
military rule in the Gaza Strip, and that was why it was done when it was
done. The choice of internment under the Internment of Unlawful
Combatants Law as opposed to detention under the Emergency Powers
(Detentions) Law was made, as we explained above, because of the
purpose of the law under discussion and because it is appropriate to the
circumstances of the appellants’ cases.
The appellants further argued that their release does not represent
any threat to state security since their family members who were involved
in terrorist activities have been arrested or killed by the security forces in
such a way that the terrorist infrastructure that existed before they were
detained no longer exists. They also argued that the passage of time since
the appellants were arrested reduces the risk that they represent. With
regard to these arguments it should be said that after we examined the
material brought before us, we have been persuaded that the arrest or
death of some of the appellants’ family members in itself does not
remove the security threat that would be presented by the appellants,
were they released from detention. We were also persuaded that, in the
circumstances of the case, the time that has passed since the appellants
were first detained has not reduced the threat that they present. In its
decision in the third periodic review, the trial court addressed this issue
as follows:
‘The total period of the detention is not short. But this is
countered by the threat anticipated to state security, if the
internees are released. As we have said, a proper balance
should be struck between the two. The experts are once
again adamant in their opinion that there is a strong
likelihood that the two internees will return to their terrorist
activity if they are released. In such circumstances, the
operational abilities of the Hezbollah infrastructure in the
Gaza Strip and outside it will be improved and the threats to
the security of the state and its citizens will be increased. The
current situation in the Gaza Strip is of great importance to
our case. The fact that the Hamas organization has taken
control of the Gaza Strip and other recent events increase
316
the risks and, what is more, the difficulty of contending with

them…
It would therefore be a serious and irresponsible act to
release these two persons, especially at this time, when their
return to terrorism can be anticipated and will increase the
activity in this field…
I cannot say, therefore, that the passage of time has reduced
the threat presented by the two internees who are senior
figures in the terrorist infrastructure, despite the differences
between them. The passage of time has also not reduced the
threat that they represent to an extent that will allow their
release.’
In its decision in the fourth periodic review the trial court also
emphasized the great threat presented by the two appellants, and said
that:
‘The privileged evidence brought before me shows that the
return of the two to the field is likely to act as a springboard
for serious attacks and acts of terror. In other words,
according to the evidence brought before me, the
respondents are very dangerous. In my opinion it is not at all
possible to order their release. This conclusion does not
ignore the long years that the two of them have been held
behind prison walls. The long period of time has not reduced
the threat that they represent’ (at page 6 of the court’s
decision of 20 March 2008).
In view of all of the aforesaid reasons, and after we have studied the
material that was brought before us and have been persuaded that there
is sufficient evidence to show the individual security threat represented
by the appellants, we have reached the conclusion that the trial court was
justified when it refused to cancel the internment orders in their cases. It
should be pointed out that there is naturally increasing significance to
the passage of time when we are dealing with administrative detention.
Notwithstanding, at the present time we have found no reason to
intervene in the decision of the trial court.
In view of the result that we have reached, we are not required to
examine the appellants’ argument against the additional reasoning that
the trial court included in its decision, with regard to the fact that the
evidence was strengthened by the silence of the first appellant in the
317
judicial review proceeding that took place in his case, a proceeding that
was based, inter alia, on privileged evidence that was not shown to the
detainee and his counsel. The question of the probative significance of a
detainee’s silence in judicial review proceedings under the Internment of
Unlawful Combatants Law does not require a decision in the
circumstances of the case before us and we see no reason to express a
position on this matter.
Therefore, for all of the reasons set out above, we have reached the
conclusion that the appeals should be denied.
Justice E.E. Levy

I agree with the comprehensive opinion of my colleague, the
president.
It is in the nature of things that differences may arise between the
rules of international humanitarian law, and especially those in writing,
and the language of Israeli security legislation, if only because those
conventions that regulate the conduct of players on the international
stage were formulated in a very different reality, and their drafters did
not know of entities such as the Hezbollah organization and the like.
Therefore in so far as it is possible to do so by means of legal
interpretation, the court will try to narrow these differences in a way that
realizes both the principles of international law and the purpose of
internal legislation. In this regard I will say I would have preferred to
refrain from arriving at any conclusions, even in passing, with regard to
the provisions of sections 7 and 8 of the Internment of Unlawful
Combatants Law, 5762-2002. These provisions are a central part of this
law, as enacted by the Knesset. In so far as there are differences between
them and the provisions of international law, as argued by the appellants
and implied by the state’s declarations with regard to the manner in
which it conducts itself de facto, it would be preferable if the legislature
took the initiative and addressed the matter.
I agree with the profound opinion of my colleague, President
Beinisch.
318
Appeals denied.
8 Sivan 5768.
11 June 2008.
319
Physicians for Human Rights v. Prime Minister
——————
Synopsis
Since 2000, when the Second Intifadeh broke out, Palestinian terrorist
organizations in the Gaza Strip have fired rockets and mortars into the
State of Israel. In the summer of 2005, Israel withdrew all its forces from
the Gaza Strip and evacuated all the Israeli citizens inhabiting the Gaza
Strip. Regrettably, this led to a surge in the firing of rockets and mortars
from the Gaza Strip into the State of Israel, both in terms of the number of
missiles fired and in terms of the ever-increasing range of the various
missiles.
For years Israel acted with restraint, but during this period the terrorists
acted in order to increase their military capabilities, by smuggling arms
through tunnels under the border with Egypt.
On 19 December 2008, a six-month period of ‘calm’ between Israel and

the Hamas organization, which has effective control over the Gaza Strip,
came to an end. The Hamas organization announced that it had no
intention of extending the ceasefire. In order to stop the firing of missiles
into the State of Israel, on 27 December 2008 the Israel Defence Forces
(IDF) began a large-scale operation (‘Cast Lead’) in the Gaza Strip.
The two petitions in this case were filed by human rights organizations.
One petition claimed that the IDF had carried out attacks on medical
personnel and was not allowing the prompt evacuation of the injured for
medical treatment, contrary to its obligations under international
humanitarian law. The other petition addressed the shortage of fuel in the
Gaza Strip since the ‘Cast Lead’ operation began, and the damage to
electricity lines resulting from the military operations. It was alleged that as
a result hospitals and the main sewage plant in the Gaza Strip were
unable to function properly, leading to serious hardship for the civilian
population of the Gaza Strip.
321
The Supreme Court reiterated that the IDF’s combat operations are
governed by international humanitarian law, which requires ‘protected
civilians’ to be treated humanely and protected against acts of violence.
Medical facilities and personnel may not be attacked, unless they are
exploited for military purposes. The IDF is obliged to allow the evacuation
and treatment of the wounded and to permit the entry of convoys of
humanitarian relief into the Gaza Strip.
The respondents did not dispute their duties under international

humanitarian law and they gave detailed explanations of all the measures
that had been and were being taken in order to discharge these duties
and to minimize civilian casualties. They gave details of the steps taken to
repair the damage to infrastructure in Gaza and to allow the evacuation of
the injured.
In view of the establishment and enhancement of the humanitarian

mechanisms; in view of the statement made to us that a serious effort will
be made to improve the evacuation and treatment of the wounded; in
view of the setting up of a clinic in the vicinity of the Erez crossing; in
view of the steps that have been taken in order to repair the faults in the
electricity network in the Gaza Strip; and in view of the efforts that have
been made to facilitate the entry into the Gaza Strip of industrial diesel oil
for operating the local power station in Gaza, as well as additional
humanitarian requirements; the court found no further reason to grant
relief in the form of an order nisi at this time.
322
HCJ 201/09
Physicians for Human Rights
and others
v.
Prime Minister of Israel
and others
HCJ 248/09
Gisha Legal Centre for Freedom of Movement
and others
v.
Minister of Defence

[19 January 2009]
Before President D. Beinisch and Justices A. Grunis, E. Rubinstein
Facts: Following years during which rockets were fired at Israel from the Gaza
Strip, on 27 December 2008 the IDF began a large-scale military operation in
the Gaza Strip. The petition in HCJ 201/09 concerns delays in evacuating the
wounded to hospitals in the Gaza Strip, and claims that ambulances and medical
personnel are being attacked by the IDF. The petition in HCJ 248/09 addresses
the shortage of electricity in the Gaza Strip, which prevents hospitals, clinics, the
water system and the sewage system from functioning properly. According to the
petitioners, this is a result of disruptions caused by the IDF.
Held: The IDF’s combat operations are governed by international humanitarian

law. This requires ‘protected civilians’ to be treated humanely and protected
against acts of violence; medical facilities and personnel may not be attacked,
unless exploited for military purposes; the evacuation and treatment of the
wounded and convoys of humanitarian relief should be allowed. The
respondents do not dispute their duties under international humanitarian law
and they gave detailed explanations of all the measures that have been and are
being carried out in order to discharge these duties. In such circumstances, the
court found no basis for granting relief.
323
Petition denied.

[1] HCJ 4764/04 Physicians for Human Rights v. IDF Commander in Gaza
[2004] IsrSC 58(5) 385; [2004] IsrLR 200.
[2002-3] IsrLR 47.
[3] HCJ 3114/02 Barakeh v. Minister of Defence [2002] IsrSC 56(3) 11; [2002-
3] IsrLR 39.
[4] HCJ 769/02 Public Committee against Torture v. Government [2006] (2)
IsrLR 459.
Bank [2002] IsrSC 53(3) 26.
West Bank [2003] IsrSC 57(1) 385; [2002 3] IsrLR 123.
[8] HCJ 5591/02 Yassin v. Commander of Ketziot Military Camp [2003] IsrSC
57(1) 403.
IsrSC 57(2) 349; [2002-3] IsrLR 173.
IsrSC 58(5) 807; [2004] IsrLR 264.
reported).
[13] HCJ 102/82 Tzemel v. Minister of Defence [1983] IsrSC 37(3) 365.
[14] HCJ 69/81 Abu Ita v. IDF Commander in Judaea and Samaria [1983]
IsrSC 37(2) 197.
[15] HCJ 9132/07 Al-Bassiouni v. Prime Minister [2006-9] IsrSR 215.
352; [2002-3] IsrLR 83.
[17] CrimA 6659/06 A v. State of Israel [2006-9] IsrSR 230.
Samaria [1983] IsrSC 37(4) 785.
Bank [2002] IsrSC 56(3) 3; [2002-3] IsrLR 35.
324
Jewish law sources cited:

[20] Jerusalem Talmud, Sanhedrin 4, 9.
[21] Tosefta, Shabbat 16, 14.
For the petitioners — T. Feldman, Y. Elam, F. El-Ajou, H. Jabarin.

For the respondents — A. Helman, A. Segal-Elad, H. Gorni.
JUDGMENT
1. We have before us two petitions filed by human rights
organizations, which concern the humanitarian situation in the Gaza
Strip due to the state of hostilities that prevails there as a result of the
military operation known as ‘Cast Lead.’ The petition in HCJ 201/09
addresses delays in evacuating persons wounded in the Gaza Strip to
hospitals, and claims that ambulances and medical personnel are being
attacked by the Israel Defence Forces (the ‘IDF’). The petition in HCJ
248/09 addresses the shortage of electricity in the Gaza Strip, which
prevents hospitals, clinics, the water system and the sewage system from
functioning properly. According to the petitioner, this is a result of
disruptions caused by the IDF.
Background
2. For approximately eight years the towns near the Gaza Strip have
confronted the threat of missiles and mortars that are fired by members
of the terrorist organizations that operate from within the Gaza Strip
and are directed at the civilian population in the cities and towns of
southern Israel. After the Hamas organization came to power in Gaza,
the terrorist operations became more intense and more numerous. The
scope of the attacks was extended to a large part of Israel; the range of
the missile attacks became greater, causing the deaths of civilians and
disrupting the lives of all the residents of southwest Israel.
For a long time, while Israel acted with restraint and moderation, the
terrorist organizations in the Gaza Strip, led by Hamas, took steps to
increase their abilities, smuggled a huge quantity of weapons and missiles
through hundreds of subterranean tunnels that they dug, improved the
weapons that they used and increased the threat to the inhabitants within
range of the missiles.
325
3. On 27 December 2008 the IDF began a large-scale military

operation that Israel initiated in the Gaza Strip, in order to stop the
shooting of mortars and Qassam and Grad rockets at the Israeli towns in
the south of the country, and to change the security position in the south
of the country that had been brought about by Hamas, the terrorist
organization that controls the Gaza Strip. In the course of this operation,
the Israeli Air Force attacked targets that are used by the Hamas
leadership in the Gaza Strip, and on 3 January 2009 tanks, infantry and
engineering forces entered the fighting in the Gaza Strip. Intensive
fighting is taking place in the area in difficult conditions. The military
compounds and targets are situated in areas that are inhabited by the
civilian population, and sometimes even in actual homes. Regrettably the
local population is suffering serious and considerable harm.
4. The two petitions were filed on 7 January 2009, and on 9 January
2009 we held an urgent hearing of both of them. During the hearing it
became clear from the state’s response that the IDF had set up a
humanitarian operations room, which was intended to contend with the
coordination difficulties in evacuating the injured, and that operations
were being carried out to restore the electricity infrastructure in the
Gaza Strip. Unfortunately, the hearing on 9 January 2009 was not
attended by any of the army personnel responsible for the humanitarian
situation in the Gaza Strip, in order to clarify the position and the
manner in which the humanitarian mechanisms set up by the state were
operating, and to respond to specific questions. We therefore decided at
the end of the hearing that the state needed to submit a detailed
response with regard to the mechanisms that it had set up and the steps
that it had taken in order to allow the evacuation of the wounded in a
more effective manner. We also found that we required an update with
regard to the operations that were being carried out in order to repair
the electricity lines and the electricity supply to the Gaza Strip. We
therefore ordered counsel for the state to submit a revised detailed
response, supported by an affidavit of a senior officer responsible for the
humanitarian arrangements in the Gaza Strip. On 13 January 2009 the
state filed its detailed response together with the affidavit of the head of
the District Coordination Office for the Gaza Strip, Colonel Moshe
Levy, and on 15 January 2009 we held an additional hearing of the
petition, to which Colonel Levy was summoned. Shortly before the
hearing the petitioners also filed revised statements.
326
The arguments of the petitioner in HCJ 201/09

5. The petitioner claims that since the military operation in the Gaza
Strip began on 27 December 2008, there have been many cases in which
the IDF forces shot at medical personnel while they were carrying out
their duties, despite the fact that the vehicles and uniforms of the
medical personnel bear the distinguishing mark that is recognized and
agreed in the Geneva conventions. It alleges that on 4 January 2009
alone four medical personnel were killed as a result of an IDF strike
while they were carrying out their duties, and it gave details of additional
cases in which medical personnel were injured as a result of IDF attacks.
An additional claim made by the petitioner is that the Palestinian Red
Crescent and the International Red Cross have encountered serious
difficulties in coordinating the evacuation of the injured for medical
treatment, because of the ongoing military operations, the refusal of the
army to allow movement between the north and the south of the Gaza
Strip and coordination difficulties. According to the petitioner, many
hours pass from the time when the coordination request is made until
the time when it is actually carried out. It is alleged that in some cases
the medical personnel waited a whole day for coordination. According to
the petitioner, these attacks on the medical personnel and the evacuation
efforts are contrary to the provisions of customary international
humanitarian law and are also prohibited under the constitution of the
International Criminal Court; they are also contrary to the provisions of
Israeli administrative law, in that they are disproportionate. Finally the
petitioner requested that the court make an interim order that the
respondents should allow and coordinate the evacuation of the injured
members of the Elaidi family, who were injured by shells fired by the
IDF at their home on the night of 3 January 2009 and who have been
trapped in their home since that night because all of the coordination
efforts to evacuate them have been unsuccessful. In the petitioner’s
revised statement, which was only filed on the date of the last hearing,
details were given of additional incidents in which it was alleged that
shots were fired at medical personnel and swift assistance was not given
to families that were injured.
The arguments of the petitioners in HCJ 248/09
6. This petition focuses on the shortage of electricity in the Gaza
Strip; in the petition, the petitioners gave details of the quantities of
electricity and industrial diesel oil that are needed in the Gaza Strip, as
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compared with the quantities that Israel allowed to enter the Gaza Strip
in recent months. It was alleged that since 27 December 2008 the State
of Israel has prevented any entry of industrial diesel oil into the Gaza
Strip, and as a result the power station in the Gaza Strip (which supplies
approximately a third of the amount of electricity needed by the
inhabitants of the Gaza Strip) has been completely shut down since 30
December 2008. It was also alleged in the petition that on 3 January 2009
an IDF attack in the Gaza Strip damaged seven of the twelve electricity
lines that bring electricity from Israel and Egypt into the Gaza Strip. As a
result, it was alleged that the inhabitants, including hospitals, the main
sewage purification plant in the Gaza Strip and other essential facilities,
were deprived of electricity. It was further alleged that it is impossible to
repair the damaged electricity lines because Israel is preventing the
transfer of the necessary spare parts and because of the ongoing
hostilities, which do not allow sufficient time for Palestinian workers to
make the repairs. The petitioners gave details in their petition of the
humanitarian harm to the civilian population that results from the
shortage of electricity: thousands of people do not have access to running
water; sewage has spilled onto the streets as a result of the shortage of
electricity for the sewage pumps and purification facilities, and at the
purification plant in the city of Gaza the spillage has so far reached a
distance of approximately one kilometre from the plant; approximately a
quarter of a million people have had no electricity for more than two
weeks; the hospitals in the Gaza Strip are completely dependent on
generators, which are going to break down entirely because they are
operating round the clock beyond their capacity; the activity of most of
the bakeries in the Gaza Strip has been stopped because of a shortage of
cooking gas and electricity, and this has led to a serious shortage of
bread in the Gaza Strip. In this respect it was alleged in the petition that
since the State of Israel controls the supply of electricity to the Gaza
Strip, especially at the present when the IDF forces control large parts of
the Gaza Strip, the State of Israel has a greater duty to provide the needs
of the civilian population in the Gaza Strip, especially with regard to the
proper functioning of medical facilities, water supply facilities and
sewage facilities.
The respondents’ arguments
7. The respondents’ preliminary response to the two petitions, which
was filed on 8 January 2009, contained legal argument and initial factual
contentions on the merits of the case. In their revised statements that
328
were filed in the court and at the hearings that we held on the petitions,
the respondents gave additional descriptions of the factual position in
the Gaza Strip, in so far as circumstances allowed. Originally they
requested that we dismiss the petitions in limine because they are too
general and because the matters raised in them are not justiciable. They
argued that while the hostilities are taking place, the court cannot
address issues of this kind, if only for the reason that it is not possible to
present the dynamic picture of the battlefield to the court in real time.
Notwithstanding the respondents stated that the IDF is operating in
accordance with international humanitarian law, and it accepts that the
army has duties to respect the humanitarian needs of the civilian
population even during hostilities and that preparations to this effect
should be made in advance, as this court held in HCJ 4764/04 Physicians
for Human Rights v. IDF Commander in Gaza [1], subject to any changes
required by the circumstances. In this context it was alleged that since
the disengagement plan was implemented in September 2005, there is no
longer any state of occupation in the Gaza Strip and the State of Israel
has no control over what is done in it. Therefore there is today no
‘military commander,’ within the meaning of this term under the laws of
occupation, who can operate throughout the Gaza Strip. It was also
argued that since there are no channels of communication between
Israel and the terrorist leadership of the Hamas organization in the Gaza
Strip, it is necessary to make the various humanitarian arrangements
with international organizations and with the Palestinian Civil
Committee, whose offices are in Ramallah.
8. With regard to the various mechanisms that have been established
by the State of Israel for providing humanitarian assistance for the
civilian population in the Gaza Strip, the state set out in its response that
prior to the military operation known as ‘Cast Lead,’ an additional sixty-
six reserve officers and twenty regular officers were assigned to the
District Coordination Office for Gaza, and the District Coordination
Office as a whole was increased to a complement of three hundred staff.
Moreover a set of humanitarian operation rooms was set up, each for a
separate issue: health, international organizations and infrastructures.
The purpose of these is to provide a solution in real time for the
humanitarian problems that arise during the fighting and to strengthen
communications between the operation forces and the coordination
authorities. Each of these war rooms operates twenty-four hours a day,
with on-site professional and legal support. Furthermore, a humanitarian
329
unit was established in each operational division; each of these has five
officers, and their purpose is to coordinate the operations in the field
with the international organizations. It was claimed that the activities are
also coordinated with private organizations that are known to the
District Coordination Office, and also with the doctor in charge at Al-
Shifa Hospital, the Ministry of Health in Ramallah and sometimes also
with individual doctors and ambulance drivers.
9. With regard to the evacuation of the wounded and the
coordination of the movements of medical personnel in the Gaza Strip, it
was argued in the state’s response that the guideline that was given to the
forces operating in the area is to refrain from attacking medical
personnel and ambulances in the course of carrying out their duties,
except in cases where it is clearly known that ambulances are been
exploited for the purpose of fighting the IDF. According to the
respondents, from intelligence information that they have in their
possession it transpires that terrorists are making use of ambulances to
carry out terrorist activity and to transport rockets and ammunition from
one place to another, and in these circumstances even international
humanitarian law provides that these protected institutions lose the
protection that they usually enjoy. Setting up the coordination
mechanism was intended to ensure that humanitarian rescue operations
are carried out. The respondents further argued that they do not have
complete and up-to-date information, but in so far as medical personnel
have been and are being harmed during the fighting, this has not been
done intentionally, but it is a result of the hostilities that have been
taking part in the vicinity. The respondents also pointed out in this
respect that it is well known that IDF forces have also been injured by
mistake as a result of shots fired by other IDF forces. The respondents
gave details of the measures taken before and during the military
operations in order to maintain and improve the coordination of the
evacuation of the wounded. With regard to the application for an interim
order for the immediate evacuation of the members of the Elaidi family,
the respondents said at the hearing of 9 January 2009 that after making
arrangements with the forces in the field and the Palestinians, the
evacuation of the members of the family was completed, with the
exception of two adult women who chose not to be evacuated.
10. With regard to the claims concerning the supply of electricity to
the Gaza Strip during the operation, the respondents said that in view of
the ongoing combat operations in the Gaza Strip it is not possible to
330
ensure there is no damage to the local electricity network. They argued

that although the electricity network in the Gaza Strip was indeed
damaged during the IDF’s combat operations, operations were carried
out all the time to repair the electricity lines that were damaged during
the combat operations. At the last hearing that we held, we were told
that nine of the ten electricity lines that provide electricity from Israel to
the Gaza Strip had been repaired, a fault would be repaired in the other
line and that the state was taking steps to allow optimal supply of
electricity to the Gaza Strip, subject to the security restrictions and
constraints that will be described below.
Judicial review
11. It should be stated at the outset that we do not accept the
preliminary arguments of the state in which we were requested to dismiss
the petitions in limine because they are not justiciable. We have already
held in a series of judgments that the combat operations of the IDF do
not take place in a normative vacuum. There are legal norms in
customary international law, in treaties to which Israel is a party and in
Israeli law, which provide rules and principles that apply in times of war
and which demand that steps are taken to provide humanitarian
assistance and protection for the civilian population (see, for example,
HCJ 3452/02 Almadani v. Minister of Defence [2], at p. 35 {53}; HCJ
3114/02 Barakeh v. Minister of Defence [3], at p. 16 {46}; Physicians for
Human Rights v. IDF Commander in Gaza [1], at pp. 391-393 {205-208}).
In HCJ 769/02 Public Committee against Torture v. Government [4], we
discussed this question at length, and in our decision President A. Barak
said the following:
‘Indeed, in a whole host of judgments the Supreme Court
has considered the rights of the inhabitants of the territories.
Thousands of judgments have been given by the Supreme
Court, which, in the absence of any other competent judicial
instance, has addressed these issues. These issues have
concerned the powers of the army during combat and the
restrictions imposed on it under international humanitarian
law. Thus, for example, we have considered the rights of the
local population to food, medicines and other needs of the
population during the combat activities (Physicians for
Human Rights v. IDF Commander in Gaza [1]); we have
considered the rights of the local population when terrorists
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are arrested (HCJ 3799/02 Adalah Legal Centre for Arab

Minority Rights in Israel v. IDF Central Commander [5]); when
transporting the injured (HCJ 2117/02 Physicians for Human
Rights v. IDF Commander in West Bank [6]; when besieging a
church (Almadani v. Minister of Defence [2]); during arrest
and interrogation (HCJ 3278/02 Centre for Defence of the
Individual v. IDF Commander in West Bank [7]; HCJ 5591/02
Yassin v. Commander of Ketziot Military Camp [8]; HCJ
3239/02 Marab v. IDF Commander in Judaea and Samaria
[9]). More than one hundred petitions have examined the
rights of the local inhabitants under international
humanitarian law as a result of the construction of the
separation fence (see HCJ 2056/04 Beit Sourik Village
Council v. Government of Israel [10]; HCJ 7957/04 Marabeh v.
Prime Minister of Israel [11]; HCJ 5488/04 Al-Ram Local
Council v. Government of Israel [12]). In all of these the
predominant character of the question in dispute was legal.
Admittedly, the legal answer is likely to have political and
military ramifications. But they did not determine the nature
of the question. It is not the results that arise from the
judgment that determine its nature, but the questions that
are considered by it and the way in which they are answered.
These questions have in the past been, and they remain
today, predominantly of a legal nature’ (Public Committee
against Torture v. Government [4], at para. 52).
12. As can be seen from the judgment in Physicians for Human Rights
v. IDF Commander in Gaza [1] and from additional judgments, cases in
which the court examines the legality of military operations while they
are happening are not uncommon occurrences, in view of the reality of
our lives in which we are constantly confronting terrorism that is directed
against the civilian population of Israel, and in view of the need to
respond to it while discharging the duties imposed by law even in times
of combat. Of course, the court does not adopt any position with regard
to the manner in which military operations are conducted or with regard
to the wisdom of the decisions to carry out military operations.
Notwithstanding, it is the role of the court, even in times of combat, to
determine whether within the framework of the combat operations the
obligation to act in accordance with legal guidelines — both within the
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context of Israeli law and within the context of international

humanitarian law — is being upheld.
13. In the present case the petitions were filed while the hostilities
were still taking place in the area, and they request guidelines for the
immediate conduct of the army in humanitarian matters in order to
benefit the civilian population that finds itself at the heart of the
hostilities taking place around it. Our judicial scrutiny is exercised in
such a case while the hostilities are continuing. Naturally this imposes
restrictions upon the court’s ability to exercise its scrutiny and to
ascertain all of the relevant facts at this stage of the hostilities. The
difficulty of obtaining information in real time was discussed in our
judgment in Physicians for Human Rights v. IDF Commander in Gaza [1]
(at para. 8 of the judgment). Indeed, while the hostilities are taking place
it is not always possible to obtain all of the information that is required
for exercising judicial scrutiny, in view of the dynamic changes that are
continually occurring. But the court endeavours to examine the claims in
real time, so that it may grant effective relief or arrive at an agreed
settlement. Thus, for example, I said in this respect in Physicians for
Human Rights v. IDF Commander in Gaza [1] that:
‘… judicial review concerning the fulfilment of humanitarian
obligations during wartime is limited for many reasons. First,
from a practical viewpoint, the urgency with which the court
is required to hold the judicial review process, while dynamic
developments are taking place in the field of battle, makes it
difficult to carry out the process and to make an
investigation of the facts required to authenticate the
contentions of the parties. Unlike the process of judicial
review in regular petitions, where the mechanism of
ascertaining the facts takes place after they have occurred
and the particulars has been clarified, and the factual picture
has been set out before the court, judicial review that seeks
to examine the need for relief when the combat activities are
still in progress requires a judicial proceeding of a special
kind, and the petition before us is a clear example of this.
The petition was heard while the changes and developments
in the field were taking place during the hearing itself. The
parties that presented their arguments before us based their
contentions on continuous reports from the field of battle,
and these reports changed the circumstances and the facts
333
during the hearing of the petition. The factual description of

ascertaining the particulars as aforesaid finds expression in
the opinion of the President. In such circumstances, the
judicial review process is limited and suffers from the lack of
adequate arrangements with which to ascertain the relevant
particulars in order to examine them in real time and to
grant effective relief for them.’
Naturally, where it is not possible to obtain all of the necessary
information in real time, the legality of specific incidents is often
reviewed retrospectively, after all of the necessary information has been
obtained, whereas while the hostilities are taking place, the role of the
court focuses upon exercising scrutiny as to whether the army is
upholding the rules of customary international law, international treaties
and Israeli administrative law during the hostilities.
The normative arrangements
14. The normative arrangements that govern the armed conflict
between the State of Israel and the Hamas organization are complex.
They revolve around the international laws relating to an international
armed conflict. Admittedly, the classification of the armed conflict
between the state of Israel and the Hamas organization as an
international conflict raises several difficulties. But in a host of
judgments we have regarded this conflict as an international conflict.
Thus, for example, we held in the judgment in Public Committee against
Torture v. Government [4], per President Barak:
‘Contending with the risk of terror constitutes a part of
international law that concerns armed conflicts of an
international nature… the premise on which the Supreme
Court has relied for years — and which also was always the
premise of counsel for the state before the Supreme Court
— is that the armed dispute is of an international character.
In this judgment we are continuing with this approach. It
should be noted that even those who think that the armed
dispute between Israel and the terrorist organizations is not
of an international character hold that it is subject to
international humanitarian law or international human
rights law’ (Public Committee against Torture v. Government
[4], at para. 21).
334
In addition to the laws concerning an international armed conflict, the

laws of belligerent occupation may also apply. In HCJ 102/82 Tzemel v.
Minister of Defence [13], this court held that the application of the laws of
occupation in international humanitarian law depends upon the
existence of a potential to exercise administrative powers on the ground
as a result of the entry of military forces, and not necessarily upon the
actual exercising of such power. It was also held that:
‘If the army takes de facto and effective control of a certain
area, the temporary nature of the presence in the area or the
intention to maintain only temporary military control cannot
derogate from the fact that such conditions give rise to the
application of those provisions of the laws of war that
address the consequences that also arise in the belligerent
occupation. Moreover, the application of the third chapter of
the Hague Regulations and the application of the
corresponding provisions in the Fourth Geneva Convention
are not dependent upon the establishment of a special
organizational system that takes the form of military rule.
The duties and powers of the military force that derive from
the effective occupation of a certain territory come into
existence as a result of the military control of the territory,
i.e., even if the military force exercises its control solely
through its ordinary combat units, without setting up and
designating a special military framework for administration
purposes (see HCJ 69/81 Abu Ita v. IDF Commander in
Judaea and Samaria [14])’ (Tzemel v. Minister of Defence [13],
at p. 373).
Recently, in HCJ 9132/07 Al-Bassiouni v. Prime Minister [15], we
discussed the changes in the factual and normative position in the Gaza
Strip after the implementation of the disengagement plan and the
abrogation of Israeli military rule in the Gaza Strip. We held:
‘Since September 2005 Israel no longer has effective control
of what happens in the territory of the Gaza Strip. The
military administration that governed this territory in the
past was abrogated by a decision of the government, and
Israeli soldiers are no longer present in this territory on a
permanent basis, nor do they control what takes place there.
In such circumstances, the State of Israel does not have a
335
general duty to ensure the welfare of the inhabitants of the

Gaza Strip and to maintain public order in the Gaza Strip
under all of the laws of occupation in international law.
Israel also does not have an effective ability in its present
status to impose order and to manage civilian life in the
Gaza Strip. In the circumstances that have been created, the
main obligations imposed on the State of Israel with regard
to the inhabitants of the Gaza Strip derive from the state of
hostilities that prevails between it and the Hamas
organization that rules the Gaza Strip; these obligations
derive also from the degree to which the State of Israel
controls the border crossings between it and the Gaza Strip
and also from the connection that was created between the
State of Israel and the territory of the Gaza Strip after years
of Israeli military rule of the territory, as a result of which for
the time being the Gaza Strip is almost completely
dependent upon the supply of electricity from Israel’ (Al-
Bassiouni v. Prime Minister [15], at para. 12 of the judgment).
The position described in Al-Bassiouni v. Prime Minister [15] as
aforesaid is also dynamic and variable, and currently it is not yet possible
to draw conclusions with regard to the factual position in the territory of
the Gaza Strip and the scope of control that the IDF has in the new
situation that has arisen. Notwithstanding, there is no need to decide this
question now, since the state in any case agrees that the humanitarian
laws that are relevant to the petitions apply.
15. According to the aforesaid, the normative arrangements that
govern the State of Israel when it conducts combat operations in the
Gaza Strip derive from several legal sources. These legal sources include
international humanitarian law, which is enshrined mainly in the Fourth
Hague Convention Respecting the Laws and Customs of War on Land,
1907, and the regulations annexed thereto, whose provisions have the
status of customary international law; the Fourth Geneva Convention
Relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War, 1949,
whose customary provisions constitute a part of the law of the State of
Israel and have required interpretation by this court in several judgments
(HCJ 7015/02 Ajuri v. IDF Commander in West Bank [16], at p. 364 {95-
96}; Marab v. IDF Commander in Judaea and Samaria [9]; Marabeh v.
Prime Minister of Israel [11], at para. 14 of the judgment); and the first
Protocol Additional to the Geneva Conventions of 12 August 1949
336
Relating to the Protection of Victims of International Armed Conflicts

(Protocol I), 1977 (hereafter — ‘the First Protocol’), to which Israel is
not a party, but whose customary provisions also constitute a part of
Israeli law (see Public Committee against Torture v. Government [4], at
para. 20; CrimA 6659/06 Iyad v. State of Israel [17], at para. 9). In
addition to international law, the fundamental rules of Israeli public law
also apply (see HCJ 393/82 Jamait Askan Almalmoun Altaounia
Almahdouda Almasaoulia Cooperative Society v. IDF Commander in
Judaea and Samaria [18], at p. 810; Ajuri v. IDF Commander in West Bank
[16], at p. 365 {96}; Marabeh v. Prime Minister of Israel [11], at para. 14 of
the judgment; Public Committee against Torture v. Government [4], at
para. 18). According to the rules of Israeli public law, the army is liable
to act, inter alia, fairly, reasonably and proportionately, while properly
balancing the liberty of the individual against the needs of the public and
while taking into account security considerations and the nature of the
hostilities occurring in the area (see Physicians for Human Rights v. IDF
Commander in Gaza [1], at para. 10).
16. The fundamental provision of international humanitarian law that
applies while conducting hostilities (both in a territory subject to a
belligerent occupation and in the territory of the parties to the conflict)
is enshrined in art. 27 of the Fourth Geneva Convention, which provides
that protected civilians — whether they are located in a territory that is
subject to a belligerent occupation or a territory that is under the
sovereignty of the parties to the conflict — are entitled in all
circumstances, inter alia, to be humanely treated and to be protected
against all acts of violence or threats thereof (see also art. 46 of the
Hague Regulations). Notwithstanding, these basic obligations to the
civilian population are not absolute, but they should be balanced against
security considerations and the measures that need to be taken as a
result of the hostilities. Alongside this general and basic provision,
international humanitarian law contains additional specific obligations
that relate directly to the matters raised in the petitions.
17. Before we turn to the specific laws that govern the matters raised
in the petitions, we should point out that de facto there is no dispute
between the parties with regard to the binding legal arrangements.
Everyone agrees that the rules of customary international law — which
grant protection to medical personnel and institutions, demand that the
wounded should be allowed to be evacuated from the site of the
hostilities and require the civilian population to be protected and its
337
basic rights to be upheld — apply to the combat operations that are

being carried out in the ‘Cast Lead’ operation and bind the actions of the
IDF.
The prohibition of intentionally harming medical personnel
18. The provisions of international humanitarian law grant protection
to medical facilities and personnel from being attacked. Thus art. 18 of
the Fourth Geneva Convention provides protection for hospitals; arts.
24-25 of the First Geneva Convention for the Amelioration of the
Condition of the Wounded and Sick in Armed Forces in the Field, 1949,
prohibit any attack upon medical personnel, if they are exclusively or
currently engaged in medical activities; art. 26 of the Fourth Geneva
Convention extends this protection to members of the Red Cross or
other international organizations that fulfil similar functions (see also
art. 20 of the Fourth Geneva Convention). A detailed definition of what
constitutes protected medical personnel is laid down in art. 8(c) of the
First Protocol, and detailed provisions with regard to the protections that
are given to medical personnel are laid down in arts. 12-16 of the First
Protocol.
19. It is clear from these provisions that international humanitarian
law attaches great importance to medical personnel and facilities.
Notwithstanding, this protection is not absolute, and it will be lost if use
is made of medical facilities for non-humanitarian purposes, or if they
are exploited for military purposes. In accordance with this principle, the
medical personnel are only entitled to full protection when they are
exclusively engaged in the search for, or the collection, transport or
treatment of the wounded or sick, and similar matters (arts. 24-26 of the
First Geneva Convention), whereas the protection of medical facilities
will cease if they are used ‘to commit, outside their humanitarian duties,
acts harmful to the enemy’ (art. 21 of the First Geneva Convention; art.
19 of the Fourth Geneva Convention). In this regard, the Supreme Court
emphasized in Physicians for Human Rights v. IDF Commander in West
Bank [6], at p. 29, that the abuse that is sometimes made of medical
personnel, hospitals and ambulances requires the IDF to act in order to
prevent such activity, but it does not in itself permit a sweeping violation
of the principles of humanitarian law, and that ‘this position is required
not only by international law, on which the petitioners rely, but also by
the values of the State of Israel as a Jewish and democratic state.’
338
The duty to allow the evacuation and medical treatment of the wounded
20. In addition to the protections given by international humanitarian
law to medical personnel and facilities, there are provisions that require
the parties to allow the evacuation and medical treatment of the
wounded. In this respect, art. 16 of the Fourth Geneva Convention
provides a special protection for the sick and wounded, and it requires
the parties to the conflict to allow and facilitate searches for and
assistance of the wounded and to protect them from improper treatment,
in so far as military considerations allow:
‘The wounded and sick, as well as the infirm, and expectant
mothers, shall be the object of particular protection and
respect.
As far as military considerations allow, each Party to the
conflict shall facilitate the steps taken to search for the killed
and wounded...’
(Emphasis supplied).
In addition, art. 15 of the First Protocol provides that medical
personnel should be allowed access to every site where they are needed,
subject to supervision and security measures that are essential to the
relevant party. In Physicians for Human Rights v. IDF Commander in
Gaza [1] the court held in this regard that:
‘The army must do everything possible, subject to the state
of the fighting, to allow the evacuation of local inhabitants
that were wounded in the fighting’ (ibid. [1], at para. 23).
(See also HCJ 2936/02 Physicians for Human Rights v. IDF
Commander in West Bank [19], at pp. 4-5 {37}; Physicians for Human
Rights v. IDF Commander in West Bank [6], at p. 29).
The duty to ensure the needs of the civilian population
21. One of the fundamental principles of international humanitarian
law is the principle that distinguishes combatants and military targets
from civilians and civilian targets, and grants protection to the latter (see
Public Committee against Torture v. Government [4]). Inter alia, the
protections given to the civilian population of all of the parties to the
conflict also include the duty to allow free passage of humanitarian
medical supplies, as well as consignments of essential foodstuffs and
clothing for children, pregnant women and mothers at the earliest
opportunity, subject to several restrictions (art. 23 of the Fourth Geneva
339
Convention). Article 70 of the First Protocol provides a more general

and broader duty, whereby parties to a conflict are obliged to allow the
passage of articles that are essential for the civilian population, at the
earliest opportunity and without delay. Article 30 of the Fourth Geneva
Convention requires parties to a conflict to allow citizens to contact the
Red Cross or similar international organizations, in order to receive
assistance. In Al-Bassiouni v. Prime Minister [15] we considered these
provisions expressly, and we held:
‘The state’s arguments in this regard are based on norms that
are a part of customary international law, which set out basic
duties that govern combatant parties during an armed
conflict and require them to guarantee the safety of the
civilian population and to protect its dignity and its basic
rights. It is not superfluous to add that according to the rules
of customary international humanitarian law each party to a
conflict is bound to refrain from impeding the transfer of
basic humanitarian items of aid to the population that
requires them in the areas that are under the control of that
party to the dispute.’
22. The respondents’ position, as it was presented to us in their
written statements and in the testimony of Colonel Levy during the
hearing, is that they do not repudiate the obligations enshrined in
international law as set out above and as they were interpreted by the
court in Physicians for Human Rights v. IDF Commander in Gaza [1].
Thus Colonel Levy explained during the hearing of the petitions the
mode of operation of the various mechanisms that they state set up in
order to discharge the humanitarian obligations that govern it, and it
discussed the various difficulties with which they were required to
contend as a result of the complexity of the conflict and the lack of
cooperation with the Hamas authorities. These difficulties include, for
example, the refusal of the Hamas authorities to allow the IDF to
evacuate the wounded to receive treatment in the State of Israel and the
Hamas organization’s cynical exploitation of the humanitarian ceasefires,
which were initiated by the IDF, in order to rearm and carry out attacks
against the IDF. From the aforesaid it appears that the dispute between
the parties does not relate to the legal arrangements that bind Israel, but
concerns the manner in which these obligations are to be discharged de
340
facto. We shall therefore give details below of the developments and

changes in Israel’s deployment for and ways of dealing with the
humanitarian problems that underlie the petitions.
23. Within the framework of the obligations that the IDF confirms are
binding upon it, preparations were made — some in advance and some
in response to developments during the war — in order to contend with
the collateral damage to the civilian population and in order to provide a
response to the humanitarian needs of the local inhabitants. With regard
to the various mechanisms that were established and enhanced during
the fighting in order to contend with the difficulties of coordinating the
evacuation of the wounded, the respondents said that on 5 January 2009
a special health operations room was established, under the command of
an officer with the rank of major, who is responsible for providing a
response to any civilian population that is in danger and for coordinating
the evacuation of the wounded and the dead from the area where
hostilities are taking place. Professional matters that arise in the
operations room are decided by a doctor, who is an officer with the rank
of lieutenant-colonel and who is available around the clock to receive
communications from Palestinian inhabitants, the Palestinian health
coordinator, the Red Cross and human rights organizations. Colonel
Levy told us in great detail, in writing and orally, about the deployment
of the officers and soldiers of the District Coordination Office among the
combat units, and he explained how the various units communicate with
one another in order to coordinate the evacuation of the wounded and to
make it possible for them to be given safe passage by the combat units.
Colonel Levy also gave details of the way in which each party contacts
the humanitarian operations rooms that were set up, and he said that
when a request is made to coordinate the evacuation of a wounded
person, the operations room initiates contact with an international
organization (the Red Cross operating through the Red Crescent or
UNWRA) in order to coordinate the evacuation and the assistance of
Palestinian personnel, and the IDF does all that it can in order to
overcome difficulties in evacuating the wounded, which are sometimes
caused as a result of the hostilities or damage to infrastructures. With
regard to the alleged attacks on medical personnel, the respondents told
us that in so far as there were any attacks upon medical personnel that
were genuinely seeking to provide medical assistance, this did not
happen as a result of a deliberate attack on the medical personnel. It was
also claimed that a considerable number of problems have been caused
341
by the conditions in which the fighting is taking place, and in the same
way Israeli soldiers have sustained serious injuries as a result of friendly
fire.
Although Colonel Levy was willing to answer all of our questions, it
was clear that he lacked information about the various incidents that
took place during the evacuation of the wounded, in so far as the extent
of the attacks on ambulances and medical personnel was concerned.
Notwithstanding, the specific case of evacuation, for which an order was
requested in the petition, was resolved during the hearing of the petition.
With regard to other cases there is insufficient information at this stage
to examine the contentions, and we asked Colonel Levy to provide us
with detailed information concerning the additional cases that were
brought before us by the petitioners on the date of the hearing. The use
of ambulances and medical facilities that was allegedly made by the
terrorist organizations in order to carry out and further combat
operations without doubt greatly undermined the coordination of
evacuation and rescue operations, and this is to be regretted. But as we
said above, the army has a duty to examine each case on its merits and to
do all that it can in order to allow the swift and safe passage of
ambulances and medical personnel to the areas where there are injured
and wounded persons that require treatment.
In view of the establishment and enhancement of the humanitarian
mechanisms, which it may be assumed will prove their effectiveness, in
view of the statement made to us that a serious effort will be made to
improve the evacuation and treatment of the wounded, in view of the
setting up of a clinic in the vicinity of the Erez crossing (and to the extent
that the Palestinian side will also agree to the transfer of the wounded to
Israel for treatment), it is to be hoped that the humanitarian mechanisms
will operate properly in accordance with the obligations of the State of
Israel. In these circumstances, we see no further reason to grant relief in
the form of an order nisi at this time.
24. With regard to the problems of the electricity supply to the Gaza
Strip, we were told that an infrastructures operations room was set up,
and this is staffed twenty-four hours a day and is under the command of
an officer with the rank of lieutenant-colonel, who is responsible for
providing a response to infrastructure problems in the combat areas,
obtaining an up-to-date picture of the economic situation and
coordinating consignments of humanitarian aid to the Gaza Strip. In this
342
respect, the respondents explained that after receiving a request to

coordinate the treatment of infrastructure problems, the operations
room examines the nature of the problem and its effect on the civilian
population, and subsequently, where this is required, it coordinates the
arrival of Palestinian technical personnel at the site of the problem,
together with an international organization. With regard to the current
position concerning the supply of electricity to the Gaza Strip, we were
told at the last hearing of the petitions that, as of the date of the hearing
(15 January 2009), nine out of the ten electricity lines that transfer
electricity from the State of Israel to the Gaza Strip had been repaired
and were operating, and that the remaining line would be repaired. In
addition, we were told that there is direct contact between the
Palestinian Energy Authority and the Israeli Electric Corporation in
order to identify problems and repair them as soon as possible. With
regard to the two electricity lines that are transferring electricity from
Egypt to the Gaza Strip, the respondents apprised us that as of the
morning of 13 January 2009 the two lines were intact and operational.
We were also told that as of 11 January 2009, the line that transfers
electricity from the Palestinian power station throughout the Gaza Strip
had been repaired and that the power station had returned to partial
operation, with a supply of 50% of the manufacturing capacity of the
station. In this respect Colonel Levy told us that in the course of the
fighting significant quantities of industrial diesel oil had been brought
into the Gaza Strip for the use of the Palestinian power station.
According to him, the supply of industrial diesel oil had been reduced
after a tunnel was discovered near the Nahal Oz crossing point, in which
there was evidence of preparations for a major attack. Notwithstanding,
despite the risk, the supply of industrial diesel oil to the Gaza Strip was
renewed via the Kerem Shalom crossing point. Colonel Levy also told us
that some of the fuel that is waiting on the Palestinian side of the Nahal
Oz crossing point is not being transported from there by the Palestinians,
because the international organizations have other priorities. He also
clarified that the intention is to continue to send industrial diesel oil into
the Gaza Strip for the purpose of operating the power station, subject to
security constraints. He also said that four large vehicles containing
equipment for maintaining the electricity network in the Gaza Strip
entered the Gaza Strip between 9 January 2009 and 12 January 2009 (in
this regard the petitioners claim in their revised statement that these
spare parts were destroyed as a result of an IDF bombardment of the
343
storage facility where the parts were transported from the Karni station,
and in this matter Colonel Levy was unable to provide us with any
information).
25. In addition to the industrial diesel oil that was intended for
operating the Palestinian power station, we were told by the respondents
that in the course of the fighting 200,000 litres of diesel oil for transport,
234 tons of cooking gas, water hygiene and purification kits and bottled
water were also brought into the Gaza Strip. He also said that in order to
allow the distribution of the humanitarian supplies to the inhabitants of
the Gaza Strip, the respondents decided to introduce cessations of
hostilities in the Gaza Strip for several hours, during which they did not
initiate any combat operations. Notwithstanding, these cessations of
hostilities are exploited by the Hamas organization in order to rearm and
carry out shooting attacks, and this sometimes interrupts the transfer of
the humanitarian aid. In addition, we were told of the establishment of
an operations room for dealing with the international organizations,
under the command of an officer with the rank of lieutenant-colonel,
who is responsible for coordinating the movement of the workers and
vehicles of the international organizations within the framework of their
(non-medical) humanitarian work in the Gaza Strip, and for
coordinating the transfer of humanitarian donations from international
organizations or foreign countries. This operations room is also
responsible for obtaining an up-to-date picture of the humanitarian
situation, on the basis of reports that are received from the various
international bodies. Finally, we were told that an additional
humanitarian operations room had been established in Tel-Aviv, under
the command of a reserve officer with the rank of lieutenant-colonel, for
the purpose of improving the coordination work in the field of
humanitarian aid between the security establishment and the
representatives of the international organizations.
26. From the aforesaid it can be seen that steps have been taken in
order to repair the faults in the electricity network in the Gaza Strip, and
despite the state of combat and the security risks, efforts have been made
to facilitate the entry into the Gaza Strip of industrial diesel oil for
operating the local power station in Gaza, as well as additional
humanitarian requirements, such as cooking gas, diesel oil for transport,
water, food and medications. In these circumstances, this petition should
also be denied.
344
Conclusion
27. The civilian population is suffering considerably as a result of the
IDF’s combat operations. The operations are taking place in built-up
and densely populated areas. Because of these conditions, many of the
victims — hundreds of dead and thousands of wounded — are civilians
who were not involved in the dispute and are paying a high price.
Regrettably, the children on both sides are innocent victims who are
suffering the consequences of the intense fighting. Because of the
circumstances in which the hearing took place, we did not receive all of
the information that was needed to clarify the position, but it cannot be
denied that a strenuous effort should be made to discharge the
humanitarian obligations of the State of Israel. It is true the IDF forces
are fighting against a terrorist organization. That organization does not
observe international law; it does not respect humanitarian obligations;
there is also no channel of communication with it that might further the
implementation of the principles and laws that govern the parties that
are involved in the armed conflict of the type that is being waged here. It
appears that there may soon be a ceasefire. Notwithstanding, the state of
conflict is still continuing, and in this context, as long as Israel has
control of the transfer of necessities and the supply of humanitarian
needs to the Gaza Strip, it is bound by the obligations enshrined in
international humanitarian law, which require it to allow the civilian
population to have access, inter alia, to medical facilities, food and water,
as well as additional humanitarian products that are needed to maintain
civilian life.
28. We have heard the petitioners’ claims, and we requested and
received detailed responses from the respondents with regard to the
various humanitarian concerns that were raised in the petitions. It was
made clear to us that the IDF and the high-level command authorities
acting on its behalf are aware of and prepared to carry out their
humanitarian obligations. We said in a similar context in Al-Bassiouni v.
Prime Minister [15]:
‘The Gaza Strip is controlled by a murderous terrorist
organization, which acts continually to harm the State of
Israel and its inhabitants and violates every possible rule of
international law in its acts of violence, which are directed
indiscriminately against civilians — men, women and
children. Notwithstanding, as we said above, the State of
345
Israel is obliged to act against the terrorist organizations

within the framework of the law and in accordance with the
provisions of international law, and to refrain from any
intentional attack upon the civilian population in the Gaza
Strip’ (ibid. [15], at para. 22).
29. As we said above, at the time of giving judgment it is possible that
the combat activities are about to end. Notwithstanding, no-one disputes
that the humanitarian aid and rehabilitation work has not yet ended. It is
our hope that the state will indeed do its very best to comply with Israeli
and international law, in order to alleviate the suffering of the civilian
population in the Gaza Strip, which has been seriously affected by the
combat operations. This suffering is a result of the conduct of the cruel
terrorist organization that controls the Gaza Strip and operates from
within the civilian population while endangering it and abandoning it to
its fate. Despite this, even in the face of a terrorist organization that has
declared its goal of harming the civilian population of the State of Israel
indiscriminately, we shall carry out our duty to uphold the principles and
values underlying our existence as a Jewish and democratic state, which
cherishes human rights and humanity.
Subject to all of the aforesaid, the petitions are denied.
Justice E. Rubinstein
1. I agree with the opinion of my colleague the president. The
combat in which the State of Israel is engaged is not ‘symmetrical,’ in so
far as respect for the law is concerned. As noted by my colleague, Israel
was forced into battle in self-defence — lawfully, in accordance with the
Charter of the United Nations and international law — against those
who seek to take our lives, and it is doing so only after many years of
restraint. It is difficult to imagine many free-world countries holding
back for such a long time while many of their citizens are subject to the
constant — and all-too-often realized — threat of missile fire resulting in
physical injury and property damage. The enemy is cynical and cruel, and
in addition to its disregard for every accepted norm of conduct, it also
operates from within a civilian population, which regrettably pays the
price of its actions. It openly, deliberately and indiscriminately targets
the Israeli civilian population, while our forces are ordered to take every
possible measure to avoid harming civilians, as prescribed by binding
legal norms.
346
2. This court is disposed to hearing petitions that raise humanitarian

concerns without delay, and this is what it has done in the present case.
Often the role of the court in such cases is to urge and monitor
compliance with the provisions of Israeli and international law, even
when it knows and trusts that the authorities are unreservedly committed
to the appropriate legal framework; the court has a judicial perspective
that allows it to see the whole picture. Therefore judicial review is always
called for.
3. My colleague mentioned the difficulty of classifying the battle
against terrorism in terms of international law. From time to time, the
international legal system encounters distressing innovations in
international terrorism, including the weapons it employs (aided by
members of the United Nations, ostensibly committed to international
law) and its methods of combat. Steady efforts toward legislation and
enforcement notwithstanding, the international legal system has been
unable to contend with these new challenges. Despite this, as President
Barak said in Public Committee against Torture v. Government [4], which
was cited by my colleague, the State of Israel, which is probably the most
prominent victim of terrorism among the countries of the free world,
regards itself as committed in this conflict to the various aspects of
4. In hearing these petitions, we have been persuaded that the
military establishment and the political echelon are committed to the
relevant legal norms. In practice, this commitment should mean a
systematic and unceasing endeavour to implement these norms, to learn
from failures and mistakes and to make persistent efforts to improve.
5. Indeed, in the current situation the Israeli establishment not
infrequently finds itself ‘between a rock and a hard place,’ since, as my
colleague the president said, accidents happen in times of war, and our
soldiers have also been hit by friendly fire; sometimes in our fight against
the enemy, even when the intentions and planning are beyond reproach,
harm is caused to Palestinian civilians, including innocent bystanders and
children, for whom the heart grieves. Israel has also suffered such losses
and seen its own children suffer, and so it deeply regrets casualties on the
other side. A concerted effort should be made at all levels — and we
have no reason to believe that it is not — to restrict regrettable accidents
to a minimum, even in evil or unimaginable scenarios.
347
6. Finally, as a Jewish and democratic state, we are committed to the

norms prescribed by Jewish law with regard to the proper attitude
towards human beings, who were all created in the image of God. The
Jerusalem Talmud (Sanhedrin 4, 9 [20]) states: ‘Therefore Adam was
created alone, to teach you that whoever destroys one person is deemed
to have destroyed an entire world, and whoever saves one person is
deemed to have saved an entire world.’ Where matters of life and death
are concerned, ‘nothing stands in the way of saving a life, except for
idolatry, sexual immorality and homicide’ (Tosefta, Shabbat 16, 14 [21]).
This ethos has accompanied the Jewish people throughout the
generations, and will continue to do so.
Justice A. Grunis
I agree with the opinion of my colleague, President D. Beinisch, on
the merits of the case. In the circumstances I see no need to address the
question of justiciability.
Petition denied.
23 Tevet 5769.
19 January 2009.
348
Israel
Supreme
Court
Copies and additional information may be obtained
at the diplomatic missions of the State of Israel or
on the Internet at:
www.mfa.gov.il
www.court.gov.il
Judgments of the Israel Supreme Court: Fighting Terrorism within the Law Volume 3

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Judgments of the

Israel Supreme Court:

The Supreme Court of Israel

Editor’s Introduction................................................................................................ vii

Liability of the state for torts committed by the security forces

Detention of unlawful combatants

Humanitarian relief in the Gaza Strip

This is the third volume of ‘Judgments of the Israel Supreme Court:

Under the system used formerly, Supreme Court decisions in Hebrew

HCJFH High Court of Justice Further Hearing

The representatives of the Palestinian villages raised two issues.

Second, they complained that they suffered from harassment by

property and to apprehend the perpetrators of the unlawful acts against

In so far as the threat of Palestinian attacks on Israelis was concerned, the

In so far as the threat of Israeli attacks on Palestinians was concerned, the

In view of the continuing ineffectiveness of the military commander’s

Rashed Morar, Head of Yanun Village Council

The Supreme Court sitting as the High Court of Justice

Petition to the Supreme Court sitting as the High Court of Justice.

Israeli Supreme Court cases cited:

[23] HCJ 2431/95 Salomon v. Police [1997] IsrSC 51(5) 781.

For the petitioners — L. Yehuda.

Judaea and Samaria in general, to have access to their land throughout

fundamental position of the Attorney-General, the rule is that the

determine days on which security will be provided for the areas of

interdepartmental committee for law enforcement in the territories,

In order to answer the question that arises in this case, we should

Therefore, the residents in the territories held under belligerent

of movement and property rights. The court addressed this principle in

proportionality. According to the proportionality tests, the military

there. The respondents explained that the access of the Palestinian

that there is no intention to close areas of land beyond the absolute

21. It should be re-emphasized that the actual implementation of the

Protecting the security of Palestinian farmers

inhabitants access to land that belongs to them in order to achieve the

purpose of protecting their security, is not consistent with the

their religious convictions and practices, and their manners

filed the application mentioned in para. 8, in which an urgent hearing of

practice with respect to everyone…’ (p. 243 of the Shamgar

2. I think that there is no need to speak at length on the harm that is

‘A government authority whose path is influenced by

Following the decision of the Supreme Court in Bani Ouda v. State of

In 2005, the Knesset passed a further amendment to the Torts (State

The Supreme Court sitting as the High Court of Justice

Petition to the Supreme Court sitting as the High Court of Justice.

limited to combatant activities, to any activity (subject to some exceptions)

Israeli Supreme Court cases cited:

American cases cited:

English cases cited:

For the petitioners in HCJ 8276/05 — H. Jabareen, O. Kohn, D. Yakir,

President Emeritus A. Barak

Defence Forces whose purpose was to combat or prevent terrorism, and

activity is a special risk. Between these two extreme cases

‘Claims of an 5B. (a) Notwithstanding what is stated in any

applies and to determine the amount

The Greater Tulkarm district was declared a conflict zone during

violates the constitutional right to equality, since it is intended to apply

to provide a solution to the special difficulties of evidence that confront

those residential areas. This activity is intended to target terrorists, but