The Impact of Internet Pornography On Marriage And..

Sexual Addiction & Compulsivity, 13:131165, 2006 Copyright Taylor & Francis Group, LLC ISSN: 1072-0162 print
t / 1532-5318 online DOI: 10.1080/10720160600870711
The Impact of Internet Pornography on Marriage and the Family: A Review of the Research
JILL C. MANNING
Brigham Young University, Provo, Utah, USA
Since the advent of the Internet, the sex industry has proted from an unprecedented proximity to the home environment. Consequently, couples, families, and individuals of all ages are being impacted by pornography in new ways. Examining the systemic impact of Internet pornography, however, is relatively uncharted territory and the body of systemically-focused research is limited. A review of the research that does exist was undertaken and many negative trends were revealed. While much remains unknown about the impact of Internet pornography on marriages and families, the available data provide an informed starting point for policy makers, educators, clinicians, and researchers.
The Internet has been synergistically linked to human sexuality since its inception (Cooper, Grifn-Shelley, Delmonico, & Mathy, 2001). While the coupling of technology with sexuality has brought forth a unique range of benets for society, it also has fostered new risks. For example, there is now greater access to information regarding sexual education and sexual health (Barak & Fisher, 2001), as well as new options for connecting with romantic partners (Cooper, Boies, Maheu, & Greeneld, 1999). On the other hand, the Internet has become a highly effective and protable means of distributing sexually explicit material, as well as a sophisticated conduit for sexual addictions, sex trafcking, and sex crime (Galbreath & Berlin, 2002). In speaking to these risks, several experts in the eld of mental health contend
Jill C. Manning, Ph.D., is a recent graduate of the Marriage and Family Therapy doctoral program at Brigham Young University, Provo, Utah. At the time this article was written, the author was a visiting Social Science Fellow at The Heritage Foundation in Washington, D.C. Address correspondence to Jill C. Manning, Ph.D., P.O. Box 6351, Broomeld, CO 800210006. E-mail: jillcmanning@byu.edu 131
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on-line sexual pursuits are a hidden public health hazard exploding, in part because very few are recognizing it as such or taking it seriously (Cooper, Delmonico, & Burg, 2000, p. 25). Since the advent of the Internet, the sex industry has had an unprecedented proximity to the home, school, and work environments. As stated in The Third Way Culture Project report (2005),
The Internet is transforming the experience of growing up in America. It is also transforming the job of being a parent in America. The Internet brings the worldthe good, the bad, and the uglyto the American familys doorstep. It brings the ruins of ancient Athens to that doorstep, but it also brings the red light district of Bangkok (p. 2).
Consequently, couples, families, and individuals of all ages are being impacted by pornography in new ways. Examining the systemic impact of Internet pornography, however, is relatively uncharted territory. The void of systemically focused research regarding pornographys effects is understandable when one considers the pornography debate has traditionally been entrenched in: (a) linear, cause-and-effect assumptions; (b) a focus on the individual as the consumer or victim; (c) legal, feminist, or moral perspectives; and (d) dispute over the continuum between censorship and freedom of speech (Thompson, Chaffee, & Oshagan, 1990). While many of these assumptions and philosophical views were tting in the pre-Internet era, additional assumptions and information are needed to extend the pornography debate into more current and comprehensive directions. For the data that do touch upon systemic effects (e.g., impact on couple relationships), there is a lack of reliable, empirically sound interpretation of the ndings within a family systems framework, thereby limiting the conclusions that may be drawn regarding the impact on marriages and families at large. While much remains unknown about the impact of Internet pornography on marriages and families, the social science data that are available provide a starting point from which research agendas and social policies may be explored in an informed manner.
OBJECTIVE
The objective of the research review process was to compile current, empirical ndings that emphasize the systemic versus individual impact of Internet pornography, namely the impact on marital and familial relationships. An emphasis was placed on research that is empirical in nature, contained in peer-reviewed journals, and conducted since the early 1990s when the Internet became a widespread medium for sexually explicit materials and online sexual pursuits (Cooper, Galbreath, & Becker, 2004). An overview of the research dealing with individual effects and harm is provided to give context to the current and systemic research.
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LIMITED SCOPE OF REVIEW

While educated guesses and psychological theories may be used to elaborate on what the research means for marital and family relationships at large, it is acknowledged that there are currently no studies that look specically at marital or family process and pornography. As a result, conclusions can only be inferred regarding Internet pornographys impact on marital and family relationships. Similarly, it is acknowledged that while adolescent and adult females constitute a growing population of pornography consumers, male consumers are the primary focus because the majority of pornography research focuses solely on males. When a study included female participants, it was mentioned specically in the review. Likewise, heterosexual consumers and relationships are focused on because this reects the existing body of systemic research.
TERMINOLOGY
A common challenge when attempting to compare and contrast research ndings related to pornography is that diverse denitions and types of pornography exist. Subsequently, different denitions and genres of pornography have been employed in research studies, thereby complicating a coherent synthesis of key ndings. In past reviews of the research, the operationalization of terms, or the lack thereof, has been a common critique and limitation of many studies (Ciclitira, 2002). Furthermore, many agree pornography is an elusive term with a range of meanings, dependent not only on cultural, social and historical contexts, but also on individuals own experiences and beliefs (Ciclitira, 2002, p. 191), and that trying to nd a common denition is not only futile but needs to be distinguished from the more positively viewed erotica (Russell, 1998). While the denitional challenges cannot be avoided entirely, it is hoped that by clarifying the genres of pornography used in each study (as outlined by the respective researchers), this issue may be reasonably diminished for those attempting to synthesize the research.
INTERNET PORNOGRAPHY AS A DISTINCT GENRE

Internet pornography is distinct from other forms of pornography because of the Triple-A Engine effect of Accessibility, Affordability, and Anonymitya combination of traits unique to the virtual square (Cooper, 1998). Additionally, Delmonico, Grifn, and Moriarty refer to the Cyberhex of the Internet which includes intoxicating, isolating, integral, inexpensive, imposing, and interactive as characteristics that make the Internet a unique and powerful medium (Delmonico, Grifn, & Moriarty, 2001).
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The Triple-A Engine effect, in particular, is widely accepted as the primary reason why many pre-existing problems with other forms of pornography have been exacerbated in the last decade, and why many individuals who would not have been involved with this material prior to the advent of the Internet, have been drawn into problematic pornography consumption (Cooper, Boies, Maheu, & Greeneld, 1999). As Leiblum and D oring (1998) state,
Personal inhibition levels, social controls, and the lack of willing partners and sexual scenes that may limit sexual activity in everyday contexts are obsolete in cyberspace. It is easy for latent desires to be realized in cyberspace. Internet sexuality may thus serve as a catalyst (p. 29).
Although research identies young males as the predominant consumers of pornography regardless of the technological forum (Buzzell, 2005), many in the eld of sexual addictions argue that online sexual activity has expanded the range of male and female consumers (Cooper, Putnam, Planchon, & Boies, 1999). The changing demographics of consumption, however, are not yet reected in the research literature. The other unprecedented characteristic of Internet pornography is the ease with which children and adolescents have access to itboth solicited and unsolicited access. In the past, the adult bookstore or restricted movie theater was a tangible gatekeeper or buffer to minors being exposed to this material, albeit not impenetrable. Currently, anyone can be a consumer and/or target of sexually explicit material. A startling indicator of this indiscriminating accessibility, not to mention strategic consumer targeting, is to consider that Nielsen//NetRatings (2005), a reputable and well-recognized source for online audience measurement, includes children beginning at two years of age in their demographic statistics for so-called adult trafc.
AN OVERVIEW OF THE IMPACT OF GENERAL PORNOGRAPHY USE ON INDIVIDUALS

There is a vast body of research and literature that deals with the impact of general pornography consumption (material not on the Internet) on individuals, especially males (Malamuth, 1996). Research regarding the impact of pornography consumption on individuals has been gathered through various means (Itzin, 2002). For example, surveys, government commissions, experimental laboratory studies, clinical work, qualitative research, anecdotal accounts, and research with sex offenders all have been sources of pornography-related research. Some of the main criticism of this research body to date relates to the merits of experimental versus non-experimental research; denitions of pornography; the role of
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confounding variables (e.g., genre of pornography used or degree of violence in the material); and insufcient statistical power due to small sample sizes (Allen, 1995). Although consensus is lacking within the scientic community regarding pornographys effect (Allen, DAlessio, & Brezgel, 1995), there exist substantial data showing pornography correlates with various negative outcomes. Criticism of such claims point to other associations and explanations for the correlates (Allen, 1995), or dismisses the existence of reliable effects all together (Brannigan, 1997). Much of the criticism of this literature is a result of researchers inferring that correlational relationships somehow translate into causal relationships. Prior to the advent of Internet pornography, two of the most frequently cited researchers in the area of pornographys effects were Dolf Zillman and Jennings Bryant. Zillman and Bryants (1984, 1988b) ndings sparked considerable debate and criticism for a number of reasons: (a) for being limited to experimental situations, (b) for lacking real punishment or social controls, (c) for using college students as the normative group, and (d) for the ethical inability to produce real violence (Davies, 1997). With that said, many consider their results to be reliable and valid, and their work has continued to be referenced for nearly two decades. Zillman and Bryants (1984, 1988b) work is useful to give an overview of the kinds of effects general pornography (not Internet pornography) has been associated with, as well as those that have fuelled debate. Zillman and Bryant found the effects of repeated exposure to standard, non-violent, and commonly available pornography included: (a) increased callousness toward women; (b) trivialization of rape as a criminal offense; (c) distorted perceptions about sexuality; (d) increased appetite for more deviant and bizarre types of pornography (escalation and addiction); (e) devaluation of the importance of monogamy; (f) decreased satisfaction with partners sexual performance, affection, and physical appearance; (g) doubts about the value of marriage; (h) decreased desire to have children; and (i) viewing non-monogamous relationships as normal and natural behavior (Drake, 1994). More recently, meta-analyses have provided compelling insight into the impact pornography consumption can have on individual functioning. Four meta-analyses, in particular, summarize the key research areas that have shaped pornography-related research, namely: (a) sexual deviance, (b) sexual perpetration, (c) intimate relationships, (d) rape myth acceptance, and (e) behavioral and sexual aggression. First, Oddone-Paolucci, Genuis, and Violatos (2000) meta-analysis examined 46 studies ( N = 12, 323) published in various academic journals to determine the effect of pornography on (a) sexual deviance (e.g., excessive or ritualistic masturbation), (b) sexual perpetration (e.g., rape), (c) attitudes regarding intimate relationships (i.e., viewing people as sexual objects), and
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(d) attitudes regarding the rape myth (i.e., believing women cause rape). Oddone-Paolucci, Genuis, and Violato found that exposure to pornographic material puts one at increased risk for developing sexually deviant tendencies, committing sexual offences, experiencing difculties in ones intimate relationships, and accepting the rape myth. Specically, there is a 31% increase in the risk of sexual deviancy; a 22% increase in the risk of sexual perpetration; a 20% increase in the risk of experiencing difculty in intimate relationships; and a 31% increase in the risk of accepting rape myths.1 Secondly, a meta-analysis conducted by Allen, DAlessio, and Brezgel (1995) looked at the relationship between pornography consumption and aggression ( N = 2, 040). This meta-analysis included lm, videotape, written texts, and still pictures as the mediums of pornography, and included both male and female participants. The ndings indicated: 1. There is a modest connection between exposure to pornography and subsequent behavioral aggression (r = 0.132, N = 2, 040, p < .05). 2. Pictorial nudity reduces subsequent aggressive behavior (9 studies) (r = .137, n = 403, p < .05) while material depicting non-violent sexual activity slightly increases aggressive behavior (24 studies) (r = .171, n = 1, 229, p < .05). 3. Material depicting violent sexual activity generates the strongest correlation between consumption and behavioral aggression (7 studies) (r = 0.216, n = 353, p > .05). 4. It is unclear under what conditions the observed effects would change. Thirdly, Malamuth, Addison, and Kosss (2000) research, looks specically at the relationship between pornography consumption and sexual aggression, whereas Allen, DAlessio and Brezgels (1995) work addressed only behavioral aggression. Malamuth, Addison, and Koss took the meta-analytic process one step further when they analyzed a compilation of meta-analyses that looked at pornography and sexual aggression and then conducted their own study involving 2,972 college-age males with a mean age of 21. After conducting a series of structural equation models and ANOVAs, they concluded that there are reliable associations between frequent2 pornography use and sexually aggressive behaviors, and that these associations are
These percentages are based on the average weighted Cohen d scores, which are a measure of effect size. Uncorrected average weighted d scores also were available for all of the outcomes. Correcting for demographics (e.g., age, gender, socioeconomic status, etc.), the effect sizes were higher for deviancy and intimate relations; corrected d scores were not available for the sex perpetration or rape myth outcomes. 2 Frequency of pornography use was gauged according to self-assessment on a 4-point scale: Never (1), Seldom (2), Somewhat frequently (3), or Very frequently (4). While the self-assessment aspect is an acknowledged limitation of the study, the scale was used consistently throughout the research.
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particularly strong3 when pornography depicting violence (e.g., rape or torture) is consumed and/or when men at high risk for sexual aggression are the consumers. Lastly, Allen, Emmers, Gebhardt, and Giery, (1995) conducted a metaanalysis of 24 rape myth acceptance studies conducted between 1980 and 1993 ( N = 4, 268). Burt coined the term rape myth in 1980 to describe beliefs a person holds regarding the act of rape, rapists, and the victims of rape (Allen, Emmers, Gebhardt, & Giery, 1995). It was theorized that males who subscribed to rape myths would be less tolerant of rape victims and less likely to convict if serving on a rape-trial jury. Similarly, women who accept rape myths were less likely to report rape as a crime or offer social support to victims (Allen, Emmers, Gebhardt, & Giery, 1995). Allen, Emmers, Gebhardt, and Gierys meta-analysis revealed an average positive correlation (ave r = .103) between exposure to pornography and the acceptance of rape myths. These researchers also found experimental investigations produced an average correlation that was positive (ave r = .146, N = 2, 248). When compared to the non-experimental studies, a signicant difference existed ( = 3.84, p < .05), thereby suggesting that the experimental research produces a larger effect than the non-experimental research. While violent pornography was shown to consistently increase the acceptance of rape myths (ave r = .112, N = 719), non-violent pornography also was shown to increase the acceptance of rape myths (ave r = .125, N = 1048) when compared to a control group who viewed a non-pornographic lm. The studies that specically compared non-violent to violent pornography consumption showed violent pornography increases the acceptance of rape myths more than non-violent consumption (ave r = .163, N = 762). Although the non-experimental studies in the meta-analysis showed almost no effect on rape myth acceptance, it is important to note that only self-report data were collected in the methodologies of these studies and the actual behavioral outcomes were not incorporated (Allen, DAlessio, & Brezgel, 1995). Furthermore, three other meta-analyses by Kim and Hunter (1993a), and Sheppard, Hartwick, and Warshaw (1988) supported the existence of an attitude/behavior linkage between pornography consumption and acceptance of rape myths. In summary, research reveals that pornography consumption is associated with many negative outcomes related to individual functioning. Research, including meta-analyses, show pornography consumption is associated with increased risk for (a) sexual deviancy, (b) sexual perpetration, (c) experiencing difculty in ones intimate relationships, (d) accepting rape myths, and (e) behavioral and sexual aggression.
Multiple statistical gures are provided regarding these associations. Refer to pages 23 to 29 of the study for specic associations.
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IMPACT OF INTERNET PORNOGRAPHY ON MARRIAGE

Although Internet pornography is commonly consumed by one household member in a solitary, secret fashion, the impact of sexually explicit material is felt by entire family systems, not to mention communities and corporate circles. The marital relationship, in particular, is a logical point of impact to examine because it is the foundational familial and social unit, as well as a sexual union that can be easily destabilized by sexual pursuits outside the marital contract. Research further claries marriage as a priority in the pornography debate. For instance, consider: (a) the magnitude and growth of online sexual activity based on multiple Internet trafc measurements, (b) the majority of Internet users in the United States are college-educated, Caucasian, married males of approximately 37.6 years of age (Kehoe, Pitkow, Sutton, Aggarwal, & Roders, 1999), (c) more than half of Americans (172 million) use the Internet and 2033% percent of users go online for sexual purposes (Cooper, 2004), and (d) the majority of people struggling with sexual addictions and compulsivities involving the Internet are married, heterosexual males (Cooper, Delmonico, & Burg, 2000). It is important to note that certain couples and even clinicians claim pornography consumed, in a mutual, consensual, and open manner can be an enriching aspect of marital intimacy, thereby adding another perspective to the pornography debate. This mutual scenario, however, is not the predominant experience coming forth in todays cultural milieu or clinical settings. The reason why this population may not be represented in the research or clinical observations is that couples who mutually benet from pornography are unlikely to seek treatment or encounter caregivers who are aware of related studies. Mutual consumption also is more likely to involve erotic content as opposed to hard-core pornography involving animals, children, adolescents, violence, homosexual themes, group sex, and/or sodomy involving weapons (i.e. knives or glass), inanimate objects or unusual body part (i.e. st or arm). Further investigation into mutual pornography consumption is needed to clarify differences between couples who mutually consume and those who consume alone and without a partners consent or knowledge. Moreover, pornography-induced fantasy, employed in a mutual way, is inherently different from solitary Internet viewing because it is used as a bridge to become closer and more present with ones partner, as opposed to a wall that cuts ones partner off, draws sexual energy away from the marriage, and heightens distance between partners (B. McCarthy, Personal Communication, June 1, 2005). Pornography used by couples also tends to include books or video as the predominant media because they are more conducive to shared consumption. Internet pornography, on the other hand, is distinguished from this type of shared
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consumption because it is almost always consumed in a solitary, secret fashion and has a potential for compulsive or addictive elements to arise in the individual viewer because it is outside of a relational context where many social norms are inherently a part and antisocial behavior kept in check. To be clear, the research reviewed focuses on Internet consumption when addressing relational impact and considers mutual pornography consumption to be the exception rather than the rule among couples today. Based on the current data, the following areas of research are reviewed: (a) characteristics of healthy, stable marriages; (b) online sexual pursuits as a predictor of marital distress, separation, and divorce; (c) decreased sexual satisfaction; (d) decreased sexual intimacy; and (e) indelity.
Characteristics of Healthy, Stable Marriages

In order to put the impact of Internet pornography into perspective, it is worthwhile to review the characteristics of strong, stable, and satisfying marriages. The purpose of doing this is to provide a lens through which the reviewed ndings may be understood in the absence of empirically tested and systemic interpretations. Although it is understood that there is not one way to have a stable and satisfying marriage (Gottman, 1993), there are some common factors that are worth highlighting because of their empirical support and widespread applicability to diverse couples. In North American culture, it is most common for people to select a marriage partner according to romantic love as opposed to family arrangement or economic necessity. Research by Roberts (1982), Davis and Todd (1982), Davis (1985), and Bergner (2000) is useful in clarifying what romantic love entails from a social science perspective. The aforementioned research found romantic love embodies the following characteristics: (a) investment in the well-being of the beloved, (b) respect, (c) admiration, (d) sexual desire, (e) intimacy, (f) commitment, (g) exclusivity, and (h) understanding (Bergner & Bridges, 2002). The researchers found that when these characteristics are present in a romantic relationship, people tend to feel fully loved. On the other hand, when there are violations to these characteristics, and the violations are sufcient in magnitude, a partner will commonly conclude he or she is no longer loved as he or she once was and may reevaluate his or her place in the partners world. As Bergner and Bridges (2002) point out, many women who discover a partners intense involvement with pornography of diverse mediums engage in just such a reappraisal of their relationship. When we look at marriages from a holistic view and not just at romantic love, social science ndings clarify the following characteristics as common factors in healthy, stable marital relationships (Kaslow & Robinson,
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J. C. Manning TABLE 1 Characteristics of Stable, Healthy Marriages 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. A mutual belief in the institution of marriage A sense of spirituality Ability to be exible when confronted with transitions and change An assumption of permanence regarding the marital relationship Cooperation Mutual enjoyment of shared time and one anothers company Feeling appreciated Fidelity (emotional, physical and sexual) Good communication Sexual relations that strengthen the marital bond Mutual respect Mutual support Positive thoughts and interactions outweigh negative ones (5 to 1) Shared values Trust
1996; Klagsburn, 1995; Levenson, Carstenson, & Gottman, 1993; Wallerstein & Blakeslee, 1995; Wolcott, 1999; see Table 1). Maurers (1994) work also helps clarify what satisfying sexual relationships entail. Mauer found three common traits that distinguish sexually satised couples from unsatised couples: (a) acceptance of ones own sexuality, (b) listening to ones partner and being aware of a partners likes and dislikes, and (c) open and honest communication. Moreover, according to data from the General Social Survey in 2000 ( N = 531), people who report being happily married are 61% less likely to report using Internet pornography compared to s urvey respondents who did not report being happily married (Stack, Wasserman, & Kern, 2004).
Predictor of Marital Distress, Separation & Divorce

According to research studies and professional observations, the impact of Internet pornography consumption on marriages is slowly coming into focus. For example, survey research conducted by Bridges, Bergner, and HessonMcInnis (2003) found married women to be signicantly more distressed by a partners online pornography consumption than women in dating relationships, and that Internet pornography consumption is viewed as a threat to the relationship.4 This study included a non-clinical sample ( N = 100) who were 18 years of age or older and who had a partner involved in Internet pornography. The distress reported by the women increased according to the perceived frequency of online sexual activities and, surprisingly, was
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After running one-way-between-group ANOVAs, post-hoc comparisons using the Turkey HSD test indicated the mean score for the dating group ( M = 2.39, SD = 1.26, N = 19) was signicantly different from the married group ( M = 3.72, SD = 1.73, N = 38).
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not as strongly inuenced by religious beliefs. Therefore, married women who perceived greater levels of Internet pornography consumption tended to have the greatest levels of distress than any other group of women. Bridges, Bergner, and Hesson-McInnis (2003) research is signicant because it supports the assertion that married women generally are distressed by their husbands use of sexually explicit material and that this may threaten the stability of the marital bond. Looking to more extreme situations, a 2000 study by Schneider found that cybersex addiction was a major contributing factor to separation and divorce for affected couples. This study analyzed survey responses from 94 individuals (91 women, 3 men) who (a) ranged in age from 24 to 57, (b) had been in a relationship for an average of 12.6 years (range of 0.5 to 39 years), and (c) were seeking therapy to cope with a partners Internet involvement. The sample was recruited through 20 therapists who were treating sex addicts and who were aware of individuals who would be interested in participating in this research. Although a range of online sexual activities were listed, viewing and/or downloading pornography accompanied by masturbation was present in 100% of the cases. Although not a formal study, important survey data was collected at the November 2002 meeting of the American Academy of Matrimonial Lawyers in Chicago, Illinois regarding the impact of Internet usage on marriages. This professional organization comprises the nations top 1600 divorce and matrimonial law attorneys who specialize in matrimonial law, including divorce and legal separation. At this meeting, 62% of the 350 attendees said the Internet had played a role in divorces they had handled during the last year. Additionally, the following observations were made by the lawyers polled with regards to why the Internet had been a signicant factor in divorces that year: 1. 68% of the divorce cases involved one party meeting a new love interest over the Internet. 2. 56% of the divorce cases involved one party having an obsessive interest in pornographic websites. 3. 47% of the divorce cases involved one party spending excessive time on the computer. 4. 33% of the divorce cases cited excessive time communicating in chat rooms (a commonly sexualized forum). In response to this survey data, J. Lindsey Short, Jr., then president of the American Academy of Matrimonial Lawyers, poignantly stated, While I dont think you can say the Internet is causing more divorces, it does make it easier to engage in the sorts of behaviors that traditionally lead to divorce (Dedmon, 2002).
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Decreased Sexual Satisfaction

Prior to Internet pornography becoming readily available, Zillman and Bryant (1988a) conducted a study that looked at the impact on male and female participants of consuming common, nonviolent pornographic material. The participants represented college and non-student populations from a midwestern city ( N = 160). As part of the study, participants were exposed to either pornographic or innocuous, non-pornographic content in hourly sessions over six consecutive weeks. In the seventh week, participants were asked to rate their personal happiness regarding various domains of experience and the relative importance of gratifying experiences. Results showed that exposure to pornography negatively impacted self-assessment of sexual experience, while other aspects of life (i.e., professional satisfaction) remained constant. Participants reported less satisfaction with their intimate partner and specically with their partners (a) affection, (b) physical appearance, (c) sexual curiosity, and (d) sexual performance. Additionally, participants who were repeatedly exposed to pornographic material assigned increased importance to sexual relations without emotional involvement. Furthermore, all of these effects were uniform across male and female participants. Although the authors point out that pornography is unlikely to be the only genre of entertainment to affect aesthetic dissatisfaction with self and/or ones partner, it appears from the research that pornography is the only genre that impacts sexual dissatisfaction specically. Because Internet pornography tends to be more immediate and powerful than other mediums due to its more interactive and consumer-driven nature (e.g., viewers can select exactly who and what they want to see, and can interact with real people via video cameras), it is reasonable to assume Zillman and Bryants 1988a ndings involving pornography ofine have at least similar, if not greater, applicability to Internet pornography. In fact, when we turn to more current research on the impact of Internet pornography and online sexual pursuits on sexual satisfaction, we nd the data is congruent with previous research. For example, Bergner and Bridges (2002) qualitative study revealed two distinct themes related to sexual desire and satisfaction. The two themes, along with other characteristics, emerged out of analyzing 100 letters posted online to four different message boards created for spouses, anc ees, and girlfriends of men perceived to be heavily involved in pornography, but not necessarily meeting the criteria for cybersex or sexual addiction. The rst theme these women voiced was that of decreased sexual desire by their partners. It is important to note that this study only examined the womens perceptions of their partners pornography use online and did not include the male partners perspective. While it would be important for future studies to include both partners, it is reasonable to infer that if one partner is distressed by the others behavior, both will be impacted by this distress to some degree.
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This kind of inference is supported by the axiom of the system theory, or concept of interconnectedness, which suggests that a change in any one part of a family system will affect all other parts of the family system (Nichols & Schwartz, 1998, pp. 127128). Secondly, it was common for pornography users to continue sexual relations with their female partner, but the sexual advances conveyed a message of objectication as opposed to meaningful interaction. For example, one woman stated:
I am no longer a sexual person or partner to him, but a sexual object. He is not really with me, not really making love to me . . . . He seems to be thinking about something or someone elselikely those porn women . . . . He is just using me as a warm body (Bergner & Bridges, 2002, p. 197).
Decreased Sexual Intimacy

Schneiders (2000) study involving the spouses of cybersex addicts supports Zillman and Bryants (1988a) ndings regarding decreased sexual satisfaction in populations who did not necessarily meet the criteria for sexual addiction. Schneiders work revealed that compulsive cybersex has adverse effects on the conjugal sexual relationship. Schneider collected data from 94 respondents who were in different types of committed relationships to individuals struggling with cybersex addictions. Two-thirds (68%) of the respondents experienced decreased sexual intimacy with their partner. Moreover, the participants showed that these difculties coincided with the beginning of the cybersex activitiesa point that is important to highlight for those who may wish to limit the ndings to those who have dealt with chronic cybersex behavior. More than half (52%) of the cybersex users had lost interest in relational sex, as had one-third of the partners. Furthermore, in 18% of the relationships surveyed, both partners had decreased interest in sex. Schneider also points out that spouses of pornography users often report being repulsed by the users sexual pursuits. For the cybersex users who have already substituted online sexual activity for relational sexual intimacy, their partners repulsion and loss of interest is not as problematic or distressing. Schneider outlined the following recurrent themes that came forth out of the survey data: 1. The user makes excuses to avoid sexual intimacy with the partner (e.g., not in the mood or too tired). 2. The partner feels hurt, angry, sexually rejected, inadequate, and unable to compete with computer images and sexy online women (or men) who are willing to do anything.
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3. During relational sex, the cybersex user appears distant, emotionally detached, and interested only in his or her own pleasure. 4. The spouse/partner ends up doing most or all of the initiating; either to get her or his own needs met or in an attempt to get the user to decrease the online activities. 5. The user blames the partner for their sexual problems. 6. The user wants the partner to participate in sexual activities that she or he nds objectionable. For those who may argue decreased sexual intimacy is an effect linked solely with cybersex addicts, Bergner and Bridges (2002) study supports the fact that for women in relationships (married, engaged, or girlfriends) with men perceived as heavy pornography consumers, decreased and altered sexual intimacy is a common symptom. An example of what the researchers categorized in this area included statements such as, I have been excluded, isolated, barred from intimacy with him. I have lost someone whom I thought was my best friend and most intimate companion in life. He now has a whole secret life from which I am completely excluded and about which he continually lies to me. From a male perspective, Cooper, Galbreath, and Beckers (2004) study of men with online sexual problems revealed two important subgroups with regards to the impact on sexual activity with a committed partner. The researchers found that sexual activity with a partner increased for men who used the Internet to (a) educate themselves, (b) to meet people with whom to date and/or to have ofine sexual relations with, and (c) to socialize as compared to men who do not go online for these reasons. In contrast, participants who turned to online sexual activity to deal with stress had increased problems in their real-time relationships and received complaints from others about this involvement. These ndings corroborate earlier research (Cooper, Grifn-Shelley, Delmonico, & Mathy, 2001) and supports Schneiders (2002) claim that the emotional distance online sexual problems foster can be just as damaging to the relationship as real-life sexual indelity. To put Cooper, Galbreath, and Beckers (2004) results in context it is important to keep in mind that being in a marital relationship was not a criterion for the study, so the results reect the general impact on various levels of commitment. Sixty percent of the 384 male participants were in some kind of a committed relationship, 51% indicated they were married, and 88% indicated being heterosexual. The results are further put into perspective when we consider that the majority of the participants fell into the second subgroupthe group that experienced problems in their real-time relationships. Results showed that: 1. 80.5% used online sexual activity (OSA) to distract themselves or take a break.
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2. 56.5% used OSA to deal with stress. 3. 43.0% used OSA to engage in sexual activities they would not do in real life. 4. 25.3% used OSA to educate themselves. 5. 16.1% used OSA to meet people with whom to have ofine sexual activities. 6. 11.7% used OSA to meet people to date. 7. And 9.1% used OSA to get support with sexual matters. The group who used online sexual activity to deal with stress also reported having increased masturbatory activity, thus engaging in what might be a long-term pattern of turning inward and away from others as a primary coping strategy of which decreased marital intimacy would be a part (Cooper, Galbreath, & Becker, 2004, p. 227).
A Form of Indelity
In virtually all marital contracts or agreements, delity is implied or specifically declared (Schneider, Corley, & Irons, 1998). Indelity, on the other hand, is commonly understood as a violation of the marital agreement, a betrayal of trust, and a threat to the marital bond. Stack, Wasserman, and Kern (2004) found that individuals who completed the 2000 General Social Survey who used the Internet and had had an extramarital affair were 3.18 times more likely to have used Internet pornography than individuals who used the Internet but did not engage in affairs according to the survey data ( N = 531). The same study also revealed that people who have engaged in paid sex (i.e., prostitution) were 3.7 times more apt to use Internet pornography than those who had not engaged in paid sex. What these statistics indicate is that Internet pornography is associated with activities that can undermine marital exclusivity and delity. What cannot be determined, however, is what comes rstdoes Internet pornography inuence unfaithful behavior or does unfaithful behavior coincide with preexisting traits that predispose someone to normalize Internet pornography viewing? At least three studies support the fact that women view cybersex and/or pornography consumption as a form of indelity that reduces the exclusivity of the relationship (Bergner & Bridges, 2002; Bridges, Bergner, & HessonMcInnis, 2003; Schneider, 2000). As well, Whitty (2003) found that both men and women perceive online sexual activity as an act of betrayal that is as authentic and real as ofine acts, and that Internet pornography use correlated signicantly with emotional indelity ( N = 1, 117, 468 males and 649 females; r = .41, p < 0.001). Women commonly report feelings of betrayal, loss, mistrust, devastation, and anger as responses to the discovery or disclosure of a partners
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pornography use and/or online sexual activity (Bridges, Bergner, & HessonMcInnis, 2003). Schneiders (2000) study concluded that women overwhelmingly felt cyberaffairs were as emotionally painful to them as live or ofine affairs, and many viewed the online sexual activity to be just as much adultery or cheating as live affairs. As Bergner and Bridges (2002) identify, there is a consistent theme that surfaces in these womens experiences and this is that their partner has taken the most intimate aspect of the relationship, sexuality, which is supposed to express the bond of love between the couple and be conned exclusively to the relationship, and shared it with countless fantasy women (p. 5).
IMPACT OF INTERNET PORNOGRAPHY ON CHILDREN AND ADOLESCENTS

While the marital bond may be the most vulnerable relationship to online sexual activity, children and adolescents are considered the most vulnerable audience of sexually explicit material. Youth are considered a vulnerable audience because they (a) can be easily coerced into viewing pornography or manipulated into the production of it, (b) have limited ability to emotionally, cognitively, and physiologically process obscene material they encounter voluntarily or involuntarily, (c) can be the victims of anothers pornography consumption in ways adults are often more resilient to, (d) can have their sexual and social development negatively impacted through exposure to fraudulent and/or traumatic messages regarding sexuality and relationships, and (e) can develop unrealistic expectations about their future sexual relationships through repeated exposure to fantasy-based templates. For these reasons and others, it is illegal for minors to consume pornography, yet this fact is rapidly losing momentum as widespread availability and accessibility normalizes illegal exposure on a global level. As well, children and adolescents can be indirectly impacted by pornography when a parent, sibling, or extended family member is consuming pornography and subsequent effects are introduced into the childs world and family process. Childhood and adolescence are foundational developmental stages in the formation of habits, values, attitudes, beliefs, and worldviews. Experiences that distort or constrain healthy development or affect ones long-term success in marital and family relationships need to be a top priority for parents, policy makers and educators to address. Internet pornography may be considered one such priority with regards to youth. There are obvious ethical barriers to studying the impact of Internet pornography on unaffected youth (Malamuth, 1993). Consequently, it is important to carefully consider the ndings on related topics, as well as research from other countries, clinical observations, and expert opinion. Research from Australia and Sweden is given particular attention because, after
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the United States, Sweden has the second highest Internet use and Australia has the third highest Internet use per capita (Stanley, 2001). Although more research is needed, the voids in the research need not delay responding to what we do know. The following two sections cover the available research: (a) the indirect impact on children and adolescents (e.g., youth who live in a home where pornography consumption is occurring) and (b) the direct impact on children and adolescents (e.g., youth who encounter/consume Internet pornography themselves).
Indirect Impact on Children & Adolescents

When reviewing studies that deal with the impact of sexually addictive or compulsive behavior on the whole family, it is important to realize the majority of cited risks do not need to reach a certain threshold of compulsivity or addiction to be problematic. For example, a father may lose his job on account of his rst perusal of pornography at work, or a child may encounter links or spam associated with the rst pornographic website a parent views on the family computer. Bottom line is that Internet pornography consumption in the home increases the risks several researchers (Schneider, 2000, 2003; Black, Dillon, & Carnes, 2003) have delineated regardless of the degree of consumption. The severity or intensity of the effects, on the other hand, is moderated with the presence or absence of addictive behavior. Schneiders (2000) U.S. study examined the effects of cybersex addiction on the family ( N = 91), including the impact on children ( N = 70). Her work focused on families severely affected by online sexual activity, and it provides one of the most ethical and credible indicators available for how online sexual activity, including how Internet pornography can affect youth. Schneider found that the following negative effects can impact children in homes where a parents compulsive and/or addictive sexual behavior is occurring: 1. Decreased parental time and attention (from the consumer and the parent preoccupied with the consumer) 2. Encountering pornographic material a parent has acquired 3. Encountering a parent masturbating 4. Overhearing a parent engaged in phone sex 5. Increased risk of parental separation and divorce 6. Increased risk of parental job loss and nancial strain 7. Increased risk for consuming pornography themselves 8. Exposure to the objectication of human beings, especially women 9. Witnessing and/or being involved in parental conict 10. Witnessing and/or experiencing stress in the home related to online sexual activities
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Premature sexual dialogue between parent and child is another effect of problematic sexual behavior in the home that researchers Black, Dillon, and Carnes (2003) brought forth. They found that dialogue about sexuality may surface before the parent and especially the child is ready. For example, if there is a chance a child will learn about a parents online or ofine sexual activity from another source (e.g., T.V., church, friends, or family), it may be necessary to discuss sexual problems prior to the recommended age of mid-adolescence (Black, Dillon, & Carnes, 2003). Black, Dillon, and Carnes (2003) also examined adolescents experiences and reactions to being told of a parents struggle with online sexual activity ( N = 89, 13 years of age or older). Prior to a formal disclosure by a parent, 60 out of 89 respondents reported already knowing of their parents behavior. As one respondent stated, I was surprised that my mother was not aware that I knew. I carried this secret with me my entire adolescence and no one knew! Many youths in Black, Dillon, and Carnes (2003) study experienced: (a) anger for the pain caused to the family, (b) embarrassment, (c) fear of the nancial ramications, (d) guilt, (e) confusion over the implications for their parents marriage and the family as a whole, or they may have (f) reached out emotionally to take care of the other parent. Other children found relief and validation at having the problem formally disclosed to them because it validated the confusion, anger, and mixed messages they had lived with for so long. Additionally, Corley and Schneiders (2003) research found that disclosing problematic sexual behavior to children is a process rather than a onetime event, making this problem an integrated and enduring part of the family narrative. Moreover, parents struggling with a problematic sexual behavior are more likely to disclose the problem once the child is ten years of age or older, thereby making preteens and adolescents the most common recipients of this information and adding a unique dimension to their sexual development, identity, and socialization around issues of sexuality. If one or both parents have not carefully planned a unied, child-focused disclosure (e.g., using age-appropriate language, avoiding unnecessary detail, focusing on accountability, and emphasizing that the child is loved), the disclosure can be very upsetting to children.
Direct Impact on Children & Adolescents

The Internet is a powerful resource through which youth can access information, entertainment, and social connection (Subrahmanyam, Kraut, Greeneld, & Gross, 2000). Although it is important to ensure our youth have access to this increasingly important medium, it is equally important to minimize the associated risks of sexual solicitation, abuse, harassment, and exposure to obscenity in the virtual square.
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The number of children exposed to such risks unfortunately is increasing as Internet usage starts earlier and becomes more popular. Between 1998 and 2001, for example, Internet usage among 3- to 4-year-olds jumped from 4.1% to 14.3%; 5- to 9-year-olds experienced a 16.8% to 38.9% increase; and 14- to 17-year-olds experienced a 51.2% to 75.6% hike in Internet usage (Mitchell, Finkelhor, & Wolak, 2003b). Results from the 10th World Wide Web User Survey, conducted by the Georgia Institute of Technologys Graphic, Visualization and Usability (GVU) Center between October and December 1998 ( N = 5, 022) also show that young people between the ages of 11 and 20 represent the majority of new Internet users within the last 1 to 3 years (Kehoe, Pitkow, Sutton, Aggarwal, & Roders, 1999). Research also shows that families with children are more likely to use computers and access the Internet than homes without children (U.S. Department of Commerce, Economic and Statistics Administration, and National Telecommunications and Information Administration, 2002). For example, in 2001, 70.1% of households with children used computers and 62.2% accessed the Internet (U.S. Department of Commerce, Economic and Statistics Administration, and National Telecommunications and Information Administration, 2002). On the other hand, in households without children, 58.8% used computers and 53.2% accessed the Internet (U.S. Department of Commerce, Economic and Statistics Administration, and National Telecommunications and Information Administration, 2002). Despite the illegalities of exposing or marketing sexually explicit material to minors, the pornography industry does not discriminate against young consumers. In a study funded by the U.S. Congress through the National Center for Missing & Exploited Children, Mitchell, Finkelhor, and Wolak (2003a) concluded that sexually explicit material on the Internet is very intrusive and can be inadvertently stumbled upon while searching for other material or opening email. Additionally, a Henry J. Kaiser Family Foundation Report (2002) found that 70% of youth aged 15 to 17 reported accidentally coming across pornography online, and 23% of those youth said this happens very or somewhat often. Viewers of all ages are commonly greeted with Click here if you are 18 years of age or older prior to entering a sexually explicit website (FreemanLongo, 2000). However, this farcical honor system fails at protecting youth from inappropriate material because: (a) approximately 75% of pornographic websites display visual teasers on their homepages before asking if viewers are of legal age (Thornburg & Lin, 2002), (b) only 3% of pornographic websites require proof of age before granting access to sexually explicit material (Thornburg & Lin, 2002), and (c) two-thirds of pornographic websites do not include adult content warnings (Thornburg & Lin, 2002). Although age verication measures are readily available through the use of credit cards, adult access codes, and/or personal identication numbers, the pornography industry has neglected to implement these measures even half-heartedly.
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To make matters worse, unsuspecting youth are commonly tricked into opening pornographic websites by attaching commonly misspelled words to pornographic pages (Mitchell, Finkelhor & Wolak, 2003a), or by making it difcult to shut down or get out of a site once opened, a strategy referred to as mouse trapping. In fact, Mitchell, Finkelhor, and Wolak (2003a) found that in 26% of surng incidents, youth reported being exposed to another sex site when they were trying to exit a site they were in. According to gures from Nielsen//NetRatings (2005), in the United States during the month of April 2005, 4,803 children and adolescents between the ages of 2 and 17 were exposed to or sought out pornography online. This age group also represented 13.97% of all online pornography consumption.
Negative Reactions to Pornography

Challenging the prevalent assumption that young people are motivated to actively seek out pornography, the 2000 Youth Internet Safety Survey found that in a nationally representative sample of 1501 youth aged 10 to 17 (796 boys and 705 girls), 25% reported unwanted exposure to sexual material, 19% reported unwanted sexual solicitation, and 6% had been harassed online (Mitchell, Finkelhor, & Wolak, 2003a). Additionally, Von Feilitzen and Carlsson (2000) reported that youth tend to be upset or embarrassed by online pornography. Opinion polls and later research also support this nding. For example, Mitchell, Finkelhor, and Wolak (2003b) found 23% of youth were very or extremely upset by exposure to sexual material, and a Canadian survey of parents suggests one in ve children have found undesirable sexual material online (Media Awareness, 2000).Youth aged 11 to 17 in an Australian survey, used the words sick, yuck, disgusted, repulsed, and upset to describe how they felt about exposure to online sexual material (Flood & Hamilton, 2003). Furthermore, a 2000 survey by Kids.net found that while up to 25% of 7 to 16 year olds have been upset by online materials, few have reported this to an adult (Wigley & Clarke, 2000). What this suggests is that the number of youth encountering upsetting material may be underestimated if the parents are not aware of the frequency of these encounters and if parents are the ones being polled. In contrast, a 2002 study of university students found that viewers who masturbated while viewing sexually explicit material assessed the material more favorably than those who did not masturbate (Boies, 2002). While this study does not involve children or adolescents, it does highlight how attitudinal shifts may occur when sexually explicit material is paired with a mood-altering experience, thereby reinforcing it. Although more research is needed with regards to this possible attitudinal shift in young populations,
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ethical difculties in conducting such research make studies of young adult populations only more important to consider.
Lasting Negative Impression

In 2003, a study was conducted in which college students were asked to recall one signicant sexual media experience from their youth and their responses to it ( N = 196) (Cantor, Mares, & Hyde, 2003). Participants used eight negative emotions to describe these experiences while only three positive emotions were cited (interest, amusement, and happiness or pleasure). The most common emotional responses to sexually explicit material (not necessary online) were disgust (24%), shock or surprise (23.6%), embarrassment (21.4%), anger (18.4%), fear (11.2%), and sadness (9.2%). When the exposure occurred between 5 and 12 years of age, embarrassment, fear, guilt, and confusion were signicantly more common than for youth 13 years of age or older. It was concluded that sexual media have different meanings and impact on girls and boys, with males reporting more positive memories of sexually explicit material (arousal, interest) than females (Greeneld, 2004b).
Developmental Effects
Patricia M. Greeneld (2004b), a researcher with the Childrens Digital Media Center and the Department of Psychology at the University of California, Los Angeles, reviewed ndings related to developmental effects and media. Greeneld (2004a) paid close attention to chatrooms due to the popularity of this forum among youth. She concluded from her analysis of online communications in chatrooms, that the following effects would likely occur for youth involved in this mode of social interaction.
1. Disinihibtion in sexuality, aggression, and race relations (For example, making inappropriate comments about sexual activity or race that would be considered anti-social in other contexts, or acting out sexually in risky, maladaptive, or illegal ways, for example, with children. 2. Early sexual priming 3. Modeling of racism, negative attitudes toward women, and homophobia. 4. Breeding of personal and social irresponsibility due to anonymity.
Greeneld concludes, we often consider the Internet to be a repository of information; my experience in the chat room led to the conclusion that we had better also think of the Internet in terms of the values that we wish to socialize (p. 757).
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Negative Impact on Sexual Development

The sexual maturation process begins at conception and is developed over the life span through the combined inuence of biological phases and development, socially-dened stages, and various types of relationships with others (DeLamater & Friedrich, 2002). Children and adolescents, however, can get conicted messages about sexuality from the adult society around them (Longo, Brown, & Price Orcutt, 2002), and because parents often remain reluctant to discuss sexual topics with their children (Brown, 2002), todays youth are often left to their own devices to navigate the complex task of developing beliefs about sexuality and maintaining reproductive and sexual health (Longo, Brown, & Price Orcutt, 2002). Studies also have shown that although there is an abundance of sexual content in the media, little is shown regarding sexual responsibility and the consequences of risky sexual behaviors, thereby further complicating this developmental task (Pardun, Ladin LEngle, & Brown, 2005). Dolf Zillman, Dean Emeritus for Graduate Research in the College of Communication and Information Sciences at the University of Alabama, even went so far as to suggest that sexualized media is serving as the primary agent of sexual socialization despite ndings that show young adults prefer learning about sexuality from peers and are using pornography primarily to learn about anal and oral sex (Trostle, 2003) and adolescents ( N = 672) prefer parents as their primary source of information (Somers & Surmann, 2004). Some have argued that restricting access to Internet pornography would negatively impact young people being able to access health-related topics (i.e., information on pregnancy, sexually transmitted diseases, birth control, etc.) that could assist their sexual development and understanding (Richardson, Resnick, Hansen, Derry, & Rideout, 2002). In light of the Henry J. Kaiser Foundations 2001 report that indicated 70% of youth aged 15 to 17 have used the Internet to look up general health information, and 40% of adolescents have looked up sexual health topics specically (i.e., pregnancy, HIV, or sexually transmitted diseases), it is important to ascertain how efforts to increase Internet safety may unwittingly hinder access to useful information (Rideout, 2001). Furthermore, because of concerns about condentiality and the fact that many teens do not have their own health provider, access to the Internet for health information is even more important for many adolescents (Richardson et al., 2002). In response to this quandary of access, Richardson et al. (2002) examined how pornography-blocking software affected access to health information online. These researchers found that pornography-blocking software has a minimal impact on ones access to information about sexual and reproductive health. For example, Richardson et al. found blocking software set at moderate settings blocked 5% of health information while blocking 90% of the pornographic content online.
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According to research with rst-year college students, the following effects and/or risks are associated with frequent exposure to erotica. These effects and/or risks are listed here because of the potential they have for shaping sexual development as well as future marital and familial relationships (Zillman, 2000): 1. Normalization of adverse reactions to offensive material; 2. Developing tolerance toward sexually explicit material, thereby requiring more novel or bizarre material to achieve the same level of arousal or interest; 3. Misperceptions of exaggerated sexual activity in the general populace; 4. Overestimating the prevalence of less common sexual practices (e.g., group sex, bestiality, sadomasochistic activity); 5. Diminished trust in intimate partners; 6. Abandoning the goal of sexual exclusivity with a partner; 7. Perceiving promiscuity as a normal state of interaction; 8. Perceiving sexual inactivity as constituting a health risk; 9. Developing cynical attitudes about love; 10. Believing superior sexual satisfaction is attainable without having affection for ones partner; 11. Believing marriage is sexually conning; 12. Believing that raising children and having a family is as an unattractive prospect; 13. Developing a negative body image, especially for women (Siegel, 1997). Robert E. Freeman-Longo (2000), an expert in sexual abuse assessment, prevention and treatment, adds to the list above: 14. Increased risk for developing sexual compulsions; 15. Increased risk for developing a sexual addiction; 16. Increased risk of exposure to incorrect information about human sexual behavior (e.g., bestiality, sex with children); 17. Exposure to age-inappropriate sexual material.
Effect on Sexual Behavior

Compared to past generations, todays youth are reaching puberty earlier, engaging in sexual intercourse earlier, and getting married signicantly later (Longo, Brown, & Price Orcutt, 2002). Exactly how exposure to pornography is impacting these trends, if at all, is still unclear, however, there is research that indicates pornography consumption is affecting sexual behavior in youth. A group of Swedish researchers recently examined the association between pornography consumption and sexual practices amongst 718 high
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school students from 47 different high school classes (H aggstr om-Nordin, Hanson, & Tyd en, 2005). They found that: 1. Internet and cable TV were the most common sources of pornography used 2. 83% of the youth watched pornography at home 3. 71% believed pornography inuenced others sexual behavior 4. 29% reported pornography had inuenced their own sexual behavior. In a previous Swedish study, however, 53% of young men reported that pornography had impacted their sexual behavior by inspiring them (Tyd en & Rogala, 2004). 5. Males considered high pornography consumers and men with an early age of rst sexual intercourse (15 years) were more likely than low male consumers and women to engage in sexual activities such as oral sex, group sex, and anal intercourse. 6. Engaging in anal intercourse was signicantly associated with high consumption of pornography 7. Engaging in sexual intercourse with a friend (i.e., someone with whom they were not having a loving relationship) was signicantly associated with high consumption of pornography.
Sexual Aggression
In recent years, an Australian Child at Risk Assessment Unit in Canberra, New South Wales, noticed a disturbing increase in the number of sexually abusive or aggressive children under the age of ten who were being referred to their services. In the early 1990s approximately 3 children a year would be referred for sexually aggressive behavior, by 2003, however, approximately 70 children a year were being referred, many of whom had preyed on other children by forcing them to take part in sexual acts. To determine why this increase was occurring, the National Child Protection Clearinghouse and the Canberra Hospital conducted a retroactive study on case les. The review revealed, among other commonalities, a pattern between such sexually abusive children and their access to sexually explicit material on the Internet (Limb, 2003). Social worker, Cassandra Tinning, stated,
We noticed a number of really interesting issues. Of course, this primary issue is around the use of the Internet. Almost all of the children who accessed our services in the last three years in relation to sexually harmful behaviors, almost all those children had accessed the Internet and specically had accessed the Internet for pornographic material (Limb, 2003).
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Victor B. Cline (2001), a Professor Emeritus of Psychology at the University of Utah, has made clinical observations that also support the Australian ndings. For example, he stated:
I have also interviewed some children, where as a result of hearing DialA-Porn messages, they engaged in sexual assaults on other children. One 12 year-old boy in Hayward, California listened to Dial-A-Porn for nearly two hours on the phone. . . . A few days later he sexually assaulted a fouryear-old girl in his mothers day care center. He had never been exposed to pornography before. He had never acted out sexually before and was not a behavior problem in the home. He had never heard or knew of oral sex before listening to Dial-A-Porn. And this was how he assaulted the girl, forcing oral sex on her in direct imitation of what he had heard on the phone (p. 10).
Additionally, Malamuth, Addison, and Koss (2000) found that very frequent pornography use was associated with much higher rates of sexual aggression among older adolescent boys and young men already at high risk for aggressive behavior. High risk factors that were taken into consideration for this study included impulsivity, hostility toward women, and promiscuity. Youth who had the same risk levels of aggressive behavior, but who consumed pornography somewhat, seldom, or never did not show the same levels of sexual aggression.
Sexual Compulsivity
Although there are no long-term studies examining the relationship between childhood behavioral patterns and adult sexual addiction, we do know that children and teens can and do develop compulsive sexual behavior, a common precursor to sexual addiction (Ryan & Lane, 1997). Freeman-Longo (2000) points out in his journal article entitled, Children, Teens and Sex on the Internet that an increasing number of clinicians are having youth referred for problems associated with online sexual activity. Freeman-Longos (2000) research, within the eld of sexual abuse assessment, prevention, and treatment, revealed several risks associated with online sexual activity for youth that, if left untreated, could lead to increased compulsivity and possible sexual addiction in the future. He identied the following as being particularly problematic: 1. Many online relationships are not based in reality; what users read and see about people, relationships, and sex is distorted. 2. Many users begin to seek higher levels of excitement, as current experiences result in a lack of gratication (their tolerance levels change and/or they become satiated to particular activities).
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3. With some youth there may be the potential to increase sexual drive and urges resulting in possible compulsive and/or addictive behavior. When this occurs healthy sexual drive may no longer be exciting. This is especially problematic for youth who engage in sexually abusive and aggressive behaviors. 4. For underaged persons such activities may increase the youths sexual desire for in-person sex and thus result in earlier real-life sexual experiences.
SUMMARY
Examining the systemic impact of Internet pornography is relatively unchartered territory and the body of systemically focused research is limited. After reviewing the social science data that does exist, however, the following key ndings can be extracted:
Impact on Individuals
Pornographys effect on individuals is the most researched area related to impact. The following effects are viewed as having the most bearing on marital and family relationships: 1. 2. 3. 4. Distorted perceptions and beliefs about relationships and sexuality. Devaluation of marriage, monogamy, and child rearing. Increased aggression and the trivialization of criminal behavior (e.g., rape). Increased risk for sexual deviancy, sexual perpetration, experiencing negative intimate relationships, and accepting rape myths (e.g., believing rape isnt a serious crime or assigning responsibility to the victim).
Impact on Marital Relationships

The following effects of Internet pornography consumption are viewed as having the most bearing on marital relationships: 1. Internet pornography consumption threatens the economic, emotional, and relational stability of marriages and families. 2. Qualitative and quantitative research shows that pornography consumption, including cybersex, is signicantly associated with decreased sexual satisfaction and sexual intimacy in couples.
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3. Men and women perceive online sexual activity as an act of betrayal that is as authentic and real as ofine indelity. 4. In light of the social science data regarding healthy, stable marriages, Internet pornography consumption in a growing number of relationships may be considered incompatible with the characteristics of stable, healthy marriages; a relationship that benets the social good.
Indirect Impact on Children and Adolescents

The following effects are considered to have the most impact on children who live in a home where pornography use occurs: 1. Internet pornography consumption by a parent threatens a childs wellbeing by undermining the stability of the marital and family relationships, and increasing the childs risk of exposure to sexually explicit content and/or behavior. 2. The disclosure or discovery of problematic sexual behavior often necessitates the need for sexual dialogue prior to the parent and/or child being ready.
Direct Impact on Children and Adolescents

The following effect are considered to have the most impact on children and adolescents who use or encounter pornography themselves: 1. In spite of the illegalities, youth have easy access to pornographic material and this can have traumatic, distorting, abusive, and/or addictive effects. 2. Youth are commonly being solicited, tricked, misled, or mouse trapped into viewing sexually explicit content online. 3. Research shows that exposure to pornography can make a lasting impression in young people and that this impression is most often described using emotions such as disgust, shock, embarrassment, anger, fear, and sadness. 4. The consumption of Internet pornography and/or involvement in sexualized chat can harm the social and sexual development of youth and undermine their success in future relationships. 5. Pornography consumption in youth has been associated with earlier onset of sexual intercourse, as well as increased likelihood of engaging in anal sex and sexual relations with people they are not romantically engaged with.
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FUTURE RESEARCH
Looking at the impact of Internet pornography from a family-oriented perspective represents a relatively new shift. Because of this, there are many research questions that need answering, which would be worthy of nancial support. Given the previous review, the following research questions need to be answered:
Top Priorities
1. How are family dynamics (parent-child, sibling-sibling, husband-wife, nuclear-extended family) specically affected when one or more family members are consuming pornography on a regular basis? 2. How does pornography consumption correlate, if at all, with rates of incest, child abuse, and physical violence in families? 3. How does female pornography consumption and its related effects differ, if at all, to male consumption? 4. What is the exact demographic prevalence of Internet pornography consumption and sexual addictions in the U.S., and what is the prevalence for males vs. females, and those of various marital statuses? 5. How does pornography affect the brain? 6. How does parental pornography consumption affect rates of consumption in children? 7. How does childhood consumption of pornography affect long-term relational outcomes? This question could be incorporated into one of the longitudinal surveys presently underway, for example, Add Health Survey, or the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth 1979 and 1997. 8. Is sexually aggressive behavior in juveniles represented across diverse populations consuming pornography, or is it limited to high-risk, vulnerable youth?
Secondary Areas for Study

1. Controlling for demographics, income, education, and religious practice, what differentiates couples who consume pornography in a mutual manner from those who view pornography in a secretive, solitary manner, and those who dont use it all? 2. How does Internet pornography differ in its effects on individuals from other forms of pornography (i.e., print or video)? 3. How does long-term pornography consumption affect sexual development over the lifespan?
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CONCLUSION
Internet pornography is altering the social and sexual landscape. Although there is much more to learn about this process in greater specicity regarding marriages and families, the research currently available indicates many negative trends. Unfortunately, these trends are expected to continue for sometime unless drastic changes in social norms, public education, parenting approaches, Internet restructuring, and law enforcement occur. As the rst Internet generations reach adulthood, it is anticipated that the full magnitude of online pornographys effect will become even clearer, and alter the pornography debate accordingly. Related research in neuroscience, marriage and family therapy, and developmental psychology will augment what is now only a nascent area of social psychology and clinical research. What is certain is that this issue promises to be around for some time.
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Sexual Addiction & Compulsivity, 13:131165, 2006 Copyright Taylor & Francis Group, LLC ISSN: 1072-0162 print

t / 1532-5318 online DOI: 10.1080/10720160600870711

Internet Pornography Impacts on Marriage

LIMITED SCOPE OF REVIEW

INTERNET PORNOGRAPHY AS A DISTINCT GENRE

AN OVERVIEW OF THE IMPACT OF GENERAL PORNOGRAPHY USE ON INDIVIDUALS

Internet Pornography Impacts on Marriage

Internet Pornography Impacts on Marriage

IMPACT OF INTERNET PORNOGRAPHY ON MARRIAGE

Internet Pornography Impacts on Marriage

Characteristics of Healthy, Stable Marriages

Predictor of Marital Distress, Separation & Divorce

Internet Pornography Impacts on Marriage

Decreased Sexual Satisfaction

Internet Pornography Impacts on Marriage

Decreased Sexual Intimacy

Internet Pornography Impacts on Marriage

IMPACT OF INTERNET PORNOGRAPHY ON CHILDREN AND ADOLESCENTS

Internet Pornography Impacts on Marriage

Indirect Impact on Children & Adolescents

Direct Impact on Children & Adolescents

Internet Pornography Impacts on Marriage

Negative Reactions to Pornography

Internet Pornography Impacts on Marriage

Lasting Negative Impression

Negative Impact on Sexual Development

Internet Pornography Impacts on Marriage

Effect on Sexual Behavior

Internet Pornography Impacts on Marriage

Impact on Marital Relationships

Internet Pornography Impacts on Marriage

Indirect Impact on Children and Adolescents

Direct Impact on Children and Adolescents

Secondary Areas for Study

Internet Pornography Impacts on Marriage

Internet Pornography Impacts on Marriage

Internet Pornography Impacts on Marriage

Internet Pornography Impacts on Marriage

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