A collaboration of Cornell University, University of Rochester,

and the New York State Center for School Safety

ACT for Youth Upstate Center of Excellence
F S and FINDINGS
RESEARCH
April 2003
The term "social capital" suggests an analogy
between the financial "investments" made by in-
dividuals and corporations and the
"investments" people make in social relation-
ships. Those relationships are like financial
capital when they enable people to obtain
things they value, such as information, emo-
tional support, material assistance, access to job
opportunities, and wider social contacts. Social
capital is closely related to two other metaphori-
cal terms. One is "human capital," which is de-
fined as the store of abilities a person has that
enable her or him to accomplish goals, espe-
cially to earn a living. Education is a major form
of human capital; in general, people who
"invest" in gaining more education earn more
than those with less education. The second term
is "social network." A social network is simply
the set of people a person knows and communi-
cates with. The nature of the social network and
the resources of the people in it determine a
person's level of social capital. Someone who
can easily get a loan or a recommendation for a
new job from a friend or help from a neighbor
has more social capital than someone who can-
not. Social capital can help a person accumulate
human capital (Coleman, 1994). It is useful to
consider social capital from four perspectives:
Family, Neighborhood, School, and Community.

Family Social Capital The bonds between par-
ents and children and between parents and oth-
ers in the larger community are profoundly im-
Social Capital and the Well-Being of Youth
portant in shaping a young persons develop-
mental trajectory. Parents directly affect their
childrens social development through a num-
ber of direct and indirect channels. The pack-
age of social skills and resources parents
bring to bear most directly on their children
are those that occur day-to-day inside the
home: affection, age-appropriate intellectual
stimulation, home safety and cleanliness, high
levels of parent-child interaction, positive
communication and parental monitoring of
child activity are all beneficial for children and
adolescents (Parcel & Dufur, 2001). Parental
involvement in work and social networks out-
side the home exert an indirect influence on
children. Parental satisfaction at work, in-
volvement in informal social networks, and in-
volvement in religious and/ or civic activities
2
in the larger community all influence the quality
of parent-child relationships at home
(Furstenberg & Hughers, 1995; Parcel & Dufur,
2001).

Neighborhood Social Capital New research
demonstrates that where young people live mat-
ters. Most people would expect this. It is one
reason parents are willing to pay more for a
house in a "good" neighborhood. But the way
neighborhoods influence youth is complex. For
example, there is good evidence that neighbor-
hoods most strongly foster youth well-being
when strong intergenerational relationships oc-
cur in them, when residents regularly exchange
information and resources, when they have mu-
tual trust, feel attached to each other, and sup-
port each other, and when they are willing to
take action to maintain the neighborhood (e.g.,
calling the police or intervening directly to stop
destructive behavior). Some neighborhoods
are more likely to provide this type of support
than others. For example, neighborhoods in
which residents live for a long time, and where
many families are middle class, more readily
create the kinds of supportive environments
youth need. By contrast, in neighborhoods with
many disadvantaged families, neighbors have a
harder time sharing expectations for youth and
taking collective action on their behalf. Even
more discouraging, in neighborhoods where
many families are disadvantaged, high residen-
tial stability can have decidedly negative impl i-
cations for youth well-being because young
people may become entrapped in dysfunctional
neighborhood relationships (such as gang vi o-
lence). Another unwelcome finding is that
neighborhood social networks tend to be pre-
dominantly of one race even in stable, affluent
neighborhoods. On the more hopeful side,
even youth who live near, but not in, cohesive,
well-functioning neighborhoods gain an advan-
tage from that proximity (Leventhal & Brooks-
Gunn, 2000; Sampson, Morenhoff, & Earls,
1999).

School Social Capital Very little is known about
how social capital in school settings affects
youth well -being. However, it is becoming in-
creasingly clear that when youth feel connected
to school, attached to adults and peers, engaged
in positive school-based activi ties, and safe at
Community Social Capital There is a growing
consensus that a young persons (and adults)
interactions with the individuals and institu-
tions outside family and residential neighbor-
hood networks contribute strongly to youth
well-being. Robert Putnam, the leading
scholar of social capital, persuasively argues
that the increased depression, suicide, and
violence noted in more recent generations of
youth compared to previous generations in the
twentieth century are strongly related to de-
creasing levels of social connectedness be-
tween community members and civic institu-
tions. Indeed, social connectedness is a much
stronger predictor of perceived quality of life
in a community than educational or economic
indicators at least for adults. Interestingly, it
also appears that young people are more
likely to achieve better health and educational
outcomes if the adults in their community trust
school, they are far more likely to prosper than
when any of these is missing. Indeed, feeling
connected to school is a more important factor
in youth well -being than school type, dropout
rate, attendance rate, perceived student preju-
dice, classroom size, teacher training, propor-
tion of college-bound students, or percent of
parents involved in parent-teacher organization.
What seems to matter most for adolescent health
and well-being is that schools foster an atmos-
phere in which students feel fairly treated, close
to others, and part of the school all core di-
mensions of social capital in school settings
(Blum & Rinehart, 2001).

3
and socialize with each other, are civically en-
gaged, attend a faith-based institution regularly,
have diverse friendships and are politically in-
volved (Putnam, 2000).

As young people approach adolescence they
are increasingly affected directly by social af-
filiations and support systems outside of their
families, with peers, non-familial adults, and
other social institutions. Experiences in their
schools, communities, and among peers be-
come increasingly important to their well-being
as they get older. Indeed, there is strong evi-
dence that positive and meaningful adolescent
engagement in and connection to their schools
and communities leads not only to many attri b-
utes of social capital in adulthood, it enhances
young peoples physical and psychological
well-being overall. Unfortunately, there is also
evidence that significant numbers of young peo-
ple do not feel meaningfully connected to their
schools and communities as they begin to nego-
tiate more direct relationships with the social
spaces outside their homes and families
(Benson, Scales, Leffert, & Roehlkpartain, 1999).

Implications Social capital is a useful concept for
addressing how youth well -being is affected by
the character of the various social settings in
which they grow up. It is also very useful in un-
derstanding the experiences that inform young
peoples sense of connection to places and peo-
ple and the ways in which they come to be
adults who have a sense of responsibility and
reciprocity in the various social settings they oc-
cupy. Research on social capital indicates that
communities can promote youth development
through the following actions.

Support the development of positive parent-
ing skills, both through instructional and mutual
support programs and by promoting parents'
engagement in activities that build their social
capital.
Build neighborhood networks of communica-
tion, trust, and assistance.
Increase social capital of the adults in
neighborhoods, schools, and communities.
Enhance young people's connection to, trust
in, and investment in schools and communities
by creating leadership and other growth op-
portunities for them.

References

Benson, P. L., Scales, P. C., Leffert, N., & Roehlk-
partain, E. C. (1999). A fragile foundation: The state
of developmental assets among American youth.
Minneapolis: Search Institute.

Blum, R. W., & Rinehart, P. M. (2001). Reducing the
risk: Connections that make a difference in the lives
of youth. Minneapolis, MN: Division of General Pe-
diatrics and Adolescent Health, University of Min-
nesota, Box 721, 420 Delaware St., S.E.

Coleman, J.S. (1994). Social capital, human capital,
and investment in youth. In Petersen, A.C., &
Mortimer, J.T. (Eds.), Youth unemployment and so-
ciety. (pp. 34-50). New York: Cambridge Univer-
sity Press.

Furstenberg, F. F. J., & Hughers, M. E. (1995). So-
cial capital and successful development among at-
risk youth. Journal of Marriage and the Family, 57
(3), 580-592.

Leventhal, T., & Brooks-Gunn, J. (2000). The
neighborhoods they live in: The effects of
neighborhood residence on child and adolescent
outcomes. Psychological Bulletin, 126(2), 309-337.

Parcel, T. L., & Dufur, M. J. (2001). Capital at home
and at school: Effects on child social adjustment.
Journal of Marriage and the Family, 63(1), 32-47.

Putnam, R. (2000). Bowling alone: The collapse and
revival of American community. New York: Simon &
Schuster.

Sampson, R., Morenhoff, J. D., & Earls, F. (1999).
Beyond social capital: Spatial dynamics of collec-
tive efficacy for children. American Sociological
Review, 64, 633-660.

Cornell University
Family Life Development Center
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Ithaca, NY 14853

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Fax: 607.255.8562

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