Guilt and Cynicism

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Guilt and Cynicism

Never Too Late to Remember: The Politics behind New York's Holocaust Museum by Rochelle
G. Saidel
Review by: Alice Goldfarb Marquis
The Review of Politics, Vol. 60, No. 2 (Spring, 1998), pp. 404-406
Published by: Cambridge University Press for the University of Notre Dame du lac on behalf of
Review of Politics

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404

THE REVIEWOF POLITICS

than Machiavelli, Rousseau sees the dilemmas of politics arising from its
character as the relations among individuals who are mutually dependent
yet have conflicting interests. Dependence is particularly important for
Rousseau, and has a psychological facet missing in Machiavelli's work (pp.
154,176). Rousseau locates the source of hypocrisy in politics in the corruption
of human nature. Given the psychological basis of Rousseau's analysis of
corruption and integrity, I wonder whether his understanding of "integrity"
and the relationship of ethics and politics is not more different from
Machiavelli than Grant allows. Grant notes the relationship between ethical
"integrity" and psychological unity or wholeness in Rousseau's thought (see
pp. 84-86, 95-96, 152-54). If Rousseau's psychological theory of psychic unity
and corruption is the foundation for his ethical and political thought, then
discussing the ethical dimension of "integrity" before the psychological
foundation, as Grant does, obscures the relationship. Grant's most useful
insight on this issue, that there is a substantive moral content to Rousseau's
model of psychic unity (p. 86), is correct but needs development. The
unexpected similarities Grant uncovers between Machiavelli and Rousseau
should not obscure their differences.
Finally,Grant's turn to Machiavelli and Rousseau because they illuminate
the problems of ethics in politics obscured by liberalism makes the character
of liberalism itself a theme of her work. Grant points to the strange
combination of unrealistic idealism and idealized realism of this fanciful
animal. On both scores, liberalism needs a caution against its "overly
optimistic attempt to overcome the inevitable irrationalities of political life"
(p. 14). Grant's characterization of liberalism richly deserves elaboration. As
she says in concluding her challenging and insightful study: "As a political
matter, hypocrisy will always be with us; it is an inevitable byproduct of the
mixture of the dependency relations of politics and the necessity of public
moral principles, neither of which we can do without even if we would. The
best that we can do is to judge hypocrisy, and antihypocrisy too, with a
discerning eye, which requires that we keep those images of integrity that
guide our judgment always within our sight" (p.181).

-John T.Scott

GUILT AND CYNICISM


Rochelle G. Saidel: NeverTooLateto Remember:
ThePoliticsBehindNew York's
HolocaustMuseum.(New Yorkand London: Holmes & Meier, 1996. Pp. xiii, 289.
$30.00.)
Almost fifty years after it was first proposed, a squat building with the
look of a warehouse opened its bronze door near the southern tip of
Manhattan. Contention surrounded even its clumsy name: Living Memorial
to the Holocaust-Museum of Jewish Heritage. As Rochelle G. Saidel describes
in intimate-though not vivid-detail, this is a project that virtually nobody

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REVIEWS

405

in New York wanted. Yet, because of its grim subject matter, American Jews'
guilt at rescuing too few of their European brethren from the Nazis, and, above
all, the cynicism of vote-hungry politicians, the project kept inching forward.
As it crept through the decades, the plan metamorphosed, in Kafkaesque fashion, from a modest, straightforward monument to those murdered
by the Nazis to a grandiose, expensive pile eerily resembling one of Hitler's
crematoria. Unfortunately, the final structure recalls the six million Jewish
victims of Nazism, but ignores the millions of others-gypsies, homosexuals,
mentally retarded, political radicals, Slavic prisoners of war-who also
vanished into the Nazis' vicious maelstrom. From the beginning, not a single
representative of any of these non-Jewish groups was invited to participate
in the planning, or even asked to contribute money.
So dominated were the planners by Jewish religious interests that, at
one point, the proposed by-laws specified that the institution would be closed
on Saturdays as well as all Jewish holidays. Even the most avid political
proponents realized that such rules contravened the first amendment to the
Constitution and forced removal of these provisions.
While this institution in New York as well as Washington's Holocaust
Museum may pass on the memory of the Nazis' pitiful victims, they also
serve as monuments to the unbounded chutzpa of elected politicians and
their aides in seizing upon one of history's most profound tragedies to garner
votes, appease interest groups, and actually reward campaign contributors
with profits. In Washington, President Jimmy Carter set the pace in 1978. As
Saidel has carefully traced events, Carter named a Holocaust Commission in
an attempt to placate an angry, well-organized Jewish community for two
indiscretions: first, selling advanced fighter jets to Saudi Arabia and second,
an offhand remark at a 1977 Massachusetts town meeting that the Palestinians
should have a homeland. The building on the Mall in Washington, which
opened in 1993, smacks of the sort of reward a parent offers willful toddlers
as a distraction from what they cannot have. While private contributions
financed construction, the U.S. government provided the land.
Saidel has found no evidence that any strong pressure existed for either
the Washington or New York memorial. In Israel, an awe-inspiring
monument, Yad Vashem, appropriately combines remembrance with
scholarship, in a nation peopled by those who fled oppression and by many
Holocaust survivors. In other European countries, including Germany,
monuments mark the stark fate of local citizens. By contrast, the American
museums commemorate horrendous events that befell mostly non-Americans
with ethnic or religious ties to well-organized American interest groups. By
the reasoning demonstrated in these museums, many other American ethnic
or religious groups whose forebears suffered persecution-Armenians,
be entitled to elaborate,
Greeks, Chinese, to name just a few-should
expensive monuments on public land.
Never TooLateto Rememberemphasizes how painfully prolonged the effort
to build a Holocaust memorial effort became in New York. Time and again,
the endeavor appeared to be dying from lackluster support, both moral and
financial. Yet, over half a century, the project swelled from a simple plaque
installed at Riverside Park in 1947 to an obscene blueprint for a 30-story

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406

THEREVIEWOFPOLITICS

condominium tower atop a Holocaust Museum. Even the museum's most


avid supporters, developer friends of Mayor Edward I. Koch, grew queasy
at the notion of selling apartments above such a grim site. Eventually,
Governor Mario Cuomo, then considering a run for the presidency, thrust
himself into the project, because, like Koch, he sniffed political profit.
Between Koch and Cuomo and the constant need to raise more money,
the dignity and solemnity of what was being memorialized eroded. A 1988
fund-raiser, for example, was billed as a chance to "Rock and Roll the Night
Away" at a disco for a $125 donation. Eventually, almost $15 million was
squandered on failed designs and extended fund-raising; in December 1993,
even the normally sympathetic TheNew YorkTimesdeplored that$5 million spent
on architecturaland exhibit design "will end up in the wastebasket" (p. 235).
Saidel's account of all the shenanigans surrounding a supposedly solemn
site still includes a number of distracting vestiges of a doctoral dissertation:
brief expositions of theories developed by other political scientists which
certain data supposedly support. However, this book's most serious flaw is
timing. The underlying research ends in 1994; although a hasty reference in
the final paragraph mentions "steel construction beams rising into the air...
in the summer of 1996" (p. 246), those words had to be written well in advance
of that time, since the book was published in 1996. Thus, Saidel drops the
story just as construction of the museum began. So the reader is left hanging
around a building site, without knowing the reaction of the press and public
to the final structure and its contents after it opened in 1997.
Despite these blemishes, Never TooLateto Rememberprovides a striking,
disheartening object lesson about how even worthwhile projects can go
completely astray in the hands of that unholy alliance-special interest groups
and unscrupulous politicians.
-Alice Goldfarb Marquis

PARTY MAN AND REFORMER


Sean J. Savage: Trumanand the DemocraticParty.(Lexington:The University
Press of Kentucky,1997. Pp. xiii, 259. $34.95.)
Associate professor of political science at St. Mary's College in South
Bend, winner of the Emerging ScholarAward of theAmerican Political Science
Association for a first book on Roosevelt,the Party Leader(1991), Sean Savage
now follows with a book on Truman and the Democratic party. "No previous
book exclusively and comprehensively devotes its content and purpose,"
the author writes, "to a detailed analysis of Harry S. Truman's relationship
with the Democratic party and his presidential behavior as a party leader"
(p. vii). Savage nicely sets out his theme in the preface, that Truman was both
a regular Democrat and a reformer. The argument is that these two bents or
beliefs conflicted during his presidency.

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