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CORPORATE PUBLIC AFFAIRS
Interacting
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Media, and Government
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CORPORATE PUBLIC AFFAIRS

Interacting With Interest
Media, and Government
Otto Lerbinger
Boston University
2006
LAWRENCE ERLBAUM ASSOCIATES, PUBLISHERS

Mahwah, New Jersey
London
Groups,
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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Lerbinger, Otto.
Corporate
public
affairs
:
interacting
with
interest
media, and government / Otto Lerbinger.
p. cm. (LEAs communication series)
Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0-8058-5642-0 (cloth :
alk. paper)
ISBN 0-8058-5643-9 (pbk. : alk. paper)
1. CorporationsPublic relations. 2. CorporationsPolitical activity. 3. Social responsibility of business. I. Title.
II. Series.
HD59.L47 2005
659.2'85dc22
2005045462
CIP
ISBN 1-4106-1726-2 Master e-book ISBN
groups,
Contents in Brief
Preface
xvii
I: Introduction
1 An Overview of Corporate Public Affairs
II: Interest Group Strategies
2 Interest Group Strategies and Forms of Opinion
37
3 Conflict Resolution: Mediation and Negotiation
72
Leader Communication
III: Media Strategies
4 Proactive Media Relations
99
5 Gaining Semicontrol Over the Media: Broadcast
137
6 Gaining Complete Control Over the Media: Advocacy
151
7 Holding the Media Accountable and Suing
171
Appearances
Advertising
vi
CONTENTS IN BRIEF
8 Bypassing the News Media: Direct Communication
199
IV: Governmental Strategies
9 Direct Lobbying
229
10 Grassroots Lobbying
250
11 Electoral Activities
273
12 Litigation Communication
310
V: Dominance Versus Competition
13 Ascendancy of Corporate Power
347
14 Constructing a Competitive Political Marketplace
381
15 Heeding the Public Interest
404
Author Index
435
Subject Index
445
Contents
Preface
xv
I: Introduction
1 An Overview of Corporate Public Affairs

Modern Function of Public Affairs
7
Mapping the Sociopolitical Environment 8
Generating Political Power 10
Public Affairs Activities 13
The Public Policy Process 14
Openness With Stakeholders 15
Three Characteristics of Public Affairs Communication
Strategic Campaign Management 17
Process of Issues Management 18
Public Affairs Campaign Based on an Issues Life
Cycle 22
Conclusions 24
Endnotes 24
17
vii
viii
CONTENTS
II: Interest Group Strategies
2 Interest Group Strategies and Forms of Opinion
37
Leader Communication
Interest Groups Develop Campaigns Targeting

Corporations 38
Unions Faces Off With Farah and J. P. Stevens
39
Anticorporate Campaigns 40
Containment Strategies 41
Oppose an Interest Group 43
Weaken Antagonists 44
Foster Offsetting Interest Groups 48
Engagement Strategies 48
Unilateral Strategies 49
Public Participation Strategies 53
Opinion Leader Communication 58
Face-to-Face Communication and Other Forms
of Personal Communication 60
Small-Group Meetings, Forums, and Dialogue
Communications 61
Speechmaking: Supplemental Interpersonal
Communication 64
Newsletters, Small Publications, and the Internet
66
Conclusions 67
Endnotes 67
3 Conflict Resolution: Mediation and Negotiation

Applications of Conflict Resolution Methods
73
Alternative Dispute Resolution 73
Resolving Environmental Disputes 74
Collaborative Planning 75
Resolving Public Disputes: The Mutual Gains
Approach 78
How Mediation and Negotiation Work
79
Some Useful Competencies 80
Media Usage During the Consensus-Building Process
Conclusions 83
Appendix 84
Endnotes 86
72
82
CONTENTS
ix
III: Media Strategies
4 Proactive Media Relations
99
Intervene in the News Creation Process 100

Jump Start News 100
Engage in Preemptive Communications 102
Correct the News 104
Influence Reporting 106
Take a Tough Media Stance
107
Demand Rebuttal Time 108
Set Conditions for Cooperation 109
Impose a News Boycott or Freeze-Out 112
Rate Reporters 114
Threaten to Drop Advertising 115
Require Advance Notice of Upcoming Articles
116
Exercise Restraint: Procter & Gambles Excessive
Zeal 117
Making News Irresistible 117
Create Newsworthy Stories 117
Subsidize the Media 118
Reach Journalists Through the Internet
125
Take Advantage of the Enlarged Media Menu
126
Changes in Regular Viewership and Readership
127
Alternative Media 128
Conclusions 129
Endnotes 130
5 Gaining Semicontrol Over the Media: Broadcast
137
Appearances
Politics Illustrates the Power of Television

138
Opportunities Abound for Broadcast Appearances
Increased Corporate Use of Broadcast Appearances
Media Training and Skills 142
Deciding Whether to Appear 143
How to Handle the Interview 144
Impressions Count 145
Handling Trick Questions 145
Learning How to Speak TV 146
140
141
CONTENTS
Looking Your Best on TV

Conclusions 148
Endnotes 148
147
6 Gaining Complete Control Over the Media: Advocacy
151
Advertising
Use of Advocacy Ads Grows 152

Broadcast Networks Restrict Advocacy Advertising
Print Media More Hospitable Toward Advocacy Ads
Objectives of Advocacy Advertising
156
Correct Media Errors and Distortion 156
Garner Public Attention and Support
157
Stimulate News Coverage 158
Influence Government Action 159
How Effective Are Advocacy Ads?
160
Determine the Criteria for Effectiveness
162
Conditions That Enhance Effectiveness
164
Trends in Corporate Advertising 165
Corporate Branding 166
Conclusions 167
Endnotes 167
7 Holding the Media Accountable and Suing
154
155
171
Using Media Monitoring and Oversight Groups

173
Media Watchdogs 174
News Councils 175
Launch a Media Blitz Against Media Misrepresentation
177
Acquire Media Ownership and Board Membership
178
Concentration of Ownership 179
Board Membership 182
Engage in Public Journalism 183
Suing the Media 185
1996 Becomes a Peak Libel Suit Year
185
Cases of Deceptive or Careless Newsgathering
185
Effects of Libel Suits: The Media Become More Careful,
and Some Are Intimidated 190
Conclusions 192
Appendix 192
Endnotes 194
CONTENTS
8 Bypassing the News Media: Direct Communication
xi
199
Disenchantment With the News Media

200
Polls Reveal Public Doubts About the Media
200
Liberal Bias 202
Intrusion of Commercial Values 204
Methods of Alternative and Direct Communication
208
Use of Alternative Media by Politicians
208
Private Communication Systems 209
Database Marketing 210
The Internet 212
Conclusions 217
Endnotes 217
IV: Governmental Strategies
9 Direct Lobbying
229
The Lobbying Business 230

Who Hires Lobbyists? 230
Who Are the Lobbyists? 231
Direct Lobbying Resources and Skills 237
Access 237
Information and Knowledge 240
A Mutually Beneficial Relationship 243
Some Helpful Skills 243
Working with Congressional Committees
244
Testifying Before a Congressional Committee
244
Arranging for Media Coverage at Hearings
246
Other Advice for Effective Government Presentations
246
Conclusions 247
Endnotes 247
10 Grassroots Lobbying
Why Grassroots Activities Have Become Important
Changes in Political Structure 252
Effective Technology 252
Elements of Grassroots Lobbying 253
Constituency Building 254
Constituency Communication 258
250
251
xii
CONTENTS
Constituency Activation and Methods of Pressuring

Lawmakers 259
Tools of Grassroots Lobbying 261
Telephones Are Still Useful 262
Computer Technology Enhances Grassroots
Effectiveness 265
Organizing an Integrated Lobbying Campaign: How CSE
Does It 268
Conclusions 269
Endnotes 269
11 Electoral Activities
273
Political Campaign Contributions 274
Sources of Campaign Financing 274
Specific Sources of Financing 275
Campaign Finance Laws 281
Issue Advocacy Advertising 283
Ads Financing by 527s and Other Nonprofit Groups
284
Effectiveness of Campaign Ads 288
How Effective Are Political Contributions?
289
Helping a Candidate Win 289
Supporting Lobbying Efforts 290
Helpful Conditions 292
Other Political Assistance and Cyberpolitics
293
Merging Political Assistance With Public Affairs
293
Getting Out the Vote Programs 295
Voter Education Programs 295
Whether to Engage in Partisan Communications
297
Cyberpolitics 297
Conclusions 298
Appendix 299
Endnotes 301
12 Litigation Communication
Judgeships Are Often Elective Offices
311
Power of the Judicial Branch of Government
Growth of Litigation Public Relations 313
Total War Against Corporations
314
Corporate Scandals Increase Vulnerability
310
312
315
CONTENTS
xiii
Litigation Public Relations Gains Recognition 316

Product Liability 320
Growth in Product Liability Cases
320
Cost of Litigation 321
Tort Reform 324
Some Principles and Techniques of Litigation Public
Relations 328
Other Corporation Strategies
333
Junk Science Campaign 333
Suppression of Public Information
335
Seeking Sanctions Against Opponents
338
Conclusions 338
Endnotes 339
V: Dominance Versus Competition
13 Ascendancy of Corporate Power
347
Corporate Gains in Political Power: The Big Picture

348
Scandals Reveal Extent of Corporate Dominance
349
Four Dangers of Corporate Dominance Exposed by
Scandals 349
Impact of Scandals 351
Growing Corporate Influence Over Government
354
More Deregulation and Lax Antitrust Laws
354
Creeping PrivatizationIncluding the Military
355
Power of Interest Groups Fluctuates But Endures
357
Environmental Groups 358
Labor Union Power Eroding But Still to Be Reckoned
With 362
Growing Corporate Media Power 366
Dangers of Media Concentration 366
Telecommunications Act of 1996
368
Media Concentration Grows 369
Conclusions 374
Endnotes 375
14 Constructing a Competitive Political Marketplace

Maintain Competition in the Political Marketplace
Encourage Diversity of Interest Groups
383
381
382
xiv
CONTENTS
Recognize the Legitimate Function of Government

384
Avoid Gross Disparities in Political Purchasing
Power 386
Transparency: Repair the Financial Information
Infrastructure 387
Scandals Expose Fractures in the Financial Information
Infrastructure 388
The Sarbanes-Oxley Act Seeks to Repair the Information
Infrastructure 393
The Culture of Wall Street Changes Slowly
395
Corporate Leaders 395
Wall Street 397
Conclusions 399
Endnotes 399
15 Heeding the Public Interest
404
Embracing Corporate Social Responsibility

406
Climbing the Pyramid of CSR 407
Growing Support for CSR and Ethics Programs
413
Engaging in Stakeholder Relationships
413
Subscribing to the Managerial Creed 414
Identifying Stakeholders 416
A Relationship Model 417
Incorporating the Public Interest in Corporate
Governance 419
Form a Public Interest Committee 420
Expand Composition of Board Membership
422
Conduct Social Audit and Publish Social Report
424
Upholding a Corporations Reputation: The CEOs Role
425
Conclusions 428
Endnotes 429
Author Index
435
Subject Index
445
Preface
A corporations sociopolitical environment can affect its profitability,

growth, and, in extreme cases, its very survival. Not surprisingly, corporations have established a public affairs functionoften an extension
of existing public relationsto deal with that environment. In recognition of this function, business schools have added courses to their business and society curriculum. The professionals who specialize in dealing
with the external environment are called corporation public affairs vicepresidents and directors.
Public affairs professionals are given responsibility for many activities, such as
government relations, direct and grassroots lobbying, issues management, and media
relations. All of these activities, discussed in the book, focus on the generation and
application of political power. In a sense, the professionals task is to convert a corporations
economic resources into various forms of political power.
Practically everybody wants to deal with others advantageously in
our dynamic society, where success depends not only on marketplace
strength but also political shrewdness. The powerful flourish; the weak
wither. Within organizations, all managers are aware of power: who
has authority over others and who has access to needed resources. The
same is true externally, where an organization may be confronted by labor unions, environmental and other social action groups, the media
(including the pervasive Internet), and all three branches of government: executive, legislative, and judicial.
Strategies and their supporting tactics, however, cannot effectively be
applied unless professionals understand their underlying theory and
dynamics. Each chapter is therefore interlaced with management and
communication
conceptssome
from
professionals
and
some
from
academicians. Such knowledge helps prevent the blind application of campaigns that worked elsewhere but might not be appropriate for a
xv
xvi
PREFACE
current situation. In part, therefore, this book serves as a manual of corporate public affairs
strategies and tactics
Readers can view each part of the book from several angles: as dynamic
forces in a corporations sociopolitical environment, as stages in a public
affairs campaign, and as major modes of communication: opinion leader
communication,
public
communication,
legislative
communication,
and
litigation communication. Following the life cycle concept of issues management (discussed in chap. 1), a professional can decide which stage is
appropriate for a particular situation (e.g., an emerging issue or one already on the legislative agenda). The strategies and techniques associated
with a particular stage can then be examined and applied.
The book frequently refers to the model of a political marketplace:
the stage on which the players interact. The demand side is represented
by corporations and interest groups, as well as the public; that is, citizens with their voting power a parallel to consumers purchasing
power. The supply side is represented by legislative and regulatory
bodies that sell public policies and a variety of favors, such as tax benefits, subsidies, and tariff protection to the buyers. Using the metaphor
of the political marketplace has several advantages. One is a reminder to
management that success in this marketplace is often of equal importance to success in the marketplace for goods and services. As corporations, following their markets, become more global, they also subject
themselves to the laws and agreements of other governments and international bodies.
A second advantage of the political marketplace metaphor is that it
reminds us of the need to be competitive and to use marketing tools
while considering the long-term requirement of maintaining a competitive system. Profit maximization guides business behavior in the competitive marketplace; similarly, the quest to attain preeminent power is
the motivation behind a corporations dealings with others. However,
just as some corporations temper profit maximization with concerns of
social responsibility, their penchant to win in the political marketplace
shows concern for continuing corporate legitimacy and survival of the
free enterprise system. Public affairs professionals must take responsibility for this concern, or they will unwittingly erode corporate reputation and jeopardize public confidence in business.
Part I of the book, consisting of chapter 1, provides an overview of the
corporate public affairs function. Of special importance is a review of
activities engaged in by public affairs professionals and an inventory of
available political resources. The chapter also summarizes the tool of issues management and one of its key concepts, the life cycle of an issue,
which involves four stages: when an issue first emerges, when the public becomes involved, when lawmakers and regulators ponder and initiate
legislation,
and
when
lawyers
and
judges
adjudicate
disputes.
Subsequent parts of the book are organized according to these stages:
interest group strategies, media strategies, legislative strategies, and litigation strategies.
PREFACE
xvii
Part IIon interest group strategiesdeals with the myriad interest

groups in the United States, such as labor unions and environmental,
consumer, womens, and human rights groups, that compose a powerful
force. They promote their agendas, make demands on corporations, and
insist on the inclusion of their interests in a firms profit-making calculations.
Confrontations
between
interest
groups
and
corporations
contribute
to
media
exposure
and
sometimes
involve
lawsuits
that
seek
compliance and punishment. Chapter 2 discusses such contrasting strategies as containment and engagement, as well as various opinion leader
communication techniques to deal with interest groups. Chapter 3
shows how environmental groups and others use the process of public
participation and the increasingly used strategies of conflict resolution to
reconcile their differences with others and to achieve mutual benefit.
Part
IIIon
media
strategiesrecognizes
the
medias
increasing
coverage of business events, especially negative ones, that have tremendous
power both to undermine corporate credibility and to support public
policy positions. Serving as societys watchdog, they draw attention to
product
flaws,
management
misconduct,
environmental
damage,
and
other criticisms of business. Corporate reputations, so important in attracting investors, recruiting workers, and selling products, can be tarnished and permanently ruined. The media also promote or criticize the
policies and views of all contending actors in the political marketplace:
government, corporations, and interest groups. Five chapters deal with
media strategiesthe first three with gaining greater control over what
the media say, and the next two with desired long-term structural
changes in the media and how corporations communicate directly with
its stakeholders and the public.
Part IVgovernmental strategiesdeals with all three branches of
government: legislative, executive and judicial. Government is the
most powerful
force in
a
corporations sociopolitical
environment
because it holds ultimate power and resources. In terms of power, it can
restructure the marketplace, ban a product or demand a recall, impose
environmental and occupational health and safety requirements, and
restrict exportation. In terms of resources, government can grant licenses and loan guarantees, provide subsidies, and help promote the
sale of products overseas. Three major ways of influencing lawmakers
and regulatorsdirect and grassroots lobbying as well as electoral activitiesare presented in chapters 9, 10, and 11. Chapter 12, Litigation
Communication,
extends
governmental
communication
to
the
judicial branch. Recognizing that ours is a litigious society, the chapter
examines efforts to influence judges and juries. The outcome of lawsuits can undermine profits and seriously damage corporate reputation and viability.
Part
VDominance
Versus
Competitionraises
the
question
of
how corporate power strategies have affected the political marketplace.
Chapter 13, Ascendancy of Corporate Power, assesses how well U.S.
corporations have achieved their public affairs goals and whether some
xviii
PREFACE
of the strategies and techniques used are harmful to themselves and society in the long run. Chapter 14 prescribes reforms required in corporate policies and behavior, as well as in the role of government, to
achieve the norm of a competitive political system. Chapter 15 asserts
that corporations must heed the public interest by recognizing the double bottom line of profits and social responsibility. After reviewing five
levels of corporate social responsibility, the importance of engaging in
constructive
stakeholder
relationships
and
incorporating
the
public
interest in corporate governance is discussed. It also recognizes another
scoreboard: corporate reputation, which is largely determined by the
CEOs reputation.
Using
the
marketplace
metaphor, the
book
recommends that the healthiest state of affairs is continued competition
among all legitimate contenders of power.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
Many professionals, colleagues, alumni, and students have contributed
to this book. Kenneth Kansas, Frank LeBart, James Morakis, and Mary
Ann Pires have shared their knowledge with me and my Corporate Public Affairs classes. Wes Pederson and his colleagues at the Public Affairs
Council have generously provided reports on the latest developments in
their field. Members of the Corporate Section and Public Affairs and
Government Section of the Public Relations Society of America have
contributed information about their programs and campaigns. Several
graduate assistantsLauren Knebel, Lillian Oben, MinJung Sung, and
Sara Kemphave helped with research and editorial improvements. I
thank my colleague, Joyce Marcario, who applied her graphic design
skills to the books figures. My wife, Beth, has endured my unavailability for many events and served as my social conscience.
Otto Lerbinger
I
Introduction
Part I sets the stage for exploring specific public affairs strategies for attaining power. A corporations external environment must be mapped
out in a manner that selects its most important aspects and simplifies
them. Just as accountants observe money transactions and engineers
and scientists concentrate on technological changes, public affairs professionals focus on the public issues, trends, and public policies that can
affect a corporation. Like public relations people, they are mainly concerned with an organizations sociopolitical environment.
Public affairs professionals monitor the environment for issues and
trends that affect their organizations. In a process called issues management, described in chapter 1, they then analyze issues and trends for the
purpose of participating in a corporations and societys public policy
process.
Once
a
corporationor
any
other
organizationformulates
its policy position, it plans and executes campaigns and programs to influence government and other participants. The main purpose of this
book is to help professionals choose the most effective influence strategies and techniques to accomplish those tasks within ethical limits and
with a consideration for maintaining existing relationships.
Figure I.1 lists the functions involved in this public affairs process together with their interrelationships. The functions are arranged on
three occupational levels: executive, professional, and technical. The executive level is where responsibility is lodged; the professional, where
knowledge resides; and the technical, where skills predominate. The
public affairs professional, centered in the middle professional level,
serves as a counselor to management and a public affairs manager of
the technical staff, in addition to exercising professional judgment on
the two functions. Two loops connect the sociopolitical environment
(shown on the bottom) with the corporation (shown on the top). The
upward loop (on the left) describes the preliminary steps of issues man1
PART I
agement, which is a major tool discussed in chapter 1; the downward

loop (on the right) completes the issues management process, showing
how a public policy formulation is communicated and promoted to others. The public affairs campaign (Function 5) is a major organizing tool.
Public relations professionals will recognize that Fig. I.1 is a specialized application of functions that apply to the practice of their field. The
upward loop is essentially the same but the downward loop would ap-
FIG. I.1. Public affairs functions and levels.
INTRODUCTION
ply to programs in investor relations, employee relations, community relations, customer

relations, and relations with all publics that affect the corporation or that the corporation
affects. Government and the variety of interest groups (e.g., environmental, consumer,
womens, and human rights groups) that participate in the public policy process are
simply seen as additional publics.
This view is in keeping with definitions of public relations. In its briefest form, public relations is the management of communication between an organization and its publics. 1
Thus, as the seminal book,
Excellence in Public Relations and Communication Management points out,
the term public affairs applies to fewer communication activities than
does
public
relations/communication
management.
Public
affairs
applies to communication with government officials and other actors in
the public policy arena.2 Earlier definitions of public relations, which
tended to be longer and more comprehensive, include the well-known
definition by Public Relations News: Public relations is the management
function which evaluates public attitudes, identifies the policies and
procedures of an individual or an organization with the public interest,
and plans and executes a program of action to earn public understanding and acceptance.3
As shown in chapter 1, most listings of public affairs activities include
more public relations activities than activities of any other type. Besides
government
relations,
they
include,
among
others,
community
relations,
media
relations,
employee
communications,
and
stockholder
relations. The emphasis in these programs would, of course, relate to
public policy issues.
The other public relations contribution to public affairs is its emphasis on establishing and maintaining long-term relationships between an
organization and its publics. Thus the general orientation of public relations is not to get the upper hand over opponents and to win, but to
seek solutions that are mutually beneficial. Some of the more aggressive
public affairs strategies, such as proactive media relations and fierce
lobbying, would be replaced with collaborative efforts, such as those
discussed in chapter 3.
The central role of communication in public affairs is fully reflected in
chapter 1, and each of the succeeding parts of the book treats a predominant type of communication. Thus part II on interest groups highlights
opinion leadership; part III on media relations highlights various forms
of public communication; and part IV on government discusses lobbying, involvement in the electoral process, and the growing role of
litigation communication.
For readers who are not sufficiently familiar with the modern public affairs department,
chapter 1 also provides an overview of this function: its objectives, major activities
associated with it, and political resources that support it. The chapters of this volume
explain how these resources can be generated and applied.
PART I
ENDNOTES
1. James E. Grunig, editor, Excellence in Public Relations and Communication Management (Hillsdale, N.J.: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 1992), p. 4.
2. Ibid., pp. 5-6.
3. One source of this definition is in the popular textbook, Scott M. Cutlip, Allen
H. Center, and Glen M. Broom, Effective Public Relations, 6th edition (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.:
Prentice-Hall, 1985), p. 4.
Chapter
An Overview
of Corporate Public Affairs
The purpose of corporate public affairs is to attain sufficient power to

enable an organization to achieve preferred outcomes in the political
arena and to forge and maintain a sociopolitical environment favorable
to it. To achieve this goal, public affairs professionals identify and analyze the environmental forces in the political arena and engage in political activities and various forms of communication to craft public
policies. Political scientists, too, recognize the importance of the constant flow of messages among participants who initiate and influence
what policies, laws, and regulations will govern society.1
The process
can aptly be called strategic communication, which seeks to manage the
behavior of people and organizations to enhance the chances of achieving a desired outcome. As described by Jarol B. Manheim of George
Washington University, it is a term of art that refers to the use of sophisticated knowledge of such attributes of human behavior as attitude
and preference structures, cultural tendencies, and media-use patterns,
as well as knowledge of such relevant organizational behaviors as how
news organizations make decisions regarding news content and how
legislatures and government agencies form their agenda, to shape and
target messages so as to maximize their desired impact while minimizing collateral damage.2
The
three
most
important
participant
groupsinterest
groups,
news media, and governmentcomprise the major forces in a corporations sociopolitical environment. All three relate to the foundation
of public opinion. As stated in Bernard C. Hennessys classic book Public Opinion, The measurement of public opinion is as important in a
society as is the extent to which the support of the masses is necessary,
or is thought to be necessary, for the legitimating or the operation of
5
CHAPTER 1
government.3 In a democracy, public opinion links individuals with

societys governing bodies, which on the widest level is government
and on the narrowest level, a companys board of directors and management. Developing this idea more broadly, Harold Brayman, a pioneer corporate public relations director, said, Because public opinion
has learned nearly everywhere how to dominate governments, or influence them strongly, it has become the dominant force in our late
20th-century world; and it imposes upon institutions, our enterprises,
and our philosophies a new demand for effective communication so
that the decisions of the people will be wise and in the long-term interest of a civilized society.4
The growth and importance of public relations and the specialized
function of public affairs is closely linked to public opinion. This connection was recognized by John W. Hill, one of the founders of the giant public relations firm of Hill & Knowlton. His book, The Making of a
Public Relations Man, states, as long as we live in a society where freedom of speech prevails and public opinion is the ultimate power, public
relations will be an essential and important force. 5 Public relations
professionals are concerned not only with opinions of the general public but with those of specific groups of people with common concerns,
which they call publics. Hennessys definition of public opinion reflects
this focus: for any given issue, public opinion is the collection of
views, measurable or inferable, held by persons who have an interest
in that issue.6
Instead of speaking of publics, this book uses the term stakeholders,
which refers to any group that can affect an organization or be affected by it. The same definition applies to publics, but sometimes a
distinction is drawn. James E. Grunig, editor of Excellence in Public Relations and Communication Management, says that publics become
stakeholders when they become more aware and active. He describes
stakeholders as people who are linked to an organization because they
and the organization have consequences on each otherthey cause
problems for each other.7
Communication means more than the creation of messages to inform and persuade. The aim in public affairs is to participate in the
public policy process with government, interest groups, and the public
with the aim of producing reasonable laws, regulations, and other understandings that enable a company to function at an optimal level.
Although efforts are always undertaken to win others over to our own
way of thinking, we must also be willing to listen to the views of others
and modify our policies to achieve the best and most workable solutions. The goal is not necessarily to win a battle in the short run but to
establish sound relationships with ones stakeholders and thereby
achieve sustainable long-term growth and profitability. Public affairs
professionals continually face the dilemma of seeking to get the upper
hand in short-term contests without sacrificing existing relationships
with opponents and the public good will necessary in the long term.
AN OVERVIEW OF CORPORATE PUBLIC AFFAIRS
MODERN FUNCTION OF PUBLIC AFFAIRS

Simply defined,
public
affairs is an organizations concern for its
sociopolitical environment. A fuller and more formal definition, used in
a Foundation for Public Affairs survey, is the management function responsible
for
interpreting
the
corporations
non-commercial
environment and managing the corporations responses to that environment. 8
Douglas G. Pinkham, president of the Public Affairs Council, further explains public affairs as the management function that interprets and
works to strengthen a corporations business environment. 9 Public affairs refers to a companys political strategy, which John F. Mahon, an
academician, defines as those activities taken by organizations to acquire, develop, and use power to obtain an advantage (a particular allocation of resources) in a situation of conflict. 10
Although emphasizing the social and
political factors, this environment indirectly includes economic factors, which, however, are already
adequately represented by the duties and responsibilities of operating
managers. Sometimes public affairs is called external relations because
of its emphasis on the environment surrounding a corporation. Schools
of business and management now recognize the importance of a businesss sociopolitical environment through books and courses such as
Business and Society,11 Business Environment and Public Policy,12 and Business, Government, and Society.13
What happens in the public affairs arena can have an impact on the
bottom line as great as, or even greater than, financial, marketing, and
manufacturing decisions. Success in achieving deregulation, for example,
has helped energy and telecommunication companies expand and develop new markets. Corporate executives used to fret over the question of
whether it was proper for business to become active in the political arena.
The clarion call for a change in attitude was reflected in a 1959 book, The
Businessmans Guide to Practical Politics, in which J. J. Wuerthner, Jr., the
author, proclaimed:
The handwriting on the wall is perfectly clear for all to read. Businessmen
must either set aside their traditional aversion and timidity regarding political action and accept the responsibility for the free enterprise system that
is their privilege to bear or else stand silently by, content to see others
who realize that the game of politics and government are one and the same
thingdestroy not only American business but also the United States as
we have known it.14
The business community gradually decided that when corporate

profitability, growth, and survival are affected by what government,
innumerable interest groups, and the media do, they must not merely
react but become proactive. Strengthening the corporate public affairs
function, therefore, has been a top priority of corporations. Furthermore, public affairs is seen not just as a staff function. Chief executive
CHAPTER 1
officers (CEOs) and other top-line managers have become personally involved and all line managers are expected to assume some responsibility.
In the academic world, corporate political activity was recognized by Edwin Epstein in his
1969 book, The Corporation in American Politics.15 He refers to John Kenneth
Galbraiths The New Industrial State,16 in which the author not only perceived a
symbiotic relationship between the industrial system and the state but predicted that the
previously sacrosanct line between publicness and privateness would become less and less
distinct.17
Mapping the Sociopolitical Environment
Public relations professionals have long found it practical to view the relationship of their company to society by listing the publics who are in
some way connected with the corporation. A minimum list includes investors, employees, customers, community citizens and groups, and
government, as shown in the wheel diagram in Fig. 1.1.
A useful way of visualizing the public affairs function is to map a
companys
sociopolitical
environment
by
recognizing
the
specific
persons
and
stakeholders
that
relate
to
the
company.
Indirectly,
this
mapping recognizes the major forces that exert pressure on the corporation. This essential information enables a public affairs professional
to analyze a situation, problem, or crisis faced by a corporation. For
public affairs purposes, the stakeholders shown in Fig. 1.2 can be listed
in a column and next to each additional columns can show the following
FIG. 1.1. The corporation and its publics.
FIG. 1.2. Key economic stakeholders and forces in sociopolitical environment.
information: (a) the basis of the relationship (e.g., investors provide capital); (b) attitude
toward the company, whether cooperative, antagonistic, or neutral; (c) issues important to
it; (d) its stand on each issue; and (e) the kind and amount of power possessed by it.
A more complete list of publics appears in a management book, Organization Theory and Design, by Richard L. Daft. He refers to sectors:
Financial resources.
Market.
Technology.
Economic.
Government.
Sociocultural.
International.
Industry (e.g., competitors).
Raw Materials (e.g., suppliers).
Human resources.18
In addition to maintaining a core list of stakeholders, a company can
add supplementary items to the list for specific situations or campaigns.
For example, in dealing with a crisis, a list might include all the public
officials and other stakeholders who should be notified when a crisis oc-
10
CHAPTER 1
curs; in a lobbying campaign in support of a trade agreement, another list might include
those groups for or against it.
A more sophisticated and practical representation of an organizations stakeholdersthis term, rather than publics, is favored in almost
all management literatureand sociopolitical environment is John F.
Mahons extended organizational chart. It depicts three circles around a
corporation:
Resource base: Investors, shareowners and lenders; customers and

users; employees.
Industry structure: Regulatory authorities; joint venture partners
and alliances; supply chain associates.
Social political arena: Governments, local
communities
and
citizens; unions; private organizations.19
Figure 1.2 is a simplified depiction of McMahons extended organizational chart. The inner circle is like Mahons resource base except that it
includes the community. From an economics viewpoint, which refers to
capital, labor, and land as the three basic factors of production, the community represents land and the accompanying infrastructure (roads,
utilities, etc.). In addition, the inner circle includes customers because
they provide the revenue needed to pay for the factors of production and
provide the incentive for entrepreneurs. Omitting the middle circle of industry structure, the outer circle shows the three forces discussed in this
chapter: government, interest groups (including labor unions), and, not
shown in other diagrams, the media. It should be noted that whereas
management can exercise authority of its employees, it cannot do so
with its extended stakeholders; it must rely on persuasion.
Generating Political Power
The basic function of public affairs is to help an organization generate
political power and use it effectively to influence public policy. Political
power is the external equivalent of authority within an organization,
namely, the capacity to get things done in a desired way, rather than be
pushed around by government, labor, public interest groups, and the
media. A manager typically craves maximum autonomy in affecting
outcomesto operate with the least constraints on decision making and
actions. Public affairs extends the concept of formal authority to influential relationships with stakeholders in the companys external environment,
thus
affording
managers
greater
discretion
and
wider
freedom of action to make the kinds of business decisions that are efficient and profitable.
The purpose of this and following chapters is to help public affairs
managers recognize the types of power they possess and to apply these
resources effectively and efficiently. Box 1.1 lists the political resources
11
developed by Microsoft to influence government when its president Bill Gates belatedly
realized that it had to enter the political arena.
Converting Economic Resources Into Political Power.
Because corporations, especially large ones, have more economic resources than
other groups in society, a core public affairs function is to convert economic resources into political power, for example, using money to purchase media space and time, sponsor surveys, and hire well-connected
and expert lobbyists.
The corporations economic role enables them to gain political clout
through patronage, which Edwin Epstein defines as the dependency of
other businesses and social groups on the activities of the corporation,
such as providing jobs. Furthermore, financial and other economic resources enable a company to make political contributions that help it to
gain access, if not outright influence (see chap. 11). Corporate philanthropic contributions, rather than being purely altruistic, may also be
intended to influence nonprofit organizations and social action groups.
As Richard Eells has convincingly stated in his Corporate Giving in a Free
Society, corporations may engage in a philanthropic design that seeks
to strengthen and preserve the many nonprofits in the private sector of
society, thereby lessening the potential growth of the government sector.24 His rationale is consistent with the modern approach of strategic
corporate philanthropy, which is discussed in chapter 15.
Human and Other Relational Resources.
A corporations human
resources and relationships with various stakeholders are a further
source
of
political strength.
Employees
constitute
a
talented
technostructure with expertise in such politically significant areas as public
relations, lobbying, and law. When a company, or coalition of companies, imbues employees with a common sense of purpose, it can mobilize them to write letters and engage in other forms of grassroots
lobbying. The impact is enhanced when a company employs large
numbers of employees who are geographically distributed in many
congressional districts. When employees are willing to do volunteer
work
in
community and
political
organizations,
a
companys reputation for public service is strengthened, and this may be translated into
political gain. Companies can extend and fortify their relationships
with
other
stakeholders:
investors,
community
citizens,
customers,
suppliers, dealers, and others.
The high organizational and social status of the CEO and other top
managers is a special human resource because it provides easier access
to political figures and possible influence. Prominent executives may be
on newspaper advisory boards and even on boards of directors. Furthermore, because of the wide acceptance of marketplace economics and the
free enterprise system, corporations enjoy considerable legitimacy as
long as they produce valued products and services. Legitimacy might be
Box 1.1 Political Resources Used by Microsoft to Influence

Government21
Political campaign contributions: Gave $1.5 million to candidates in
both parties, plus soft money gifts of over $860,000 and $1 million to
help underwrite the two political conventions in the summer of 2000.
Legal talent: Engaged blue-chip law firms and legal
straining major firms from working for Microsofts competitors.
Lobbyists: Built an in-house lobby shop of 14, from zero in 1995,
and spent $4.6 million on lobbying in 1999. One of the lobbyists
hired is Ralph Reed, who is George W. Bushs top adviser. 22
Direct lobbying: Chairman Bill Gates and CEO Steve Ballmer visited
Washington, DC, immediately after Judge Jacksons April 3 ruling
that Microsoft violated antitrust laws. Gates participated in a technology summit set up by President Clinton and then visited congressional leaders in four meetings on Capitol Hill.
Grassroots pressure: Organized a website called the Freedom to Innovate Network. Shareholders received a letter, dated April 4, that
defends its antitrust position and lets them know where we stand
and what you can do to help. The letter states Microsoft created
the network to provide an effective method for you and other concerned citizens to communicate directly with government officials.
Public relations: After Judge Jacksons April 3 ruling that Microsoft
had stifled innovations, Microsoft spent millions on television ads
featuring Bill Gates talking about Microsofts innovations. And after
Jacksons April 30 proposal to break the company into two units,
Microsoft placed a full-page ad, signed by Chairman Bill Gates and
President and CEO Steve Ballmer, that appeared in the May 1 editions of major newspapers.
Charitable giving: A multimillion dollar effort by the
tion, including $10 million to the U.S. Capitol Visitors Center.
Think tanks: Wrote six-digit checks to those that supported its position, and withdrew support from those that didnt (e.g., the American Enterprise Institute, because of Robert H. Bork, a former
federal judge and one of the institutes senior fellows).
Opinion polls: Funded and distributed to the media polls that
showed lack of public interest in the Department of Justice case. 23
Television image advertising: Put a friendly face on its name instead
of hawking its products in trade publications. In three new television
commercials, one depicted the companys technology as a positive
force in society; a second showed a mischievous son trying to tap
into a website his mother warned him not to go to, but is stopped
by safeguards installed on his computer; a third showed a dyslexic
girl in her bedroom using a computer program to help her learn
how to read.24
12
experts,
Gates
con-
Founda-
13
reflected in public goodwill stemming from a favorable corporate image, which would be
lost, at least temporarily, by public outrage against questionable or outright unethical and
illegal behavior by a corporation. A companys legitimacy is further reinforced when it
has an impressive history and a corporate culture that commands respect and when it
espouses policies that win public support.
Public Affairs Activities
Public affairs managers face the formidable task of mobilizing corporate political resources
for the purpose of influencing other participants in the public policy process. This is
achieved
by
engaging
in
an
ever-enlarging variety of public affairs activities. The core activity has long been government
relations. In fact, before the term public affairs was more widely used, the list of
activities would simply refer to the three levels of government relations: federal, state, and
local.
Today, however, public affairs is more than government relations, as
is evident in the 1999-2000 survey of 1,087 companies by the Foundation for Public Affairs. 25 Based on 223 companies that had a formalized
government relations program, the report listed 25 functions within a
public affairs department. Only three specifically refer to government
relations;
another
twograssroots/grasstops
lobbying
and
regulatory
affairsmight be embraced by the term. The complete list is as follows:
Federal government relations (87%)
Business/trade association memberships (84%) Issues management
(83%)
State government relations (83%)
Grassroots/grasstops lobbying (81%)
Local government relations (79%)
Political action committee (75%)
Direct corporate contributions (73%)
Public policy group relations (70%)
Community relations (61%)
Public interest group relations (58%)
Regulatory affairs (55%)
Public
relations
(54%)
Media relations (54%)
Employee communications (49%)
International public affairs (43%)
Employee volunteer programs (40%) Internet (38%)
Corporate foundation (35%)
Educational
relations (35%) Advertising (28%)
Environmental
affairs
(22%)
Stockholder relations (18%)
14
CHAPTER 1
Institutional investor relations (13%) Consumer affairs

(13%)
Besides government, the list recognizes two other forces in the political arena: media relations and public policy group relations (i.e., public
interest groups). The fourth, underlying forcethe general public (expressed through public opinion)is not explicitly listed, but is represented by reference to public relations and practically every stakeholder
group associated with public relations: community relations, employee
communications,
educational
relations,
stockholder
relations,
institutional investor relations, and consumer affairs. Moreover, some activities associated with public relations are also included: direct corporate
contributions,
corporate
foundations,
employee
volunteer
programs,
and
advertising
(presumably
institutional
and
issues
advertising).
Public relations activities are obviously an integral part of public affairs.
The broad scope of public affairs beyond government relations and
public relations is further reflected in the inclusion of several specialized
activities:
business/trade
association
membership,
issues
management,
public policy group relations, political action committee, international
public affairs, and the Internet. Of these, issues management, moved
from seventh to third place since 1996, because, as stated in the Foundations survey, it has matured into a core public affairs function and is
a responsibility whose implementation is shared with staff and line executives elsewhere in a company (116 companies out of 213 report the
regular
involvement
of
non-public-affairs
personnel
in
issues
management).26
As discussed throughout this volume, issues management
serves as a major frame of reference for public affairs planning. Three
other
activitiesbusiness/trade
association
membership,
public
policy
group relations, and political action committeesenable a corporation
to leverage its political influence.
Inclusion of international public affairs recognizes the global arena in
which corporations now operate. Although this book concentrates on
the U.S. scene, most of the strategies and techniques are applicable, albeit with some modifications, in other countries. Furthermore, globalization is itself an issue, as well as the many specific issues relating to it
(e.g., free trade, overseas codes of conduct, global warming, and protection of intellectual property rights).
The Public Policy Process
Public affairs extends beyond government relations because it entails
a role in the public policy process larger than that of influencing legislative and regulatory decisions. It refers to all of the various ways
public policy is made in our society to address the concerns of society.
Thus a corporation may decide to work out its own public policy solution with stakeholders by voluntarily changing its corporate poli-
15
cies and behavior or by negotiating with stakeholders to arrive at a

mutually acceptable solution. These solutions can be seen as an alternative public policy process to that of government and may occur at
any of the three stages in the life cycle of an issue. There is an advantage to engaging in the process in the early stages of an issues life cycle, when it emerges and when it involves the public. During these
earlier stages, a company has a better chance to influence the outcome of an issue than after the process has proceeded to the public involvement or legislative stage.
When the Chemical Manufacturers Association (now called the
American Chemical Society) adopted its Responsible Care program
with guidelines that exceeded governmental requirements, this trade
association engaged in public policy making. So did apparel makers
such as Nike, Reebok, and Liz Claiborne when they formed a task force
to develop a code to reassure the public that their products were not
made in sweatshops.27 Similarly, when one chain saw manufacturer
decided to add a safety lock to its chain saws, despite opposition by its
own trade association, the company engaged in policy making. Thus,
the public policy process refers to all the various methods by which
public policy is made by a diversity of organizations and groups in our
society.28
One reason a company engages in a private public policy process is
to preempt government action. An example is the Trojan Nuclear Plant
of Portland General Electric, which hired the consulting firm of Kearns
& West to engage in what was called collaborative planning. The aim
was to find a win-win solution on the vital public policy issue of what
to do with an ailing nuclear power plant beset with technical problems
and one of the worst performance ratings in the nation. Portland General Electric was targeted by antinuclear groups, including the Coalition for Safe Power, Dont Waste Oregon, and Physicians for Social
Responsibility. One of the groups, Dont Waste Oregon, sponsored a
referendum on the November 1990 ballot to shut down the plant.
Rather than face this possibility, the utility chose its own public policy
process. Using a variety of research toolsfocus group meetings, surveys, and dialogue sessionsa solution was agreed on by all concerned
parties: The plant would be allowed to keep operating 2 more years
without extensive retrofitting. (See chap. 3 for further details about
this case.)
Openness With Stakeholders
A corporation commits itself to operating as an open system when it
embraces public relations and public affairs. An open organization is
permeable; it interacts with its environment at many points along its
boundary with society. It is ready to listen to stakeholders, include their
concerns in decision making, and sometimes involve them in coalitions
16
CHAPTER 1
and collaborative decision making. In contrast, a closed system is like a fortress,

recognizing its interactions with society only through the economic marketplaces for
necessary inputs (e.g., factors of production) and outputs (of its products and services).
Viewing an organization as an open system greatly influences how a corporation conducts
its public affairs activities. First, by shunning a reactive approach, it favors a proactive or
interactive approach. It seeks to shape the environment in which it operates and to work
with groups in society rather than impose its own view on them.
These virtues of an open system are seen in sharp contrast to organizations that operate as closed systems. The latter are defensive, often
deny criticism, and are often aggressive toward outside agitators and
antis who stir up trouble. Indeed, some social activists are avowed
protesters and serial demanders who are unwilling to consider arguments contrary to their stated positions. Business should not be similarly rigid and refuse to acknowledge the possible validity of social
grievances and demands made by stakeholders. Furthermore, they
shun direct confrontation with attackers in the hope of warding off
unfavorable publicity. They will rely on legal approaches to keep the
hounds at bay, if not to defang or exterminate the opposition. Believing that conflicts are caused by public misunderstanding or ignorance,
if not outright malice, they ask their public relations staff to
straighten
people out by creating
public understanding,
building
favorable public opinion, and educating employees and the public on the
American way.
A second way in which operating as an open corporation influences
public affairs activities is by accepting the concept of mutual benefit;
that is, that both the corporation and its stakeholders can benefit. A corporations responsibilities to society go beyond producing goods and
services at a profit. While recognizing the primacy of operating in the
interests of its stockholders, a corporation acknowledges that the interests of customers, employees, and the local community, as well as concern for the physical environment, must be factored into decision
making. Managers seek stakeholder symmetry. Finally, a corporation
honors a wider range of human values than solely economic ones.
Several public affairs arguments support the recognition of social responsibility. First, if a significant gap exists between public expectations
and a corporations social performance, the ensuing social tension leads
to loss of public confidence in business and a demand for government
intervention. This consequence defeats the corporate public affairs objective of maintaining a balance of power with government. Closely related to this objective is a second argument, that a company may wisely
choose to resolve a grievance or demand by dealing directly with the
stakeholder(s) involved. This option is not as available to companies
that ignore stakeholders and their interests.
A third argument says that a public affairs campaign often requires
grassroots support, which can more easily be achieved through sound
relationships
opinion.
with
companys
stakeholders
and
the
17
support
of
public
THREE CHARACTERISTICS
OF PUBLIC AFFAIRS COMMUNICATION
Public affairs communication supports the public affairs function as practiced by large
corporations, government, and public interest groups. Some basic knowledge of public
affairsincluding the related concepts of public policy process and issues managementis
helpful in understanding the role of communication. Readers who already possess this
knowledge can quickly scan this overview; others may want to study this background
more carefully.
Public affairs communication possesses three characteristics: (a) It follows the steps of
strategic campaign management; (b) it uses the process of issues management; and (c) it
chooses media appropriate to the life cycle stage of an issue.
Strategic Campaign Management
Public
affairs
communication
is
part
of
strategic
campaign
management, which, in turn, relates to the broader concept of strategic planning or management. It is considered a critical characteristic of excellent
public relations departments. 29 The basic idea is that everything an organization does must in some way relate to its goals. Thus, Richard Daft
defines strategy as a current set of plans, decisions, and objectives that
have been adopted to achieve the organizations goals. 30 The relationship between goals and strategy is that goals define where an organization wants to go; strategy defines how it will get there. As Robert
Dilenschneider, a public relations consultant, states, the central question in strategic thinking is, Why are we doing this? 31 In other words,
goals must be considered, as well as their relationship to the organizations stated mission, or its basic purpose.
Besides reference to goals, strategic planning recognizes the growing
significance
of
environmental
impacts
on
an
organization.
Environmental scanning and monitoring not only identifies issues but also analyzes an organizations strengths and weaknesses in meeting the
opportunities and threats in the environmentthis is called SWOT
analysis. This information helps public affairs professionals to find or
correct the fit between external opportunities and internal strengths.
Communication activities are a major part of strategic campaign
management.
The
relationship
of
communication
messages
and
channels to other elements of an overall campaign must therefore be understood. The central focus of a campaign is its objectives, best defined as
expected results. In public affairs, results pertain to the quality and
agreeableness of public policies that are formulated. These policies appear in the form of government legislation and regulation or in agree-
18
CHAPTER 1
ments
and
understandings
with
a
companys
stakeholders
investors,
employees,
customers,
suppliers,
dealers,
community
citizens, and any other group that affects the success or failure of the
company. In general terms, public affairs is effective when it enhances
a companys power to shape events and the environment in which it
must operate.
Strategic campaign management is implemented by designing a
campaign, which uses some type of problem-solving process. In public
relations, John E. Marstons RACE formulawhich includes the stages
of research, action, communication, and evaluationcontinues to be
one of the better known problem-solving processes. 32 Another version
is that of Scott M. Cutlip, Allen H. Center, and Glen M. Broom, which
lists four basic steps to solving problems: (a) defining the problem, (b)
planning and programming, (c) taking action and communicating,
and (d) evaluating the program. 33
A public affairs campaign implements the problem-solving process, which, like other communication
campaigns, includes the following minimum components: 34
1. Statement and analysis of the situation.
2. Objectives.
3. Strategy.
4. Target audiences.
5. Message.
6. Media/channels.
7. Timing.
8. Budget.
9. Evaluation.
The strategy component is especially important in public affairs because it establishes fundamental orientations. One element is how to
view other participants in the public policy process: whether to play it
alone or form coalitions, and whether to fight opponents or try to negotiate. Another is what organizational resources to employ, for example,
whether to rely exclusively on expert lobbyists or to use other tools,
such as grassroots lobbying and advocacy advertising.
Most other components refer to elements of a communication model: who says what
(message), to whom (target audiences), through what channels (media/channels), and with
what effects (evaluation). Timing and budget are additional variables.
Process of Issues Management
Public affairs communication uses the process of issues management, which is a powerful
tool used by public affairs professionals to identify and evaluate governmental and societal
issues that could significantly impact their organization.35
19
Issue Life Cycle. A major framework of issues management is the categorization of

an issue by its life cycle stage. Although different models are used to define the life cycle
stages, a simplified one is the following (shown in Fig. 2.1 in chap. 2):
1. Emerging issue stage. An issue appears when a thought leader conceives it and attempts to gain support from interest group opinion
leaders and their supporters. These issue initiators use media suitable for reaching small audiences.
2. Public involvement stage. If opinion leaders and the interest groups
are successful in their publicity efforts, the mass media will report
on the issue and thereby make the public aware of it.
3. Legislative stage. Legislators become aware of the issue from the
media, from public opinion surveys, and directly from their constituents; then they proceed with the legislative process.
4. Regulation/litigation stage. Because laws are complex, government
agencies interpret and implement them by formulating regulations. The ensuing regulations are often controversial, thus those
affected by them file lawsuits to challenge them or defend themselves against suits brought by government and aggrieved groups
to force compliance.
Issues in the life cycle stage of facing litigation or immediate legislative action usually receive urgent attention, whereas emerging issues
are simply monitored. However, once an issue is on the public agenda
(the media and the public talk about it), communication efforts must
be undertaken, paying attention to active political participants. Public
opinion surveys help determine how involved the general public or
special publics are and what their leanings are. An examination of the
mediaperhaps
using
formal
content
analysis
proceduresshows
the amount and kind of media coverage the issue receives. Finally, any
legal or regulatory aspects of an issue must be considered; for example,
do antitrust laws or environmental laws apply, as well as possible constitutional considerations (e.g., free speech).
Issues Management Process. Issues
management
is
a
problemsolving process that follows five steps: issue identification, issue prioritization, issue analysis, strategy formulation, and implementation.
1. Issue identification. By scanning and monitoring the sociopolitical environment, an organization lists the issues of immediate or potential concern to an organization. Scanning is a broader, less focused
way of looking for issues, events, and trends relevant to an organizations strategic goals; monitoring focuses on the previously identified
variables. The typical method of identifying issues is to talk with key
executives and experts within ones company, other companies in an
20
CHAPTER 1
industry, and trade associations. Another is to scan the literature relevant to ones
industry, sometimes using the research technique of content analysis.
A further useful technique is scenario planning, especially relevant
when ones environment is highly volatile and looking into the future
is important. As two authorities on scenario writing said, You cant
predict the future, but you can put together a process that takes a
pretty good shot at it in an uncertain world. 36
Scenarios are described by the Global Business Network as tools for ordering ones
perceptions about alternative future environments in which todays
decisions might be played out.37
Scenario planning is different from forecasting because instead of
extrapolating current trends from the present, scenarios present alternative images, some of which may be sharply discontinuous
from known ones. The basic technique is to create a set of stories,
written or spoken, built around carefully constructed plots. These
stories can express multiple perspectives and give meaning to the
complex events that stories present. Although there is no single
standard for scenario writing, one approach is to present stylized
narratives, much in the manner of a screenplay or novel. Each has a
plot and contains a sequence of plausible, interrelated, connected
events. More than one scenario is typically written; they usually
come in sets of three, showing a trend progressing from the present
to the future.
2. Issue prioritization. This process is used to select the top issues
for attention. After compiling a list of 50 issues, for example, one
company selected 10 for attention during the following year. Three
criteria apply:
Imminence of action: Concentrate on issues that have the highest chance of occurring, particularly in the near future.
Impact on the organization: Focus on issues that have strategic
importance and the greatest impact on the company activities in
terms of profits, costs, and reputation.
Actionability: Choose issues that you can do something about
either alone or with allies.
3. Issue analysis. Once an issue has been identified and assigned a
high priority by a company, it is analyzed so that an effective strategy can be formulated. A blend of professional judgment, practical
experience, and research competence is needed for a clear understanding of an issue and the appropriate response to it. Analysis requires
an examination of 5 aspects of an issue: the nature of an issue; its life
cycle stage; identification of political participants; importance of
public opinion; amount and kind of media coverage; and its legal,
regulatory, and constitutional context.
Regarding the nature of an issue, one of the most useful classifications was developed by Peter F. Bartha, research and analysis man-
21
ager in the corporate affairs department of Imperial Oil. 38

He
identified four types of issues:
UniversalAffect the general public in a direct, personal manner (e.g., unemployment, inflation, energy crisis). Government
is expected to deal with it in a relatively simple manner.
AdvocacyGroups claiming to represent broad public interests,
such as environmental and consumer groups, initiate an issue
that is a potential rather than actual problem for most of the
public. The typical solution is the belief that somebody (not
necessarily government) ought to do something about it.
SelectiveMatters of concern to special interest groups based
on demographic, geographic, occupational, sectoral, or other
similar criteria (e.g., tariff protection for the steel industry). Involved groups are likely to concentrate their efforts on building
up their own constituency rather than on broad grassroots support, unless they feel they can relate their special interest with
the public interest.
TechnicalMatters the public is willing to leave to experts (e.g.,
regulatory issues). These issues are negotiated by specialists in
interest groups and government bureaucracy on the basis of
well-reasoned and well-documented arguments.
4. Strategy formulation. An organization decides on the position it
will take on an issue and how it will respond to it. Issue analysis will
suggest whether a company should contain or resolve an emerging
issue or become proactive and influence public opinion before others
dofollowing the reasoning that once opinions are crystalized, they
are difficult to change. Thus, if an emerging issue gains momentum
and the public is likely to become aware of it, a companys strategy is
to act quickly to shape opinions. Should legislators become interested
in an issue, it can escalate to legislative action or a crisis.
Several types of common strategy decisions must be considered:
choosing the appropriate modewhether to be reactive (which is
seldom
advised),
proactive,
or
interactive;
whether
to
undertake
voluntary public policy changes; or whether to act alone or form a coalition with others.
In addition, one of three sets of strategies formalized by John F.
Mahon
should
be
selectedcontaining,
shaping,
and
copingall
of
which relate to different life cycle positions of an issue. Containment
applies to an emerging issue that individuals or groups espouse and
for which they seek to attract broader public attention. The strategy
is to prevent an issue from receiving media and pubic support. Thus a
company may decide to deal with the issue directly or with those who
are promoting it. A variety of tactics apply: setting up a special committee to look into the issue, attacking or undermining the advocacy
group, or attempting to frame an issue in a manner favorable to oneself. Shaping strategies apply to issues already on the public agenda
22
CHAPTER 1
and involve such tactics as total resistance, bargaining, or capitulating. With coping
strategies, a company decides to take substantive action to change its behavior.39
5. Implementation. The overall plan is designed and executed, following the outline
of strategic campaign management described earlier. This outline includes evaluation as
an essential component. The actual results of a public affairs campaign or ongoing
activities are checked against stated objectives.
Aside from the strategic question of whether to pursue activities
alone or with a coalition of other corporations or associations, a further implementation decision is whether to use internal corporate resources or contract out to specialized intermediaries such as
lobbyists, public affairs and relations offices, pollsters, law firms, and
so forth. As companies expanded beyond government relations to
full-fledged public affairs, they realized that a larger array of activities would be required beyond old-fashioned lobbying and campaign
contributions. Firms realized that they could not perform many activities themselves or that it would be more efficient to have them
performed by others (i.e., agents).40 This realization led scholars like
Barry M. Mitnick to view the central problem of politics as agency,
saying he saw democracy itself as a system of competition over
whose agents will govern, and which goals of which principals those
agents will seek to advance.41
Public Affairs Campaign Based on an Issues Life Cycle
The practical value of analyzing an issue in terms of its stage in the life
cycle is that it allows public affairs strategists to select the most appropriate and effective media for a public affairs campaign. Parts II through
IV of this book are organized by the major stages of an issue life cycle:
opinion leader communication (dealing with interest groups), public
communication
(dealing
with
media),
legislative
communication
and
political
action
(dealing
with
government),
and
litigation
communication (dealing with judicial aspects of the government).
Each of these life cycle stages is characterized by specific communication media and
strategies and activities:
Stage 1: Opinion Leader Communication.
These are mostly interpersonal
mediaone-on-one
communication,
small
group
meetings,
and speeches to reach individuals and small audiencesand such smallaudience vehicles already familiar with it and not inadvertently to help
the opposition by disseminating the issue to larger audiences, which
would tend to promote it to the next life cycle stage of public involvement. The reasoning is this: Why help the opposition move the issue to
the next stage by attracting public media attention?
23
The range of media used includes:

Face-to-face communication.
Small group meetings and forums.
Dialogue communication.
Speechmaking.
Newsletters, small publications, and the Internet.
Mediation and negotiation.
Stage 2: Public Communication.
Now the public is aware of an issue, understands it in various degrees, and may be aroused to take political action. Public opinion surveys, if taken, would indicate the degree of
public involvement. Because by definition, the issue is deemed to be on
the public agenda, the mass media cover the issue. A content analysis of
the media would confirm this status. At this point public affairs managers engage in strategic media relations and, if necessary, employ the tool
of
advocacy
advertising.
The
mass
medianewspapers,
magazines,
trade publications, television, and radioare used to reach larger audiences. Increasingly the Internet is being used to reach individuals in a
wide variety of social settings.
Activities include:
Proactive media relations.
Broadcast appearances.
Advocacy advertising.
Holding the media accountable.
Bypassing the mass media.
Stage 3: Legislative Communication and Political Action. When
lawmakers become aware of an issue and consider legislation, companies that are affected must engage in efforts to influence the outcome.
The means include:
Direct lobbying.
Indirect (grassroots) lobbying.
Electoral activities (fund raising and a variety of political activities).
Stage 4: Litigation Communication.
After laws are passed, companies may decide to challenge them in court or defend themselves against
lawsuits filed by government, public interest groups, and others. Part of
the contest is in the court of public opinion, which companies attempt to
influence through media relations and other communication.
Although specific media are listed at specific stages, some are sufficiently versatile in application to be used at other stages. Speeches can be
directed not only at a specific small audience, but also at larger audiences. For example, excerpts and copies of the speech can be used to
24
CHAPTER 1
achieve greater news coverage. Speeches can also be distributed to lawmakers, regulators,
and opinion leaders.
In supporting various life cycle stages, public affairs strategists choose from the
entire range of medianot just the mass media but also interpersonal media and computer
technology (e.g., the Internet). Furthermore, supplementary strategies and activities are
employed, such as mediation and negotiation in Stage 1, holding the media accountable and
bypassing the mass media in Stage 2, electoral activities in Stage 3, and campaigning
against junk science in Stage 4.
CONCLUSIONS
This overview of corporate public affairs explains how corporations
have responded to the increasing complexity and turbulence of the
sociopolitical environment in which they do business. They have created
new public affairs departments (sometimes
from existing
public
relations departments) and given them the assignment of making this environment more manageabletrying to control it to preserve maximum
management autonomy.
To control the major forces in their external environment, public affairs devises strategies and tactics that draw on the enormous political
resources
possessed
by
their
corporations.
Resultant
communication
campaigns center around controversial
issues
that arise among contending forces. This is the reason why the management tool of issues
management has made such a major contribution to public affairs. The
four stages of a life cycle used to analyze issues are also used in this volume as the basis of selecting the audiences and communication strategies and tactics most appropriate to each stage: (a) opinion leaders of
interest groups, (b) media reporters and editors, (c) government
lawmakers and administrators, and (d) judicial bodies.
ENDNOTES
1. See Roger W. Cobb and Charles D. Elder, Communication and Public Policy,
in Handbook of Political Communication, ed. Dan D. Nimmo and Keith R.
Sanders (Beverly Hills, Calif.: Sage, 1981), pp. 391-416.
2. Jarol B. Manheim, The Death of a Thousand Cuts: Corporate Campaigns and the
Attack on the Corporation (Mahwah, N.J.: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates,
2001), p. 17.
3. Bernard C. Hennessy, Public Opinion (Belmont, Calif.: Wadsworth, 1965), p. 25.
4. Harold Brayman, speech on The Importance and Impact of Communications
in Our Modern Society, October 13, 1964.
5. John W. Hill, The Making of a Public Relations Man (New York: David McKay &
Co., 1963), p. 264.
6. Ibid., p. 20.
7. James E. Grunig, Excellence in Public Relations and Communication Management (Hillsdale, N.J.: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 1992), pp. 125-126.
25
8. Foundation for Public Affairs, Corporate Public Affairs: The State of Corporate
Public Affairs Survey Final Report 1999-2000 (Washington, D.C.: Public Affairs Council, 1999), p. 3.
9. Douglas G. Pinkham, Todays Key Task for Public Affairs, in Public Affairs
Council 45! Sapphire Anniversary Report (Washington, D.C.: Public Affairs
Council, 1999), p. 6.
10. John F. Mahon, Shaping Issues/Manufacturing Agents: Corporate Political
Sculpting, in Corporate Political Agency: The Construction of Competition in
Public Affairs, ed. Barry M. Mitnick (Newbury Park, Calif.: Sage, 1993), p.
196.
11. See James E. Post, et al., Business and Society: Corporate Strategy, Public Policy,
Ethics, 10th edition (New York: McGraw-Hill, 2002).
12. See Rogene A. Buchholz, Business Environment and Public Policy: Implications
for Management, 5th edition (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1995).
13. See George A. Steiner and John F. Steiner, Business, Government, and Society: A
Managerial Perspective (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1997).
14. J. J. Wuerthner, Jr., The Businessmans Guide to Practical Politics (Chicago:
Regnery, 1959), p. xiii.
15. E. M. Epstein, The Corporation in American Politics (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.:
Prentice-Hall, 1969).
16.
John
Kenneth
Galbraith, The New Industrial State
(Boston:
Houghton
Mifflin, 1967).
17. Epstein, op. cit., p. 2.
18. Richard L. Daft, Organization Theory and Design, 3rd edition (New York: West
Publishing, 1989), p. 46.
19. John F. Mahon, Managing the Extended Enterprise: The New Stakeholder
View, California Management Review, Vol. 45, Fall 2002, p. 10.
20. Richard Eells, Corporate Giving in a Free Society (New York: Harper & Brothers,
1956), p. 6. He says, Business enterprise has a direct interest in promoting
the strength of private sectors because it is itself a private sector. For this reason, business must maintain the barriers against progressive absorption of
these sectors into state-controlled areas. Corporate philanthropy can and
should aid the weak and private sectors in maintaining their autonomy
(pp. 103-104).
21. Dan Carney, with Amy Borrus and Jay Greene, Microsofts All-Out Counterattack, BusinessWeek, May 15, 2000, pp. 103-106. Also most of the resources listed are from ibid., pp. 103-106. Also Stanley Holmes, Microsoft
Ad Aims to Boost Image, Los Angeles Times, April 29, 2000, p. C-2.
22. Mike France, Commentary: The Unseemly Campaign of Mr. Microsoft,
Business Week, April 24, 2000, p. 53.
23. A survey conducted by Harris Interactive for the Wall Street Journal, based
on 3,830 computer-using respondents found the following::
Nearly half said they disagreed with the governments proposal for breaking up Microsoft; about 605 said Microsoft should remain one company.
More than half agreed that Gates is a positive role model.
Only 29% believed the government is being fair in its treatment of Microsoft.
42% agreed that the company is a monopolist.
Only 23% said it treats its competitors fairly.
Rececca Buckman, Looking Through Microsofts Window, Wall Street Journal, May 1,
2000, p. B1.
24. Stuein L. Hwang, A Predatory Monopolist Tries the Old Soft Sell, Wall
Street Journal, April 21, 2000, p. B1.
26
CHAPTER 1
25. Foundation for Public Affairs, op. cit. The previous survey was James E. Post
and Jennifer J. Griffin, 1996 Survey: The State of Corporate Public Affairs
(Washington, D.C.: Foundation for Public Affairs, 1997).
26. Foundation for Public Affairs, op. cit., pp. 15-16.
27. Steven Greenhouse, Accord to Combat Sweatshop Labor Faces Obstacles,
New York Times, April 13, 1997, p. A1.
28. For further discussion of the concept see Buchholz, op. cit., The Public Policy Process, pp. 119-149.
29. Grunig, op. cit., pp. 17, 81.
30. Daft, op. cit., p. 491.
31. Robert L. Dilenschneider, editor, Dartnells Public Relations Handbook (Chicago: The Dartnell Corporation, 1996), p. 339.
32. See John E. Marston, Modern Public Relations (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1979),
pp. 185-203.
33. Scott M. Cutlip, Allen H. Center and Glen M. Broom, Effective Public Relations,
6th edition (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1985), pp. 199-201.
34. Two excellent books describing campaign strategies and management are
Robert Kendall, Public Relations Campaign Strategies; Planning for Implementation, 2nd edition (New York: HarperCollins College, 1996); and Robert E.
Simmons, Communication Campaign Management: A Systems Approach (New
York: Longman, 1990).
35. For an overview of issues management, see Rogene A. Buchholz, Public Issues Management, in Essentials of Public Policy for Management, 2nd edition
(Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1990), pp. 180-215. For a comprehensive review see R. L. Heath and Associates, Strategic Issues Management:
How Organizations Influence and Respond to Public Interests and Policies (San
Francisco: Jossey-Bass, 1988).
36. Steven Schnaars and Paschalina Ziamou, The Essentials of Scenario Writing, Business Horizons, Vol. 44, July-August 2001, pp. 25-32.
37. See http://www.gbn.org/public/gbnstory/scenarios.
38. Peter F. Bartha, Managing Corporate External Issues: An Analytical Framework, Business Quarterly, Vol. 47, October 1982, pp. 78-90.
39. See John F. Mahon, Corporate Political Strategy, Business in the Contemporary World, Vol. 2, Autumn 1989, pp. 50-62.
40. Allen M. Kaufman, Ernest J. Englander, and Alfred A. Marcus, Selecting an
Organizational Structure for Implementing Issues Management, in
Mitnick, op. cit., p. 153.
41. Mitnick, op. cit., p. 1.
II
Interest Group Strategies
Interest groups constitute one of the three major forces in a corporations sociopolitical environment, and they are the starting point for
public affairs communication. In his The Interest Group Society, first
published in 1989, Jeffrey M. Berry states that we are truly an interest
group society and that the role of interest groups in the policymaking
process has expanded. They are an enduring part of American political
life and today have more resources, represent more constituencies,
and do more lobbying than ever before. 1 On the simplest level, says
Barry, when we speak of an interest group we are referring to an organization that tries to influence government. 2
They serve several
functions: (a) as a primary link between citizens and their government, forming a channel of access through which members voice their
opinions to those who govern them; (b) as an opportunity for people
to participate in the political process; (c) as a means of educating the
American public about political issues; (d) bringing an issue to light
and agenda building; and (e) program monitoring.3
Many issues that later appear in the news media or on legislative
agendas begin their life cycle when interest groups champion them.
Corporations are among these groups, but most often they resist disturbing the status quo rather than initiating issues, such as deregulation. The opportunity to do so, however, remains an important
corporate public affairs strategy. In this book the term interest group is
restricted to nonbusiness groups unless otherwise indicated. Part II,
therefore, discusses how thought leaders originate issues or how interest group leaders respond to social tensions created when the expectations and demands of discontented people are not met. Some social
tensions and resultant issues are traceable to the gap between these public expectations and corporate performance.
27
28
PART II
The two prominent issues that gave rise to public affairsconsumerism and environmentalismresulted from public dissatisfactions in the
marketplace
and
with
corporate
environmental
performance.
Ralph
Nader popularized the consumerism movement with his book Unsafe at
Any Speed, and Rachel Carson inaugurated the environmental movement with her Silent Spring. Other social movements followed: womens
rights, gay and lesbian rights, animal rights groups, and a host of others. Their variety is reflected in Public Interest Profiles, a manual of the
Foundation of Public Affairs, which classifies 250 of the most influential
public interest groups in such areas as civil and human rights, community improvements, consumer and health, corporate and governmental
accountability, the economic system, energy and environment, and
public policy.4
These
movementsand
the
not-to-be-forgotten
civil
rights
movementwere preceded by the labor movement, which is represented by
hundreds of labor unions, most of which fall under the umbrella of the
American Federation of Labor and Congress of Industrial Organizations
(AFL-CIO). Although union membership has fallen sharply over the last
decade,
the AFL-CIOs
president,
John
Sweeney,
has
mobilized
unionorganizing drives to win more members and launched lobbying and
electoral campaigns to advance legislative interests. 5
He has also supported new strategies, notably the corporate campaign, which adds to
the traditional union tactics of strikes, pickets, and boycotts. 6
Interest groups play a vital role in society. The labor movement
and community organizing are indispensable to a democracy, says
Mike Miller, editor of Social Policy. They are civil society, mediating
institutions, or intermediate structure that stand between the individual
and
government
and
corporations.
They
defend
communities and individuals against corporate or government excess. They
also serve as incubators for new ideas about how we should live together in society.7 Viewed collectively, interest groups, along with the
news media, serve as societys watchdogs; they initiate issues of concern to a variety of constituents; and they apply pressure on corporations, as well as government, to consider the needs of society in their
decision making.
Each decade the number of interest groups grows, as reflected in the
number of entries in the Encyclopedia of Associations. (See Box II.1 for
categories of such interest groups.) In the mid-1950s, it listed just under
5,000 associations. By 1990, the number was 22,000, and, although
growth slowed, the number reached 23,000 in 1997. Estimates of the
number of nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), from the smallest
neighborhood association to huge international relief agencies such as
CARE, suggest that the United States alone has about 2 million NGOs.
Growth in recent decades has been enormous, as 70% of them are less
than 30 years old. Growth in membership of environmental groups has
been especially vigorous: The Sierra Club now has 572,000 members,
up from 181,000 in 1980; and the Worldwide Fund for Nature has
INTEREST GROUP STRATEGIES
29
Box II.1 Categories of Public Interest Groups (With Examples)

Business/economic: The Business Roundtable, Citizens for a Sound Economy, U.S.
Chamber of Commerce
Civil/constitutional rights: American Civil Liberties Union, Amnesty International USA
Community/grassroots: Mothers Against Drunk Driving, Nuclear Free America, People
for the Ethical Treatment of Animals
Consumer/health: American Medical Association, Consumer Federation of America,
National Consumers League
Corporate accountability/responsibility: Center for Business Ethics, Committee
for Economic Development, INFACT
Environmental: Friends of the Earth, Greenpeace, National Wildlife Federation, Sierra
Club
International affairs: Foreign Policy Association, Union of Concerned
Scientists
Media: Accuracy in Media, Action for Childrens Television
Political/governmental process: Center for Responsive Politics, Common Cause, The
Conservative Caucus.
Public interest law: Center for Law in the Public Interest
Religious: Anti-Defamation League of Bnai Brith, Interfaith Center on Corporate
Responsibility
Think tanks: The Heritage Foundation, Investor Responsibility Research Center, The
Urban Institute, Worldwatch Institute
around 5 million members, up from 570,000 in 1980. 8 The Natural Resources Defense
Council now has 550,000 members.9
THE THIRD SECTOR
Among interest groups of greatest concern to corporations is the
large category of social action groupsthe myriad activist groups
that represent individuals with grievances or espoused causes. They
are part of what Theodore Levitt called the third sector, whose traditional role has been to care for the casualties of society that are neglected by government and business sectors. Even these traditional
nonprofit
organizations
that
primarily
provide
client
services
increasingly engage in advocacy activities to promote their mission.
The social action groups described by Levitt are best known for actively, and sometimes very aggressively, advocating and pursuing
social reforms. In addition to persuasion and pull, they believe in
publicity and push. Its tools are loud, insistent, assertive, impatient,
30
PART II
and sometimes violent.10 In the 1980s and 1990s, these third-sector activists preferred
to take direct action against corporations rather than wait for government to act.11
NGOs
The term NGO is widely used in the international sphere, where these organizations deal with governments and speak out on many high-profile
issues. Among the top five issues are environment, conservation and
ecology, labor conditions and human rights, trade policies, and wages
and working conditions. They are recognized by the United Nations
(U.N.) at certain important international meetings and the U.N. uses
them for such purposes as dispensing aid. Since The Battle of Seattle,
which targeted the World Trade Organization, NGOs have gained more
media coverage. Some, such as Amnesty International and Greenpeace,
have become superbrands.
NGOs are highly effective because they: (a) play the offensive all the
time, (b) know how to simplify complex issues, (c) form unusual coalitions (e.g., with labor unions and youth groups), (d) have a clear
agenda, (e) move at Internet speed, and (f) know how to feed on the media. They hit where it works: a companys customers, legislators and
regulators, the media, and, now becoming more important, financial
markets and institutions (e.g., the World Bank and the International
Monetary Fund).12
The entire nonprofit sector of society accounts for a formidable part
of the economy. It represented 5.9% of all organizations in the United
States in 1998 and had a 6.7% share of national income. The Independent Sector reports that it employs 10.9 million workers and that 74% of
adult volunteers worked in nonprofit sector organizations. As the demand for their services increased, the number of charitable organizations increased at an annual rate of 5.1% between 1987 and 1997
more than double the growth rate of the business sector.13
Advantages Possessed by Noncorporate Groups
It takes a professional staff and an adequate budget to apply the sophisticated media relations strategies and techniques that are available to
every group in society. Besides corporations, some large nonprofits,
such as the Sierra Club, can also afford professional media relations
staffs. Although less wealthy activist groups often resign themselves to
their relative weakness in media relations and thus shun the mass media, many are beginning to change their attitude. Instead of relying only
on the strength of their own communication channels with members,
they realize the importance of enlisting the support of public opinion
and of democratizing the media. This is the view of Charlotte Ryan in
Prime Time Activism: Our society is heavily media-dependent and if we
31
ignore mainstream media, we abandon audiences with little or no access to alternative and
opposition media.14
Media Power.
More important, activist groups have some advantages over business. One is they are able to attract media attention when
they confront visible corporations. Such events become newsworthy
because conflict and crises play into the medias definition of news.
Newsworthiness is further enhanced because social action groups can
use a wider repertoire of tactics than business. They can engage in colorful
and
action-filled
demonstrations,
rallies,
and
eventschaining
themselves to trees, lying in front of bulldozers, and occupying a building. It is mostly the tactics of activists, not the underlying issues, however, that tend to gain prominent media attention. Even when issues are
mentioned, they are usually not analyzed in depth. In a labor dispute,
strike actions, not the reasons underlying the strike, dominate the news.
Social injustice and grievances are covered lightly because the mainstream news media are basically conservative.
People Power.
Noncorporate interest groups have the great advantage of people power relative to corporations, even though the latter
have relationships with many stakeholder groups, such as employees
and stockholders. The pluralistic feature of American democracy is that
it includes tens of thousands of public interest and other social groups.
Even Carl Boggs, a critic of corporate America who believes the corporate stranglehold over social and political life shows no signs of weakening, acknowledges that civil society in the United States does remain
surprisingly fluid and resilientwitness the capacity of thousands of
local organizations and movements to sustain a grassroots presence
that, while now scattered and largely impotent, could provide the basis
of a more unified oppositional politics.15
Social groups focus of power is the local level, where community
groups can mobilize people power to counteract corporate money
power, says Pennsylvania State University sociologist Ed Walsh, author
of Dont Burn It Here: Grassroots Challengers to Trash Incinerators.16 He
states, Ordinary people increasingly confront large bureaucracies over
which they feel they have little or no control. Our evidence shows, however, that corporate power is more fragile than many citizens imagine.17 He urges people to organize and to draw support from outside by
mobilizing politically; for example, by going door to door to place issues
on a referendum or to elect certain legislators. 18 People will do this only,
however, when an issue becomes important enough to engage their
interest and involvement.
It is this strong identification by citizens with the causes and visions
of specific public interest groups that gives them an advantage over corporate relationships with their stakeholders. These groups have the
great ideological advantage that their members are motivated by broad
32
PART II
ideals of social justice, human rights, and environmental preservation

ideals that resonate with the general public. Furthermore, some groups
are headed by strong popular leaders, such as Ralph Nader and Jesse
Jackson, and their causes are often endorsed by celebrities, as with
Meryl Streeps support of the Alar campaign. 19 In contrast, business is
weakened by a lack of the kinds of core values that can win the minds
and hearts of Americans. Business is typically perceived as concentrating too heavily on the bottom line and on increasing shareholder value
at the expense of the public interest.
Occasionally, the strong motivations that exist on the local level also appear on the
national level when specific issues, such as the environment, are at stake. However, on a
national level, public interest groups are usually so diversified in their interests and causes
they fail to present a common political front. They also compete with one another in
obtaining government and private funding.
Internet Power.
Added to the arsenal of activist groups is the power
of the Internet. It boosts the effectiveness of activist groups because it
enables them to mobilize their members and sympathizers much more
efficiently than they could in the days before websites and e-mail. For
very, very little cost, you can have amazing effect, if you have real
grassroots power out there, says Margaret Conway, managing director of the Human Rights Campaign, the largest U.S. political organization for gays and lesbians. 20 Andrew Kohut, director of the Pew Research
Center for the People & the Press, notes, People are now bonded together
in communities that were very loosely knit or did not exist at all 10
years ago.21
Activists are supported by numerous websites. On Protest Net, Evan
Henshaw-Plath
posts
information
about
hundreds
of
protests,
meetings, and conferences, most of which are left-leaning in their politics.
Another site, E-The People, gives viewers hundreds of petitions to choose
from and 170,000 e-mail addresses of government officials. To learn
how to contact officials at the national, state, and local levels, people can
consult the Electronic Activist site.22
BusinessWeek concludes that in the Internet Age, its possible for a
handful of Web-savvy activists to exert pressure on policymakers working out of their homes. The result may be a fundamental transformation of the nature of politics. 23 The Internet enables activist groups to
recruit members and volunteers, raise money, inform their members
about the organizations position on issues, organize protests and rallies, and lobby lawmakers. Greenpeace is credited with having an e-mail
list of 5,000 activists who join protests over everything from polyvinyl
chloride in Japanese toys to plutonium shipments in Britain. 24 Corporate public affairs professionals recognize that the Internet has increased the power of activist groups, making money a less important
factor in the political marketplace.
33
Credibility Power.
NGOs, such as Greenpeace and Amnesty International, are generally more trusted and respected than governments, media, and corporations. This contention was supported by a survey of 500
respondents aged 34 to 64 in several countries (United States, France,
Germany, Australia, and the United Kingdom) conducted by the Strategy
One unit of Edelman PR Worldwide. Steve Lombardo, president of Strategy One, said, These [respondents] are two to three times more likely to
trust an NGO to do what is right compared to a large company because
they are seen as being motivated by morals rather than just profit. Overall, 64% said the influence of NGOs has increased significantly over the
decade, with 80% saying Greenpeace is highly effective and 78% saying
the same of Amnesty International. Only 11% saw governments or corporations making the world a better place. In the United Kingdom, 65% of
respondents rated the World Wildlife Fund favorably, as did 50% for
Greenpeace, 29% for British Airways, and 13% for Exxon-Esso. 25
Tactics Used by Social Action Groups
Over a quarter of Americans belong to cause organizations, according
to the Times Mirror Center for People and the Press. 26 The actions taken
by these members vary widely. Some engage in traditional lobbying efforts, whereas others take direct action through the use of protests,
boycotts, and shareholder resolutions. A 1994 Gallup poll reveals some
relatively conservative political actions by Americans: 25% have worn
a campaign button or displayed a campaign poster, 25% have asked
someone to vote for your candidate, 22% have gone to a political
meeting to hear a candidate speak, and 14% have worked for a political party or candidate.27
An international study classified political activist groups into five
types: inactive, conformists, reformists, activists, and protesters. The
repertory of direct actions taken by them increases with each type. Inactives might do no more than glance at political news and sign a petition if asked; reformists might engage in moderate levels of protest,
such as lawful demonstrations and boycotts; and protesters would
shun any conventional involvement in favor of aggressive protest
methods, including violence. 28
Philip Lesly, a public relations consultant, devised an equally useful
range of categories for opposition groups along with strategies to deal
with each:
Advocates: Propose something they believe in; for example, business proposes lower taxes to help the economy. Use the strategy of
reason.
Dissidents: Against something, or many things, because its their
character to be sour on things as they are. They use logic and selected emotions.
34
PART II
Activists: Want to get something done or changed: Dont just

stand in the picket linedo something. May push legislation,
stop construction of highway, or urge an amendment forbidding
abortion. They use logic and strategic actions.
Zealots: Distinguished by overriding single-mindedness, absorbed
with one issue such as stopping a power plant or liberating a geographic area of social groups. Egocentric, must run the show, consider moderates to be enemies. They use the strategy of creating
climate of opinion and understanding among the public, which
isolates zealots and may wither their zeal. 29
An extreme example of zealots are members of the Earth Liberation
Front (ELF), a furtive ecoterrorist group. To stop forest development, they
have claimed responsibility for burning two Vail, Colorado, lodges and
torching homes under construction in California. More recently they set
fire to three auto dealerships in the Los Angeles suburb of Duarte, charring or damaging more than 40 SUVs, mostly gas-guzzling Hummer
H2s. The ELF website contains how-to manuals for setting fires and tips
on evading police. Attackers have evaded police because Its such a shadowy, loose-knit collection of cells that its hard to find them. 30
Many business crises have been triggered by social action groups because one of their favorite strategies is to target large, visible corporations whose concern for their reputations makes them vulnerable. By
threatening to seek government intervention or further regulation, the
numerous social action groups have succeeded in pressuring corporations to accede to their demands. By classifying a specific group according to this typology, a corporation can better decide how to deal with it
(e.g., whether to agree to a meeting).
ENDNOTES
1. Jeffrey M. Berry, The Interest Group Society, 3rd Edition (New York: Longman,
1997), p. xi.
2. Ibid., p. 4.
3. Ibid., pp. 6-8.
4. See table of contents in Foundation for Public Affairs, Public Interest Profiles,
1992-1993 (Washington, DC: Congressional Quarterly, 1992).
5. See Robert L. Rose, New AFL-CIO President Seeks to Revitalize Old Federation, Wall Street Journal, October 29, 1996, p. B1.
6. These are discussed in Jarol B. Manheim, The Death of a Thousand Cuts: Corporate Campaigns and the Attack on the Corporation (Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence
Erlbaum Associates, 2001).
7. Social Policy Themes, Social Policy, Vol. 32, Winter 2001/2002, p. 2.
8. After SeattleCitizens Groups: The Non-governmental Order,
Economist,
December 11, 1999, p. 21.
9. Natures Voice, September/October 2004, p. 1.
10. Theodore Levitt, The Third Sector: New Tactics for a Responsive Society (New
York: AMACOM, 1973), p. 73.
35
11. John M. Holcomb, Citizen Groups, Public Policy, and Corporate Responses,
in Practical Public Affairs in an Era of Change: A Communications Guide for
Business, Government, and College, ed. Lloyd B. Dennis. (Lanham, Md.: University Press of America, 1996), p. 209.
12. Based on comment by Michael McDermott and Jonathan Wootliff in a session on Building Relationships with Non-Government Organizations, at
Public Relations Society of America Conference in Atlanta, Georgia, October
2001; also see pr reporter, November 5, 2001.
13. Yvonne Lo, editor, A Public Relations Guide to Nonprofits (Exeter, NH: PR Publishing Company, 2003), p. vii.
14. Charlotte Ryan, Prime Time Activism: Media Strategies for Grassroots Organizing (Boston, Mass.: South End Press, 1991), p. 29. Another source of information about the media practices of nonprofits and activists is Jason
Salzman, Making the News: A Guide for Nonprofits and Activists (Boulder, CO:
Westview Press, 1998). This handbook is based on interviews with mediasavvy activists and 25 professional journalists.
15. Carl Boggs, The End of Politics: Corporate Power and the Decline of the Public
Sphere (New York: Guilford, 2000), p. 258.
16. Groups with large geographically dispersed memberships, however, can duplicate and multiply the power of community groups. Members can
strongly identify with the often single-cause political and social goals of
their chosen organizations, especially in times of conflict with corporations
or government.
17. Doug Nurse, Professor Fertilizes Grassroots; Sociologist Has studied Community Activism for a Quarter of a Century, Atlanta Journal, November
27, 1997, p. 22E.
18. Activist groups devote a lot of their efforts to organizing their members. In
his recent book, Corporations Are Gonna Get Your Mama (Monroe, Maine:
Common Courage Press, 1996), Kevin Danaher, an activist, proclaims, Demystify the system and teach ourselves how to organize alternatives (p.
199). He cites several training sources that provide help, among which are
the Center for Third World Organizing, ACORN (Association of Community
Organizations for Reform Now), and the Industrial Areas Foundation (IAF).
Stating the goal of developing ways to control the behavior of corporations, Danaher says that Government and citizens movements have been
pushing on many fronts to codify rules on how corporations can treat
their workers, customers, and the environment. Extending his reach internationally, he credits the National Labor Committee in New York for succeeding in forcing The Gap to improve working conditions in its El
Salvador factories. NLC had generated widespread publicity about dismal
working conditions of girls as young as 13 who toil in Central American
sweatshops up to seventy hours a week earning less than 60 cents an
hour. The Gap signed an agreement with (NLC) on December 15, 1995,
that establishes new standards for health and safety and protection of human rights, subject to independent monitoring of its contractors. Gayle
Liles, The U.S.-Salvador Gap, op. cit., p. 177.
19. See How a PR Firm Executed the Alar Scare, Wall Street Journal, October 3,
1989, p. A22.
20. Ibid., p. 9.
21. Ibid., p. 11.
22. Edward Harris, Web Becomes a Cybertool for Political Activists, Wall Street
Journal, August 5, 1999, p. B11.
36
PART II
23. Pete Engardio, Activists Without Borders, BusinessWeek, October 4, 1999,

p. 144.
24. Ibid., p. 150.
25. ODwyers PR Service Report, February 2001, pp. 1, 26.
26. Holcomb, op. cit., p. 211.
27. Election Preview, American Enterprise, Vol. 7, January/February 1996, p.
88.
28. Alan Marsh, The New Matrix of Political Action, Futures, Vol. 11, April
1979, p. 98.
29. Philip Lesly, Managing the Human Climate, May-June 1978.
30. Ronald Grover, Burning to Save the Planet, BusinessWeek, September 8,
2003, p. 41.
Chapter
Interest Group Strategies and Forms of

Opinion Leader Communication
Societal issues are rooted in peoples dissatisfaction with their experience as consumers, employees, members of cause organizations, or victims of dislocation or crises. In addition, some people in the activist
third-sector groups have deeper resentments and want to change the
status quo. In both cases, people in these groups form interest groups,
or, alternatively, existing groups may take up their dissatisfactions. Societal issues also arise from the initiative of so-called public interest
groups whose thought leaders and opinion leaders conceive and develop
issues for which they seek public support. In both situations, the life cycle of an issue begins with an emerging issue.
As with all ideas and issues, months and usually years are needed for
them to become widely accepted and adopted. Furthermore, when ideas
concern public policy, they are, because of their controversial nature,
contested by a variety of political participants. Thus, the proponents of
an issue face an uphill struggle to build up enough social energy
enough highly motivated peopleto convince the public that their issue
deserves priority.1
An emerging issue goes through several life cycle
stages, as shown in Fig. 2.1.
Corporations practicing modern public affairs begin the issues management
process
by
constantly
monitoring
their
external
environments for early warning signals of emerging issues initiated by
interest groups that might affect them. They thus begin the issues
management process. After identifying, prioritizing, and analyzing an
issue, a company engages in strategy formulation to decide what actions to take or not take.
37
38
CHAPTER 2
FIG. 2.1. Build-up of social energy: four stages in life cycle of an issue.
As part of their political strategies, corporations can also be the initiators of issues of concern to them. Regulations that deal with price, entry, and trade practices have often been sought by business because
they provide industry with such benefits as stability and protection
against competitors. Much uncertainty, disliked by business, is thus
reduced.2 Therefore some companies may seek new laws and regulations or a change in existing ones; for example, Enron Corporation lobbied hard for deregulation in the energy industry. For many years the
federal regulation of transportation through the Interstate Commerce
Commission (ICC) was actively supported by the regulated industries.
There was no stronger protector of the ICC against threats of deregulation than the trucking industry.3 Support or opposition to regulations
is one way a public affairs strategy contributes to a firms marketing
strategy. The main thrust of this chapter, however, is to examine the
strategies used by corporations in response to initiatives taken by nonbusiness interest groups.
INTEREST
GROUPS
DEVELOP
TARGETING CORPORATIONS
CAMPAIGNS
In recent decades, nonbusiness interest groups have developed sophisticated strategies and tactics to confront corporations. Borrowing some
ideas from the Far Left (e.g., from Saul Alinskys Rules for Radicals4) and
several social movements, labor unions developed the strategy of the
corporate campaign. In his The Death of a Thousand Cuts, Jarol B.
39
Manheim of George Washington University defines and describes it as

an assault on the reputation of a company that has somehow offended
a union or some other interest. 5 Manheim points out that although organized labor became the principal initiator of corporate campaigns
from
the
mid-1970s,
other
groupsnotably
environmentalists,
human
and civil rights advocates, and feministshave also employed the strategy. Some of these other groups often have a much stronger anticorporate ideological basis than the typical labor campaign by relying for
their motivation and approach on philosophical opposition to the corporation per se. Manheim calls their efforts anticorporate campaigns.
In contrast, unions have a more obvious self-interest-based economic
motivation and should not be viewed as anticorporate. 6
Union Faces Off With Farah and J. P. Stevens
The union corporate campaign strategy was launched when the Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America (ACWA) sought to unionize
workers in Farah Manufacturing Companys new plant in El Paso in
1972. Seeing that the usual tactic of a strike was ineffectivelargely because
so
many
Mexican
replacement
workers
were
availablethe
ACWA launched a nationwide boycott, which was the first time a labor
organization had used that tactic to organize a workforce. Mass picketing became a natural for TV news coverage. On December 11, 1972,
called Dont Buy Farah Day, 175,000 pickets marched nationwide. 7
An important feature of a corporate campaign is the link between labor and other interest groups. Because most of ACWAs members were
Catholics, support was easily obtained not only from the pastor of El
Pasos largest parish, but from the Most Reverend Sidney M. Metzger,
bishop of El Paso. A letter addressed by him to all Catholic Bishops in
the United States, which recommended the boycott of Farah slacks,
was part of a full-page ad placed by ACWA in newspapers in the 13 largest advertising markets to call attention to what it called unfair labor
practices at Farah. Cardinal Mederios of Boston reflected the views of
many religious leaders when he said, the internal affairs of business become the concern of religious leadership when violations of social justice
and human dignity are at stake. 8
Farah capitulated on February 24,
1974, by ratifying an agreement with the union. The use of prominent
leaders and placement of ads in support of the national boycott were
instrumental in the unions success.
Union corporate campaign tactics were soon extended in the unions
conflict with J. P. Stevens, a diversified corporation, primarily concentrated in the textile industry with the majority of its plants located in
North and South Carolina. The main issue was the companys refusal to
bargain collectively with plants where workers had accepted a union
even after condemnation by the National Labor Relations Board and a
federal appeals court, which stated that never has there been such an
40
CHAPTER 2
example of such classic, albeit crude, unlawful labor practices. 9 Besides declaring a
national boycott on a scale greater than that ever undertaken by the American labor
movement, the union began the campaign in earnest in 1976 by employing the strategy of
embarrassing the officers of the company or of the banks it did business withas well as
using the economic power of pension funds.10
The campaign was partly designed and organized with the help of
Roy Rogers, a new type of consultant who takes credit for developing
the concept of the corporate campaign. In effect, Rogers began by identifying all of the key stakeholder relationships of the target company,
assessing the strengths and weaknesses of each, and devising ways to
exploit the weaknesses. 11 For example, one tactic was to force the resignation of some of J. P. Stevenss directors. Among them were James
Finley, Stevenss chairman, who resigned from the board of New York
Life, and the chairman of Avon Products, who resigned from both the
Manufacturers Hanover board and the board of Stevens. Another tactic
was the use of shareholder resolutions and demonstrating at Stevenss
annual meeting.
Anticorporate Campaigns
Labor unions were not the only adversaries of corporations. As Manheim documents,
nonlabor entities launched 29 anticorporate campaigns between 1989 and 1999. Some
better known ones are these:
BP Amoco: Greenpeace seeks to halt offshore oil development on

Alaskas North Slope.
Conoco: Rainforest Action Network pressured the company to
cease operations in the Amazon region.
DuPont: Greenpeace wanted the company to stop using ozone-destroying chemicals.
Freeport-McMoRan: Rainforest Action Network and Project Underground launched an effort to force the company to stop operations said to threaten indigenous Indonesian tribes.
Hoechst/Rhone Poulenc: Fund for the Feminist Majority sought to
speed U.S. availability of RU-486, the day-after birth control pill.
Monsanto: Greenpeace attempted to dissuade the company from
engaging in genetic engineering.
Shell: Targeted by Project Underground for doing business in Nigeria.
Siemens: Global 2000 and Friends of the Earth aimed to force the
company to cease upgrading and operating nuclear power facilities in Russia, Eastern Europe, and elsewhere. 12
This list can be vastly extended when a broader range of confrontations between social action groups and corporations are considered. A
chapter on confrontation crises refers to the more than 200 national
41
boycotts held in 1990 alone and reviews such confrontations as the Natural Resources Defense Councils crusade against McDonalds use of
hard-to-recycle plastic foam food containers and the long-lasting boycott of South Africa during the apartheid era. Case studies include the
PUSH (People United to Save Humanity) boycott of Nike for not doing
more to help the African American community and the classic demand
from FIGHT (Freedom, Integration, God, HonorToday) of Eastman
Kodak to train and hire more African Americans. 13
When a corporation is targeted by a labor union or social action group, it has two
major choices: (a) seek to contain the issue, which is the traditional approach; and (b) seek
to engage the challenging group, an option that is gaining in acceptance.
CONTAINMENT STRATEGIES
The most compelling strategy for a company facing an emerging issue is
to contain itto prevent it from building up social energy and progressing to the next life cycle stage where it receives media and public support. To contain or resolve an issue, a company limits its target to
individuals and groups that present or promote an idea, or air a grievance and press demands. To use mass communication media would be
counterproductive because the public would become aware of the issue
in question and support for it would thereby grow. If this were to occur,
the issue would have reached the second stage of the life cyclethe stage
of public involvementand be on the public agenda.
This containment strategy is analogous to the handling of a rumor.
Assuming that a rumor is not widespread, efforts to counter it are restricted to people who presumably already have heard it. To hold a news
conference, send out news releases, or place an advocacy ad would simply spread the rumor further and do even more damage. Thus, when
McDonalds heard a rumor that it ground red worms into its hamburger meat, the company limited its response to the store where the
rumor started. It took out an ad in the local paper, saying only that McDonalds hamburgers are made of 100% beef, implying that worms
could not possibly be part of that 100% beef product. 14
In a rumor situation, the mass media should be avoided entirely.
This may not be possible, however, if a local newspaper or broadcast
station has reported the rumor. In such an eventuality, factual information should be supplied only to those specific media. Management
runs the risk, of course, that the wire services or alert national media
may pick up the story. A prudent organization will, therefore, prepare
a news release for such a contingency but not send the news release or
hold a news conference. The case study in Box 2.1 adapted from the
Harvard Business Review illustrates the factors that must be considered
in such a situation.
Both judgment and research are required to determine whether a containment strategy will succeed. Reporters and editors, as well as public re-
Box 2.1 Case: Naturewise Deliberates Its Media Relations

Policy15
Dana Osborne, founder and CEO of Naturewise Apparel, makers of
chemical-free natural-fiber childrens wear, suddenly faced a potential
crisis. A local TV news station and a local paper in Chicago carried a
story that the company condoned the bombing of an abortion clinic in
Joliet, Illinois, by a group called TermRights. The only actual connection with Naturewise was that a division of the company contributed to
the nonprofit organization called CHICARE. TermRights, a radically
pro-life group, was only one of 140 social service organizations in Chicago and the Midwest
supported by CHICARE.
The companys contribution policy was as follows: It had recently
decided that its $400,000 annual donation to charities, formerly administered by corporate headquarters, would now be allocated by
each regional division as a way of paying back the various communities that supported it.
Facing Osborne was the immediate problem of whether to answer
a call from a reporter of the Chicago Daily Bulletin. In the case study,
five experts present their analysis of the situation and recommendations. They gave their reactions to the headquarters communication
directors advice: Were going to need to make some kind of statement to the press.
One expert, Mike Woods, senior editor of Los Angeles-based Investors Business Daily, said he wanted to be ready for the possibility of
regional and national media coverage by assembling three relevant
facts: (1) a list of all the charities Naturewise has supported and of
other companies that have given to the same charities; (2) information
from CHICARE about how long it has been in business and which
other companies have supported it; and, (3) whether this type of incident has ever happened before. As the experts commented, these
questions should have been asked before making the contribution.
Another expert, Madge Kaplan, Boston bureau chief for Marketplace, Public Radio
Internationals program on business and finance, favored calling the reporter to announce a
press conference for 1 p.m. Pacific time at company headquarters.
Stephen Greyser, a marketing professor at the Harvard Business
School, made a different recommendation: that Osborne take the call
from the Chicago reporter, even if only to arrange a callback. He saw
the possibility of the Chicago Daily Bulletin reaching a large audience, some of it through syndication pickup. Greyser was explicit
about what the reporter at the Chicago paper and other media should
be told:
42
43
Reiterate the companys well-known corporate giving policy and its

rationale of we do it because its the right thing to do.
Admit that Naturewises Midwest division did give money to
CHICARE, as do many companies in the area, adding that while
CHICARE is involved with so many worthy causes, the company
should have checked into all of the agencys associated groups.
Deplore the bombing.
lations professionals, know whether a story is of great public or media

interest. A content analysis of the print and broadcast mediaeven an informal scanningindicates whether an issue or story appears on the
public agenda. Survey findings, even a quick, overnight telephone survey, would confirm whether the public has become aware of an issue.
If there is evidence an issue has broken the bounds of containment
and stands a good chance of reaching the second life cycle stage, the
strategy of preemptive communication must quickly be employed. An
organization is then in a race to try to shape public thinking before the
opposition does. Reaching the public mind first is like checking into a
room at an overcrowded hotel before other guests do. The sign over the
door leading to a particular issue room then reads occupied, making
it difficult and awkward for someone else to enter. This is known as the
law of primacy in learning theory: What is learned first tends to remain
in memory better than that which is learned later. For those entering an
issue discussion late, the challenge is to find attention-getting ways of
invoking the opposite law of recency that what is heard last is better
remembered.
A company can choose one, or a combination, of three containment strategy variations:
(a) oppose an interest group, (b) weaken antagonists, and (c) foster offsetting interest
groups.
Oppose an Interest Group
Most issues are initiated by interest groups or government, and many are targeted at
business. Understandably, therefore, companies feel attacked and become defensive. A
typical expression of defensiveness is to counterattack and weaken the enemy.
SLAPP Suits.
A legal tactic used by some companies to discourage
or stop activists from attacking them is to threaten, or actually take,
civil law action, alleging that injury has been caused by the party. Such
legal action has been labeled strategic lawsuits against public participation (SLAPPS.)16 Industry groups, such as land developers, typically file
44
CHAPTER 2
these suits. Their targets are generally not radicals, such as extreme environmentalists,
but
ordinary,
middle-class
citizens
concerned
about
their local environment or other problems. What started as a tactic
against small targets, however, has expanded to national groups, according to Al Meyerhoff, a senior attorney with the Natural Resources
Defense Council.17
Each year thousands of Americans are sued for speaking out against
governments and corporations, states Sharon Beder, who wrote a chapter on SLAPP suits.18 Individuals and groups are sued for such acts as
circulating petitions, writing to public officials, speaking at, or even
just attending, public meetings, organizing a boycott and engaging in
peaceful demonstrations. 19 These actions are all legal and protected by
First Amendment rights. Nevertheless, plaintiffs who file suits claim
that
such
injuries
constitute
defamation,
invasion
of
privacy,
conspiracy, nuisance, and interference with business.
SLAPP suits typically have the intended effect of silencing opponents.
Defendants must often spend years entangled in the court system. Lawsuits distract antagonists from the main controversy by using up their
time, energy, and money in the courtroom. Although most of the suits
are eventually dismissed or dropped, they nevertheless have a chilling
effect, making antagonists and their supporters cautious in speaking
out. That was the intention of McDonalds when it filed a libel suit
against two unemployed members of London Green Peace (no connection with Greenpeace International) who engaged in a smear campaign
against the company (see Box 2.2).
Weaken Antagonists
A corporation can weaken the power base of an opposition group in at least two ways: (a)
remove funding sources and (b) create obstacles to membership drives.
Remove Funding.
When a utility publication ran an article called
Where Do the Antis Get Their Money? it pointed to Carter administration
programs that were creating, training, and funding so-called public interest groups critical of business. 20
Government funding started in 1977
when the director of the independent federal agency ACTION started
granting millions of tax dollars to groups such as the Association of Community Organizations for Reform Now (ACORN), which, according to its
preamble, sought to gain neighborhood control of the private sector by
including workers on all corporate boards. 21 This practice was continued
by former Nader associate Michael Pertschuk after he became chairman of
the Federal Trade Commission. He granted more than $150,000 to various
Nader and other antinuclear groups, such as the Union of Concerned Sci-
Box 2.2 McDonalds SLAPP Suit

McDonalds UK became aware that activist groups were distributing leaflets containing such
appellations as McDeath, McDestruction, McProfits, and Big MacNasty. A pamphlet, Whats
Wrong with McDonalds, blamed McDonalds for being cruel to animals, destroying the
rainforest for cattle raising, having poor employment practices, and being an aggressive
capitalist.22
Eddie Bensilum, McDonalds spokeswoman, said, This leaflet
first came to our attention in 1984 and we wrote then asking London
Green Peace to stop defaming McDonalds. We wrote repeatedly but
never got a reply, and we were concerned many people would think
the leaflet came from Greenpeace International. 23 With the approval
of McDonalds headquarters, McDonalds UK started investigating
the group by attending meetings and collecting printed materials. In
1990, writs were served on five group members. Three backed
down; two, David Morris and Helen Steel, decided to fight it out.
They received financial support from an international McLibel Support Campaign.24
Selecting to represent themselves, the two activists contrasted
sharply in the courtroom with McDonalds senior trial lawyer, a barrister who wears the traditional black gown and white wig. Steel, a
former gardener, wore a striped T-shirt and slacks, and Morris, a former postman, wore sandals and socks. Some of McDonalds witnesses appeared foolish. On cross-examination, McDonalds senior
vice president Edward Oakley said McDonalds menu items are nutritious because they include nutrients. And a U.S. vice president for
marketing said the Coca-Cola drink served is nutritious because it
contains water and this is part of a balanced diet. 25
Throughout the years of court proceedings, the trial served to
broadcast the groups message to millions. The trial became Britains longest libel suit ever and turned into a public relations disaster
for McDonalds, demonstrating the risk of a SLAPP suit. Legally, McDonalds eventually won the case in February 1997 when the trial
judge found some claims untrue. On the other hand, he considered
the claims true that hamburgers have poor dietary value, employees
were underpaid, children were exploited through advertising, and
cruel animal practices were employed in producing the meat for the
hamburgers.26 But besides spending $16 million to get a $98,000
settlement (which the defendants couldnt pay), the company
brought international attention to the activists allegations, and set itself up as a corporate bully for going after them in court. 27
45
46
CHAPTER 2
entists, Friends of the Earth, the Sierra Club, the Environmental Defense Fund, and the
National Resources Defense Council.
Some businesspeople have accused their brethren of financing the
antis. David Packard, a cofounder of Hewlett-Packard, stated that it
was foolish to support institutions, such as Harvard University, that
produce so many anti-business proponents. His view found expression
when Central Michigan University came under fire from Dow Chemical
following an antibusiness speech given by Jane Fonda. Central Michigan
University received about $70,000 a year in direct cash grants from
nearby Dow.28 Although the announced title of the talk was Politics in
Film and she was expected to speak on womens issues, Fonda lambasted multinational corporations and criticized the lack of economic
freedom in America. She specifically mentioned Dow Chemical by quoting from the chairmans book Global Reach: I have long dreamed of
buying an island owned by no nation, and of establishing the World
Headquarters of the Dow Company on the truly neutral ground of such
an island beholden to no nation or society. 29
Angered by Fondas speech, Dow Chemical threatened to suspend its support for the
university. In a letter to the university president, Dow Chemicals president wrote,
While inviting Ms. Fonda to your campus is your prerogative, I consider it
our prerogative and obligation to make certain our funds are never again
used to support people intent upon destruction of freedom. Therefore, effective immediately, support of any kind from the Dow Chemical Company
to Central Michigan University has been stopped, and will not [be] resumed
until we are convinced our dollars are not expended to supporting those
who would destroy us.30
Philip H. Knight, CEO of athletic shoe and apparel maker Nike, Inc.,
followed the same reasoning as Dow when on April 24, 2000, he announced that he would no longer donate money to the University of
Oregon, his alma mater. The reason: A few days earlier, the university
announced that it would join the Worker Rights Consortium, supported
by students and several U.S.-based labor unions, to fight for higher
wages and better working conditions in Nikes overseas manufacturing
operations. Knight preferred that the university choose the less threatening Fair Labor Association, which had grown out of President
Clintons Apparel Industry Partnership initiative and was vigorously
backed by Nike. Knight broke off tentative plans to make the companys
biggest donation ever to renovate the football stadium. He said, For me
personally, there will be no further donations of any kind to the University of Oregon. At this time, this is not a situation that can be resolved.
The bonds of trust, which allowed me to give at a high level, have been
shredded.31
Another example of undermining an opposition groups source of
funding is the campaign by business to prevent unions from using dues
for political purposes. After the AFL-CIO spent $35 million in the 1996
47
elections, business introduced H.R. 1625 on the federal level; it would

prohibit unions from using dues for lobbying, issue advocacy, electionrelated contributions and expenditures, and communications to union
members on political topics. 32 Similar legislation was introduced in 25
states and the right-wing Americans for Tax Reform will eventually seek
it in all 50 states. Californias Proposition 226, introduced in June 1998
and supported by Republican governor Pete Wilson, would force unions to get annual written permission from members before donating
money to political campaigns. 33
The further effect of this measure is
that labor would be forced to siphon off millions of dollars from its
congressional campaign, which did actually help secure the Republican
victory.
Create Obstacles to Membership Drives. The
opposition
can
be
weakened by creating obstacles to their membership drives. Companies
have established union avoidance programs when confronted by labor
unions seeking to organize their employees. Using labor laws to its advantage, a company announces that no union solicitation may take
place on its premises. It openly tells employees that it opposes unionization, and states its reasons. It is allowed to do so under section 8(c) of the
Taft-Hartley Act, provided that neither a promise nor a threat is made or
implied. It cautions its supervisors not to intimidate any subordinates.
One likely reason why union membership has been declining is the greater use of
antiunion tactics, which was BusinessWeeks answer to the enigma of Whats behind
labor s poor showing lately? Otherwise, according to a survey by Peter D. Hart Research
Associates, some of the 43% of employees surveyed nationally who say that they would
vote for a union at their workplace might just do that. 34
Richard Bensinger, the former head of the AFL-CIOs organizing department who was ousted by its president John J. Sweeney, criticizes
business leaders for deterring unionization through a range of unethical
tactics. He characterized labor laws as a joke, and that the right to organize isnt respected by most companies. Theres not a free and open
debate in a union election. Instead, theres coercion by management,
which has total access to and control over the electorate. And theres no
real punishment if they violate the law. When asked how CEOs should
behave toward their employees who want a union, he answered: Unions and companies should be adversaries, not enemies, which is how
most executives treat us. Were the price business must pay to keep
America a democracy. There is no example on earth of a democracy
without unions. Unless CEOs respect their employees wishes about
whether to form a union or not, America cant really be called a democratic country.35
Wal-Mart, the countrys largest
employerit
had 1.3 million workers as of June 2004 who earned an average of $9.76 an hour 36has
been expert in keeping out unions, as its record of having won all but
one of seven union votes in the United States proves. Coleman Peterson,
executive vice president of the companys People Division, reflects the
48
CHAPTER 2
companys attitude: Where associates [which is how Wal-Mart designates employees] feel
free to communicate openly with their management, why would they need a third party
to represent them?37 To discourage unionization, employers, like Wal-Mart, play
hardball in these ways, as summarized by BusinessWeek:
Hold mandatory antiunion meetings with workers (92%).
Direct supervisors to meet one-on-one with workers (78%).
Hire an antiunion consultant (75%).
Mail antiunion letters to workers at home (70%).
Fire union activists (25%).38
Foster Offsetting Interest Groups
Instead of weakening opposition groups, a corporation can offset them
by fostering probusiness groups and forming coalitions with existing
interest groups on specific issues. Why leave the designation of a public
interest group only to others? Some probusiness interest groups already
exist. Citizens for a Sound Economy, for example, seeks to return decision-making to citizens by reducing government interference in the
economy.39 Many think tanks that support business or its ideology receive corporate financial support.
Ethical lines are sometimes crossed when business establishes a front
organization that reflects its interests. A company may create or use
the name of an organization that has the ring of an independent and unbiased group while serving the undisclosed interests of the company organizing
and funding its activities.
For example, a company may
establish a citizens task force for the purpose of opposing an environmental bill that negatively affects the company. 40 Instead of looking for
outside
supporters,
corporations
have
extraordinary
opportunities
to
develop true, formidable grassroots support by mobilizing stakeholders
who share economic interests with theminvestors, employees, local
communities, and sometimes customers. The opportunity is greatest
with employees, who are a companys largest natural constituency. A
company can use its own channels of organizational communication to
reach employees. If a unity of interest exists between company and employee interests, the likelihood of employee support is high. Chances are
further enhanced when companies have excellent human resources policies that build employee cohesiveness, a feeling of belonging, and
dedication to the corporate culture. This approach merges with engagement strategies.
ENGAGEMENT STRATEGIES
In contrast to containment strategies, a company can deal
groups by recognizing their legitimacy and working with them in a mu-
with
interest
49
tually
beneficial
manner.
Engagement
means
developing
relationships
with interest groups and the stakeholders they represent. Although aspects of power and influence, as in containment strategies, are involved,
the usual goal is to understand the concerns of an interest group and the
more ambitious goal is to involve it in the decision-making process.
Unilateral Strategies
With engagement strategies, monitoring activities associated with issues
management are focused on the concerns and demands of specific interest
groups. Through formal opinion research, focus groups, and informal
contact, an organization seeks to understand the perceptions of a target
group: what aspects of organizational policy and actions it criticizes,
what reasons underlie this evaluation, and what it plans to do to change
the organizations behavior. This information enables an organization to
determine whether a groups perceptions are accurate in terms of the reality of corporate performance. A company can go a step further and also
consider its goal of how it wants to be seen by the public.
These three reference pointsthe perception, the actual facts, and the organizations ideal
self-imageare summarized in so-called gap analysis as illustrated in Fig. 2.2.41
This diagram of how an organization relates to a target audience suggests two strategies, used singly or in combination: (a) a communication strategy to address the perception gap, and (b) a performance
strategy to reduce the gap between current performance and that
sought by the organization. These strategies are often confused with engagement strategies, but they shouldnt be because they do not require
involvement with a target audience. Unilateral action is not collaboration. Nevertheless, they are discussed here because they are often a precursor to engagement.
FIG. 2.2. Gap analysis.
50
CHAPTER 2
Communication Strategy to Manage Perceptions.

Conflict with an
interest group arises when corporate performance does not measure up
to its expectations, as reflected in the perception of the target group. A
large gap between the two reference points triggers interest group action and indicates the rise of an emerging issue. In response, a company
can close the perception gap through various communication actions,
such as publicity, advocacy ads, speeches, seminars, and publications.
Box 2.3 illustrates a McDonalds communication effort to address criticisms of protest groups.
Sometimes an organizations management may see the perception
problem not as giving a target audience correct and adequate information but as changing the expectations of the group. Corporations
have used this strategy with its employees; for example, telling them
Box 2.3 McDonalds Attempts to Set the Record Straight
McDonalds has increasingly been the target of protest groups abroad.
In France, a variety of incidents received wide media coverage. Among
them are the destruction of a restaurant under construction in the
central French city of Millau in August 1999 by a left-leaning farm
organization and the bombing of an outlet in the western region of
Brittany in mid-2000, killing a young manager. McDonalds risked losing more customers as unions accused it of exploiting its workforce of
35,000, composed largely of youth and ethnic minorities.
McDonalds France decided on a communication strategy to provide its critics and customers with more information about its operations. It decided to acknowledge what its critics had been saying and
to answer them by publishing a book, McDonalds Se Met a Table
(McDonalds Turns the Tables). By doing so, the company challenged
the precept that communicating ones troubles to the public is not
always a sound strategya precept based on the notion that public
awareness of the criticisms and actions taken by some protesters
leads to further dissemination of negative messages.
McDonalds France president Denis Hennequin and his two managing directors, Jean-Pierre Petit and Philippe Labbe, authored the
book for the purpose of setting the record straight. They sought to
explain why consumers flock to the chain while French opponents of
globalization roast it over the coals. In their 110-page book, they defended the quality of its food, the companys role as a major player in
the French economy, and its commitment to good employee relations. The time has come to say enough is enough, the trio said. They stated, Like any
company, we are exposed to the problems of society, to the problems of change, to the
problems of employment. And so it is in this context that we should know how to make our
brand liked, beyond prejudice, rancor and partisan interests.
51
that the old social contract of providing lifetime jobs is no longer feasible. Changing peoples expectations is a difficult task that requires
much long-term effort. When a crisis occurs, however, such as the
prospect of job loss, the task is easier because peoples frame of reference is different.
Performance Strategy.
The performance strategy is an alternative
suggested by gap analysis. If a company decides that its actual performancethe factis truly short of meeting its desired goal or the legitimate interest groups expectations, it can narrow the performance gap
by taking concrete actions, such as removing human rights violations,
reducing pollution, or improving employee and community safety.
In Engagement with Integrity, Michael A. Santoro discusses public
criticism
of the
human
rights
violations
of
multinational
corporations.42 He states that most business executives believe they have no particular responsibility for human rights. However, public attention to the
issue has led some business groups to issue statements. On the international
scene,
the American
Chamber
of
Commerce
in
Hong
Kong
(AmCham) made a strong and direct pledge to refuse to do business
with firms which employ forced labor, or treat their workers in inhumane or unsafe ways.43 It subscribed to the author s fair share theory,
which states that business bears some but not all responsibility to undertake the burden of advancing human rights. It proposed that a
corporation has these responsibilities:
Maintain acceptable working conditions in its own operations

uphold the rights of its employees to freedom of expression.
Take responsibility for the actions of its business partners in such
matters as employment practices, wages and benefits, working
hours, use of child labor, use of prison labor or forced labor, discrimination, and disciplinary practices.
Resist pressure from the Chinese government to use the multinational corporation as a vehicle to abuse human rights, for example,
by not hiring (or rehiring) employees who are punished by withholding jobs from them.44
and
Nike, mentioned earlier, has been targeted by student activists and

others for paying low wages and ignoring human rights violations in its
Asian plants. The company received much negative publicity in the media. Two stories were particularly damaging. Life magazine documented
the use of child labor in Pakistan to produce soccer balls for Nike and
other companies, showing photographs of small children sitting in a
dirty environment stitching together the panels of a soccer ball. The second was a CBS News 48 Hours broadcast in October 1996 that focused
on low wage rates, extensive overtime, and physical abuse of workers in
Nikes factories in Vietnam.45
52
CHAPTER 2
A marketing research study of Nike among young people aged 13 to

25 reported that their top three perceptions were (a) athletics, (b) cool,
and (c) bad labor practices. The company decided to do something about
the third perception. In 1992 it drafted its first Code of Conduct, which
applied to subcontractors and suppliers; in 1994 it hired Ernst & Young,
the accounting firm, to monitor alleged worker abuses in its Indonesian
factories; in 1996 it hired GoodWorks International, headed by former
civil rights leader Andrew Young, to investigate conditions in overseas
factories; and in 1998 it formed a Corporate Responsibility Division.
Later that year CEO Philip H. Knight gave a speech at which he announced several initiatives; for example, to raise the minimum age for
employment in the companys shoe factories to 18.46
Social Audits. Nike,
McDonalds,
and
others
have
accompanied
changes in performance with adopting various forms of social audits,
which attempt to measure a companys social performance. Nike hired
Ernst & Young for this purpose. Even more extensive has been the trend
toward social reporting, which is a way of keeping interest groups, the
media, and others informed about the results of social audits and, more
generally, such areas of social responsibility as employee benefits, environmental improvements, and corporate philanthropy.
McDonalds ventured into this method of communicating in April
2002 when, being sensitive to its status as an international symbol of
American capitalism and globalization, it published its first worldwide
social responsibility report. Its 46 pages address many criticisms hurled
at the company, as reflected in the reports four headings: community,
environment, people, and wider marketplace, including animal welfare
and labor practices at McDonalds suppliers. For example, it describes its
new U.S. standards for the way chickens are housed, which are being
followed by other leading retailers. The company also points out other
accomplishments: its long-standing policy not to buy beef from rainforest lands and its testing of new packaging materials such as
EarthShell (made mostly from calcium carbonate and recycled potato
starch rather than paper or plastic).
Both
strategiescommunications
and
performancecan
be
taken
unilaterally
by
management
without
the
involvement
of
interest
groups. The communications strategy might be called a one-way,
asymmetrical approach, in the language of public relations. 47 Their tone
is that interest groups and their members are ignorant or misinformed
about a company and that the antidote is to give them the factsto educate them. This traditional approach is increasingly considered inadequate and condescending by target groups. The unilateral performance
improvement strategy also has a failing because it may not consider the
specific grievances of a target group; that is, the type of performances
that the group thinks should be changed. Neither strategy, therefore,
constitutes an engagement strategy.
53
Public Participation Strategies

Engagement means working with interest groups and their stakeholders. It is a twoway, symmetrical process that involves the groups that have targeted, or might target, an
organization.
Efforts are therefore undertaken to listen to the concerns of people,
not only through opinion surveys but through personal contact with
them. These concerns are integrated into the decision making of an organization and efforts are undertaken to measure the outcome of subsequent actions taken. Good examples of the application of public
participation have been government agencies and, in the private sector,
various types of community involvement programs.
Citizen Participation in Government.
Government programs generally use the term public participation for federally assisted programs
that require or recommend the involvement of citizens. The introduction to a booklet by the Community Services Administration published
in 1978, when the concept began to become highly accepted, provides
this explanation:
The decade and a half preceding our Bicentennial celebration of the establishment of representative democracy in this country witnessed the emergence of participatory democracy, referred to as citizen participation.
Today virtually all programs in which Federally appropriated funds are used
require citizen access to the decision-making process. With respect to
these programs, citizens are defined as those persons whose membership
in a population served or affected by a specific Federal program entitles
them to assist variously in designing, operating, and evaluating the program. The nature of such participation is varied and is established by statute to administrative regulation.48
Government
organizations
have
continued
to
promote
public
participation. This process was discussed in a landmark Public Participation
Benchmarking Conference, held in October 1997 and organized by Gary
Pitchford, director of Communications of the Argonne National Laboratorys Chicago Operations Office.49 Martha Crosland, Acting Director of
the Department of Energys (DOE) Office of Intergovernmental and
Public Accountability, described public participation as open, ongoing,
two-way
communication,
both
formal
and
informal
between
stakeholders and the DEO.50 She stated that DOEs three major goals were:
1.
To actively seek and consider public input, and incorporate

spond to stakeholder views in making DOE decisions.
2. To provide a public involvement process where the public is informed in a timely manner about, and empowered to participate
in, the decision-making process.
or
re-
54
3.
CHAPTER 2
To incorporate credible, effective public

partments programs, planning, and decisions. 51
participation
into
the
de-
The DOE discovered that access to information is an important factor affecting public
trust and confidence, which is crucial to accomplishment of its mission. Donald Beck,
senior project director of the Gallup Organization, stated that trust in government leads
to a more ready public acceptance of decisions, especially difficult ones involving risk
estimates and hazard policies. 52 Giving the public access to information is highly important
in creating such trust.
Public participation involves a shift away from wholesale to retail,
said Jim Creighton, president of Creighton & Creighton, Inc. Instead of a
tendency to invite everyone to every issue, the retail approach moves toward targeting the most interested groups and individuals. Creighton
advises organizations to avoid large public forums for issues in which
risk is a significant factor, because such public meetings tend to exaggerate the differences among different positions and generally wont
bear the process of consensus building. 53 Furthermore, he draws a distinction
between
consensus-seeking
public
participation
and
dispute
resolution and negotiation, which is discussed in the next chapter.
Community Involvement Programs.
The private sector has applied
the principles of public participation to community relations, often using the term community involvement. This approach is fostered because
of the proximity of local interest groups to a specific organization. Business has learned that it can gain greater freedom in finding ways to cut
pollution by engaging in dialogue with government officials and environmental groups. The Presidents Council on Sustainable Development
(PCSD), consisting of top executives from Dow Chemical and Chevron,
government officials from the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA)
and DOE, and heads of organizations like the Sierra Club and the National Wildlife Federation, recommended greater use of dialogue to resolve problems. The PCSD report further states: For their part,
businesses need to build the practice and skills of dialogue with communities and citizens, participating in community decision-making and
opening their own values, strategies and performance to their community and society. David Guzzelli, vice president and corporate director
at Dow Chemical, stated: We believe that consensus will move America
forward both faster and further than confrontation. 54
Community involvement programs have often been developed in response to crises. After the gas leakage in Union Carbides Bhopal, India,
plant in 1984, which killed more than 2,500 people, Congress passed Title III, the Emergency Planning and Community Right-to-Know Act.
The act gave the EPA authority to mandate the formation of local emergency planning committees across the nation. Although they were primarily intended to plan for emergencies, they were also designed to
serve as forums where citizens could request information and voice
55
concerns.55 One example of this process is that in the early 1990s, the
Chemical
Manufacturers
Association
(now
the
American
Chemistry
Council) advised members to form community advisory panels (CAPs)
as part of its Responsible Care program. CAPs were intended to serve as
forums for public dialogue over risk identification, assessment, and
reduction.
Public participation is facilitated by a variety of mechanisms: advisory councils consisting of community leaders, ambassador and envoy
programs that allow an organizations members to listen to and involve
community members, and a variety of outreach programs that attract
community citizens to an organizations activities. Box 2.4 describes the
experience of Brookhaven National Laboratory and the programs it developed to regain public trust and confidence through its public participation program. Key features are its Community Advisory Council and
its envoy program. The latter serve as the eyes and ears for the lab. At
one time 45 envoys were actively engaged, reaching out to external
organizations and bringing back feedback. Box 2.5 lists suggestions
from the International Association for Public Participation to facilitate
the practice of public participation.
Public Participation Beyond the CommunityThe World Bank.
As
the next chapter describes, public participation has been a means of conflict resolution with environmental groups, used by corporations as
well as government (e.g., the EPA). It has also been used by international
institutions. After facing protests at its meetings, the World Bank
learned that it is better to deal with civil society by shifting from confrontation to engagement.
Instead of treating criticism as a matter of wrong perceptions, the bank
introduced forms of collaboration and a more open information policy
with protest groups. This approach was started when James Wolfensohn
became the banks president in 1995. The five strands in the banks new
strategy were described as follows by John Clark, the banks principal
social-development specialist:
Expand
collaboration
in
operations,
emphasizing
early
involvement by civil society in project design.
Engage civil society by discussing strategies within each country.
Adopt a new disclosure policy of making a wider array of information public.
Establish a regular dialogue on big policy issues, such as environment and debt relief, replacing more informal consultations.
Use the banks influence over governments that borrow from the
bank to encourage greater tolerance of civil groups. 56
The purpose of the World Bank is compatible with the process of public participation in dealing with civil society, including interest groups
that have demonstrated against it. The bank, which is one of the worlds
Box 2.4 Brookhaven National Lab Demonstrates Value of Public

Participation
When a policy, decision, or behavior by an organization affects the vital interests of a stakeholder group, that group has an expectation that
it be included in the decision-making process. Serious confrontations
and consequences can occur if that expectation is not met. One of
the policymaking roles of a public relations or public affairs director is
to advise top management when such public involvement is desirableor absolutely necessary.
Brookhaven National Laboratory, a U.S. DOE laboratory founded in
1947, was named Organization of the Year by the International Association for Public Participation (IAP2) last May for making the right policy decisions. Brookhaven not only actively seeks out and facilitates
the involvement of those potentially affected by lab decisions, but also
effectively provides the public with information that allows them to
participate in a meaningful way, IAP2 said. A new management
group, installed after the DOE fired the former managers, recognized
the importance of such public affairs measures in creating a community action plan and forming a community advisory council. Dr. John
Marburger, the labs director since 1998, recognized that science
could not be put ahead of safety, which his predecessor had done. He
said, It pays to have the community understand what we do and
try to operate in harmony with the community instead of fighting with
them.
One member of the Labs Community Advisory Council said,
Brookhavens public participation initiatives are remarkably effective. I
think the Lab has put forward an exceptional effort and has made a
significant, honest effort to listen and respond to issues raised by the
community. I am quite impressed with the major strides the Lab has
made in being open and responsive to the issues that we and other
community groups raise.
Recognizing the importance of public affairs, one of Marburgers
first actions was to bring the communications, community involvement, and government affairs functions under one manager who sits
at the policymaking table and who reports directly to him. Marge
Lynch was appointed to that position and given the title of assistant
laboratory director. Most responsible for public participation programs
is Kathleen Geiger, manager of the community involvement office.
Brookhavens public participation program has several components: (a) the Community Advisory Council consisting of representatives from more than 30 local civic, health, environmental, and
business organizations; (b) a 15-person Stakeholder Relations Team
that had face-to-face interviews with 60 Long Island opinion leaders
and covered 20 issues; (c) Ambassador program, which involves
56
57
employees in community activities; (d) the Envoy program that builds on relationships
employees already have with community organizations; (e) outreach and community
programs, such as Summer
Sunday; and (f) a speakers bureau.
The lab sought community participation to deal with a difficult environmental crisis: Plumes of volatile organic compounds were discovered off site in 1996 and in 1997 an on-site plume of groundwater
contaminated with radioactive tritium was discovered. After receiving
extensive community input, the DOE and Brookhaven are reviewing
alternative options for cleaning up contaminated sediment in the site
and neighboring communities Peconic River. Says a community activist, Their interest and willingness in getting involved in public participation is still new. The journey is hardly over. Brookhaven National
Laboratory would agree, realizing that relationship building is an ongoing process and not just a way to deal with crises.
largest sources of development assistance, works with government agencies, NGOs,

and the private sector to formulate assistance strategies. Its country offices worldwide
deliver the Banks program in countries, liaise with government and civil society, and
work to increase understanding of development issues.
Because members of specific interest groups are difficult to reach directly, the World Bank and other large organizations have learned the
value of the two-step flow of communication and consequently reach
their audiences through their opinion leaders. The following section of
Box 2.5 Core Values and Practices That Promote Public

Participation
Core values
The public should have a say in decisions about actions that
their lives.
Public participation includes the promise that the publics
tion will influence decisions.
Facilitating processes
Communicate the interests, and meet the process needs of
ticipants.
Involve participants in defining how they participate.
Communicate to participants how their input affected the decision.
Provide participants with the information needed to participate
meaningful way.
affect
contribu-
all
in
par-
58
CHAPTER 2
this chapter deals with various forms of opinion leader communication

intended to change the perceptions and attitudes of interest group leaders. The next chapter extends communication to include conflict resolution through mediation and negotiation. When an issue is resolved at
the emerging-issues stage, its life cycle is aborted; the issue no longer
threatens a company by moving to the stage of public involvement and,
later, to the legislative stage.
OPINION LEADER COMMUNICATION
The most practical way to communicate with interest groups is through
their thought and opinion leaders because they are the thinkers, writers,
disseminators, and activists who originate ideas and synthesize issues.
These individuals, sometimes with the help of accompanying events and
crises, create the emerging issues that begin the life cycle of an issue. Furthermore, opinion leaders may form public interest groups to propagandize and promote these emerging issues, or existing groups may adopt
their issues.
Communication theory provides an audience perspective of opinion
leaders. Individuals seek out opinion leaders to obtain information and
opinions about questions of concern to them. The subject matter ranges
from new products and technology to political questions about candidates and issues. Researchers identify opinion leaders by asking people
various forms of the question Who do you ask when you want to
know about ? Early political studies assumed that these leaders
would be sought from among those with a higher socioeconomic status
than the inquirers, but subsequent studies have proven that opinion
leader status can be on any level, depending on the subject matter.
What distinguishes opinion leaders from others is that they know
more about a subject than ordinary people, or are so perceived. In the
two-step flow of mass communication, opinion leaders are more avid
consumers of newspapers, magazines, television, and radio and can
therefore relay messages to others as well as add opinions of their own.
Another theory, the diffusion of innovation, depicts opinion leaders as
the first to become aware of and adopt a new idea. They are likely to be
cosmopolitans who are more concerned with national political issues
and more likely to be exposed to national magazines and public affairs
broadcasts than local leaders. In the language of communication networks, the locals are oriented to a single network of interpersonal relations
whereas
cosmopolitans
are
oriented
to
several
networks,
particularly outside ones, which might include a professional society.
Viewed from a political perspective, opinion leaders are an important
target audience for corporations because they provide links with members of interest groups and the general public. Interest groups, mostly
the activist type, are important entities in modern societies because they
represent individuals with shared attitudes who make claims on other
59
groups in society.57
In theory, individual citizens function primarily
through these interest groups, which promote group goals when appropriate and necessary. A fundamental characteristic of the public policy process is that these groups select and formulate goals as well as
initiate specific actions. If all groups engage in this process, policymakers would ultimately recognize all individual interests. 58
A corporation engages in opinion leader communication as a way of
gaining some control over the political process. It does so by targeting
specific individuals and small groups that introduce new ideas, some of
which become emerging issues. By getting involved at an early stage, corporations have the greatest chance of influencing the outcome of an issue.
One way a corporation can directly affect an issues outcome is to arrest its development
by resolving the issue with the leaders of the relevant interest group or groups before it
becomes a full-blown legislative matter. Determining when it is practical to do this and how
conflicts can be resolved before they proceed to the public involvement and legislative stages
are issues discussed in chapter 3.
Interpersonal communication skills are essential to opinion leader
communication. One rule in such endeavors is that communication
must be two-way. A company must be willing to listen to those who
seek change, and be prepared to amend its own thinking and action. As
communication theorists point out, such responsiveness is particularly
necessary when dealing with people who espouse strong views on an issue or who may not consider messages from an opposing organization
to be credible. Also, whenever an organization deals with an unfriendly
or opposing audience, both sides of an issue should be presented. Preferably, the audiences views should be mentioned first before presenting
ones own.
Saying that communication should be two-way, however, does not
adequately describe the willingness to allow audience members to participate in decision making. Increasingly people demand a voice in decisions that affect them. Forms of public participationsometimes
required by lawand collaborative planning go far beyond the simple
model of two-way communication. The views of participants become
integrated into the decision making of an organization. A corporations
quest to have its way may be restrained at this stage in return for an
issues resolution.
Overall, therefore, the objectives of opinion leader communication are several: (a) open a
communication link with persons who hold differing views and values, (b) provide new
information for their consideration, (c) attempt to enlarge their perspective, (d) change their
perceptions, and (e) bring about a meeting of minds.
Interpersonal
media
dominate
opinion
leader
communication.
These
range from face-to-face communication between two persons or a
small group to speeches made to larger audiences. With smaller numbers, it is possible to engage in a dialogue in which information and
views are exchanged with the aim of discovering areas of agreement as
60
CHAPTER 2
well as disagreement. A dialogue is often the prelude to resolution of an issue. When

resolved, the issue exits from the life cycle chart.
Face-to-Face Communication and Other Forms of Personal
Communication
One of societys basic building blocks is the relationship between two
persons. This is exemplified by spontaneous conversations, interviews,
and various encounters, such as between husband and wife, parent and
child, doctor and patient, teacher and pupil, and other dyads.
Close, face-to-face contact allows for the conveyance of maximum
information. Besides the spoken message, the appearance, clothes, and
body language of someone may suggest certain attitudes and personality traits. For example, a carefully groomed man wearing a pin-striped
dark blue suit would appear to want to hold conventional attitudes and
fit in with the business community. Face-to-face contact permits immediate feedback, thus allowing for flexibility in presenting an argument.
If something is known about another person, the conversation may incorporate his or her interests and thereby enhance receptivity.
Personal communication, especially face to face, requires people to
develop their listening skills. But from talk shows to offices, everybody
is jabbering but few are listening in todays society. 59 In our fast-paced
world, says Kathy Thompson, a conversation teacher at Alverno College
in Milwaukee, were always in a hurry. Mentally were saying, get to
the point, we dont have time to hear the whole story. Good listening
takes time.60 Furthermore, says Wicke Chambers, a partner in Speechworks,
an
Atlanta
communications-training
firm,
People
think
listening is boring; its more fun to talk. 61 Talking is perceived as active and
dominant, listening as passive and deferential.
Basic
face-to-face
personal
communications
are
supplemented
by
other forms that contain decreasing amounts of information: telephone
conversations, letters, and e-mail. Telephone voice quality may reflect
mood, a handwritten letter may still convey personality through handwriting style, and e-mail may reflect limited personality attributes.
The shortcomings of other forms of personal communication are revealed in a study of the e-mail system at a southeastern university. One
finding is that senders overly concentrate on the technological process
while ignoring the messages impact on the receiver. Because inhibitions
seem to drop, a more aggressive stance is taken because youre not
face-to-face, said full-time faculty and administrators. Cues obtained
from a persons eyes, gestures, posture, and facial expressions are absent and therefore do not affect the message. Words carry the entire
meaning in e-mail, so more phrases that convey the intent of a message,
such as Im asking for clarification, not admonishing you, or This is a
very difficult question and Im feeling uncomfortable asking you
should be used.62
61
Small-Group Meetings, Forums, and Dialogue Communications

Many of the features of a conversation are extended into small-group
meetings, which can take a variety of forms: corporate guest speakers in
college classrooms or at community meetings, an open house where
small groups gather to listen to an executive or guide, or a panel discussion at a professional meeting. The presentation of papers at a professional meeting may be in the form of a small-group meeting or, if the
number of people is large and prohibits much interaction, in the form of
a speech or lecture.
Dialogue communications are conversational meetings of a small
group of people who share their concerns, exchange information, and
seek solutions to problems. These meetings can take place informally in
an office when a manager meets with representatives of a group to address an issue. Or meetings can be more formal, held in a conference
room with a larger group of people to discuss problems of mutual concern. These meetings can be one-time, occasional, or regular.
Dialogue Versus Discussion. The
distinct
meaning
of
a
dialogue
becomes clearer by comparing it with a discussion, a necessary counterpart of dialogue.63 In a discussion, different views are presented and defended; in dialogue, different views are presented gently as a means of
discovering a new view. Participants in a dialogue are willing to suspend
assumptions and enter into genuine thinking together. In a sense, participants become observers of their own thinking. Such dialogue is divergent, however, as complex issues are explored and a richer grasp of
them is obtained. When the goal is to converge on a conclusion or course
of action, a discussion is necessary. Alternative views need to be weighed
and a preferred view selected. Thus, movement back and forth between
dialogue and discussion is needed.
Members of an organization who plan to meet with members of outside groups are advised to engage in a dialogue among themselves before
and during meetings with others. The purpose, as explained in Peter M.
Senges The Fifth Discipline, is that team members understand their own
views better, both individually and collectivelyunlike the discussion
format, which seeks to have ones own view accepted by the group. 64 In
a dialogue we are not trying to win but to go beyond the understanding
of any one individual. New insights are gained, based on the full depth
of peoples experience and thought.
For dialogue to occur, three conditions must be met:
1. All participants must suspend their assumptions, which in itself
requires an awareness that each view is based on assumptions
rather than incontrovertible fact.
2. All participants must regard one another as colleagues in a mutual
quest for deeper insight and clarity. Differences in hierarchical status must be set aside.
62
3.
CHAPTER 2
A facilitator should be present who keeps

knows how to balance discussion with dialogue. 65
the
dialogue
flowing
and
Many social and political problems are caused by misunderstandings among different groups. They hold stereotyped views of one another and operate on the basis of partial and inaccurate information.
As a community participant said to management representatives at a
consumer roundtable held by a utility company: I used to believe that
capitalists are people who dont have feelings that they run
money-making machines. Now I know you have feelings. 66 At these
same roundtables, the utility was asked about affirmative action criteria in hiring. The participants were uninformed of the facts because the
local media had not reported such information. Through the dialogue
of the consumer roundtables, the human resources manager was able
to explain the utilitys policy and the extent to which minority group
persons (e.g., of Hispanic and Chinese descent) had been hired. The utility was also able to point out that union contracts made it impossible
for it to move faster in meeting affirmative action goals.
Creating a Neutral Zone.
Carlton Spitzer, a public relations counselor who is a leading proponent of dialogue communications, explains that some kind of neutral zone must be discovered or
invented. It is needed to give us time to consider, to relate, to sort out
the trade-offs, to articulate national and local priorities in a democratic
but nonthreatening
atmosphere. 67 Although
his
frame
of reference was the turbulent era of the 1960s and 1970s, which wrought
riots, demonstrations, and confrontations in the nation, his ideas apply to any time or situation when an organization faces new issues and
demands. The neutral zone, says Spitzer, is in the mind: It is the willingness of people having different interests to come together to draw a
montage on the wall; to identify gaps and misconceptions; to compromise in order to gain consensus toward the achievement of larger purposes in which all people have a stake. 68 Spitzer maintains that the
nation needs brokers and matchmakers who will bring adversaries together on common ground.
In
dialogue
communications,
however,
the
adversarial
mind-set
must be put aside so that people with different interests can come together and achieve a candid exchange of ideas, the cooling of tempers,
and the resolution of basic misunderstanding. 69 One of Spitzers examples is the rumor disseminated by the media that during the Iranian
revolution, ARCO and other oil companies had tankers, loaded with oil,
sitting offshore to create an oil shortage and a corresponding jump in
prices. To correct this media inaccuracy, Anthony Hatch, then ARCOs
manager of corporate media relations, took a group of oil executives
on the road to meet with reporters and editors in on-the-record informal discussions.
63
As to the structure of dialogue meetings, Spitzer says that they must

maximize freedom, assure nonattribution, and demand nothing in
terms of official statements or decisions or actions. 70
In describing
meetings between business leaders and government officials, he notes
these characteristics:
There was just plain talk in plain surroundings.
No agenda was printed.
Everyone was able to speak candidly with his or her counterparts
without fear of attribution.
No secrets were leaked or confidential data disclosed.
No one was allowed to make a speech about any special problem or
to plead for a favor.
Spitzer emphasizes that dialogue must begin long before issues develop into legislative
or legal battles: It is never enough to do the right things; industry must also convince
others whose support and understanding it needs that it is, in fact, doing the right
thing.71
Constituency Relations.
Another example of dialogue communications is the constituency relations program established at Texaco by
Mary Ann Pires, former manager of planning and constituency relations and now president of The Pires Group. She met regularly with a
variety of national consumer and public interest groups. Piress mandate was to systematically open lines of communication with influential third-party groups; in short, to develop the interaction necessary
for proactive public relations/public affairs. 72 Her objectives were to
become familiar with each organization, its goals and needs, and to enable the group to put a face to Texacoto actually meet and talk with
someone from a Big Oil Company. 73 Texacos program illustrates that
public relations practitioners are facilitators of communication in a
complex society, brokers between competing interests. 74
Pires followed these principles in dealing with Texacos constituent
groups:
Develop long-term relations. Too many companies, she was told
by consumer and public interest groups, would meet with them
once and never return. Texaco became convinced, says Pires, it
could not expect people to have any interest in the company and its
issues if the only time it approached them was when it wanted
something.
Dont promise anything you cant deliver. But when
youll do something, do it.
Dont develop a checkbook relationship. Texacos policy is not to
make contributions in situations where it cannot work with the
organization on a mutual objective.
you
say
64
CHAPTER 2
Speechmaking: Supplementing Interpersonal Communication

Speechmaking is a useful tool in various life cycle stages of issues management. In Stage 1,
speeches provide an opportunity to reach opinion leaders and activist groups; in Stage 2,
speeches provide an opportunity to send reprints to media; and in Stage 3, speeches allow a
company to present its views at public hearings.
The important advantages of speeches in Stage 1 communications are:
They can be given to audiences of various sizes: to small, select
groups that are identified with specific issues, or to larger groups
with a common interest.
They can be delivered by the most credible spokesperson: an executive, scientist, or other specialist who is most knowledgeable about
an issue or has authority in relationship to it.
They can provide immediate feedback, and thus, to a smaller extent, emulate face-to-face communication (a blank look on someone in the audience might indicate lack of interest, and raised
eyebrows might signify doubt or hostility).
They demonstrate the organizations opennessits
others and willingness to deal with them.
They help humanize an organization.
respect
for
Make Strategic Use of Speeches. Corporate

executives
make
the
mistake of addressing essentially the same audiences year after year on
just about the same subjects, observed Robert S. Mason in a 10-year review of speeches.75 Although some ritual speaking is obligatory and unavoidable, speeches should be designed with specific objectives in mind.
Mason said they should be part of a speaking program expressing and
furthering the companys public relations policies, which in turn support overall company strategy. 76
He points out that an innovative
speaking program creates the opportunity for dialogue between top
management and the groups representing the full range of interests and
aspirations stirring in the social environment. 77
One way to assure the strategic use of speeches is to employ a management-by-objectives
(MBO) approach. As with other activities, MBO allows management to focus on achievable
goals and to make the most efficient use of its resources. It is a systematic and organized
approach involving the following steps:
1. Set objectives.
2. Define the audienceTreat it like a market niche.
3.
Allocate
resourcespersonnel,
money,
executive
timeto
support
the program.
4. Determine the content of the speech.
5. Plan the further dissemination of the speech through reprints and
publicity.
65
Further dissemination of speeches can support government relations

objectives, states a booklet by the North American Precis Syndicate, a
media relations agency that distributes hundreds of editorials, cartoons,
and feature stories for use by small papers. It lists these advantages:
You reach suburban women and senior citizens who hate inflation and write to legislators.
You reach the legislative aides who keep track of what the newspapers back home are printing about the issue.
You reach hometown political leaders and contributors to whom
legislators turn for guidance and support. 78
Make News as Well as Speeches. A speech can be viewed as a newsworthy
special event, rather than empty rhetoric that is unrelated to the philosophy, policies, and
actions of a company. Speeches are opportunities to enunciate policy for the benefit of
specific groups, including the companys own employees.
Speeches by CEOs have newsworthy potential because leaders of organizations have the power to institute policy changes. Sometimes it is
the speechwriter, however, who serves as a catalyst for policy changes.
Aram Bakahian, a speechwriter for former president Richard Nixon,
notes that when existing policy is vague, speechwriters play an important role in clarifying stands as well as creating new policies. 79
Although this example applies to Stage 2 communications, speeches to
select groups in Stage 1 communication can serve the purpose of announcing a change in organizational policy that accommodates the
needs of the group.
CEO speeches are prepared in various ways. One survey of the nations
top 1,000 companies showed that just over one third of CEOs say they
write their own speeches, either a draft or a final version; about a quarter
tell their public relations directors what to write, and seldom change their
drafts; and about another quarter ask for drafts from a number of executives.80 Although busy executives can use help, there are good arguments
why they should write major speeches themselves: Their thoughts and
beliefs are clarified by the discipline of choosing the right words for clarity
of expression; delivery is apt to be more natural, direct, and convincing;
and valuable practice is obtained in talking extemporaneously. In an article titled Corporate Speechmaking: Its Not Like Selling Soap, Norman
Wasserman, a former Ruder-Finn vice president, insisted that Speeches
by corporate officers should bear their own imprimaturs and convey
their own personal, incisive corporate viewpoints. 81
For purposes of opinion leader communication, news dissemination
of speeches should be contained within membership groups or within a
community.
Weekly
newspapers
in
communities
are
particularly
receptive to speeches about local issues. For Stage 2 communication, however, speeches could be used as a basis for a national news release to
support company goals.
66
CHAPTER 2
Apply Techniques of Persuasion in Speeches.Because public affairs speeches are intended to persuade an audience to adopt a certain
point of view, they must contain a variety of types of evidence. Mary
Jane Genova, a communications consultant for Fortune 500 executives,
lists these: statistics (from research studies and opinion surveys); scientific evidence and statements by experts; history, case histories, and organizational
histories;
personal
experience,
anecdotes,
and
visuals. 82
She suggests that at the conclusion to the speech, the speaker should ask
the audience to do something: think a certain way about a problem,
write a letter to a representative, and take personal action.
Communication theorists suggest applying some of the following principles of
persuasion in a speech before a group of people who are likely to disagree with a
corporate position:
1. Build a bridge of common values. Try to overcome the
outlook by referring to common values and goals.
2. Use a two-sided approach. Start by demonstrating your understanding of their position and indicate where you are in agreement. Then talk about other points of view, including your own. In
this way you are again establishing a bridge between you and
them.
3. Allow for a Q & A session, but make sure you are prepared in at
least two ways: (a) Know what your corporate policies are (these
should be thought out very carefully), and (b) anticipate questions
that will be asked, and have prepared answers.
difference
in
Newsletters, Small Publications, and the Internet

Like
speeches,
newsletters
and
small
publications
can
reach
small
groups of people who initiate change. They bear similarities to smallgroup communications when people know one another. However, if circulation is large and members do not know one another, newsletters are
more like a newspaper reaching a mass audience. Most intellectual and
political
movements
communicate
with
their
members
through
newsletters. Their editors may be open to letters and reports from outsiders if
the material is of interest to their members. The academic journals of
professional groups are another vehicle through which ideas and studies can be disseminated.
The Internet provides another means of interacting with a variety of
groups, as discussed in the introduction to part II. Activist groups and
nonprofit organizations may benefit the most from the Web by using its
two-way communication potential to engage in dialogue and build relationships with its publics. These interest groups have embraced the technical aspects of website design that enable them to be effectively used
during the early stages of relationship building, but they fall down in creating a dialogue. Dialogic loops and feedback or generating return vis-
67
its are necessary to build relationships. Visitors have to be offered

reasons to return to sites. A study of how activist organizations use the
Internet to build relationships lists important features of a site that encourage dialogue: ease of interface (e.g., a site map), usefulness of information to media publics and volunteer publics, conservation of visitor
(e.g., making important information available on the first page), return
visits (e.g., calendar of events and links to other Websites), and dialogic
loop (e.g., opportunity for user response and voting on issues). 83
Interest groups are not, however, getting high scores in incorporating
enough of these two-way communication features in their sites. Although 94% of organizations in one survey provided places for users to
respond, only 44% allowed visitors to show how they felt about issues
and only 16% on whether they agreed with the activist organizations
position. Also, only 54% of the organizations update their calendars of
events within 30 days of a visit. 84 To realize the potential of websites,
organizations must engage in better relationship-building practices.
CONCLUSIONS
Corporations must learn to deal with interest groups because they represent a major force in a corporations sociopolitical environment and
initiate many issues. Strategies to contain the efforts of these groups
have predominated, but a newer approach is to seek engagement in an
effort to resolve issues for mutual benefit. Although some unilateral action may be taken in response to demands, corporations are also applying public participation strategies, often on a community level.
Various forms of opinion leader communication are used to either to
contain an issue or resolve it. Containment strategies seem appropriate
for an emerging issue that is not widely recognized and is unlikely to
gain support. If the interest groups supporting an issue appear successful in gaining recognition and support for the championed issue, corporations must immediately prepare for the next life cycle stage of public
involvement. Before an issue becomes full blown, they can attempt to
gain understanding for their perspective on the issue through one-onone meetings and group discussion and give dialogue a chance to clear
mutual misunderstandings. At this point winning is not the goal. The
quest for dominance is restrained in favor of removing a contentious issue and reaching a mutual accommodation. An appraisal of these efforts will determine whether a resolution is possible (as discussed in
chap. 3) or whether proactive public affairs programs must be undertaken to win public support.
ENDNOTES
1. For a chart on the Build-up of Social Energy in Response to an Emerging Public Issue see Hazel Henderson, Creating Alternative Futures: The End of Economics (New York: Berkley Publishing, 1978), p. 231.
68
CHAPTER 2
2. On this point, see Barry M. Nitnick, editor, The Strategic Uses of Regulationand Deregulation, Corporate Political Agency: The Construction of Competition in Public Affairs (Newbury Park, Calif.: Sage, 1993), p. 73.
3. Ibid., p. 74. Also see pp. 75-76 for other examples.
4. Saul D. Alinsky, Rules for Radicals: A Practical Primer for Realistic Radicals
(New York: Vintage Books, 1971).
5. Jarol B. Manheim, The Death of a Thousand Cuts (Mahwah, N.J.: Lawrence
Erlbaum Associates, 2001), p. vii.
6. Ibid., pp. 91-92.
7. The Farah Manufacturing Company case is included in Frederick D.
Sturdivant and Larry M. Robinson, The Corporate Social Challenge: Cases and
Commentaries (Homewood, Illinois: Richard D. Irwin, 1977), pp. 71-81.
8. Ibid., p. 79.
9. James E. Stacey and Frederick S. Sturdivant, J. P. Stevens & Co., Inc., The Corporate Social Challenge: Cases and Commentaries (Boston, Mass.: Irwin, 1994),
p. 294.
10. Manheim, op. cit., p. 55.
11. Ibid., p. 54.
12. Ibid. See Appendix B, pp. 341-346.
13. Otto Lerbinger, The Crisis Manager: Facing Risk and Responsibility (Mahwah,
N.J.: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 1997), pp. 112-143.
14. Ibid., pp. 147, 170.
15. See Sandi Sonnenfeld, Media PolicyWhat Media Policy, Harvard Business
Review, Vol. 72, July/August 1994, pp. 18-32.
16. Penelope Canan and George W. Pring, Strategic Lawsuits Against Public
Participation, Social Problems, Vol. 35, No. 5, pp. 506-519.
17. Catherine Dodd, SLAPP Back, Buzzworm: The Environmental Journal, Vol.
4, No. 4, p. 36.
18. See an excellent review of SLAPPS in Sharon Beder, Lawsuits Against Public
Participation, in Global Spin: The Corporate Assault on Environmentalism
(White River Junction, Vt.: Chelsea Green Publishing, 1997), pp. 63-74.
19. Ibid., p. 63.
20. H. A. Cavanaugh, The Management Report: Where Do the Antis Get Their
Money? Parts 1 and 2, Electrical World, April 15, 1980, pp. 51-54; May 1,
1980, pp. 25-29.
21. Ibid., April 15, 1980, p. 53. Stopping such blatant support of what was perceived as anticorporate groups was one of the goals of Dr. H. Peter Metzger,
manager of public affairs planning at Public Service Co. of Colorado, in a
speech given at the 47th Annual Conference of the Southeastern Electric Exchange.
22. Emma Wilkins, McDonalds Turned Private Investigators on Fastfood Critics,
Times, June 29, 1994, Home News section. Also see Jackie Kemp, McDonalds
Suffers From Court Grilling, Scotland on Sunday, June 25, 1995, p. 4.
23. James Erlichman, McLibel 2 Bite Into Court Fight With Burger Chain, The
Guardian, March 15, 1994, Home Page, p. 7.
24. Beder, op. cit., p. 68.
25. Beth Karlin, McDonalds Has Big Beef With Vegetarian Critics; Burger Giant
Suing Unemployed Pair for Libel in London, Rocky Mountain News, August
14, 1995, p. 43A.
26. Ibid.
27. George A. Steiner and John F. Steiner, Casebook for Business, Government, and
Society (New York: Random House, 1980), pp. 27-37.
69
28. Ibid.
29. Ibid., p. 29.
30. Ibid., p. 31.
31. See case study: Nikes Dispute With the University of Oregon, in James E.
Post, Anne T. Lawrence, and James Weber, Business and Society: Corporate
Strategy, Public Policy, Ethics, 10th edition (New York: McGraw-Hill Irwin,
2002), pp. 570-580.
32. Orrin Baird, Labor s Right to Speak Under Attack, Legal Times, May 18,
1998, p. S34.
33. Aaron Bernstein and Steven V. Brull, Labor and the GOP: A Shootout in California, BusinessWeek, February 16, 1998, p. 44.
34. Aaron Bernstein, Commentary: Alls Not Fair in Labor Wars,
BusinessWeek, July 19, 1999, p. 43.
35. Tough Love for Labor, BusinessWeek, October 16, 2000, p. 120.
36. Ann Zimmerman, Wal-Mart Plans Changes to Wages, Labor Practices,
Wall Street Journal, June 7, 2004, p. B3.
37. Wendy Zellner, How Wal-Mart Keeps Unions at Bay, BusinessWeek, October 28, 2002, p. 94.
38. Ibid., p. 96.
39. Foundation for Public Affairs, Public Interest Profiles 1998-1989 (Washington, D.C.: Congressional Quarterly, 1988), p. 58.
40. This example and explanation appears as an ethical dilemma in Dennis L.
Wilcox, Phillip H. Ault, and Warren K. Agee, Public Relations Strategies and
Tactics, 3rd edition (New York: HarperCollins Publishers, 1992), p. 120. Reference is also made to the Public Relations Society of Americas Code of Professional Standards for the Practice of Public Relations, Paragraph 8, which
states: A member shall not use any individual or organization professing to
serve or represent an announced cause, or professing to be independent or
unbiased but actually serving another of undisclosed interest (p. 122).
41. Adapted from Andrew B. Gollner, Social Change and Corporate Strategy (Issue
Action Publications, 1984), p. 153; also Corporate Public Issues, Vol. 16, September 1, 1991, p. 103.
42. Michael A. Santoro, Engagement with Integrity: What We Should Expect
Multinational Firms to Do About Human Rights in China, Business & the
Contemporary World, Vol. 10, No. 1, 1998, pp. 25-54.
43. Ibid., p. 30.
44. Ibid., summarized in Appendix A.
45. Post et al., op. cit., p. 575.
46. Ibid., pp. 575-576.
47. James Grunig is credited for developing four models of public relations: (a)
press agentry/publicity, (b) public information, (c) two-way asymmetric,
and (d) two-way symmetric. See James E. Grunig and Todd Hunt, Managing
Public Relations (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1984), pp. 21-43.
Also see James E. Grunig and Larissa A. Grunig, Models of Public Relations
and Communication, in James Grunig, editor, Excellence in Public Relations
and Communication Management (Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 1992), pp. 285-325.
48. Citizen Participation (Washington, D.C.: The Community Services Administration, 1978).
49. Argonne National Laboratory,
Final
Report:
Public
Participation
Benchmarking Conference, October 23, 1997.
50. Ibid., p. 11.
70
CHAPTER 2
51. Ibid., p. 12.

52. Ibid., p. 13.
53. Ibid., p. 12.
54. A New Tune for Protecting the Environment, in Harmony, Chemecology,
March/April 1996, pp. 2-3.
55. Robert L. Heath, Julie Bradshaw, and Jaesub Lee, Community Relationship
Building: Local Leadership in the Risk Communication Infrastructure,
Journal of Public Relations Research, Vol. 14, No. 4, 2002, p. 318.
56. Lessons From the World Bank, pr reporter, February 4, 2002, pp. 2-3.
57. The full definition of an interest group is given by David B. Truman in The
Governmental Process: Political Interests and Public Opinion (New York:
Knopf, 1951), p. 33: As used here interest group refers to any group that,
on the basis of one or more shared attitudes, makes certain claims upon
other groups in the society for the establishment, maintenance, or enhancement of forms of behavior that are implied by the shared attitudes.
58. For a brief overview of interest group theory, see Jay M. Shafritz, The Dorsey
Dictionary of American Government and Politics (Chicago: Dorsey Press,
1988), pp. 286-288.
59. Cynthia Crossen, Blah, Blah, Blah: The Crucial Question for These Noisy
Times May Just Be: Hugh? Wall Street Journal, p. A1
60. Ibid.
61. Ibid.
62. Llyle Sussman, Peggy Golden, and Renee Beauclair, Training for E-Mail,
Training and Development Journal, Vol. 45, March 1991, pp. 70-73.
63. This explanation is based on Peter M. Senge, The Fifth Discipline: The Art and
Practice of the Learning Organization (New York: Currency Doubleday,
1990), pp. 238-249.
64. Ibid., p. 240.
65. Ibid., pp. 243-247.
66. From a roundtable meeting with a utility company at which the author was
the moderator.
67. Carlton E. Spitzer, Raising the Bottom Line: Business Leadership in a Changing
Society (New York: Longman, 1982), p. 7.
68. Ibid., p. 8.
69. Ibid., p. 138.
70. Ibid., p. 8.
71. Ibid., p.200.
72. Many Ann Pires, Working With Public Interest Groups, Public Relations
Journal, Vol. 39, April 1983, p. 16.
73. Ibid., p. 17.
74. Ibid., p. 19.
75. Robert S. Mason, SMR Forum: Is Anybody Listening? A Fresh Look at the
Art of Management Speechmaking, Sloan Management Review, Vol. 18,
Spring 1977, p. 79.
76. Ibid., p. 89.
77. Ibid., p. 88.
78. North American Precis Syndicate, Do Your Officers Make Speeches That Are
Worth Quoting, n.d.
79. Gage W. Chapel, Speechwriting in the Nixon Administration, Journal of
Communication, Vol. 26, Spring 1976, pp. 58-72.
80. Otto Lerbinger and Nathaniel H. Sperber, Key to the Executive Head (Reading,
Mass.: Addison-Wesley, 1975), pp. 45, 141.
81.
71
Norman Wasserman, Corporate Speechmaking: Its Not Like Selling Soap,

Management Review, Vol. 68, November 1979, pp. 25-28.
82. Mary Jane Genova, Speechwriting in Dartnells Public Relations Handbook,
ed. Robert L. Dilenschneider (Chicago: Dartnell, 1996), pp. 256-259.
83. Maureen Taylor, Michael L. Kent, and William J. White, How Activist Organizations Are using the Internet to Build Relationships, Public Relations Review, Vol. 27, Fall 2001, p. 273.
84. Ibid., p. 279.
Chapter
Conflict Resolution:
Mediation and Negotiation
Mediation and negotiation extend dialogue communications into the

public policy realm of conflict resolution and consensus building. The
objective is to resolve an issue with its protagonists and thereby discourage,
and
perhaps
preempt,
public and
government
involvement.
Resolution is based on the premise that the parties involved need each other
and can mutually benefit by arriving at a win-win agreement.
A sign of the importance of negotiation and negotiating skills for
managers is the continuing popularity of seminars for executives offered by the Program on Negotiation at the Harvard Law School. The
program was the outcome of a consortium of Harvard University, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, and Tufts University experts in business
management,
mediation
and
dispute
resolution,
economics,
government, law, psychology, and strategic planning. A brochure tells
senior executives that negotiation techniques have proven especially
effective as a tool for achieving better business relationships, resolving
complicated
corporate
disputes,
untangling
complex
litigation,
defusing
threatening
international
crises,
repairing
intraand
intergovernmental conflicts, and addressing critical labor-management issues. 1
Public relations professionals, who must often deal with
confrontations, have also recognized the importance of negotiation skills. 2
In a
monthly newsletter, the Public Relations Society of America (PRSA) announced a pilot program on how to negotiate. It said that it will teach
participants basic negotiating skills and give them the chance to use
those skills in actual case study situations involving, for example, irate
community groups, tensions between two organizations that have just
merged, or media aggressively covering a strike. 3 Seminars on conflict
resolution and negotiation are now routinely offered by PRSA.
72
CONFLICT RESOLUTION
73
A further confirmation of wide interest in conflict resolution methods is the spectacular success of the book Getting to Yes: Negotiating
Agreement Without Giving In by Roger Fisher and William Ury, who have
been associated with the Program on Negotiation. 4 The book has sold
more than 3 million copies worldwide and has been translated into several languages.
APPLICATIONS OF CONFLICT RESOLUTION METHODS
As suggested by brochures and literature on conflict resolution, many
types of problems and situations are amenable to the processes of mediation and negotiation and the associated processes of consensus building and collaborative planning. Several are discussed here: alternative
dispute
resolution
in
contractual
relationships,
resolving
environmental disputes, engaging in collaborative planning in a nuclear power dispute,
and
resolving
differences
between
Hydro-Quebec
and
native
populations.
Alternative Dispute Resolution
As an alternative to litigation, businesses have turned to conflict resolution methods. The increasing use of alternative dispute resolution (ADR)
demonstrates an effort to avoid costly litigation and crowded court
dockets. ADRs general purpose is to link disputants with a neutral third
party experienced in using these methods. More than 500 corporations
have signed ADR corporate policy statements, according to Catherine
Cronin-Harris, vice president of research and publications at the Center
for Public Resources. Among the companies are Bank of America, Abbott
Laboratories,
Cigna,
and
Bristol-Myers
Squibb.
These
corporations
pledge to try ADR in disputes with companies that have made the same
pledge.5 One company, General Mills, goes a step further by refusing to
sign a contract with another company unless it agrees that disputes will
be settled through ADR.
The Internet is helping the ADR movement by changing the art of legal negotiating. Cybersettle.com, formed in 1998, is the worlds top
claim settlement site. It facilitates high-speed, confidential claim settlements by matching offers and demands through a blind-bidding, patented, secure website. It is the official and exclusive online settlement
tool of the Association of Trial Lawyers and the Canadian Bar Association. Both the plaintiff and the defendant, who get confidential passwords, enter bids over encrypted software. If an insurer wants to settle,
it enters three confidential offers. Cybersettle.com then contacts the
plaintiff s lawyer and asks for three offers that will be acceptable. The
computer compares them and automatically settles the case if they fall
within $5,000 or 30% of each other. As of June 2003, Cybersettle has
processed approximately 75,000 claims. The smallest claim ever settled
was $500, but most settlements fall within the range of $5,000 to
74
CHAPTER 3
$50,000. In June 2003, it announced its largest cyber-settlement ever: $12.5 million.6
ADR is also recommended in labor disputes by the Commission on the
Future
of
Worker-Management
Relations,
the
so-called
Dunlop
Commission, formed in 1993. These disputes are about dismissals under the
employment-at-will
doctrine,
equal
employment
opportunity,
and
other regulatory matters.7
Resolving Environmental Disputes
Conflict resolution
methodsmediation
and
negotiation,
as well as dialoguehave
been
especially
successful
in
resolving
environmental
disputes. These methods were started in the mid-1970s as one answer to
the age of confrontation. One of the earliest successes came in 1974. Two
mediators helped settle a flood-control dam dispute between the Army
Corps of Engineers and local conservationists on the Snoqualmie River
near Seattle. By early 1983, about 40 environmental wars were settled
through mediation and another 40 were cooled off. The Conservation
Foundation actively encouraged the use of mediation. 8
Vermonts Deer River Reservoir.
New England Electric System used
stakeholder negotiations to solve a decade-long dispute on how water
from the huge Deerfield River reservoir in Vermont should be shared by
contending
partiesthe
power
company,
rafting
and
canoeing
companies, fishermen, and local communities. Key to the successful agreement
was the skillful negotiating role of Kenneth O. Kimball, director of research for the Appalachian Mountain Club. A Wall Street Journal article
commented, The surprise is that this one [dispute] is ending amicably,
with
environmentalists
and
power-company
executives
praising
each
others sensitivities.9
As in many other mediation and negotiation situations, certain pressures in the sociopolitical environment prodded the parties into action.
In this case the incentive for the power company to negotiate was the
expiration in 1993 of its federal license to operate the Deerfield Projects
eight dams. Furthermore, the Electric Consumer Power Act of 1986 requires the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission to balance electricpower generation with the concerns of other stakeholders, including
fish
and
wildlife, recreation,
environmental
quality, and
energy
conservation.
Corps of Engineers Misstep. The
result
of
another
community
conflict, with the Corps of Engineers, was quite different because no effort was made to listen to community citizens and learn what was on
their minds. The Corps of Engineers decided to build a second dam in rural North Dakota to cure the area of flooding. Believing it had the support of opinion leaders, the Corps drew up a plan and prepared to
present it at a public hearing.
CONFLICT RESOLUTION
75
After spending large sums to complete the plan, the Corps of Engineers learned strong local opposition could be expected. Nevertheless, it
decided to go ahead on the decide, announce, defend principle. Had the
engineers visited the dam site to gain local feedback on the problems
real cause, or even to observe for themselves, they would have learned
what the community really wanted: not a new dam, but managing the
old one differently so that the river below the dam would not freeze
solid, causing floods in the spring. The well-organized local opposition
eventually killed the new dam project.10
McDonalds Packaging Decision.
Another highly publicized use of consensus
building was the McDonalds decision to phase out foam packaging in its then more than
8,500 restaurants, which was hailed as an environmental touchdown.11 Actually, it
demonstrates both the triumph of consensus building and some hazards.
McDonalds formed an alliance with the Environmental Defense
Fund in the summer of 1990 in a joint task force to study ways to deal
with the solid waste generated by the restaurant chain. The outcome
was the replacement of the foam clamshell with a paper-based wrapper, which has the advantage of coming from a renewable resource.
Although a confrontation was avoided and McDonalds can call itself
green, the decision was based on public perception, not science, Ed
Rensi, president of McDonalds USA admits: Although some scientific
studies indicate that foam packaging is environmentally sound, our
customers just dont feel good about it. So were changing. 12 Obviously
the manufacturer of the clamshells thinks the decision was faulty.
Thomas Kornegay, western regional director for the issues management
department at Amoco Foam Products, says, We firmly believe that
polystyrene
is
the
most
environmentally-friendly
packing
material.
He conceded, however, McDonalds is in the business of selling hamburgers, not packaging.13 A decision should be scientifically sound as
well as agreeable to its stakeholders. What went wrong is that somebody failed to educate the public about the relative merits of polystyrene
and paper. Consensus building requires an aware and educated public
and participants.
Collaborative Planning
Citizen groups are increasingly invited to participate in corporate planning or decision making. The public relations model of two-way communication is expanded in that the input of citizens or stakeholders is an
integral part of the decision-making process. Often this occurs in the absence of conflict, such as in consumer advisory panels (CAPs), issue
councils, and product panels. However, as mentioned by two professionals, Kenneth D. Kearns and Anna L. West, collaborative planning can
be used to develop public policy recommendations; make siting deci-
76
CHAPTER 3
sions; develop facility operational plans; develop strategic plans; develop community
actions plans; and lots more. 14
Collaborative planning, however, is more like short-circuiting the often lengthy public policy process by taking private initiative. It helps
parties, often with divergent views, solve problems, reach goals, resolve
differences, satisfy needs, or complete tasks to the mutual benefit of the
participants.15 Bringing together all interested and affected parties improves the quality of final decisions, in addition to building support for
them. Kearns and West therefore view collaborative planning as dispute
avoidance and distinguish it from mediation and arbitration, which are
used to resolve existing disputes.
Companies engage in collaborative planning when other methods of
coping with a problem are unsuccessful. Portland General Electric,
whose Trojan nuclear power plant faced technical problems and social
opposition, realized this fact after exhausting traditional approaches.
Although licensed to operate until the year 2011, the plant had been beset with technical problems since its opening. Its performance was
among the worst in the nation. It soon was targeted by antinuclear
groups, including the Coalition for Safe Power, Dont Waste Oregon, and
Physicians for Social Responsibility.
One of the groups, Dont Waste Oregon, sponsored a referendum on
the November 1990 ballot to shut down the plant. A representative of
the group said, Everybody wins if this measure passes. Nobody gets
killed, nobody lives in fear. Nobody raises their child in the shadow of a
cooling tower.
Were the referendum to pass, Northwest power customers would
have paid an additional $800 million to $2.2 billion over the ensuing 20
years, so Portland General Electric conducted a fierce campaign, spending $3.5 million to defeat the measure. The vote was 40.6% in favor and
59.4% against the shutdown, even though early polls indicated about
65% of voters favored the initiative. A similar attempt failed in 1986. 16
Despite the utilitys victory, the plant had to be closed in March 1991 when cracks and
other defects were discovered inside the pressurized tubes that carry superheated water to
the plants generators. Repairs had to be made, and the utility faced the alternative of
replacingnot just repairingfour defective steam generators within 10 years at a cost
of between $125 million and $200 million. 17
Preferring neither the option of mothballing the plant nor that of spending up to
$200 million on replacement parts, the utility was receptive to the concept of
collaborative planning. The question then became whether some third alternative could be
found.
Kearns and West undertook collaborative planning efforts, as described in the
following:
1. Identify stakeholders: Discover who has an interest in the outcome
and, after obtaining balanced representation, conduct research to
learn about their history, issues, and concerns.
CONFLICT RESOLUTION
77
2. Assess context: Following the pattern of issue analysis, ask: (a)

What are top issues for the organization and stakeholders? (b) What
is the history of the organizations relationships with stakeholders?
(c) What are the social, demographic, and geographic qualities of the community? (d)
What is the nature of media coverage?
3. Develop, test, and refine the collaborative process: (a) Enter into
dialogueconduct a stakeholders meeting with an organization
or industry to explore options for mutual gain. (b) Conduct further communication and research. Public relations research was
used to the maximum (see Box 3.1).
4. Implement the collaborative process: Invite participants to the first
meeting where ground rules and the scope of effort are reviewed;
conduct offline contacts with one-on-one and small-group discussions; use documentation to reflect group discussion and direction; continue meetings, communications, and research.
5. Communicate outcomes and build understanding and support for
decisions: Use media briefings or announcements, white papers,
newsletters, employee briefings, and so on, to share results and
build interest in outcomes.18
As a result of this collaborative planning, stakeholders
compromise to phase out the Trojan nuclear plant in 5 years. Portland
agreed
on
Box 3.1 Portland General Electric Trojan Nuclear Power Plant:

How Public Relations Research Methods Were Used
Survey research was used as follows: Seventy personal interviews
were conducted with key stakeholders to determine their underlying
interests, their recommendations for how to conduct the public
involvement process, and their recommendations on who should
be involved in the process. Stakeholders included state officials
(including the attorney general, public utility commissions and staff,
and representatives from the governors office and the Oregon
Department of Energy); environmental leaders from the state and
region; industrial, commercial, and residential customers; members of the financial community; other leaders important to these
issues, including the activist community; and company officials.
Focus groups were held with some stakeholder groups,
residential customers.
Other meetings would not formally fall under the heading of survey
research. These groups ranged between 5 to 30 people and were
classified as:
Technical
advisory
groups
Public policy groups
Demand-side management subgroups
primarily
the
78
CHAPTER 3
General Electric would not have to invest in an expensive replacement program and
antinuclear groups had a guarantee the plant would be closed in a reasonable amount of
time.
Resolving Public Disputes: The Mutual Gains Approach
The broadest application of mediation and negotiation is in resolving
public issues. This application is the subject of Lawrence Susskind and
Patrick Fields book, Dealing With an Angry Public: The Mutual Gains Approach to Resolving Disputes, which reflects the ideas and approach of the
MIT-Harvard Public Disputes Program.19 The books aim is to help business and government leaders negotiate, rather than fight, with their
critics. The core method is the mutual gains approach, the gist of which
is to think of the interaction with the public as a multiparty, multi-issue negotiation.20
This approach is based on six key principles:
1. Look at the needs and concerns of the other side instead of demonizing or ridiculing others. Dont get stuck in a zero-sum bargaining game.
2. Open the doors wide and engage in fact finding together. Remember that your best possible information may not be convincing
to others.
3. If you promise that something will not happen, be ready to promise a contingent offer of compensation.
4. Accept responsibility but admit mistakes when made, and be willing to share power with others who have a stake.
5. Act in a trustworthy fashion at all times. Dont conceal intentions,
sugarcoat the truth, or spin the story to make it sound better.
6. Focus on building long-term relationships if you care about your
reputation and credibility.21
Susskind and Field comment, In one respect, this book is about public relations. How to interact with the public in a way that will minimize
harm to and maximize gain for [government] agencies and organizations.22
This idealized version of public relations, however, is not always realized. Thus, they add another aspect to the book: It is about
honesty, accountability, reputation, and integrity. It is about qualities
we value above and beyond their ability to generate profits or votes. 23
These values, which are attributes of leaders, are exposed during controversies that typically require quick thinking and rapid response.
Susskind and Field apply the mutual gains approach to three major
categories: accidents (the Exxon Valdez oil spill and the Three-Mile Island nuclear accident), risks (the breast implant controversy and the
New Bedford Harbor Superfund Forum), and value conflicts (the clashing cultures of Hydro-Quebec and the Cree, and the animal rights dis-
CONFLICT RESOLUTION
79
pute). Of these three, value conflicts are the most difficult because
values are not the same as interests, which are central to most negotiations. Different positions or packages can be invented to accommodate a variety of interests. However, with values, which are strongly
held beliefs, a dispute translates into who we are, our very identity and,
perhaps, existence.24
The Hydro-Quebec dispute with native peoples over the flooding of ancestral lands in
northern Quebec for the purpose of creating more hydroelectric power dramatically
illustrates the consequences of not using a mutual gains approach (see appendix).
HOW MEDIATION AND NEGOTIATION WORK
In mediation, a neutral party intervenes between conflicting parties to
promote reconciliation, settlement, or compromise. He or she listens to
evidence and helps negotiate a settlement but does not have the power to
make a binding decision. Gerald W. Cormick, executive director of the
Institute
for
Environmental
Mediation
in
Seattle,
Washington,
sees
mediation as a device for facilitating the negotiation process. He defines
mediation as a voluntary process in which those involved in a dispute
jointly explore and reconcile their differences. He adds: The mediator
has no authority to impose a settlement. His or her strength lies in the
ability to assist the parties in settling their own differences. The mediated dispute is settled when the parties themselves reach what they consider a workable solution.25
Cormick distinguishes mediation, which is used in conflict resolution, from dialogue and consensus building. Policy dialogues, he says,
are intended to identify joint positions which can be advocated in the
public policy arena by interest groups that are normally opposed to one
another. Consensus building emphasizes the common interests of disputants in jointly defining and solving problems. 26 An outside
mediator facilitates such discussions.
In negotiation, however, contending parties confer with one another
directly in an effort to reach an agreement. Negotiation depends on
communication and persuasion in which each party seeks to gain something that requires the cooperation of the other party. Both sides engage
in a sequential process whereby each alternately presents demands or
proposals, and offers counterproposals. 27 As stated by Gerard I.
Nierenberg in The Complete Negotiator, Whenever people exchange ideas
with the intention of changing relationships, whenever they confer for
agreement, they are negotiating. 28
Each party has to feel it has won
something, however. As Nierenberg reminds us, The objective should
be to achieve agreement, not total victory. 29
Negotiation is a very common and important process, not only in settling disputes but also in handling all kinds of exchanges between different persons and organizations when neither has formal power or
80
CHAPTER 3
authority over the other. Certain conditions must be present, however, for negotiation to
work. Furthermore, there are limits to what negotiation can accomplish.
The limits to negotiation listed in Box 3.2 are recognized by Lawrence
Susskind and Alan Weinstein in environmental disputes where sophisticated scientific and technical evidence clashes with social and political
arguments. They recognize that when contending parties hold extreme
ideological views and do not acknowledge the legitimacy of one another s concerns, mediation and negotiation are not possible. 30
Cormick also recognizes that mediators are better off if theyre not
technical experts because of the danger of leading the parties. But they
must be conversant with the issues in dispute and understand the legislative, legal, and organizational environment in which they occur.
Some Useful Competencies
Negotiation has become a specialized field requiring considerable training. Several skills are commonly recognized as important in all kinds of
negotiations:
understanding
human
needs,
knowing
what
information
to reveal or not reveal, and learning to be creative and flexible.
Understanding Human Needs.
A negotiator must understand the
interests and needs of the other party. Roger Fisher and William Ury list
four features of successful negotiations: (a) the separation of people
from problems; (b) a focus on interests, not positions; (c) the invention
of options for mutual gain; and (d) the use of objective criteria. 31
Their second feature is particularly important because too often negotiations focus on the position taken by the other, without realizing
that for every interest there are several positions that could satisfy it. 32
Asking the other person why a certain position is taken is a way to explore the interests behind it. 33 Negotiators who have an understanding
of human needs may obtain additional insight. This is the reason books
on negotiation pay a lot of attention to lists of human needs. 34
Revealing the Right Kind of Information.
ress, both parties must have information about
pectations, and acceptable solutions. Just how
oneself is a tactical matter. Ideally, each party
kinds of information about the other, which define the utility
For negotiations to progeach other s aims, exmuch to reveal about

seeks to uncover three
schedule:
Resistance point, beyond which no bargaining will take place. For

example, a seller is willing to sell at a price no lower than $100,000
and a buyer is willing to pay no more than $150,000. The bargaining range lies between these two figures.
Status quo point, which leaves conditions unchanged.
Box 3.2 Necessary Conditions and Limits

Negotiation involves two or more distinct parties with differing interests
with respect to one or more issues. But the parties at least share an interest in reaching agreement (and often have other common interests
as well). They recognize that more is gained through accommodation
than confrontation and that the payoffs of negotiations will exceed their
costs. They also recognize their interdependence, that is, that each
needs something that the other has or controls. This involves the voluntary sharing or exchange of one or more specific resources or the resolution of an intangible issue or issues. Furthermore, both sides have
respect for each other. They recognize their mutual legitimacy and right
to survive, and they are aware of the power each possesses. 35
The application of these general conditions for negotiations to environmental disputes has shown that the following nine conditions must be
present:
1. All parties with a stake in the outcome are identified.
2. Involved groups are appropriately represented.
3. Differences among the values and assumptions of contending parties are discussed and narrowed to fit a workable agenda.
4. A sufficient number of alternatives and options are raised. Disputes
cannot be narrowed to a yes or no decision.
5. Parties agree on the scope of the dispute and the length of time
needed for the appearance of negative environmental effects.
6. Relative values of costs and benefits are agreed on.
7. The worth of compensating actions is established.
8. Bargains are implemented.
9. Parties are held to their commitments.36
In contrast to these enabling conditions, Cormick points out what mediation and
negotiation cannot do:
Resolve basic differences that separate parties in a conflict. Mediation
helps them make accommodations that enable them to coexist.
Avert conflict. Quite the opposite: There is no basis for negotiations
until conflict emerges. The inadequacy of unilateral solutions must
first be recognized.
Remove the adversarial nature of the relationship. Parties must remain mindful of their conflicting self-interests. A viable bargain is
one that can stand up to the pressure of implementation and possible repudiation by constituents.
Offer an absolute alternative to litigation. Actual or threatened litigation often helps bring parties to the table to seek mediation.
Teach negotiators to like, trust, and agree with one another. Although
sufficient public trust among parties is needed to negotiate in good faith, too much cooperation
may be seen as a sell-out by constituents.37
81
82
CHAPTER 3
A level of aspiration, which is the agreement each prefers; for example, the buyer to obtain a sales price of $100,000 and the seller
to obtain $150,000.38
The strategy of negotiating lies between the poles of cooperating and fighting. Hence a
negotiator is faced with such questions as Am I pressing too hard? or Was my concession
too early or too big?
Although each party wants to withhold information for fear of having
to make concessions, too much reticence renders effective negotiation impossible. Negotiating skill requires careful handling of what Willem F. G.
Mastenbroek calls the information dilemmaa skill that consists of carefully bringing about a step-by-step exchange of information that gradually gives shape to realistic expectations on both sides. 39
Mastenbroek warns of two related dilemmas. One is credibility. This
reminds a negotiator that, at one extreme, trusting the opponent without reservation results in a bad deal, whereas mistrusting might seriously undermine the likelihood of an agreement. If, for example, a
negotiator is caught lying, his or her credibility is lost and the relationship between the parties is seriously worsened. The second dilemma is
self-presentationthe identity or image the bargainers present to their
adversaries. They must appear tough but also be flexible and fair. They
must attempt to be conciliatory but not transmit the image of an appeaser. Their concern about losing credibility is one reason they restrain
themselves from bluffing or using deceit or coercion to gain their
objectives.
Being Creative.
Negotiation is a problem-solving situation where
the goal is to find solutions that solve not only your own problem, but
also that of the other side. To do this, flexibility and creativity are required. Fisher accordingly advises negotiators to avoid (a) premature
judgment, (b) looking for the single best answer, (c) assuming there is a
fixed pie, and (d) thinking that solving the other sides problem is their
problem (and not also yours).40
Media Usage During the Consensus-Building Process
The Hydro-Quebec case described in the Appendix, as well as others, requires that a delicate
balance be maintained between keeping the affected public informed about ongoing
dialogue and not, through such public communication, undermining that dialogue.
Susskind and Field present two common ground rules and a third that is sometimes added.
Participants must agree on the following:
1. Statements may be made to the press about ones own concerns
and reactions to meetings, but no statements or views should be
attributed to other participants.
CONFLICT RESOLUTION
83
2.
A participant should immediately inform the group if remarks

made to the media have been misrepresented or misinterpreted.
3. No derogatory or personally demeaning statements about others
in the process should be made.
These rules are a test of whether participants can come to an agreement about their own conduct. If they can, the chances increase they
can also agree on substantive matters. Another advantage of these
rules is that they enable participants to present their arguments and
positions to the press and thereby to influence the thinking of other
participants. Most experts on negotiations believe the process works
best when the parties dispute matters among themselves without appeals for media intervention and, perhaps, support. However, the
temptation to do so is strong, especially in the face of a likely impasse.
By following the media rules, the parties at least minimize damage to
the negotiation process.
Dialogue participants need not rely on the mass media to keep stakeholders informed. Summaries of meetings can be mailed directly to participants, the media, and interested citizens. If a community has a local
public-access cable station, videotapes of meetings can be sent so that
they can be broadcast at regularly scheduled dates and times. Citizen
groups can publish their own newsletters or hold public forums. The
growing use of computers allows further communications through
e-mail, home pages, and various electronic bulletin boards.
Sometimes a local newspaper is willing to develop special inserts about
a meeting. The Boston Globe did this when it sponsored, along with Harvard University and MIT, a 3-day conference, stretched over 2 months, on
transportation
planning
in the
metropolitan
Boston
area.
Called
Shaping the Accessible Region, the special 16-page insert included nine recommendations issued by a jury selected to hear arguments. 41
CONCLUSIONS
Mediation and negotiationand their many expressions in consensus
building and collaborative planningshow enormous promise as a way
to resolve issues among contending parties before they escalate into
broader public or legislative issues. Many managers are now trained in
conflict resolution, even in the international sphere, as stated by Joseph
Duffy, director of the U.S. Information Agency: The new information
technologies are transforming international relations, opening up new
possibilities for conflict prevention, management and resolution. 42
However, the use of conflict resolution has to be based on more than a
hopeful assumption that because harmony among human beings is
more natural than conflict, all we have to do is make the parties in conflict talk with one another. One might expect, however, that as the level
of mistrust declines and mutual understanding increases, the conflict
will diminish.
84
CHAPTER 3
APPENDIX
CASE
STUDY:
HYDRO-QUEBEC
WITH NATIVE PEOPLES
DISPUTE
Hydro-Quebec, a giant hydroelectric complex owned and operated by

the Quebec government, was embroiled in controversy over its plans to
build more dams. Having completed Phase I of the Hydroelectric Project
begun in 1973, the utility was ready for Phase II, which included plans
to dam eight more rivers north of the LaGrande River, including the
Great Whale River. Thus called the Great Whale project, plans required
the flooding of thousands of acres of land in the James Bay region of the
Canadian sub-Arctic.
Environmentalists were concerned about the devastation of the wilderness and possible extinction of local seals. Native Cree, Inuit, and
Naskap Indians, who have lived in this huge wilderness for thousands of
years, feared the loss of their traditional homeland and native way of
life. Their livelihood has largely been based on hunting, fishing, and
trapping. Furthermore, the upheaval caused by the project had already
released mercury into the rivers and flooded waters of the area, making
the fish inedible.
To help stop or limit the size of the project, the Cree Indians hired Hill & Knowlton of Toronto,
Canada. As stated by the Ottawa Citizen newspaper:
The Cree strategy was simple:
1. Fight the billion-dollar project on the international stage.
2. Quietly use public relations consultants while maintaining a very
visible grassroots campaign.
3. Identify Hydro-Quebecs markets in the United States and convince them to say no to cheap electricity.
4. Push an alternative energy policy.
5. Attract sympathetic celebrities like Robert Kennedy Jr. to the cause.
6. Run high-impact ads. Target the utilitys investors, especially U.S.
colleges such as Dartmouth.43
One objective was to convince the legislature of New York State and
Governor Mario M. Cuomo not to proceed with a $17 billion deal to purchase electric power from Hydro-Quebec. The Indians were encouraged
by Maines cancellation of a $4 billion deal. Without this and the markets of Massachusetts, Rhode Island, and Vermont, the Great Whale
project could not be financed.
To help put the Great Whale project back on track, Hydro-Quebec
hired PR giant Burson-Marsteller. The key objective was to counter Hydros bad image in the United States and to convince the legislatures of
New York and the New England states to stick with their plans to buy
power from Hydro-Quebec. One of the Cree claims Hydro wanted to
discredit was the statement that the Great Whale project would destroy
CONFLICT RESOLUTION
85
a wilderness the size of France. (Cree leaders said they meant to say an ecosystem
approximately the size of France would be affected by both the Great Whale and the
already built Grande River project.)
In April 1990 the Cree and Inuit Indians achieved a publicity success
by paddling a native vessel called an odeyak, half-canoe and half-kayak,
down the Hudson River to New York City where the 50 paddlers arrived
just in time for Earth Day celebrations at Times Square. Furthermore,
Greenpeace, the Sierra Club, and the National Audubon Society sponsored a full page in the New York Times that showed pictures of dead caribou in an area previously flooded by Hydro, questioning Hydros
contract with New York State.
Ultimately
Hydro-Quebec
postponed
the
project
indefinitely,
demonstrating that the utilitys traditional ways of resolving confrontations
were outmoded. Susskind and Field point out several errors in the behavior of Hydro and the Province of Quebec. One is that they stonewalled over the disclosure of a secret sweetheart deal with multinational
aluminum-smelting plants whereby power costing 2.4 cents per kilowatt-hour to produce was sold at 1.5 cents. 44 The company convinced
the provincial government to support it by forbidding the Quebec press
to make mention of this deal.
Another error is that by ignoring or belittling the opposition, the utility
created
misunderstanding,
polarized
opinion,
and
increased
criticism.45 For example, responding to the oppositions ad, Robert Bourassa,
then the Quebec provincial leader, asked, How can you seriously consider those ads in the New York Times? He also commented, Seven million Quebecois cant be wrong; this was seen as an insult to the Cree
nation.46 Hydro should have considered the evidence the Cree had submitted, by following this prescription: Keep an open mind, be open to
reason, and consider carefully that you might be wrong.47
Hydro also refused to listen to other critics. When a New York legislative
committee met to review the states $17 billion contract with HydroQuebec, the company refused to attend the meeting, with one company
spokesperson saying, The contention that Canada cant conduct its own
economic review is not only insulting, but it has no basis in fact. 48
The impact of the project on indigenous peoples was not given
enough weight. Massive damming of their hunting and fishing territories and disturbance of their way of life deteriorated their health. Cases
of obesity, heart disease, and diabetes, previously almost unknown, increased. Various social problems also rose dramatically: alcohol and
drug abuse, spouse abuse, unemployment, and teenage suicide. Typifying Hydros attitude was that when the native population complained
that high mercury levels put their eating of fish at risk, the general secretary of the utility said, All they have to do is change some of their
fishing habits for a while.49
To sum up, perhaps Mercredi, the chief of the First Nations Assembly,
said it best: The problem with this province [and presumably HydroQuebec] is that there is no debate, there is no dialogue. 50 As Susskind
86
CHAPTER 3
and Field emphasize, the mutual gains approach asks that one talk with,
not at, the other. One of the prescriptions they advocate in this approach
is: Search for shared or overarching principles on which to base a continuing dialogue.51 When a package is agreed on by the stakeholder negotiators, the entire community should have a final say by means of a
vote, referendum, or similar means of approval. 52 Everyone must, however, be informed about the voting process and the arguments for and
against the package.
ENDNOTES
1. Program on Negotiation at the Harvard Law School, Dealing with an Angry
Public, 1987. The 1997 brochure refers to strategies for resolving conflicts
and disputes with dissatisfied customers, potential litigants, and concerned
interest groups.
2. For example, in 1972, David Finn, chairman of Ruder & Finn, explained that
his job was to get people in disagreement to talk together constructively, as
never before, to find the solutions which will enable us to save our society.
Speaking about the role of the public relations counselor, Finn said, He is no
longer primarily a communicator: he is a sort of moderator whose job it is to
try to prevent the crisis from getting out of hand. From a monograph,
Modifying Opinions in the New Human Climate.
3. Pilot Program Teaches How to Negotiate, PRSA News, May 1989, p. 1.
4. Roger Fisher and William Ury, with Bruce Patton, editor, Getting to Yes: Negotiating Agreement Without Giving in (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1981).
5. Deborah L. Jacobs, Controlling Litigation Costs With a Neutral Third Party,
New York Times, September 23, 1990, p. F12. Several organizations provide
ADR. services. A partial list is issued each year by the Bureau of National Affairs. The following qualifications should be considered before retaining an
ADR provider:
1. Number of cases it has handled, and percentage of cases resolved
through ADR. Ask for a client list.
2. Ability to offer neutral parties nationwide.
3. Ability to provide ADR training for managers.
4. Provides a fee structure. (The American Arbitration Association bases
its fee on the amount at issue and charges between one tenth of 1%
and 3% of that sum, depending on the size of the case.)
6. Ann Davis, For Dueling Lawyers, the Internet Is Unlikely Referee, Wall Street
Journal, May 12, 1999, p. B1. Also see Cybersettles press release, June 20,
2003 on its website, Cybersettle.com.
7. Walter J. Gershenfeld, Presidential Address: Future Industrial Relations:
Guide for the Perplexed, in Industrial Relations Research Association Series,
Proceedings of the Forty-Eighth Annual Meeting, ed. Paula B. Voos, January
5-7, 1996 (Madison, Wis.: University of Wisconsin, Industrial Relations Research Association), pp. 4-5.
8. Lawrence Mosher, EPA, Looking for Better Way to Settle Rules Disputes, Tries
Some Mediation, National Journal, March 5, 1983, p. 504. The mediators
were financed by a Ford Foundation grant.
9. Neil Ulman, Unlikely Allies: Pact for River s Use Unites Conservationists and
a Power Company, Wall Street Journal, May 20, 1996, p. A9.
CONFLICT RESOLUTION
87
10. Public Participation Requires 2-Way Communication as Demonstrated in

Environmental Issues, tips & tactics (a supplement to pr reporter), Vol. 34,
July 15, 1996, p. 2.
11. Public Pressure, Not Science Behind McDonalds Decision, Chemecology,
February 1991, p. 6.
12. Ibid.
13. Ibid.
14. Kenneth D. Kearns and Anna L. West, Innovations in Public Affairs Programming: Collaborative Planning and Beyond, in Practical Public Affairs
in an Era of Change: A Communications Guide for Business, Government, and
College, ed. Lloyd B. Dennis (Lanham, Md.: University Press of America,
1996), p. 358.
15. Ibid., pp. 356-357.
16. Oregon Voters Reject Measure to Close Trojan Nuclear Unit, Electric Utility
Week, November 12, 1990, p. 3.
17. Marla Williams, Nuke-Plant Troubles Could Lead to ClosureIdle Facility
May Bring Rate Boosts, Blackout, Seattle Times, November 14, 1991, p. C1.
18. Kearns and West, op. cit., pp. 359-363.
19. Lawrence Susskind and Patrick Field, Dealing With an Angry Public: The Mutual Gains Approach to Resolving Disputes (New York: Free Press, 1996).
20. Ibid., p. 13.
21. Ibid. Principles are summarized from pp. 13, 36-42.
22. Ibid., p. 223.
23. Ibid., pp. 223-224.
24. Ibid., see pp. 154-155.
25. Gerald W. Cormick, The Myth, the Reality, and the Future of Environmental
Mediation, Environment, Vol. 24, September 1982, p. 16.
26. Ibid.
27. James P. Ware, Bargaining Strategies: Collaborative Versus Competitive Approaches, Harvard Business School (HBS Case Services, No. 9-480-055),
April 1980.
28. Gerard I. Nierenberg, The Complete Negotiator (New York: Nierenberg & Zeif,
1986), p. 16.
29. Ibid., p. 34.
30. Lawrence Susskind and Alan Weinstein, How to Resolve Environmental
Disputes Out of Court, Technology Review, Vol. 85, January 1982, p. 40.
31. Fisher and Ury, op. cit., pp. 10-11.
32. Ibid., p. 42.
33. Ibid., p. 45.
34. Nierenberg, for example, devotes a whole chapter to How to Recognize
Needs, op. cit., 145-153. Fisher and Ury also provide a list of human needs.
35. These conditions are discussed in Ware, op. cit.
36. Susskind and Weinstein, op. cit., pp. 41, 46-47.
37. Cormick, op. cit., pp. 17, 37-38.
38. James T. Tedeschi and Paul Rosenfeld, Communication in Bargaining and
Negotiation, in Persuasion: New Directions in Theory and Research, eds. Michael E. Roloff and Gerald R. Miller (Beverly Hills, Calif.: Sage, 1980), pp.
227-228.
39. Willem F. G. Mastenbroek, Negotiating: A Conceptual Model, Group and
Organization Studies, Vol. 3, September 1980, p. 329.
40. Fisher and Ury, op. cit., pp. 57-58.
41. Susskind and Field, op. cit., p. 218.
88
CHAPTER 3
Irving Kristol, Conflicts That Cant Be Resolved, Wall Street

tember 5, 1997, p. A12.
43. Jack Aubry, The Beaching of a Whale: The Crees Spent $8.2 Million to Fight
the Great Whale Project on Environmental Grounds. This Week Their Determination Paid Off When Quebec Harpooned the Project, The Ottawa Citizen,
November 26, 1994, p. B3.
44. Susskind and Field, op. cit., p. 163.
45. Ibid., p. 177.
46. Ibid., pp. 162-163.
47. Ibid., p. 168.
48. Ibid., p. 163.
49. Ibid., p. 161.
50. Ibid., p. 164.
51. Ibid., p. 166.
52. Ibid., p. 174.
42.
Journal,
Sep-
III
Media Strategies
When an emerging issue progresses to the public involvement stage, the

mass media play a critical role. By drawing attention to an issue and
possibly influencing the way people think about it, the media set the
agenda of what people talk about. Managers know that once public
opinion is crystallized, it is more difficult to change. Thus, if an issue is
important to a company it quickly endeavors to shape public discussion
in its favor. If an unwelcome issue is initiated by government or an interest group and there are indications that the issue cannot be contained, a corporation or industry group would try to jump the gun and
move to the public involvement stage as quickly as possible.
The news media are a major force in the business environment because of their reputed power to reach most people and sometimes influence attitudes and behavior. A 2004 annual report on American
journalism reports that by a 55% to 29% margin, most Americans say
the medias influence is growing, a view held consistently since the
mid-1980s.1 Public relations practitioners are heavily engaged in media
relations because they generally believe that the news media are the
most powerful outside force in the life of a business executive. As investigative journalists Bob Woodward and Carl Bernstein demonstrated in
Nixons Watergate scandal and incessant media coverage of the ClintonLewinsky sex scandal dramatized, even the president of the United
States could be unseated. Thus, could not the heads of major corporations face a similar fate?
The answer came with the bankruptcy of Enron Corporation in December 2001 and the subsequent media concentration on corporate violations of the full and timely disclosure requirements of the Securities
and Exchange Act. Many CEOs were subsequently unseated: Imclones
Samuel
Waksal,
Adelphia
Communications
John
Rigas,
Tyco
Internationals Dennis Kozlowski, and WorldComs Scott Sullivan. 2 Further89
90
PART III
more, with continuing media coverage of corporate deception and

wrongdoing, public attitudes toward business soured and led to greater
government intervention in business affairs, as symbolized by passage
of the Sarbanes-Oxley Act (see chap. 14). These events proved that the
news media play a major role in influencing public opinion and stimulating government action, even though they faltered in their watchdog
function of exposing business wrongdoing. There is no doubt that business reinforced the reality that the media are one of the major forces in
their sociopolitical environments.
Business news has been the fastest growing editorial segment in
newspapers, both among metropolitan giants and hometown dailies. 3
Business news has also become a staple of mainstream television, said a
cover story in USA Today during the first month of the new millennium.
It reported that in the last 3 months of 1999, the financial news cable
network CNBC attracted more viewers than general news network CNN
on weekdays from 5:00 a.m. to 7:30 a.m. This trend prompted CNN to
boost its weekday business news programs to 5.5 hours a day from 2.5.
A further indication of rising interest in business news is that, even on
the three American evening network news programs (NBC, ABC, and
CBS), the number of business stories rose 19% in 1999 to 1,175 from
989 in 1998, according to the Center for Media and Public Affairs. Its
president, Robert Lichter, declared, The genre of financial journalism
isnt just a beat. Its a whole industry of its own.4
Several reasons account for the growth in business news: the long
economic boom of the 1990s, especially the rise of the Internet economy; the proportion of Americans owning stock, which grew to 80% in
2002; and the spread of globalization. 5 Furthermore, according to the
results of the 2003 Middleberg/Ross Survey of Media, reports of unethical or illegal behavior by corporations or individual executives have focused journalists attention on the critical topic of corporate credibility.
Among journalists who regularly cover business and technology issues,
86% say disclosures of unethical behavior on the part of a corporations
ruling body sometimes or always affect financial coverage, and 72% say
they sometimes or always affect product coverage. 6
POWER OF THE MASS MEDIA
News media in the United States are especially powerful because they
are protected by the First Amendment. They represent the fourth estateafter the legislative, executive, and judicial branches of government. Business might question to whom the media are accountable; but
when business or government has sought to interfere with the media,
the courts have defended them by opposing prior restraint of news stories and allowing the press to keep its sources confidential.
The basic function of the news media is to direct public attention to
selected events, provide important information, and offer analysis and
comments. In the United States, as well as in all democratic societies, the
MEDIA STRATEGIES
91
media serve the surveillance function of warning the public of dangers, malfunctions, and
social transgressions. Stephan Lesher s Media Unbound describes how modern
journalism for three hundred years the peoples gadfly, gossip, town crier, court jester,
and sometimes championhad assimilated sinister power.7 Lesher states, America has
become media-minded, believing and acting on journalistic information more than any
other source or institution.8
Most public relations campaigns and other public communication campaigns rely heavily on the mass media, on the assumption that they are effective in reaching the general public. This reliance was demonstrated
when the PRSA announced the 1994 winners of the prestigious Silver Anvil
Awards. The awards chairman, Jim Roop, observed that central to almost
all the programs was extensive media coverage and support, belying the
criticism that public relations is media soft. 9
Elaborating on this statement, he said, There has been some criticism that the industry is moving
away from its traditional roots in publicity and going with more controlled media. The fact that so many of the Silver Anvil programs were
based on publicity campaigns suggests its not a correct assessment. 10
That statement remains valid a decade later. For example, in awarding the
2004 Bronze Anvil Awards for outstanding achievement in public relations tactics, the public relations firm of Jackson Spalding was praised for
its effort in generating more than 16.5 million media impressions, with
more than 2,200 positive stories and coverage on major television affiliates
throughout the United States for its clients consumer campaign. 11 Bacons
MediaSource, as well as other publicity reference services, remain an essential part of most public relations offices.
In believing that the mass media continue to be highly effective, Roop
referred to the Silver Anvil entry on Pepsis syringe crisis in which some
customers complained that they found syringes and needles in Pepsi
cans.12
He commented, Through mass media Pepsi alleviated fears,
bringing people back to buy its product. In a second reference, to CAREs
Somalia effort, he said, People contributed as a result of CAREs effort to
raise awareness about the problems in that country and the need for
food and clothing there.13
Roop, however, does not limit the medias power to crisis situations
that are fanned by the media in the first place. By saying that the mass
media can be effective in raising peoples awareness of tragedies in the
world and prompting them to be generous, he implies that the mass media can be effective in motivating peoples behavior. He thus believes
that the media are effective on all four levels of the hierarchy of effects:
raising
awareness,
increasing
understanding,
changing
attitudes,
and
influencing behavior. This success is rarely achieved.
Interest Groups Use the Mass Media Too
Besides corporations and government, labor unions and
groups recognize the importance of the news media. Although ques-
social
action
92
PART III
tioning the impartiality of the media and therefore relying on their own
communication channels with members, these groups realize it is important to enlist the support of public opinion and to democratize the
media. Charlotte Ryan supports this view in Prime Time Activism: But
our society is heavily media-dependent and if we ignore mainstream
media, we abandon audiences with little or no access to alternative and
opposition media.14 She helps challengers understand how to make
their causes and activities newsworthy. She describes how Local 26, in
seeking a new master contract with 14 large Boston hotels, at first despaired of not being able to get media coverage for its cause, but learned
how to play the game.15
AGENDA SETTING
In serving their watchdog function, the news media also set the agenda for society. As
described by Donald L. Shaw and Maxwell E. McCombs, The mass media may not be
successful in telling us what to think, but they are stunningly successful in telling us
what to think about.16 However, the medias effectiveness goes beyond this modest function
of agenda setting. There is mounting evidence that the modern mass media shape how people
think about an event or issue.
Framing
The media influence how people think about a topic by framing it: drawing attention to
certain features of an issue while minimizing attention to others. As described by Joseph N.
Cappella and Kathleen Hall Jamieson, The act of framing determines what is included
and excluded, what is salient and what is unimportant. It focuses the viewer s attention
on its subjects in specific ways. 17 The act of framing thus shifts the focus from what is said
to how it is said.
This process is illustrated by an analysis of U.S. newspaper coverage
of the merger of the automobile manufacturers Daimler-Benz and
Chrysler in 1998. A major public relations effort created the mythic
frames of marriageestablishing an equilibrium of two partners
and birth. In this way the global relevance of the merger and the oligopolistic tendencies of the car industry, as well as other divisive issues,
were avoided. The PR departments were successful mythmakers who
established the overall frame of reference for the coverage. Unlike the familiar agenda-setting dictum, public relations told the journalists what
to think about and how to think about it. 18
In addition to framing, journalists engage in priming, which refers to
the frequency with which they refer to a story. When a political issue receives more news attention than other issues, people assign greater
weight to that issue when judging politicians who had some direct responsibility for it.19
Priming thereby serves to establish criteria for
judgment.
MEDIA STRATEGIES
93
Framing techniques are routinely used by television news commentators and newspaper reporters, as described in Dirty Politics by
Kathleen Hall Jamieson. 20 By using a script or story form schema, reporters condition audiences to see a political campaign as a game or
war between a front runner and an underdog in which each candidates goal is winning.21 She adds, Schemas influence how we perceive new information, how we remember old information, and how
we relate the old and new. 22 By using a horse race analogy, reporters
in effect define policy issues, or substance, as lying outside the orbit of
real news.
Because framing labels events and issues, corporate public affairs professionals must pay attention to its impact. For example, public perceptions are more severe when an accidental spill of toxic chemicals into a
river is called an environmental disaster rather than an incident. Framing
also judges events: Does the collapse of scaffolding at a construction site
indicate criminal negligence by a construction company? Is a payment to
a foreign political figure a sign that a company is corrupt?
How words influence choices is illustrated in an experiment in which
audiences were asked about the desirability of military intervention by
the United States in defending a hypothetical foreign country from invasion by one of its neighbors. The first scenario reminded readers of the
Vietnam War by mentioning chinook helicopters and briefings taking
place in Dean Rusk Hall. A second scenario, which indirectly cued
memories of World War II, used phrases such as blitzkrieg invasion
and briefings in Winston Churchill Hall. The second scenario resulted
in greater support for intervention than did the first. As the example
suggests, the words used invoke different inferences and arouse
well-established knowledge structures. 23
Arbiter Function of the Media
Louis Banks, a respected journalist whose editorial career with Time,
Inc., spanned nearly 30 years, summarized this expanded role of the
media. He said the media are not only conveyers of news, but arbiters of
its content as well: The news industrytelevision, radio, magazines,
newspaperstands as the principal arbiter of social attitudes toward
business (and all institutions). His view was, Broadly speaking, mass
media news selection and interpretation feeds the publics suspicions
about corporate practice and interprets corporate affairs with a negative bias.24
Because of the power of the media, Banks advises that a businesss basic media relations strategy must be to compete in the marketplace of
ideas. Warning against merely being reactive to media inquiries, he
urges business to systematically, factually, and carefully engage in intellectual debates such as those that were previously lost by default. His
thesis is that not only is an issues campaign the soundest long-range
94
PART III
strategy for business-media relationships, but also that the effort involved is intricately connected with the future of the freedom of large
corporations to operate as centers of independent managerial decision
making.25
Banks reminds businesspeople that although
the news industry
stands as the principal arbiter of social attitudes toward business, today the thoughtful elements of the media are willing to listen to corporate arguments on specific issuesif they are rational, and shown to be
in the public interest. 26 He says what a corporation or an industry can
offer the media is its technical know-how, its experience or point of view
on a particular issue. Business, in other words, possesses valuable
information that the media need.
Despite this advantage, business executives have been hesitant to follow Bankss advice to
engage in the marketplace of ideas, because of fear of media hostility. Having seen what
damage the media can inflict on companies such as Exxon and Dow Corning, some
companies simply prefer to avoid talking to journalists.27
BUSINESS DEVELOPS A MULTIPRONGED STRATEGY
When businesses recognized the shortcomings of the news media and
growing public hostility toward them, they and other organizations developed a multipronged strategy to guide their media relations. They
have also, as discussed in chapter 8, become defensive and feel that the
best strategy is to operate under-the-radar of media attention and go
directly to their audiences.28
Figure III.1 depicts the major public communication strategies that businesses use. The
horizontal boxes show the central role of the news media as the intermediary between an
organization and the general public. The news media are the main channels through which
information and views are disseminated.
The circles in the diagram indicate the three major ways an organization deals with the news media: (a) proactive media relations, (b) broadcast appearances, and (c) advocacy advertising. It should be noted that
the arrows stemming from the circles have different penetration distances. These reflect the degree of control the organization can exercise
over the media. The proactive media relations circle merely touches the
news media box, and the broken line below the box indicates that the
message may or may not reach the general public; if it does, it may appear in a distorted form. In this type of situation the media are classified
as uncontrolled. Chapter 4 examines proactive media relations as a
means of seizing the initiative and exerting countervailing pressure on
the media.
The arrow from the broadcast appearances circle penetrates halfway
through the news media box, indicating semicontrol over the media.
Chapter 5 examines this special opportunity. When spokespersons rep-
MEDIA STRATEGIES
95
FIG. III.1. Public communication strategies.
resenting an organization appear on a television talk show, for example,

they have no control over the questions that will be asked, but they do
have control over their answers. Media training helps spokespersons develop skills that enable them to exercise considerable control; thus, the
arrow may have even greater penetration than the halfway point
shown in the diagram.
When a company wants complete control over a message disseminated through the news media, it can buy advertising space or time.
When ideas rather than products are featured, such advertising is called
either advocacy advertising or issues advertising. As discussed in chapter 6, a corporation determines exactly how the message will appear in a
print medium: It chooses all the words, their size, their position in the
ad, the date the ad will appear, and sometimes, as with op-ed ads, the
place in a newspaper or magazine where it will appear. An advocacy ad,
therefore, is a controlled medium.
Besides deciding on these three options in dealing with the news media, business can decide on two more extreme strategies: (a) to hold the
media accountable and, if necessary, to sue, and (b) to bypass the news
media entirely. The broken line on the left of Fig. III.1 shows an aggressive strategy that business employs to put pressure on the news media.
As discussed in chapter 7, it seeks to hold the media accountable for the
stories they disseminate by reminding them of their reciprocal obligation to their First Amendment rights. Media accountability is achieved
primarily through such means as media analysis centers and news
councils and, if these ways are ineffective, by suing them for libel or
96
PART III
fraud. The intended message to the media is Youre being watched, be careful about what
you say.
As depicted by the broken line on the right of the figure, a corporation
may decide to bypass the news media and communicate directly with
relevant segments of the general public. Several traditional means of bypassing the media are available, such as direct mail and the use of private media in various constituency communications to employees,
shareholders, customers, and other groups. The new medium of the
Internet increasingly provides another vehicle to reach audiences. In
2001 more than 475 million people worldwide had Internet access at
home. In the United States, 55% of American households (174 million)
had an Internet connection, of which about 60% were active users
each month. Internet users spent an average of 17 hours a month online
in December 2001.29
ENDNOTES
1. Strong Opposition to Media Cross-Ownership Emerges, The State of the
News Media 2004, Pew Research Center for People & the Press, http://peoplepress.org/reports/display.
2. Robert Frank et al., Scandal Scoreboard, Wall Street Journal, October 3,
2003, p. B1.
3. Lewis M. Simons, Follow the Money, American Journalism Review, Vol. 21,
November 1999, p. 55.
4. David Lieberman, TVs New Look: All Business, All the Time, USA Today,
January 14, 2000, pp. 1A, 2A.
5. Elfriede Fursich, Nation, Capitalism, Myth: Covering News of Economic
Globalization, Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly, Vol. 70, Summer 2002, p. 356.
6. Business Coverage Impacted by Reports of Corporate Scandal, Public Relations Tactics, January 2003, p. 7.
7. Stephan Lesher, Media Unbound: The Impact of Television Journalism on the Public (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1982), p. 4.
8. Ibid., p. 6.
9. PRSA Cmte Chair Asks, `Is Public Relations Media Soft, pr reporter, Vol. 37,
May 16, 1994, p. 3.
10. Ibid.
11. From June 11, 2004 news release of pr newswire. See http://www.prnewswire.com.
12. For more information, see Otto Lerbinger, The Crisis Manager: Facing Risk
and Responsibility (Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 1997), pp.
153-154.
13. Ibid.
14. Charlotte Ryan, Prime Time Activism: Media Strategies for Grassroots Organizing (Boston, Mass.: South End Press, 1991), p. 29.
15. Ibid. The local union bought ads in four consecutive issues of the Sunday
Boston Globe Magazine, each centering on a single employee, who described
his or her job and economic plight; took out an ad on WBZ radio; organized
several union members to call local radio talk shows; and obtained television coverage through a chance encounter with a TV reporter. It also held
a union rally that filled Bostons historic Arlington Street Church to over-
MEDIA STRATEGIES
97
flowing (which made for good TV coverage). Local leaders and national figures such as Cesar Chavez led the crowd in songs, one of which was
expressly written for the union by a local musician, reiterating social justice
themes: Were Bostons hotel workers and were fighting for our rights. We
want justice, we want dignity, and we want respect (p. 39).
Ryan alerts the reader to the typical biases of the news media once the obstacle of being considered unnewsworthy is overcome. One is their tendency
to lump all labor issues together as unrest, blaming unions for disrupting
orderly life (a value strongly held by the media). Typically the main union
activities that get coverage are picket lines, sit-ins, and large events with
good visuals. The theme of social injustice tends to be ignored (p. 44).
16. Donald L. Shaw and Maxwell E. McCombs, The Agenda-Setting Function of
Mass Media, Public Opinion Quarterly, Vol. 36, Summer 1972, pp. 176-187.
17. Joseph N. Cappella and Kathleen Hall Jamieson, Spiral of Cynicism: The Press
and the Public Good (New York: Oxford University Press, 1997), pp. 38,
45-46.
18. Fursich, op. cit., p. 367.
19. Ibid., p. 52.
20. Kathleen Hall Jamieson, Dirty Politics: Deception, Distraction, and Democracy
(New York: Oxford University Press, 1992).
21. Ibid., pp. 163-164.
22. Ibid., p. 166.
23. Ibid., pp. 42-43.
24. Louis Banks, Taking on the Hostile Media, Harvard Business Review, Vol.
56, March-April 1978, pp. 123-130.
25. Ibid.
26. Ibid., p. 129.
27. Brian Moskal, Why Companies Avoid the Limelight, Industry Week, Vol.
206, July 21, 1980, p. 56.
28. Even Media Pros Now Question Validity of Current News; Another Reason
to Go Under-the-Radar Directly to Publics, pr reporter, Vol. 37, March 21,
1994, p. 1.
29. Leslie Miller, Web Growth Slows, But Time Online Rises, USA Today, March
28, 2002, p. 3D.
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Chapter
Proactive Media Relations
When a company engages in proactive media relations, it not only responds to media inquiries but also seizes the initiative to convey its messages to the public. The goal of proactive media relations is to gain
maximum control over the media so that organizational objectives,
such as promoting its public issues agenda, can be achieved. Proactive
media relations requires a company to take an aggressive, high-profile
approach in dealing with the media. However, such a strategy often
conflicts with a corporations deeply held preference to maintain a low
profile with the media and with the public: It does not hold news conferences or send out news releases; instead it limits its activity to warily responding to telephone calls by journalists.
Disney follows this low-profile approach, says Steve Crescenzo, a
writer who tried to get the company to respond to criticism about various controversies, such as boycotts by different religious groups, animated movies that offend some groups, and the proposed theme park 4
miles from the Manassas National Battlefield and near Bull Run. Disney
communication
personnel
wouldnt
answer
any
questions;
nor
would several Disney beat reporters at major California outlets who
were afraid they would jeopardize their access to the company. Said one
anonymous agency person, They feel that because theyre so big, and
nobody else does what they do, that they can ignore all the bad press and
just keep churning out this positive image of the company. When one
of the two people in charge of corporate public relations did return a call
to Crescenzo, he was bluntly told that answering his questionshe had
submitted a list of themisnt something we do. We just dont talk
about what we do. Sorry. Click went the phone. 1 Disney was using a
high-profile approach for its entertainment news but a low one on other
company matters.
99
100
CHAPTER 4
The usual rule is that a low-profile approach works if there is little

public interest in a company. This is ordinarily not an option for a large
or visible organization, especially a consumer goods company, because
both the media and the public want to know what is going on. In either
case, however, a low profile is a deficit when a crisis occurs because there
is little or no good will with the media or public to fall back on. Opportunities to win favorable mention and to build a positive corporate image
are forfeited. Disney had to retreat from its plan to build a theme park
near Civil War battlefields in Virginia because its soft-and-fuzzy image
was portrayed as mean, arrogant, and insensitive. 2 CEO Michael Eisner
found himself besieged on all sides: from the courts, from former directors (including Walts nephew, Roy Disney) and even from supposedly
sleepy shareholders, said The Economist.3
Robert L. Dilenschneider, a
veteran public relations consultant, states, A good imageone thats
well made and well cared forcan survive everything, including the
test of time. Scandal. Change. Bad earnings. 4
The greater loss incurred by a low profile is the lost opportunity to
advance company views on public issues. Most companies affected by
government action have therefore rejected the low-profile strategy in
favor of proactive media relations. They use several approaches: (a) intervene in the news creation process, (b) take a tough media stance, (c)
make their corporate news irresistible, and (d) take advantage of the
enlarged media menu.
INTERVENE IN THE NEWS CREATION PROCESS
To be proactive means to take action before something happens. Media
relations professionals must intervene in the news creation process.
They can do this in four ways: jump start the news, engage in preemptive communication, correct the newstake out the impurities
(inaccuracies)
and
add
desirable
ingredients
(positive
statements)and
influence reporting (e.g., by hiring media people with connections).
Jump Start News
The White House does not wait for news to happen. It knows that as a
major newsmaker it can serve as the gatekeeper for major news from all
federal departments and agencies. In a well-established procedure, all
agencies submit important news stories to the White House daily, so
that the presidents communications staff can select the story line of
the day.5
As Michael Deaver, President Reagans chief of staff, explained, the president must figure out a strategy and game plan to
maintain the upper hand with the media. 6
Attempting to emulate the success of the White House, public relations professionals in other organizations try to make news happen.
In Is the Press Any Match for Powerhouse PR? Alicia Mundy, a contributing editor to Washingtonian Magazine, discusses the new aggressiveness in media relations, saying public relations firms have learned new
PROACTIVE MEDIA RELATIONS
101
tricks in media manipulation. 7 A key technique is to jump start news

by arranging to have outside third partiesan expert or other credible
sourcespeak up on an issue of concern to ones organization, in the
expectation that the news media will report on his or her comments.
Care must be taken, however, not to violate ethical norms.
A much publicized incident occurred after Iraq seized Kuwait and the
United States was deciding whether to intervene. Television networks
showed a 15-year-old girl telling the American people she saw Iraqi soldiers pull tubes from babies incubators, leaving them to die. What was
not said, however, were three facts: The public relations firm of Hill &
Knowlton arranged this interview, the girl was the daughter of the Kuwaiti ambassador to the United States, and she did not actually witness
the act. News was indeed generated, but in this case manipulation of the
press backfired when the identity of the girl and the truth of the situation were exposed.8
In an attempt to gain news coverage by keeping self-interested
sources of information secret, a related practice is to use credible persons
to author articles that are actually ghostwritten by someone else. To
suit client interests, some public relations firms have purportedly paid
prominent doctors to sign their names to ghostwritten scholarly reviews about new drugs for publication in medical journals. In an extreme case, a journal editor, who attempted to speak with the so-called
senior author of an article, discovered the person had no idea of what
had been written.9 (See Box 4.1 for the argument that funding source
should be disclosed.)
Box 4.1 Disclosure of Funding Sources
Dr. Troyen A. Brennan of the Harvard School of Public Health urges
researchers who write articles to disclose the source of funds. He
argues that monetary motivation skews the integrity of the scientific
process, even if the views expressed are truly the authors. He told the
New England Journal of Medicine that he was offered $2,500 by a
prominent public relations firm to write an editorial on liability issues
that might arise from prescribing drugs with sedative side effects,
such as antihistamines.10
As medical journals extend their coverage to social and political issues, public affairs professionals may join marketers in exploiting the
use of these journals. For example, in spring 1990 the Journal of the
American Medical Association published a special issue on the uninsured and underinsured in health coverage. Its editor, Dr. George
Lundberg, frankly stated that he wanted to have an impact on politicians and hoped to create an aura of inevitability that this problem
will be solved. In the same issue the influential former editor of the
New England Journal of Medicine, Dr. Arnold Relman, attacked forprofit health care.11
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CHAPTER 4
Engage in Preemptive Communications

When an organization knows or suspects that a critical source is about
to announce disturbing or controversial news in an upcoming newsrelease or news conference, a targeted organization can preempt the
release by publicizing its version of the story first. It engages in preemptive communications by holding a news conference, distributing news
releases, arranging to appear on broadcast talk shows, taking out advocacy ads, and using direct communications to each audience. The advantage of taking the initiative is that the news can be placed in a fuller
and more favorable perspective. Subsequent stories by others then lack
news value. President Clinton often did this in connection with questionable political fund raising. Madeline Albright also did this when the
media were about to reveal that one of her parents was Jewish, a fact
that might suggest she could not be unbiased in negotiations between
Israel and Palestine.
Metabolife.
Michael Ellis, CEO of Metabolife International, decided
on a formidable and expensive preemptive strike after he was interviewed by Arnold Diaz, a reporter for the ABC television news magazine
program 20/20 on September 9, 1999. Diaz was preparing a segment
on the reported dangerous side effects of the companys popular diet
pill, Metabolife 356. Ellis said the interview felt more like a deposition.
After learning the reporter ran a website, Schemes, Scams and Savin a
Buck, and one of the critics cited in the story was on the board of a competing company, Ellis expected the program to be unfair. 12 He took the
advice of his publicist Michael Sitrick, known for his aggressive damage
control on behalf of Food Lion supermarkets, and launched a preemptive attack.
Using an Internet site (www.newsinterview.com),
Metabolife
posted Diazs complete, unedited 70-minute videotaped interview of
Ellis and Randy Smith, the companys medical director. Before the segment was aired, Ellis also spent $1.5 million on full-page newspaper
ads, which appeared on October 6, and radio programs to publicize the
site and the companys concerns that ABC would broadcast an unfair
report on the medical risks of its dietary supplement. ABC News
spokeswoman Eileen Murphy considered the posting a not very subtle attempt at intimidation.13
After the Metabolife segment appeared on 20/20 on October 15, Ellis,
however, judged it as not terribly unfair. He said, I think they did the
best job of doing a balanced unbalanced story that they could do. But
he credited the $2 million publicity campaign as effective in holding
20/20s feet to the fire to some degree. 14 Diaz, however, maintains, I
dont think they were successful in neutralizing our report. I dont think
our report would have been any different, as far as the thrust of it, had
they not done this. If their intent was to get more people to watch the
103
story, they were successful in doing that. 15 The broadcast was in fact the highest rated
that night among women ages 18 to 49. Furthermore, the website attracted more than 1
million users in its first 15 hours, according to publicist Sitrick. 16
Metabolifes
preemptive
attack
undoubtedly
attracted
widespread
media and public attention. Elliss side of the story was better known
through the website, and despite its denials, ABC perhaps took greater
care to make the segment balanced and fair. However, Ellis faced two
risks: More people would know of the possible side effects of the diet pill,
and embarrassing personal information would be revealed, namely,
that in 1988 he was charged with illegally making methamphetamine,
or speed. Now the dynamite idea, as Ellis called it, of drawing millions
of visitors so that people can make up their own mind would be tested.
His lucrative business, which claims to sell 225,000 of its diet capsules
an hour and was expected to yield revenues of $900 million in 1999,
was at stake.17
EMFs.
Preemptive communication can also be employed when a
company expects an emerging issue to escalate and move to the next
stage of public communication. Regular monitoring of an issue, including the use of public opinion surveys that track changes over time, is required to determine when an issue progresses in its life cycle.
The survey approach was used by the Edison Electric Institute when
it
learned from
a 1993 Cambridge
Reports/Research
International
survey that the percentage of people who were aware of electric and magnetic fields (EMFs) suddenly jumped 18 percentage points to a 63%
awareness level. Previously the increase had averaged about 4 or 5 percentage points a year.18 For some utilities, that jump was a signal to begin a public communication program. Although most utilities preferred
to communicate with only their own stakeholders, others sent news releases to the media in an attempt to interest them in the EMF issue. Their
strategy was to preempt the issue by publicizing their side of the story
before opposition groups presented their own side.
Similar jumps in news coverage can be monitored through another
method: computer tracking of issues and sources of news. Brent Baker,
former dean
of Boston
Universitys College of Communication,
illustrates how a system, which he calls frame mapping, works.19 By analyzing the frequency of stories (about animal rights) appearing in
three sourcesprint media, television, and the Internethe was able
to plot frequency distribution curves for each. He discovered that the
Internet curve peaked several days before the curves of the print and
television media. This information can thus serve as a leading indicator that allows an organization affected by an issue to take proactive
measures. Because an increasing number of journalists visit websites,
one of these measures could be to participate in newsgroups covering
the issue. A 1996 survey by Successful Marketing Strategists (Berke-
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CHAPTER 4
ley, California) lends support to this approach because it found that 51% of journalists
believed that Web pages today offer more news value than in past years.20
Correct the News
In an ideal business world, a company could review stories prior to publication or broadcast. Thus, if a story is judged false or distorted, it can
attempt to correct it. With the advent of computer monitoring of wire
service stories and stories written in foreign countries before they reach
the United States, the possibility of refining inaccurate stories is
greatly enhanced.21
As more newspapers first publish online versions of a story before
hard-copy ones, some companies assign staff members in a 24-hour cycle
to monitor stories about them. When inaccuracies, half-truths, and misinformation are spotted, specific reporters and editors are immediately
sent fact sheets, corrected quotes, and counterstories on the Internet.
Monitor and Respond to Internet Attacks.
Recognizing the potential danger of negative stories on the Web, companies are monitoring
what people do or say on the Web and respond. Middleberg Interactive
Communications in New York launched a computer monitoring service,
called M-3 (the 3 stands for monitoring, analysis, and response), that
scans the Internet daily for online complaints about its clients products.22
As stated by Steve Ulfelder: The downside [of the Internet] is
that anyone can run a smear campaign full of libelous information that
reaches millions of people in seconds. There are no editors or safeguards
ensuring that net information is fair and factual. 23
Another monitoring service is Cybersleuth, a product from Dallasbased eWatch sold through the Edelman Interactive Solutions public relations agency and PR Newswire. We can neutralize the information
appearing
online,
identifying
the
perpetrators
behind
uncomplimentary postings and rogue websites, says the companys online promo
material. Its objective: To stop the spread of incorrect information and
to ensure that what has already spread is eliminated, eWatch says. For
example, if someone is spreading phony tips about XYZ stock on an online financial forum, XYZ could work with an Internet service provider to erase the comments from the site. 24 Northwest Airlines Corp.
used this service to help it identify employees who organized a sickout
that nearly halted flights over a Christmas holiday (see Box 4.2).
The danger in such a tough approach is that people will fear saying anything critical
about a company online, whether factual or not. An employee could no longer share his
or her opinion about a company online without worrying that the company would find
out about it. Even if no legal action is taken, a person may become the target of a
company reeducation campaign (e.g., an e-mail trying to change the employees mind).
Free speech is endangered.
105
Box 4.2 Northwest Airlines Uses Monitoring Service to Combat

Strike
When the flight attendants union and several others staged an illegal
strike, Northwest Airlines resorted to Cybersleuth to strike back by suing the unions. The service helped it identify employees who organized
a sickout. Obtaining a court order, Northwest forced a veteran flight
attendant, Kevin M. Griffin, who had hosted the message board, to
turn over his computer so it could copy his hard drive. It also subpoenaed the company that hosted Griffins website for the Internet addresses of the people who posted prosickout messages. Sometimes
an offended company files a John Doe suit to obtain a senders
Internet protocol address from the Internet provider and then files a
second subpoena for any and all records related to the person who
had anonymously criticized the company. In one case, the provider
disclosed not only the name of the person but also his credit-card
numbers, the location of his checking account, and a list of some of
the books and software he had purchased online. Although the provider says it no longer gives out this information, the law requires providers to honor court subpoenas.
Companies must decide how to respond to Internet-monitoring reports about customers as well as employees. The Ford Motor Company
is one company that failed to respond to Internet smearing. After
watching his Ford Ranger pickup burn on his driveway, Ed Goldgehn
of Marietta, Georgia, and his wife opened a website they named
www.flamingfords.com. The New York Times and CNN credited the Web
page as one of the catalysts for a recall, which eventually added up to
8.7 million vehicles estimated to have cost Ford $200 million to $300 million. Ford never
went online to combat the website. Ford spokeswoman Joy Wolfe explained, Anything
wed do on our own [corporate] site would validate what these people are saying; this
reflects the rather old-fashioned attitude of not recognizing an opponent. 25
In contrast to Ford, the Tommy Hilfiger Corporation, a publicly
traded clothing manufacturer, took action when it fell victim to a rumor
that spread like wildfire. The rumor asserted Hilfiger, a designer, appeared on The Oprah Winfrey Show and made racist comments about several groups, after which he was tossed off the set by Winfrey. After the
rumor was a year old, it hit Usenet in the spring of 1997 and consequently spread so rapidly and generated so much controversy among
customers and potential customers
that
the
company
responded. Company spokeswoman Ruth Pachman said, As soon as the misinformation
was brought to our attention, the company posted a statement to the
appropriate newsgroups denying the allegations, a step that produced
immediate results.26
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CHAPTER 4
Companies are advised to familiarize themselves with newsgroups, mailing lists, chat
rooms, and websites. When misinformation is found, these rules should be followed:
1. Go to the source of the attack and try to establish a dialogue, making sure to document everything. For example, Shell International
bought banner advertising on the Mother Jones website after the
magazine repeatedly ran articles on its website critical of the companys environmental and human rights policies. The ads led readers of the magazine to Shells site, which included a forum area
where users were invited to engage in a dialogue with the company about the issues the magazine had raised. 27
2. Try to avoid the phone because it may seem like a ham-fisted
threat and will be immediately described and mocked on the net.
3. Prepare a contingency website that provides information that reinforces your position.
4. Muzzle your lawyers; they should be used as a last resort. Nothing raises the hackles of the net faster than a legal threat. 28
Influence Reporting
Some
individuals
and
organizations
establish
working
relationships
with reporters who cover them on their beat, thereby lessening the reporters independence. In one example, President Lyndon Johnson
hired Robert E. Kintner, former NBC News president, as a White House
special assistant in communications. Kintner revealed in a memorandum to the president he was willing to use his former connections. He
stated he would do some work with the news chiefs of ABC, NBC,
and CBS with reference to the Civil Rights portion of your State of the
Union address.29 In another example, Ronald Reagan hired columnist
George Will to coach him in preparation for his debates with incumbent Jimmy Carter in 1980. After one of the debates, Will went on television and, exercising his role as a journalist, commented favorably on
Reagans performance.30 This practice raises the ethical question of a
conflict of interest.
Speaker s fees may be paid to journalists as another way of influencing reporting. The National Speakers Forum, representing about 50
print and electronic journalists, says fees range from $3,000 to
$30,000. ABCs Sam Donaldson reportedly receives the top sum of
$30,000 for a speech. When David Gergen was editor-at-large at U.S.
News & World Report, he earned $466,625 for giving 121 speeches in
1992.31
Cokie Roberts accepted a $35,000 fee to speak at a Junior
League-sponsored
function,
with
the
money coming
from
a
large
Florida Toyota distributor.32 Although the giver of an honorarium may
have the intention of influencing news stories, a reporter may not even
know the source of his or her honorarium.
107
If a company is fortunate enough to hear of an upcoming news

conference by an adversary, it can attempt to present its side of an issue at the same time. For example, someone at the Washington Post
tipped off Chrysler that Consumers Union (CU) was planning a press
conference in New York City to announce findings that Chryslers
subcompact cars, Dodge Omni and Plymouth Horizon, were unsafe.
Chrysler immediately asked to attend, a request supported by
friendly media representatives, but CU refused. As an alternative,
Chrysler held a news conference at its Chelsea proving grounds on the
same dayattended by Detroit and network television and radio reportersand declared there was no relation between CUs test and a
real driving situation.33
TAKE A TOUGH MEDIA STANCE
Proactive media relations can often go beyond taking the initiative and
become confrontational and aggressive. A recent book by Washington
Posts media critic Howard Kurtz, Spin CycleInside the Clinton Propaganda Machine, demonstrates the White Houses tactics and its use of
this approach. In response to press corps hostility, the White House denies accusations, releases as little information as possible, attacks the
accuser s motives, focuses on any inconsistencies, describes the allegations as part of a right-wing conspiracy, and changes the subject to the
economy or some administrative initiative. 34
As applied to the corporate world, Herb Schmertzs Good-Bye to the
Low Profile introduces executives to his fundamental operating principle
of creative confrontationthe willingness and ability to challenge
your opponents and critics head-on, with imagination and flair. 35
Dont try to make friends with reporters, he warns, but do try to establish a real relationship. 36
Public relations professionals may have
overdone this advice, however. When 32 South Florida broadcast and
print journalists were asked what these professionals do right, only 3
said build a relationship. The pros dont know the publication or the
reporter, said 61% of the journalists. 37
Part of that relationship is a mutual recognition that business and
other news sources have as much power as the reporter: Because the
reporter needs your participation to do the story, you are in a position to
set up conditions that are favorable to you as the price for your participation and cooperation.38 If a story involves delicate issues or technical
information, tell the reporter youd prefer to take down questions and
give your answers in writing.
Schmertz rejects the fourth-estate status of the news media, their insistence on viewing themselves as surrogates for the American public.
If they are, he asks, Who appointed them? 39 He apparently rejects the
notion that the American public has accepted the special status of the
news media.
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CHAPTER 4
Following the clarion call by Schmertz, many companies have taken

a tough media stance in several ways: demanding rebuttal time, setting
conditions for cooperation, boycotting the news media or imposing a
freeze-out,
rating
reporters,
threatening
to
withdraw
advertising,
requiring advance notice of upcoming articles, and mounting a preemptive strike.
Demand Rebuttal Time
When media relations professionals are dissatisfied with how their organizations are treated by the news media, they have traditionally written or called the appropriate reporter, columnist, editor, or producer.
Heeding the advice of veteran political consultant Bob Gray of Hill &
Knowlton, some companies have now decided to go after the little lies
in a big way so that the media would be less likely to fight them on the
major facts.40 (Three of the big waysdisclosing errors in an advocacy
ad, referring such instances to media accountability groups, or suing
the mediaare so important that they are discussed in chaps. 6 and 7.)
A method of challenging the media, specifically the broadcast media, is
to demand rebuttal time.41 How Kaiser Aluminum succeeded in this effort is described next.
Kaiser Aluminum.
When Kaiser Aluminum was accused on 20/20,
ABCs news magazine, of intentionally selling unsafe house wiring and
hiding information about its dangers, the company immediately went
on the offensive with an advertising, publicity, and political campaign
against what it termed trial by television. 42 The companys advocacy
ad asserted: When a TV production team does an unbalanced investigative report, the production team becomes the accuser, the judge, and
the jury of people or institutions. By controlling the editing of pre-taped
interviews, they even control what the accused can say on his own
behalf.43
Ron Rhody, then Kaisers vice president for advertising and public relations, further explained, Since the producer edits the tape or film, all the
taped or filmed interview does is put the producer (that is, the accuser) in
full control of deciding what portions, and how much of the accuseds defense the public will be allowed to see. The viewing public is led to believe
that what its seeing represents the accuseds best arguments. 44
Kaiser demanded rebuttal time, at first, and ABC offered an unprecedented 4 minutes of unedited rebuttal, but then it reneged. Kaiser filed a
formal
complaint
with
the
Federal
Communication
Commission
demanding that ABC be ordered to give 10 minutes of response time. The
suit was later dropped after ABC promised to accommodate Kaiser in a
new program, called Viewpoint. It was designed to deal with broad subjects affecting broadcast journalism generally, and at the same time provide a forum for a discussion of complaints about accuracy or fairness.
109
Kaiser s rebuttal was aired on the premiere of the new show. 45 However,
Geraldo Rivera, ABCs correspondent on 20/20, was on hand to respond
to the rebuttal. In answer to Kaiser s objection to Riveras final words,
Rivera said it would have destroyed the responsibility of responsible
journalists.46 Besides
demanding
and
receiving
rebuttal
time,
Ron
Rhody assembled arguments to show that adversarial interviews and
one-sided reporting are damaging to the concept of a free press. 47
Set Conditions for Cooperation
During the Reagan administration, officials harnessed the broadcast media by setting
their own terms for appearances. Lesley Stahl said she could not get Secretary of State
George Schultz on CBSs Face the Nation unless she guaranteed him two thirds of the
airtime and promised that no unfriendly foreign spokesman would appear.48
Companies have also set the conditions for cooperation. Former
Celanese (now Hoechst) vice president of corporate communications,
Dorothy Gregg, said she would not permit television interviews unless
the station agreed to show the company the final edited film in advance.
When asked about possible press antagonism to these rules, she replied,
New York media think youre a dummy unless you take these precautions.49 She did not, however, demand to see final copies of print media
articles, even to check for factual accuracy.
Set Strict Guidelines. Following this pattern, Johns-Manville (now called the
Manville Corporation) established some strict press guidelines when, as the leading
producer of asbestos in the United States, it had to defend itself against charges that it
knew about the link between asbestos and cancer. The companys Reserved Cooperative
Approach in working with the media stated:
1. If a reporter calls and deadline is too short to lay out companys case
effectively, [respond with] no comment or uncooperate. Do not
help legitimize story as objective.
2. If a PR person detects by reporters questions that story is already
written, refuse to cooperate. Chastise reporter for lack of objectivity and fairness.
3. For TV programs, learn about the number of people to be on show, and
who they are, before committing to appear. J-M will not participate if
more than 3 people [are present] because there wont be enough time
to present companys story. Medium is surfacy anyway.
4. When a medium runs a story which is totally unbalanced and unfair, respond to it promptly with letter or phone call.
5. Sales force and other non-media sources act as early warning system,
alert corporate relations to local media questions. PR responds by
initiating call to press instead of waiting to see what develops.
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CHAPTER 4
6. Corporate relations covers all key events on subjectwhether trials,

government testimony, science conference, OSHA hearings. Goal is
to learnand work with media.
7. J-M has installed direct phone line to Denver HQ for Washington
mediawith 7 digitsto help meet their deadlines.
8. Materials are kept not only at HQ but in D.C. office and at NYC PR
firm. If media calls from NYC or D.C. and has a day to do story,
company has package of position papers delivered immediately.
9. PR gives AP, L.A. Times, N.Y. Times special attention. Their coverage
has been most fair and balanced although company hasnt always agreed.
10. PR responds to every phone call immediately and promptly.50
Through these guidelines, Johns-Manville seized the initiative in
dealing with the media and rewarded those who played the game
right. Curtis Linke, then the companys senior director of corporate
relations, defended the guidelines by saying the press is generally uninformed on health and science topics and doesnt show a willingness
to give the couple of hours needed to hear facts on a complex issue. He
said the companys media relations would continue to be one of mutual advocacy. I respect the power of the media, but I do not believe
any of us can condone or permit unfair, biased treatment to go unchallenged.51
Insist on Accompanying Filming.
When a demand is unlikely to
be met, some companies prepare rebuttal material that enables them
to reach important audiences through other media. Illinois Power
was an early user of this counterattack technique. 52 In October 1979,
60 Minutes approached Illinois Power and, according to company
spokesman Howard Rowe, said that CBS was going to produce a balanced, factual presentation of the economics of building nuclear
power plants.53
Illinois Power decided to cooperate because CBS, intent on doing the
story, had alternative sources of information, mainly from hearings by
the Illinois Commerce Committee. The company saw cooperation as
the only opportunity to get the truth told and straighten out some of
the misinformation. Refusing to cooperate could only lead to the shot
through the plant gate with a statement that we had refused to talk,
carrying its guilty as charged insinuation. 54
As a precaution, however, Illinois Power added one critical stipulation in its agreement to cooperate: Whatever CBS filmed on its property, a camera crew hired by
the company would also film. How Illinois Power used their film is
described in Box 4.3.
Companies that are approached by 60 Minutes should heed the advice of Robert
Chandler, CBSs vice president in charge of the program and other public affairs
programming: Get the best representative available somebody who doesnt ramble.
He elaborated:
111
You could be contacted by a researcher just beginning to explore a story, a

producer
or
correspondent.
The
60
Minutes
representative
might
want
background material, an off-camera chat, or he might want to film the site
to interview someone in authority. If they do want to talk to someone in authority, 60 Minutes representatives may not tell you much about the subject matter.55
Box 4.3 Prepare to CounterattackIllinois Power Raps

60 Minutes
When company officials saw the 60 Minutes broadcast, they were appalled. So were many shareholders. By the end of Monday following
the Sunday broadcast, three times as many shares had been traded as
ever before in a single day, and the stock, which had been selling in
the low 20s, closed the day off a full point. A few weeks later, the stock
fell to $15 a share.56 Employee morale was also suffering badly, and
hate letters soon began arriving at company headquarters. Compounding its problems, the company knew that CBS had timed the
segment to air just 3 days prior to a decision by the Illinois Commerce Commission on the
companys rate case.57
Illinois Power had to act quickly to defuse the 60 Minutes program
and get the facts of the case to its employees, the press, the financial
community, stockholders, and the public. The companys trump card
was its own filming of what 60 Minutes filmed. Working speedily, the
company prepared a 45-minute rebuttal tape within a week of the
broadcast. It was first reviewed by company officers, then released for
showing to employees, their families, and retirees, and finally shown to
the local media.
Response was favorable. Harold Deakins, Illinois Powers media
representative, reported, Many of our employees sat down to write
their congressmen that very night.58 Numerous media articles written
about the event opened the door to a much wider audience. The
company suddenly found itself busy with requests for showings before
business clubs, church groups, suppliers, and high school and college
classes. The company reported that 3,000 cassette videotapes of its
film 60 Minutes/Our Reply were in circulation.59
Interestingly, CBS threatened to sue, on the basis of copyright violation, if the Public Broadcasting System or independent stations presented the company video. Furthermore, CBS defended its actions. In
answering the complaint that the CEO of Illinois Power was interviewed for one and a half hours, but only 3 minutes appeared on television, Robert Chandler, CBSs vice president in charge of 60 Minutes
and other public affairs programming, said, Were paid to synthesize
material. Were reporters. Were not common carriers. He added,
Corporate decisions affect a wide number of people, and its our job
to go after those stories.60
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CHAPTER 4
In conclusion, Chandler said, Youll know what it is about. Be prepared for hard
questions, he advised, and you better have answers. If you dont know, were going to
show it.61
The Behavior Research Institute followed the example of Illinois Power when CBS
asked for its cooperation with Eye to Eye with Connie Chung. Its experience is
Impose a News Boycott or Freeze-Out
Imposing a news boycott is an extreme response to perceived
treatment by the media. When the Electric Boat Division of General
Box 4.4 Behavior Research Institute Does Not See Eye to Eye
With Connie Chung62
The Behavior Research Institute (BRI) reluctantly decided to allow an investigation of its services by CBSs Eye to Eye With Connie Chung. The
Providence, Rhode Island, institute feared that Connie Chung was already predisposed to accept allegations against it and to discredit it.
The institute felt that its residential treatment center was vulnerable because it treats mentally retarded and autistic individuals with extreme
behavior disorders, some of whom have been classified as hopeless.
Some individuals are prone to self-abuse to the point of gouging out
their own eyes, ripping out pieces of their throats, or banging their
heads on the floor. Therapy is consequently severe and can take the
form of an electric shock applied to a patients arm or leg.
So the institute faced a difficult challenge: How does an organization defend itself against false accusations from the press? Its decision was to take on Eye to Eye and CBS by telling others in the
pressconvincing them that the show was a one-sided, prefabricated story meant to do little more than win ratings points.
BRI took several actions. First, the institute invited more than 40
parents (who volunteered to be interviewed and insisted on being
present during the shows filming) to participate in the videotaping.
Next, BRI declined to allow videotaping of patients receiving therapy
on the grounds of protecting patients privacy, but offered its own tape
of treatments instead. CBS responded by hiring a plant who filmed
the treatments with a hidden camera. The institute also wisely declined CBSs request that BRIs legal counsel be seated next to Matthew Israel, BRIs executive director, while he was being interviewed.
BRI knew the attorneys presence would imply guilt on the part of the
executive director. BRI took two final steps. It hired its own video crew
to tape the interview so that it would have a complete and accurate record of what was said prior to the March 3, 1994, broadcast, and it
sent copies of these tapes to 300 media critics across the country.
unfair
113
Dynamics was angered by what it considered biased and unbalanced reporting by the Day, the local newspaper, the company cut off the news
flow to the paper, even though its 18,500 Groton, Connecticut, employees read the Day. General Dynamics excluded the paper from access to
any information about its activities (except the launching of submarines because U.S. Navy regulations required such notification), refused
to send news releases that were sent to other papers and broadcasters,
shut it out of news conferences open to other publications, and refused
to return phone calls or answer questions posed by Day reporters.63
Mobil is another company that imposed a news boycott. Angered by
a story that the chairmans son-in-law would benefit financially from
the companys construction of a tower in Chicago, Mobil announced it
would no longer have anything to do with the Wall Street Journal.64 It
would no longer answer any of its reporters questions or give them any
information.65
In the field of investor relations, the freeze-out is a version of a news
boycott imposed by a company when analysts have written something
negative about it (see Box 4.5). Basically, its managements way of
punishing an analyst who is not part of the cheering squad, says
Jullianne C. Iwerson-Niemann, senior vice president of equity research
and portfolio management at Huntleigh Securities. What happens is
your phone calls are not returned. Youre relegated to junior people.
Youre the last on the fax list. You basically become Zachary Zilch, the
last person in the phonebook to get the message on anything. And
sometimes you have to resort to talking to other people to find out
whats going on.66 Christopher McFadden, a Goldman Sachs Group analyst, experienced the same big chillafter he downgraded some stocks,
such as Cardinal Health and McKesson. He claims that the companies
executives pointedly didnt take questions from him during conference
calls. Larry Kurtz, head of investor relations for McKesson, denies this
treatment, saying, We talk to everyone who calls us, regardless. Thats
our ethic here.67
The risk of freeze-outs and news boycotts is that analysts and reporters have a long memory for things like that and will seek to punish the
company. Its the worst thing to do, says Eugene P. Beard, vice chairman
of finance and operations at Interpublic Group of Companies, an advertising conglomerate. Companies that do that will find it coming back to
haunt them.68
Get tough tactics, such as a boycott or freeze-out, should be used
prudently not only because some violate journalistic tradition but also
because they can backfire. For example, when the Day complained to the
National News Council about General Dynamics boycott, the council
sided with the newspaper, saying, When public funds and the public interest are involved to such an extent in a company that employs a quarter of all the workers in southeastern Connecticut, the community is
ill-served by an arbitrary decision on the companys part to withhold all
information from the chief newspaper directly serving the region. 69
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CHAPTER 4
Box 4.5 Freeze-Out of Financial Reporters

Bonnie Wittenburg, a food and agriculture analyst at the Minneapolis
securities firm of Dain, Bosworth & Co. and a former reporter at the
Des Moines Register, suffered a freeze-out. For years she had recommended that investors buy Archer Daniels Midland Co. (ADM) stock.
One of her reports, 40 pages long, so pleased the company that it
mailed copies to its 34,000 shareholders. However, because of a
price-fixing investigation into the company and the resignation of
Howard G. Buffett, a director and company spokesman, she put out a
sell recommendation on what she called her flagship stock. This
act caused her stress, but it was compounded when officials at ADM
failed to return her phone calls and, in fact, refused to have anything
to do with her.70
Another analyst, Christopher McFadden of the Goldman Sachs
Group, suffered a similar fate. After downgrading some pharmaceutical company stocks, he was put on hold during company conference
calls and the companies executives pointedly didnt take questions
from him. The companies disputed McFaddens notion, saying that
they were coping with numerous participants and more questions
than they could accommodate. Larry Kurtz, head of investor relations
for McKesson, said, We talk to everyone who calls us, regardless.
Thats our ethic here.71
Rate Reporters
Rating reporters is a common, informal practice. It helps a company select which reporters to avoid and which to favor. To rate reporters, a media relations person typically reads some articles written by a reporter
or calls colleagues for their opinions. Several actions might then be
taken: Send news releases to favorably rated reporters and not to others,
select cities for a media tour where reporters in local media are friendly
toward your company and industry, or meet with low-rated reporters
to provide them with more information and, hopefully, make their stories more balanced. Despite the acceptance of this practice, however,
government agencies must exercise caution. The U.S. DOE took some
heat in 1995 when the Wall Street Journal disclosed that the agency
spent $43,500 to hire a firm that ranked reporters on how favorably
they wrote about it.72
The growth of electronic databases containing reporters stories and
the emergence of an entrepreneurial group of former journalists willing
to report on their ex-colleagues has fostered a new media evaluation industry. The giant is Carma International (Computer-Aided Research &
Media Analysis) in Washington, DC, which charges $500 to $15,000 for
1 months analysis, depending on the number of reporters and variables
115
involved. Chuck Werle of Chicago-based Werle+Brimm Ltd. judges journalists on a

scale of 1 to10 on accuracy, verification, interview skills, industry knowledge,
balanced reporting, writing ability, integrity, and personality.73
The beef industry used another measure. It investigated whether reporters ate steak, which might persuade them to portray beef more favorably, or whether they were vegetarians and therefore would not do
the industry much good. When the National Cattlemens Association
saw Tom Kenworthy, a Washington Post reporter, at the bottom of
Carmas charts, its public affairs director arranged to discuss matters
with him and introduce him to some live cattlemen. The result: Were a
little bit happier with his reporting.74
Some of information about reporters can be obtained from online
media directories such as MediaMaps Media Manager. It not only lists
reporter contacts by phone number, fax, and e-mail, but also provides
information on reporters background, what areas they report on, what
stories they are working on, deadlines they must meet, and how they
prefer to be contacted. Users can also obtain information on editorial
calendars, access the archive section, and read past stories written by
particular reporters that give a sense of their interests, subjects, and
writing styles. Information about most subjects can also be found on
the Internets huge database.75
Threaten to Drop Advertising
Another way to discipline a news medium is to threaten to drop advertising,
thereby
undermining
the
news
organizations
commercial
viability. All media organizations are commercial to the extent they must
contend with the economic reality of remaining solvent. This reality has
been intensified by the current era of media concentration, which demands that media be profitable investments. Advertising generates the
largest revenue source of almost all media (exceptions are premium cable services and the film industry). To advertisers, the media are simply
an audience delivery system. 76
With the advent of wider alternatives to newspaper advertising, advertisers wield more bargaining power. In Detroit, car dealers who
were angry at negative news stories printed their own tabloid advertisements rather than advertise in local papers. Even large newspapers
respond to advertiser pressure. Car dealers in Hartford pulled their ads
from the Hartford Courant after a story was run that warned consumers about high-pressure sales tactics. The editor of the paper was
forced to apologize to the dealers to woo them and their advertising
dollars back to the paper.77
Even public television is not immune, for businesses see it as a means
of enhancing corporate images and thereby creating a favorable climate
for marketing. For this reason, various drug companies have supported
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CHAPTER 4
shows on health care (being careful to avoid controversial health issues); and Boeing
Corporation funded a PBS program on the presidents plane, Air Force One, Boeings own
product.78
Companies can indirectly threaten to drop advertising through their
advertising agencies. According to Hollywood Reporter, an entertainment
industry paper, General Motors warned its advertising agencies to avoid
two episodes of the syndicated Donahue talk show that dealt with the
movie Roger & Me. The film was critical of General Motors and its chairman, Roger B. Smith.79
Require Advance Notice of Upcoming Articles
Some advertisers and retail chains demand advance notice about upcoming articles. In January 1996, Chrysler s advertising agency sent a
letter to more than 100 magazines saying, In an effort to avoid potential conflicts, it is required that Chrysler Corporation be alerted in advance of any and all editorial content that encompasses sexual, political,
social issues or any editorial that might be construed as provocative or
offensive.80 In response, the Magazine Publishers of America and
American Society of Magazine Editors accused the company of practicing a form of censorship. They issued a strong statement urging magazines not to submit tables of contents, text or photos from upcoming
issues to advertisers for prior review. In October 1997, Chrysler, which
is the nations fifth-largest magazine advertiser, dropped its controversial policy; but it also said, In the end, we reserve the right to decide
where and when to place advertising.81
Some big retail stores, such as Winn-Dixie supermarkets and WalMart Stores, regularly demand advance copies of publications suspected
of containing material that might be objectionable to many of its customers. The concerns involve nudity or lewd language and such controversial subjects as abortion, homosexuality, and religion. We serve a
broad spectrum of customers, and we dont want to offend them, explains G. E. Clerc, Jr., a spokesman for Winn-Dixie, based in Jacksonville, Florida.82 For example, a possible objection to
Cosmopolitans
March 1997 issue was that its cover headline included the words His &
Her Orgasms.
Supermarket and big discount chains have enormous power over
magazines because they control 55% of single-copy sales of U.S. magazines. Wal-Mart is the biggest seller, with about 9% of single-copy sales.
If an outlet judges an issue to be offensive, it might simply not carry a
specific issue or, as Dana Sacher, circulation director of Vibe, warns, If
you dont let them know in advance, they will delist the title and never
carry it again.83
Frank Lalli, president of the American Society of Magazine Editors,
believes publishers should not give previews to retailers. When you
give them a look, there is the potential that people outside the magazine
will say, I have a solution. Drop that cover. Change the story. He says
117
editors are deeply concerned about this trend, and worries that some
advertisers may mistake an early warning from a magazine as an
open invitation to pressure the publisher or editor to alter, or even kill,
the
article
in
question.
Norman
Pearlstine,
Times
editor-in-chief,
warns of establishing a dangerous precedent: When you start giving
advance looks to either advertisers or retailers you are creating opportunities for censorship.84
Exercise Restraint: Procter & Gambles Excessive Zeal
Several other kinds of get tough tactics are not discussed here because they are blatantly unethical or unwise. For example, Procter &
Gambles (P&Gs) effort to hunt down the source of a leak to the Wall
Street Journal85 earned the company one of Fortunes 10 Biggest Business Goofs mentions.86
Several articles had appeared that revealed
possible changes in top management and some troubles with its
food-and-beverage
division.
Saying
its
own
internal
investigation
failed to identify the leak, P&G asked Cincinnatis fraud division to look
into what was regarded as a violation of a state criminal law that bars
anyone from giving away articles representing trade secrets. 87 Using
subpoena powers, the court ordered Cincinnati Bell to identify all 513
area code numbers that dialed the office or home phone number of
Wall Street Journal reporter Alecia Swasy [the author of the articles]
between March 1 and June 1, 1991. The privacy of some 655,297
home and business telephone lines was violated as at least 35 million
toll calls made in that period were searched. 88 To the press, this was an
indirect way of seeking to identify a news source, which in Ohio and
many other states is illegal. P&Gs CEO Edwin L. Artzt finally conceded, We made an error in judgment we regret it we were just
plain wrong.89
But veteran columnist William Safire observes that
while Artzt admitted to a public relations blunder, he still did not understand the ethical violation of peoples rights to privacy.
MAKING NEWS IRRESISTIBLE
News can be made so attractive to journalists and editors that they cant resist. Two basic
ways of getting a story published are: (a) making a story newsworthy, and (b) subsidizing
the media.
Create Newsworthy Stories
News is timely information of interest to many people. 90 Perhaps the essence of news is contained in the comment by a former New York Sun editor who said, When a dog bites a man, thats not news. But if a man
bites a dog, that is news. 91 From a media relations viewpoint, news is
what a reporter and editor will accept. Unfortunately, too many corporate executives have a house organ mentality, thinking a story written
118
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for employees would also be interesting to outsiders. Thus, as a survey of Fortune 500
companies shows, business would like journalists to be more interested in stories about the
following topics:
Corporate social responsibility programs.
Environmental achievements and the need for trade-offs.
Human side of corporate life and personal
ment.
Research, technical achievements, and innovations.
Positions on legislative or regulatory matters.
Employee recognition.92
glimpses
of
manage-
Some of these in-house themes may, indeed, be of interest to journalists if implications for the broader community and society are drawn. A
company should tap its information resources, including insights of
corporate executives and other employees. A good media relations professional tries to keep an inventory of the special facts and perspectives
that a company is able to provide and thus become known as a valuable
source of industry information. Of course, she or he knows that the
story must be well written, meaning the five Wswhat, where, when,
who, and whyare covered and that the style and level of difficulty
meet the readability requirements of the intended audience. 93
Subsidize the Media
Subsidies to the media help make a submitted story irresistible. In Beyond Agenda Setting, Oscar H. Gandy, Jr. explained that the idea behind a
media subsidy is to reduce the costs of access to self-serving information.94
On a very basic level, a well-written news release or feature
story is in itself a subsidy to a newspaper, magazine, or broadcast station because the story would otherwise have to be produced with the
mediums personnel and other resources. Without the public relations
departments of thousands of organizations, the news media would
have to increase their staffs drastically. However, Gandy gives media
subsidies a sinister twist by saying it is most often the public relations
specialist who delivers the undercover subsidy, where the source and
the sources self-interest is skillfully hidden from view. 95 Also revealing, he feels, is that press releases follow the advice of publicists to interpret the significance of a story in case the editors and writers miss it.
Public relations professionals have used the following imaginative
ways to subsidize the media: (a) distributing voluminous press kits, (b)
using media distribution service companies, (c) providing video news releases, (d) sponsoring and citing public policy polls, and (e) creating a
website on the Internet.
Distribute Press Kits.
Press kits, often enclosed in a folder or portfolio, are collections of background materials that aid a journalist in
119
writing a story. This information is now typically provided on an organizations website. The usual materials include photographs (of
company facilities, personnel, and products), biographies of persons
mentioned in a news release, speeches by executives, the annual report,
and other organizational data. Box 4.6 describes some of the advantages in distributing press kits.
Use Media Distribution Services. North
American
Precis
Syndicate, Inc. (NAPS) provides releases to 1,500 dailies and 10,000 newspapers in all. NAPS CDs allow top dailies, Sunday, and feature editors to fill
whole pages and special sections. The radio release goes on CDs with
scripts to NAPS contacts at 6,500 stations. A Video Feature Release provides broadcasters with 1-minute features. 96 Gandy describes how the
Business Roundtable hired this syndicate to distribute hundreds of editorials, cartoons, and feature stories to help defeat the establishment of
the Consumer Product Safety Commission. 97
According to Gandy, the
syndicate guarantees a 10% success rate for each mailing. 98
Box 4.6 Advantage in Distributing Press Kits
A study about news coverage of the environment by two journalism
professors shows that press kits and news conferences result in
greater acceptance of the sources angle.99 (They also studied whether
news selection and bias were caused by the nature of a report titled
Toxic Clusters: Patterns of Pollution in the Midwest, prepared by the
New York-based nonprofit environmental research group Inform, Inc.
The report was based on information provided by the EPA on the
amount of hazardous chemicals manufacturers have released into the
environment. Manufacturers annually report this information to the
EPA, as required by the 1986 Superfund Amendments and Reauthorization Act.
A week prior to holding a news conference, Inform sent press kits to about 200 media
outlets in the seven-state region of the Midwest. These kits served as an information
subsidy to the media and encouraged coverage of the story. The kit also persuaded
newspapers with larger staffs to assign reporters to the story.
The use of press kits is justified by the finding that those media receiving press kits were fairer to business in their treatment of the pollution data than were those that did not receive them. Of 373 daily
Midwestern newspapers analyzed, the papers tended either not to
cover the storyeven though coverage was most likely in communities where manufacturing was at least of medium importance in their
economiesor to give more lenient headline treatment.100 Furthermore, little was said about the health risks resulting from local toxic
releases.
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CHAPTER 4
NAPS also provides public policy publicity when an

nently appears in the mass media. Some techniques suggested by Ronald
N. Levy, the syndicates president, are:
issue
promi-
Canned editorial: Enables you to editorialize in a way that would

not be acceptable in a feature. However, editorials get less readership
than features, and many papers will not run canned editorials.
Believe It or Not type of cartoon: Works if you can make your
point in few words. Gains the attention of people who might not
read a text release on the subject.
Stories based on speeches: Allow writing of releases, especially for
suburban newspapers, based on senior executive speeches that
have already been carefully researched, the ideas carefully thought
out, and the materials cleared with company legal staff.
Economic reality stories: When a persons own money is involved, he or she becomes interested. If a solution to an issue raises
the cost of producing a product of your company or industry,
point out how its going to cost the average person money.
Other techniques: Use signed columns, perhaps in a Q & A format.
Quote government experts who agree with you. Write several stories when each key point warrants a story.101
Provide VNRs.
Local television stations welcome video news releases (VNRs) from reliable sources. By resembling television news reports, the intention of these releases is to capture maximum exposure
on television news to promote company viewpoints and other news.
What we do by definition is advocacy. Its not journalism, says Doug
Simon, president and CEO of the production and event company DS Simon Production. To create a good VNR that confusion must be clarified
up front. Medialink CEO Larry Moskowitz advises PR pros to disclose
more than they even think necessary when sending out a VNR. 102
This norm was violated when PR professional Karen Ryan signed off
her voice-over on a Department of Health and Human Services VNR by
saying she was reporting from Washington, DC, thus implying a
journalists impartiality. To make doubly sure that its client stations
know a VNRs source, CNN Newsource, one of the distributors of the
controversial VNR, will now add a fourth label in addition to clearly
identifying a VNR in the script and in the window that displays the
source.103
A Nielsen Media Research Survey of 130 TV news directors showed
75% found VNRs helpful in preparing their daily newscasts. 104 A later
poll found that 78% of editors used edited VNR material at least once a
week.105 Box 4.7 provides details of a specific case of VNR use.
In 1992 more than 4,000 VNRs were produced; Medialink, the largest distributor, alone sent out 2,000. The company has a news wire that
in 1991 reached nearly 700 television newsrooms coast to coast. It describes its Medialink/AP Express Newswire as a comprehensive, pow-
Box 4.7
121
TV News Directors Use of a VNR on America

Responds to AIDS
A VNR, America Responds to AIDS (ARTA), produced by the governments Centers for Disease Control (CDC), suggests the extent to
which television news directors use VNRs. Findings are based on a
survey and content analysis of 47 air checks of television news stories from 42 television news organizations (39 local broadcasters, ABC
World News Tonight, Cable News Network, and USA Today). The key
findings were:
No station used the entire VNR package.
85% of the air checks contained only half or less of the packaged
video; the same held true for the script.
Of seven key story elements, an average of 21% appeared in the air
checks.
Sound bites from officials were used infrequently. Celebrity James
Masons sound bite from the Washington press conference was
mentioned the most (by 25%), and one by Louis Sullivan (10%).
The source, CDC, was mentioned in only 8% of the stories. Instead,
stations cited such general sources as the federal government.
75% of the stories focused on the AIDS Prevention Guide. In this
context, the CDC was mentioned in 17 of the 35 stories focusing
on the guide; 22 mentioned Health and Human Services. 106
erful and high-speed electronic service that delivers critical information

right to the desks of TV editors throughout the U.S. 107 Medialink president Laurence Moskowitz claims that overall, VNR results continue to
rise, and the performance of the most successful projects continues to be
stunning.108 To illustrate, Burson-Marsteller, a leading U.S. public relations firm, prepared a videotape for a client after the Food and Drug Administration ruled that a clients product was the only safe one of its
kind. The tape appeared in the form of a news report and was
distributed to 100 television stations.
The most dramatic VNR, according to Medialinks 1993 list of the
Top Ten organizations using VNRs, was Pepsi-Colas response to the
Diet Pepsi syringe hoax in June 1993. The VNRs attained a recordbreaking 500 million aggregate viewership on 3,170 stations airing
over a period of several days in June. (The previous most aired VNR was
the speech by the president of Colombia imploring Americans to stop
snorting cocaine, a broadcast that reached an audience of 80 million.)
Following Pepsi-Cola on the Top Ten list were Princeton Universitys
Fusion Energy with an audience of 56,900,000 and 197 airings, and
Time-Warner s Venture with US West with 49 million viewers. 109 On
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CHAPTER 4
average, a VNR will get a median of 18 usages from a possible 700 outlets, says Nick Peters, Medialinks vice president of operations. 110
Corporate use of VNRs has the advantage of making a message more memorable to a
news audience, largely because of the credibility as-signed to television news
programming.111 No claim can be made, how-ever, that attitudes are influenced, at least not
by a single exposure.
To increase the acceptance of VNRs, public relations practitioners are advised to send the
traditional pitch letter with story angles, accompa-nied by press conference footage, sound
bites, and raw footage. Sending some printed materials in advance of a story is not only more
cost effec-tive but also helps journalists view the public relations practitioner as more of a
partner and less of a manipulator in the news process. 112
Media relations practitioners should also avoid making some mis-takes that discourage
TV stations from airing VNRs. Media Relations In-side, a newsletter, gives this advice:
Approach the story like a reporter. Douglas Simon, president and
CEO of New Yorks D.S. Simon Productions, said to focus on whats
news to the public, not to your own organization. USA Today, he
says, does this by covering stories of interest to people nationwide
and writing to the lay person. Try to make the VNR fit the style of a
local newscast, which can be achieved by hiring producers and
crews with broadcast news backgrounds who understand the need
to tell a good story with creative visuals and no industry jargon.
Dont go over 90 seconds.
Use highly credentialed experts with broad knowledge. Sally
Jewett, president of Los Angeles-based On the Scene Productions,
advises securing independent endorsements from credible spokespeople who are willing to appear on the video.
Understand the distribution format your contacts want. Sending
out a VNR by satellite might be a good idea for time-sensitive videos. Some outlets, however, like CNN, only accept videos on tapes.
The Internet has become another outlet for VNRs. 113
Many TV stations prefer to use the background materials of a VNR
but not the supplied commentary. It is advisable, therefore, to send a
B-roll, the supplementary or backup material. It generally follows the
primary material on the same cassette in which alternate scenes are arranged on two reels, an A-roll and a B-roll, and then assembled. 114
Sponsor and Cite Public Policy Polls. Newspapers,
magazines,
and broadcasters seem eager to use poll findings. In 1990, after the first
in-house poll of the Detroit Free Press in the mid-1960s, 82% of national
newspapers (with circulation of 100,000 and over) and about half of the
television stations were engaged in polling, according to a study conducted by the Roper Center.115 The New York Times has been among the
123
first media organizations to do in-house research and their own polls,

often in collaboration with a major survey company. The caliber of the
New York Timesand CBS Newspolls is often comparable to that of academic surveys.
Problems arise, however, with polls conducted by smaller local news
outlets or made available by external organizations. Some of these are
Internet polls, which are not real polls and the results mean nothing,
according to Lori Robertson in an article on Poll Crazy. 116 Low-budget
press operations are nevertheless tempted to use these polls. The New
York Times, however, discourages the use of a poll conducted by an external organization if the organization wont describe its methods or
claims proprietary methods. As polls have become ubiquitous, the danger is that poor practices can lead to an overall decline in the credibility
of survey research in general.117
Mervin D. Field, chairman of Field Research, explains why polls are so
popular with the media. The media realized, he said, that the public puts
an inordinate value on impeccable arithmetic: If something adds up to
100 percent, this fact conveys an aura of something perfect and possessed of values that often do not exist. 118 Actually, news commentators unwillingly give survey results a precision they do not possess. For
example, when Walter Cronkite announced that 65% of Americans supported the Supreme Court decision on abortion and that this percentage
had a tolerance of 4 percentage points plus or minus, he implied, at
worst the percentage might be a low of 61% or a high of 69%. Actually,
however, the figures might be further off because of sources of more
serious errors.
Supporting the view that reporters understandably find a number of superficial
advantages of polls difficult to resist, Warren Miofsky and Martin Plissner state:
For starters, a good many polls can legitimately be called scientific. The
statisticians who do the work often hold degrees entitling them to be
known as Doctor. The poll very likely bears the trademark of a firm called
something like Research Analysis, Inc., of Princeton, Arkansas. Unlike anything else in journalism, the scientific poll also does not flinch at the notion
of error. It boldly proclaims ittelling you, in percentage points, how
wrong it is going to allow itself to be. This is the scientific way of doing
things. You dont fight error; you measure it.119
Mervin Field feared the trend of using public policy polls would result in confusion, suspicion, and a negative image of survey research
methods. Whats wrong is not their use, he said, but how polls are conducted and publicized (see Box 4.8). Any organization has the right to
sponsor an opinion survey to demonstrate to politicians and the public
that public opinion is on their sideespecially when the contrary is
claimed by the media or opponents. In a democracy public opinion is
supposed to count.
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CHAPTER 4
Box 4.8 Hill & Knowltons Questionable Publicity of Survey

Results
Journalistic ignorance of polling techniques and ethics further increases reporters vulnerability. For example, in 1980 Hill &
Knowlton, then the largest public relations firm in the United
States, arranged simultaneous press conferences in five cities to
publicize the results of a poll favorable to its client, the American
Trucking Association. It referred to survey results that indicated
there was virtually no public support for the move in Congress to
deregulate the nations trucking industry, a finding that was subsequently cited by wire services and a number of regional papers. 120
What Hill & Knowlton did not state was that the survey firm, Group
Attitudes, was its subsidiary and that the publicized finding was
based on slender data. Only about 3% of a sample of 405 respondentsor only 12 personsmentioned that the industry should be
deregulated, hardly enough to warrant a major announcement at a
press conference.121
When reporting on a poll, writers should consider how reporters

treat such information. They need to interpret the data and to make a
story out of it, instead of just citing numbers. Warren Miofsky says,
When they cite numbers they put the burden on the reader to draw the
conclusions. The numbers are boring. The conclusions based on those
numbers are not. To do this, poll reporters main tasks are: 1) knowing how sampling works so they can interpret the data properly including understanding the limits to a surveys precision, and 2) providing
necessary contexttrend
data,
news
events,
etc.that
give the
numbers meaning. Miofsky also suggests that reporters borrow from social
sciences by starting with a hypothesis and see if the data support it or
not. The surprise of a knocked-down hypothesis can wind up being the
big news. An example for the ages is Clinton Job Approval Despite
Lewinsky.122
The media must also do their part by not blindly swallowing every statistic that is
handed out to them. They should follow the advice of Philip Meyer in Precision
Journalism, who lists minimum information that should be presented with every
published survey:
1. Identity of the sponsor of the survey.
2. Exact wording of the key questions asked.
3. Description of the population sampled.
4. Sample size and, when relevant, response rate.
5. Some indication of the allowance that
pling error.
should
be
made
for
sam-
6.
How interviews were collected: in

so on.
7. When the interviews were collected.123
person
in
125
homes,
by
phone,
and
A longer list based on the guidelines of the American Association for

Public Opinion Research also lists: (a) who conducted the survey; (b) a
description of the sample selection procedure, including whether the respondents were self-selected; (c) precision of the findings; (d) location of
data collection; and (e) if applicable, an indication of the results that are
based on parts of the sample rather than the whole sample. 124
Reach Journalists Through the Internet
Making news available to reporters online is an increasingly important
way to make corporate news more attractive and accessible to the media. It is transforming the way journalists work, allowing them to do
their jobs faster, better, and cheaper. 125 Reporters use the Internet as a
daily source of story ideas, background, and facts about fast-breaking
events. According to the seventh annual study in 2000, The Middleberg/
Ross Survey of Media in the Wired World, nearly all (98%) of the 4,000
print and broadcast journalists participating in the survey reported going online at last daily to check e-mail. They spend about 15 hours each
week reading and sending e-mail. Net usage by journalists is at an alltime high in each of the following categories:
Article research and to retrieve reference material (86%).
Obtain press releases online (72%).
Find new sources and experts to interview and quote (71%).
Read publications online (70%).
Accept story ideas and pitches (54%).
Download still images or video for use in their work (46%). 126
Although reporters prefer a
use company websites as
cially in a crisis situation,
live spokespeople by going
After business hours when
websites increases significantly.
live source for a breaking story, reporters

their second most important source. Espereporters will supplement information from
online to enrich and expand their stories.
sources are unavailable, the importance of
Corporate websites.
Because reporter use of online resources is
now common practice and with the advent of real-time news cycles and
online scoops, corporations are advised to open websites and keep them
as accurate and up-to-date as possible. According to a 2001 study of
Fortune 500 company websites, only a little over a third of them (195)
provide clearly labeled press room site areas focused on assisting journalists. The most commonly used label was News Room (60 compa-
126
CHAPTER 4
nies), followed by Press Room (40 companies). Companies ranking higher on the
Fortune 500 are more likely to have press rooms than companies ranking lower. The study
also suggested that press rooms be linked from the home page, which nearly two thirds of
sites with press rooms included as a key public.127
To be of value, press rooms must contain relevant content. The most
extensive press room contained 16 items, but the average number was
only 6.5.128 The 12 items most frequently included in all company websites were as follows:
Press/news releases: 96.9%% of companies.
Executive bios/profiles: 51.3% of companies.
Executive photographs: 48.7% of companies.
Company fact sheets: 35.4% of companies.
Annual reportsfinancial: 33.8% of companies.
Company history: 31.8% of companies.
News alert service for media: 30.8% of companies.
Company staff speeches and presentations: 29.7% of companies.
Product or company-in-action photos: 28.2% of companies.
Press release search engine: 25.6% of companies.
Company logos for use in publication: 22.6% of companies.
Media kits: 21.0% of companies. 129
Ideally, according to Los Angeles Times Syndicate columnist Larry
Migid, what is really wanted is one-stop shopping for an array of media
materials.130 Also desirable is the listing of a practitioner by name as a
media contact, which more than half of all press rooms did. Corporations should also endeavor to be listed prominently with the major
search engines because journalists first turn to them and directories
such as Yahoo! and Alta Vista to locate information.
Corporate sources are warned, however, that the credibility of their information is not
assured. Business sources face greater resistance because findings show that 59% of
journalists are likely to use free online information from nonprofits versus 50% from
business.131
TAKE ADVANTAGE OF THE ENLARGED MEDIA MENU
Public affairs communicators looking for outlets for their messages are
no longer limited to the traditional news media of local television news,
network
television news,
newspapers, radio news, and news
magazines. As the Economist reported in 1998: Until two years ago, Americans had three evening news shows, one cable news network and a
couple of weekly news-magazine programmes. Now it has three evening news programmes, ten weekly hour-long news-magazine shows,
three cable news networks, three cable business news networks, two
sports news networks and three new websites furnished with video. 132
127
Communicators could take advantage of an enlarged media menu. They are advised to do so,
because as Herb B. Berkowitz and Edwin J. Feulner, Jr. observed, a handful of elite news
organizations no longer controls the agenda and defines the terms of the debate. 133
Changes in Regular Viewership and Readership
CNN was heralded as the major entry into the news media a decade ago.
While serving as the Navys chief of information, Rear Admiral Brent
Baker said, I believe CNN is the dominant factor in the news media today. Clearly we must all understand that in the 1990s CNN has arrived
with the technological and editorial ability to reach out instantaneously
and globally.134 Baker later envisioned that tomorrows crisis will be
covered by a new group of international multimedia giantssuch as
the Microsoft-NBC cable television and cyberspace network and the new
Global Fox News Channel. 135
Its reporters would be computer savvy
and multimedia trained. They would be less dependent on government
news releases because they could go directly into government records
with computer-assisted research methods. 136
They would be better
equipped
with
new
lightweight
digital
satellite
and
multimedia
cyberspace gear and therefore less dependent on government communications gear or blessing. 137 He warns all playersgovernment leaders,
military leaders, journalists, and media ownershad better realize no
one is in control of information as they were in the good old days of the
early 1990s.138
By 2001, CNN, the original 24-hour cable news network, which was
started in 1980, became a division of media giant AOL Time Warner and
faced competition from Fox and MSNBC. The number of viewers watching CNN dropped 2% in 2000 as Fox News grew by 62% and MSNBC by
25%. CNNs rescue plan called for greater efficiency by cutting 400 CNN
staff from its 42 foreign bureaus and 1,000 overseas staff. It also sought
to make shows more dynamic, and to this end it hired Andrea Thompson, an actress from NYPD Blue, a cop series, as one of its Headline News
anchors.139
By the beginning of 2002, cable was the top overall source of news for
Americans. Kohut states, The public has come to believe that if you
want national news you go to cable. The audience for network news
dropped by 50% in the last 10 years. Their coverage has also dropped as
they got rid of expensive foreign bureaus and switched to cheaper lifestyle and celebrity news, says Tom Rosenstiel, director of the Project for
Excellence in Journalism. CNN spokeswoman Christa Robinson listed
the following size audiences for the three top cable news channels: CNN,
86 million homes; Fox News, 77 million; MSNBC, 73 million. 140
The Pew Research Centers biennial news survey, conducted among
slightly more than 3,000 adults shows that viewership of nightly network news has declined sharply, from 60% in 1993 to 32% in 2002, as
128
CHAPTER 4
shown in Box 4.9. In April 2000, however, viewership was only 30%, indicating that the steady erosion of this audience may have abated.
Newspaper readership continues to inch downward, with a large portion of this decline occurring in the 35- to 49-year-old age category. Less
time per day is spent reading a newspaper, down from 19 minutes a day
in 1994 to 15 minutes in 2002.
Alternative Media
The traditional media of newspapers, network news, and local TV news have been joined by
cable TV news, TV news magazines, network morning news, call-in radio shows, and online
news. Some loosely call these newer media and formats the alternative media. To this
category are added such grocery store tabloids as the National Enquirer, niche
magazines, and a variety of program formats.
Audiences can now turn to mainstream talk radio, cable and directsatellite
television,
new
computer
technologies,
and
alternative
newspapers and periodicals. Radio talk shows have multiplied and increased
their impact, as have television magazine programs such as 911, A Current Affair, and Hard Copy.141
Use of computer media, such as the
Internet and online services, is also expected to grow.142
Searching for alternative media for its political messages, the Bush
administration recently used niche magazines: President Bush appeared
in Runners World, a magazine he has been a fan of; White House lobbyist Nicholas E. Calio appeared in Wine Spectator; national security advisor Condoleezza Rice appeared in Vogue; and White House Spokesman
Ari Fleischer was on the cover of the alumni magazine of his alma mater.
The advantages of these niche magazines are several:
Box 4.9 Trends in Regular News Consumption
Local TV news
Cable TV news
Nightly network news
Network TV magazines
Network morning news
Radio
Call-in radio shows
National Public Radio
Newspaper
Online news
May 1993
April 1998
April 2002
77%
60
52
47
23
15
58
64
38
37
23
49
13
15
48
13
57%
33
32
24
22
41
17
16
41
25143
129
They dont cover troublesome topics, such as Iraq, the economy, or

corporate malfeasance, and offer a feel-good tone for the White
House.
They reach far more people than newspapers. Wine Spectators circulation is 325,000; Runners World is 520,000, and Vogues is 1.2
million. The demographics of these audiences is what the White
House seeks to expand its political base: Theyre trying to pick off
people who are open and independent, said Michael K. Deaver,
Ronald Reagans public relations advisor. If they get a portion of
those over the years by building up that regular guy impression,
yeah, I think it gets votes.144
One way to view the alternative media is to distinguish between the
reportorial media and the access media. As exemplified by network television news, reportorial media are closed, controlling, and judgmental.
In contrast, access media are open, revelatory, direct-to-audience entertaining media. They include television host and call-in shows, radio talk
shows, public affairs panels, advertorials in print media, television
advertorials, and radiomercials. Carol Mashe, executive director of the
National Association of Radio Talk Show Hosts, not surprisingly
believes, that of all the media, talk show hosts are the most powerful
because they are the most personal. 145 Chapter 8 gives further examples
of how Bill Clinton and other politicians used alternative media. The
next chapter, on broadcast appearances, illustrates the powerful effects
of radio talk show.
CONCLUSIONS
Taking the initiative is a prerequisite to gaining greater control over the
media. Media relations specialists who formerly worked as journalists
find it easy to become a part of the news creation process by writing
news releases that promote their companys viewpoint. They also encourage high-credibility sources with like-minded
views to submit stories. Going one step further, corporate news staffs may create events
that serve as the basis of newsworthy stories. They can use alternative
media to disseminate their stories.
Corporate communicators are increasingly willing to apply various
forms of pressure to obtain at least fair, if not favorable, treatment.
These pressures range from threatening to withdraw advertising to demanding corrections or rebuttal time when company news is distorted
or seen as unfair. Because company news is a valuable resource, corporate
communicators
can
also
set conditions
for
cooperation.
Furthermore, through media subsidies such as supplying VNRs, results of
commissioned
surveys,
and
various
other
background
materials,
companies are learning how to make their stories appealing to the news media. The chances of conveying their messages in a favorable manner to
the public have been greatly enhanced.
130
CHAPTER 4
ENDNOTES
Steve Crescenzo, Disneys Cheesey Public Relations, The Strategist, Vol. 3,
Fall 1987, pp. 17-21.
2. Richard Turner, Disney Hopes Retreat Is Better Part of Public Relations, Wall
Street Journal, September 30, 1994, p. B4. Also see background: Linda
Feldmann, Disney Theme Park Sparks New Civil War in Virginia, Christian
Science Monitor, June 28, 1994, p. 10; and Katharine Q. Seelye, A New Battle of
Manassas Is Under Way in the Senate, New York Times, June 22, 1994, p. A16.
3. Hunting Disney, Economist, February 14, 2004, p. 9.
4. Robert L. Dilenschneider, Forming a Distinctive Company Image, in
Dartnells Public Relations Handbook (Chicago: The Dartnell Corporation, 1996), p. 376.
5. Hedrick Smith, The Power Game: How Washington Works (New York: Ballantine,
1988), p. 401.
6. Ibid., pp. 402-409.
7. Alicia Mundy, Is the Press Any Match for Powerhouse PR? Business and Society Review, Vol. 87, Fall 1993, p. 34.
8. Ibid.
9. Lawrence K. Altman, The Doctor s World; Some Authors in Medical Journals
May Be Paid by Spin Doctors, New York Times, October 4, 1994, p. C3.
10. Ibid.
11. Emily Friedman, Medical World News, May 1991, pp. 16-18, as reported by
pr reporter, October 11, 1991.
12. Bill Carter, Anxious Pill Maker Puts ABC Interview of Its Chief on the Web,
New York Times, October 7, 1999, p. A23.
13. Ibid.
14. Howard Kurtz, Over-the-Counter Strategy; Preemptive Interview a Coup
for Metabolife, Washington Post, October 25, 1999, p. C1.
15. Ibid.
16. Ibid.
17. Jamie Reno and John Leland, with Anne Underwood and Ana Figueroa,
Heavy Meddling, Newsweek, October 18, 1999, p. 56.
N.J.: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 1997), p. 325.
19. Dean Brent Baker, interview by author, December 19, 1996.
20. Reporters Rate Web Pages, Public Relations Tactics, Vol. 3, August 1996, p. 19.
21. Melvin J. Thompson of Clarke & Company, a major Boston public relations
firm, gives the example of a story about a client filed with the wire services
by a Boston Globe writer. The firms computerized real time news monitoring, which it calls InfoAdvantage, spotted the story, and an immediate
critical review of it showed that it contained inaccuracies that were damaging to the client. There was time to call the writer and ask him to make a correction, which he was willing to do. Thompson explains that the firms
InfoAdvantage system works well for clients who receive much news coverage. When a client is facing a crisis, the computer printout is checked at least
every hour. One of the firms computers is dedicated to this service. Searches
are made for stories about both organizations and subject matter. Melvin J.
Thompson, vice president for interactive communication, telephone conversation with author on December 20, 1996.
22. Beth Snyder, Bad Rap: Companies Patrol Internet for Online Abuse, The
Freedom Forum Online, June 22, 1998.
1.
131
23. Steve Ulfelder, Lies, Damn Lies, and the Internet Computerworld, July 14,
1998, p. 75. Among the companies that have been targeted are Sears,
Roebuck and Co., General Electric (the message was, Beware of GE Microwaves), AT&T (Deceptive PracticesKnow the Facts!), MCI Communications, Kmart, and Wal-Mart Stores (Best Buy is Consumer Unfriendly! and
Wal-Mart too!).
24. Marcia Stepanek, You Called Our Widget a What? Business Week, September 25, 2000, p. 188.
25. Ibid.
26. Ibid.
27. Shel Holtz, Public Relations on the Net, 2nd edition (New York: AMACOM,
2002), pp. 286-287.
28. Ibid.
29. Gary C. Woodward, Perspectives on American Political Media (Boston: Allyn &
Bacon, 1997), p. 40.
30. Ibid., p. 41. Woodward quotes Jack W. Germond and Jules Witcover, Whose
Broad Stripes and Bright Stars? The Trivial Pursuit of the Presidency, 1988 (New
York: Warner, 1989), p. 428.
31. Alicia C. Shepard, Talk Is Expensive, American Journalism Review, Vol. 16,
May 1994, pp. 20-27.
32. See Alicia Shepard, Take the Money and Talk, American Journalism Review,
Vol. 17, June 1995, pp. 18-25.
33. Allen H. Center and Frank E. Walsh, Chrysler/Consumers Union Square
Off, in Public Relations Practices: Managerial Case Studies and Problems, 3rd
edition (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1985), pp. 234-241.
34. Richard S. Dunham, book review by Howard Kurtz, Spin CycleInside the
Clinton Propaganda Machine (New York: Free Press, 1998), Business Week,
March 30, 1998, p. 17.
35. Herb Schmertz with William Novak, Good-Bye to the Low Profile: The Art of
Creative Confrontation (Boston: Little, Brown, 1986), p. 8.
36. Ibid.
37. The study was conducted by Florida International University (Miami) public
relations students. See pr reporter, December 3, 2001, p. 4.
38. Ibid., p. 102.
39. Ibid., p. 79.
40. Mundy, op. cit., p. 34.
41. See Watchdog Watch, American Journalism Review, Vol. 15, April 1993, pp.
32-34; Andrew Randolph, An Expensive Rebuttal, Editor & Publisher,
March 30, 1985, p. 13, in connection with Three Mile Island, showing a
double page ad by General Public Utilities in the Philadelphia Inquirer to protest the newspaper s stories on the companys safety procedures in cleaning
up the reactor.
42. The case is described in Taking the Offensive Against Trial by Television
, pr reporter, Vol. 25, February 23, 1981, p. 1.
43. The ad, titled Good News, is from a Kaiser Aluminum press kit.
44. Taking the Offensive Against Trial by Television, op. cit.
45. Kaiser at Last Gets Equal Time, pr reporter, Vol. 24, August 17, 1981, p. 2.
46. Stephan Lesher, Media Unbound (Boston: Houghton-Mifflin, 1982), p. 163.
47. Taking the Offensive Against Trial by Television, op. cit.
48. Smith, op. cit., p. 425.
49. Celaneses Hard-Line Media Strategy, pr reporter, Vol. 22, November 19,
1979, p. 3.
132
50.
CHAPTER 4
Trend: Another Company Refuses to Talk to Reporters Who Dont Have

Time to Listen, pr reporter, Vol. 22, October 29, 1979, pp. 1-2.
51. Ibid. Curtis Linke further explained that Johns-Manville was initially very cooperative with the media in line with its policy of openness and candor. When
management discovered, however, that it was consistently treated unfairly, it
entered the second stage of becoming combative, taking a tough media stance.
We argued with the media, and we were uncooperative. This did not work, so
we became aggressive. We threatened to sue, and we published in our annual
report accounts of biased reporting. The next stage [fourth] for us was being
selective. We simply refused to work with a reporter if he or she did not understand the issue and was not willing to take the time to try and understand this
very complex issue. If we were called 20 minutes before deadline on a story that
had been in the works for days or weeks, we simply explained how unfair we
thought that was and hung up without providing any comment to legitimize
the story. This selectivity stage lasted the longestfrom 1980 to 1982. Then
in August of last year we declared bankruptcy and the tables turned. We became the injured party, the aggrieved entityand the media wrote more positive things about the situation in the next few days than they had in the prior 4
years. Today, we are more tolerant of the media, which is another way of
saying we did not expect much on the asbestos issue, but we do try to work
with them, judiciously applying selectivity.
52. The case is described in Trend: Business Takes Hard Line Media Stance; 60
Minutes Is Latest Target, pr reporter, Vol. 23, February 18, 1980, pp. 3-4.
53. Lesher, op. cit., p. 169.
54. 60 Minutes/Our Reply, material from a press kit provided by Illinois
Power Company, p. 1.
55. Ibid., p. 2.
57. Ibid., p. 177.
58. Trend: Business Takes Hard Line Media Stance, op. cit., p. 4.
60. Ibid.
61. Ibid.
62. Based on Roderick L. MacLeish, Jr., Eye to Eye With a Media Crisis: BCS Inc.s
Eye to Eye With Connie Chung Television Program; Behavior Research Institute, Inc. Across the Board, Vol. 31, November 1994.
63. National News Council Report, Columbia Journalism Review, Vol. 18, September-October 1979, pp. 85-87.
64. Schmertz and Novak, op. cit., pp. 71-72.
65. This approach was in sharp contrast to Kodak when the company was unhappy about what it felt was false analysis. Forbes did a tough piece about
the companys problems and its management and Kodak decided to prove
Forbes wrong with bottom line results in the months ahead. Mobil Should
Get the Picture from Kodak, editorial, Forbes, December 1984.
66. IRQ Roundtable: Life With or Without IR, IRQ (Investor Relations Quarterly), Vol. 1, Summer 1997, p. 68.
67. Kate Kelly, One Analyst Learns Candor Doesnt Pay, Wall Street Journal,
February 5, 2003, p. C1.
68. IRQ Roundtable, op. cit., p. 68.
69. National News Council Report, op. cit.
70. Richard Gibson, Analyst Takes Heat for Sell Rating on Archer-Daniels,
Wall Street Journal, August 31, 1995, p. C1.
133
71. Kate Kelly, One Analyst Learns Candor Doesnt Pay, Wall Street Journal,
February 5, 2003, p. C1.
72. Michael Moss, Reverse Gocha: Companies Are Paying Big Fees to Get News
About Beat Reporters, Wall Street Journal, November 10, 1995, p. A1.
73. Ibid, p. A4.
74. Ibid.
75. Tedd Rodman, Technology in Public Relations Today, term paper (Corporate Public Affairs, Boston University, College of Communication, May 5,
1997).
76. Woodward, op. cit., p. 41.
77. Steve Singer, Auto Dealers Muscle the Newsroom, Washington Journalism
Review, Vol. 13, September 1991, pp. 24-28.
78. Ibid., p. 42.
79. Those who contend that this tactic is unwise can point to the fact that this
threat made matters worse for GM because host Phil Donahue disclosed the
attempt and publicized filmmaker Michael Moores charge that big U.S.
companies, and GM in particular, were selling out U.S. workers for profit.
Joseph B. White, GM Seeks to Keep Ads off Talk Show About Roger & Me,
Wall Street Journal, February 1, 1990, p. A6.
80. Russ Baker, The Squeeze, Columbia Journalism Review, 36, September-October 1997, p. 30. Also see G. Bruce Knecht, Hard Copy: Magazine Advertisers Demand Prior Notice of Offensive Articles, Wall Street Journal, April
30, 1997, p. A1.
81. Dave Phillips, Chrysler Drops Censorship Policy, Detroit News, October
14, 1997, p. B1.
82. G. Bruce Knecht, No Offense: Big Retail Chains Get Special Advance Looks at
Magazine Contents, Wall Street Journal, October 22, 1997, p. A1.
83. Ibid.
84. Ibid., p. A13.
85. For an excellent summary of this case, see P&G, News Leaks, and The Wall
Street Journal, Parts (A) and (B), in Raymond Simon and Frank Winston
Wylie, Cases in Public Relations Management (Lincolnwood, Ill.: NTC Business
Books, 1994), pp. 11-23.
86. Peter Foster, Anticorporate Crusader, Canadian Business, January 1994, p.
76.
87. James S. Hirsch and Mil Geyelin, P&G Says Inquiry on Leak to Journal Was
Done Properly, Wall Street Journal, August 13, 1991, p. A3.
88. James S. Hirsch, P&G Search for News Leak Led to Sweep of Phone System
Wider Than Thought, Wall Street Journal, August 15, 1991, p. A3.
89. Simon and Wylie, op. cit., p. 22.
90. A simple definition in a high school text, Norman B. Moyes, Journalism
(Lexington, Mass.: Ginn & Company, 1984), p. 5. He adds that news usually
concerns events that have just occurred or are about to occur.
91. Carole M. Howard and Wilma K. Mathews, On Deadline: Managing Media Relations, 2nd edition (Prospect Heights, Ill.: Waveland Press, 1994), p. 15.
92. Bernard Rubin and Associates, Big Business and the Mass Media (Lexington,
Mass.: Lexington Books, 1977), p. 77.
93. Technical formulas are used to measure readability. See Dennis L. Wilcox and
Lawrence W. Nolte, Public Relations Writing and Media Techniques (New York:
Harper & Row, 1990), p. 446.
94. Oscar H. Gandy, Jr., Beyond Agenda Setting: Information Subsidies and Public
Policy (Norwood, N.J.: Ablex, 1982), p. ix.
134
CHAPTER 4
95. Ibid., p. 64.

96. Key Decisions of Great PR Teams, a full-page ad in Public Relations Tactics,
September 2003, p. 2.
97. Gandy, op. cit., p. 67.
98. Gandy, op. cit., p. 69.
99. Robert J. Griffin and Sharon Dunwoody, Impacts of Information Subsidies
and Community Structure on Local Press Coverage of Environmental Contamination, Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly, Vol. 72,. Summer
1995, pp. 271-284.
100. Whether the community had a pluralistic structurea diversified population and economy and a greater number and variety of interest groups
had no significant influence on coverage.
101. Ronald N. Levy, Public Policy Publicity: How to Do It, Public Relations Journal, Vol. 31, June 1975, pp. 19-21, 35-36. Telephone call on February 28,
2004 to New York City office confirmed that this service is still provided. 102. Using VNRs
Without Sparking Controversy, PR Week, May 17, 2004, p. 26. 103. Labeling to Be Clarified;
Newsource Will Name Funders of Video News Release, Television Week, March 22, 2004.
104. Video News Releases: What Works and Why? In The Video News Release
Handbook (New York: Medialink Video Broadcasting, 1991), p. 8.
105. Glenn Cameron and David Blount, VNRs and Air Checks: A Content Analysis of the Use of Video News Releases in Television Newscasts, Journalism
and Mass Communication Quarterly, Vol. 73, Winter 1996, p. 891.
106. The Television Version of the Printed Press Release, Medialink Worldwide,
http://www.medialink.com/vnr.htm.
107. Steve Coe, Mixed Blessings of Video News Releases, Broadcasting and Cable, Vol. 123, June 28, 1993, p. 17.
108. Ibid., pp. 896-900.
109. See Medialink List of Top Ten VNRs for 1993 Breaks Viewership Record,
Business Wire, February 15, 1994.
110. Coe, op. cit.
111. Anne R. Owen and James A. Karrh, Video News Releases: Effects on Viewer
Recall and Attitudes, Public Relations Review, Vol. 22, Winter 1996, pp.
369-378.
112. Cameron & Blount, op cit., p. 901.
113. Score More Coverage by Avoiding These Leading VNR Distribution, Production Pitfalls, Bull Dog Reporters Media Relations Insider, Sample Issue,
2001, p. 7.
114. Richard Weiner, Websters New World Dictionary of Media and Communications (New York: Webster s New World, 1990).
115. Krisztina Marton and Lowndes F. Stephens, The New York Times Conformity to AAPOR Standards of Disclosure for the Reporting of Public Opinion
Polls, Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly, Vol. 78, Autumn 2001,
p. 486.
116. Lori Robertson, Poll Crazy, American Journalism Review, Vol. 25, January-February 2003, p. 40.
117. Marton and Stephens, op. cit., pp. 498-499.
118. Mervin D. Field, Polls and Public Policy, Journal of Advertising Research,
Vol. 19, October 1979, p. 14.
119. Warren Miofsky and Martin Plissner, A Reporter s Guide to Published
Polls, Public Opinion, Vol. 3, June-July 1980, p. 16.
120.
135
Michael R. Gordon, The Image Makers in WashingtonPR Firms Have

Found a Natural Home, National Journal, Vol. 12, May 31, 1980, p. 884. 121. Ibid. It should be
noted that the press conference news release was not
cleared with the vice president of Group Attitudes, who, as a member of
the American Association of Public Opinion Research, would have been
obligated by the associations Code of Professional Ethics and Practices
to disclose the sponsorship of the survey. The code reads, When we become aware of the appearance in public of serious distortions of our research we shall publicly disclose what is required to correct the
distortion (section II.A.2). The code also states, We shall not knowingly make interpretations of research results, nor shall we tacitly permit interpretations, which are inconsistent with the data available
(article IX, section I.B.3). A Hill & Knowlton memorandum subsequently told the staff to clear release with Group Attitudes when its survey findings were reported.
122. From owneraapornet@usc.edu, January 3, 2002.
123. Philip Meyer, Precision Journalism, 2nd edition (Indiana University Press,
1979), pp. 185-186.
124. Marton and Stephens, op. cit., pp. 491-492.
125. John V. Pavlik, New Media Technology: Cultural and Commercial Perspectives
(Boston: Allyn & Bacon, 1996), p. 141.
126. Holtz, op. cit., p. 159.
127. Coy Callison, Media Relations and the Internet: How Fortune 500 Company Web Sites Assist Journalists in News Gathering, Public Relations Review, Vol. 29, March 2003, pp. 38-39.
128. Ibid., p. 39.
129. Ibid., p. 34.
130. Ibid., p. 39. Originally mentioned in Michael Lissauer, Online Media Strategy: Reaching dot-com Newsrooms, The Public Relations Strategist, Vol. 6,
No. 3, 2000, pp. 26-28.
131. Survey: Media Are Becoming Wired, op. cit.
132. The New BusinessStop Press, Economist, July 4, 1998, p. 17.
133. Herb B. Berkowitz and Edwin J. Feulner, Jr., Impact of the Communications Revolution on Public Affairs: Pervasiveness of Public Affairs Messages
Today, in Practical Public Affairs in an Era of Change, ed. Lloyd B. Dennis
(Lanham, Md.: University Press of America, Inc., 1996), p. 51.
134. Brent Baker, Decisions at the Speed of TV Satellites, Vital Speeches of the
Day, Vol. 58, July 15, 1992, p. 581.
135. Brent Baker, War & Peace in a Virtual World, Proceedings, April 1997, p.
37.
136.
Ibid.,
p.
38.
137. Ibid., p. 39.
138. Ibid., p. 40. In the context of the Gulf War, Baker didnt like what he saw,
namely, that the government and the military were falling behind the
changes in the news media industry.
139. CNN in the Doldrums: The Networks Not Working, Economist, August
2001, p. 54.
140. ComNews, a private newsletter distributed by former Dean Brent Baker,
Boston University, College of Communication, January 30, 2002.
141. Stempel, op. cit., pp. 550-551.
142. Ibid., p. 552.
136
143.
CHAPTER 4
PEW Research Study on Nightly News Viewership, Spring

press.org.
144. Elisabeth Bumiller, White House Letter; Its Not Time or Newsweek, By
Design, New York Times, September 30, 2002, Late Edition, p. A22.
145. Of All Media, the Most Powerful Are Talk Show Hosts Because Theyre the
Most Personal, pr reporter, Vol. 35, June 8, 1992, p. 3.
2002,
www.people-
Chapter
Gaining
Semicontrol
Over
Media: Broadcast Appearances
the
Broadcast appearances by corporate executives and other spokespersons

allow corporations to gain greater control over messages disseminated
through the mass media. Messages are no longer delivered to newspapers, magazines, and broadcasters and left there for their gatekeepers to
decide on whether or how to use the materials. With broadcast appearances, the sender delivers the messages directly to television and radio
audiences. As someone who is interviewed on a broadcast medium or
appears on a panel, he or she has wide latitude in deciding what to say.
The interviewer or moderator, of course, sets the agenda and asks questions, but the interviewee or participant can carefully compose answers
and skillfully interpose messages he or she wants to transmit.
The sender in the communication process thereby establishes semicontrol over the
media, the degree depending largely on the communication skills of the spokesperson.
Although these skills vary widely among corporate individuals, they can be enhanced
through training programs and advice, such as this chapter provides.
Semicontrol, however, does involve risks. On television the camera
reveals all and, in Ronald Reagans words, The camera doesnt lie. 1
Larry King, the well-known talk show host, elaborated on Reagans
statement: People are transparent when you put them in front of the
cameras, which is why we use lots of close-ups. No one, not the most
disciplined performer, can control every gesture, every expression all
the timebut those things all transmit important information to viewers.2 As stated by Vice President Al Gore, The television camera really
is a kind of personality X-ray machine. Over time the character of the
individuals being judged by the American people will be more or less accurately assessed through television.3
137
138
CHAPTER 5
POLITICS ILLUSTRATES THE POWER OF TELEVISION

Of the two broadcast media, radio and television, television is usually
the most effective and efficient means of communicating to large audiences. Local and network television is the source from which most
Americans receive their news. Viewers actually watch television programs about 12 hours a week (although their TV sets are on between 22
and 28 hours a week).4
From a propaganda viewpoint, the major advantage of reaching audiences through television is people simply receive what is dished out to
them through inadvertent exposure. They do so uncritically because
their defense mechanisms are set at low or off. Communication theorists call this behavior information processing, which is variously described as passive learning or learning without involvement, in contrast
to information seeking.5
Television has another attribute: viewing has become a habit similar
to a drug. An addicted person spends a great deal of time using a substance, uses it more often than intended; makes repeated unsuccessful
efforts to reduce use; gives up important social, family, or occupational
activities to use it; and reports withdrawal symptoms when use is
stopped. When researchers beeped into people who were watching TV,
people
reported
feeling
relaxed
and
passive.
EEG
studies
similarly
showed less mental stimulation during viewing than during reading.
TV has such a hold on people because of their orienting responsethe instinctive visual or auditory reaction to any sudden or novel stimulus.
Its a built-in sensitivity to movement and potential predatory threats.
People remember what they have seen when the program has many editsa change from one camera angle to another in the same visual
scene. However, theres a limit: If the number of cuts exceeds 10 in 2
minutes, recognition drops off sharply.6
The effectiveness of television is best illustrated by its widening use
and success in political campaigns. Reflecting the properties of information processing, Kathleen Hall Jamieson, in her book Dirty Politics:
Deception, Distraction, and Democracy, tells how television grants creators of campaign discourse some Svengalian powers that print and
radio lack. The visual capacity of television enables politicians to reconfigure reality in ways that heighten the power of the visceral appeal and make the analytic processing of rapidly emerging claims all
but impossible.7
Cognitive psychologists explain this effect by pointing out that visuals are processed peripherally on the edges of consciousness, where critical acuity does not come into play. 8
The testing of evidence and
evaluating of propositions does not occur in the absence of central processing. What counts, therefore, is not the quality of arguments but the
presumed expertise or attractiveness of the communicator.9
GAINING SEMICONTROL OVER THE MEDIA
139
This attribute of visual communication is exploited in negative political advertising. Jamieson describes the Bush campaigns famous Willie
Horton ad, which dramatized the message that George Bush was tough
on crime and Michael Dukakis was soft on crime. A bright picture of a
smiling Bush says, Bush supports the death penalty for first-degree
murderers. A dark photo of Dukakis (in which his hair is unkempt)
then appears and a voice says, Dukakis not only opposes the death penalty, he allows first-degree murderers to have weekend passes from
prison.10 The emotional words kidnapping, stabbing, and raping
appear on the screen with Hortons picture, and the announcer adds,
Horton fled, kidnaping a young couple, stabbing the man and repeatedly
raping
his
girlfriend.
Another
revolving
door
ad
sequence
showed a bleak prison scene and then cut to a procession of convicts
circling through a revolving gate and marching toward the nations living rooms.11
Argument,
engagement,
and
accountabilityJamiesons
criteria
for judging political discourseare absent in this political ad. An assertion made in a 30-second ad is not the same as argument, which is
backed up by facts and logical reasoning intended to demonstrate the
truth or legitimacy of a proposition. Argument takes more time than a
sound bite allows.12
Gone, however, are the hour-long speeches typical of the 19th century, which allowed the advancement of the argument. In 1988, an
average stump speech was under 17 minutes, answers in debates between 1 and 2 minutes, candidate sound bites on CBS, ABC, and NBC
evening news programs 9.8 seconds, and presidential campaign ads 30
seconds.13
Candidates have learned to speak in sound bites. Even
low-key Walter Mondale, in a debate with Gary Hart in 1984, skewered his opponent by saying, When I hear your new ideas, Im reminded of that ad, Wheres the beef?14 Because political debates do
not allow sufficient time for in-depth arguments, beef is in short
supply. The criterion of engagementa process of comparison that
enables audiences to determine which argument has the greater
forcewas thus violated.15
At least accountability was present because the audience heard words spoken by the actual candidates and
not some faceless announcer as in the Willie Horton ads.
If corporations were allowed to present advocacy ads on television,
the marketplace of ideas would be in jeopardy of deteriorating into
the kind of abbreviated sound bites characteristic of political advertising. In broadcast appearances by corporate executives and other employees, however, accountability is at least assured, and depending on
the professionalism of the interviewer, arguments may be demanded.
On programs such as the Lehrer News Hour, where both sides of an issue
are typically presented, engagement is also possible. However, as participants in broadcast appearances become increasingly sophisticated,
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CHAPTER 5
the pressure to win an argument drives them to copy the methods of political
campaigning, as a subsequent section on learning how to speak TV will demonstrate.
OPPORTUNITIES ABOUND FOR BROADCAST APPEARANCES
With increased opportunities to appear on radio and television talk
shows, executives and spokespersons, such as scientists, are learning to
take advantage of the semicontrol they can exercise through these access media. The challenges in dealing with these media are (a) to select
those that best reach desired audiences and (b) to enlarge the semicontrol aspect in your favor.
There is no lack of broadcast stations in the United States. As of September 2002, there
were 1,714 television stations and 13,296 radio stations.16 Network television talk shows
include Good Morning America, The Today Show, CBS This Morning, The
Tonight Show With Jay Leno, Larry King Live, Late Show With David
Letterman, and Sunday Today. Syndicated shows include Geraldo, Oprah, Regis and
Kelly, Maury Povich, Sally Jesse Raphael, and Jenny Jones.17
Talk radio has also flourished, as these facts show:
The early 1990s witnessed an explosion of talk programs, reaching

1,168 stations in 1994 from 360 in 1990.18
Fifty-six percent of carbound adults and 85% of all Americans aged
12 and older tune into the radio during morning driving time (6-10 a.m.
weekdays).
During afternoon driving time (3-7 p.m.), 60% of commuters and
80% of all Americans tune in.19
The popular Rush Limbaugh show broadcasts on more than 650
stations, representing about 20 million listeners. His audience is
97% white, 60% male and middle-aged, and it generally dislikes the
national press, according to the Times Mirror Center for People and
the Press.20
The impact of radio talk shows is enormous. They are credited with
the passage of Californias Proposition 13 and the spreading of the idea
of local tax limits across the nation. In Massachusetts, Jerry Williams,
host of Bostons WRKO, singlehandedly forced repeal of his states
seatbelt law.21 Talk shows were also credited for the November 1994 Republican election victory, partly because about 70% of the countrys
talk radio hosts call themselves conservative. 22 In the 2002 elections, the
talk shows may have contributed to the Democratic election losses of
the Senate majority and six House seats. These hosts are recipients of
faxes and talking points from Republican leaders. Many brag about
their new status as political power brokers. 23
Some of their methods,
however, are often outrageous, as illustrated in Box 5.1.
141
Most talk shows are conservative, ranging from right to extreme

right, says Joe Conason. Following Rush Limbaugh is Sean Hannity,
with an audience of more than 10 million. Among the top 10 radio hosts
there is not a single liberal. 24 Looking for ways to deliver their message
to voters beyond the Beltway, Democrats were planning to launch a national talk show, Democracy Radio, in January 2004. Ed Schulz, a radio
personality with a liberal bent. who hosts a radio program broadcast on
seven stations in the Dakotas, has been signed on. 25
Talk shows affect business as well as politics, partly because business
coverage has grown in recent years. A well-known example is the appearance of a Florida man on CNNs Larry King Live who said his wife
died of cancer because she used a cellular phone. Eight days later, the
stock price of Motorola, the biggest maker of cellular phones, dropped
20%despite the lack of scientific studies on the question. 26
Some major corporate executives have also been treated like celebrities
by the mediafirst built up by the media and then taken down. This happened to Robert C. Stempel of General Motors, John F. Akers of IBM, and
James D. Robinson III of American Express. These executives are viewed
as shared talismans, points of reference in a fragmented society. 27
INCREASED CORPORATE USE OF BROADCAST
APPEARANCES
For over two decades, the corporate use of broadcast appearances
grown. One study of 1,300 Fortune corporations found that 62 % of 395
has
Box 5.1 Examples of Excesses of Some Talk Shows

1. Thomas S. Foley (D-Wash.), former Speaker of the House, lost
his seat partly because he took round-the-clock hits from three radio
stations. In one, Richard Clear of KGA-AM asked Mr. Foley, married to
the same woman for 24 years, if he was a homosexual (something
Clear picked up from one of the anti-Clinton broadsides faxed to hundreds of talk shows every week). Mike Fitzsimmon, another conservative host, was bothered by this and said, The mean-spiritedness, the
desire to create an us-versus-them, that bothers me. 28
2. Bob Mohan of KFYI, in criticizing the wife of Jim Brady (President Ronald Reagans former press secretary who was shot in an assassination attempt on the president), said, You know, she ought to
be put down. A humane shot at a veterinarians would be an easy way
to do it. Because of all her barking and complaining, she really needs
to be put down.29
3. Don Baker of KVOR in Colorado Springs, Colorado, said of Attorney General Janet Reno, We ought to slap Janet Reno across the
face and send her back to Florida where she can live with her relativesthe gators.30
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CHAPTER 5
respondents said one or more senior executives in their company had

participated in a broadcast news interview during the preceding 18
months.31 Now the practice is so widespread that media training has become an accepted part of management training, reports Retail Week.32
Corporations typically choose spokespersons with high rank in the
companychairman,
CEO,
president,
chief
financial
officeror
someone with expertise in a particular area. Corporate spokespersons say
their executives are treated fairly in almost all interviews, and two in
five respondents likewise reported receiving fair treatment in every interview, which suggests that spokespersons feel they are in reasonable
control of their performance. It is not that news organizations have
mellowed, said John A. Higgins, public relations director of Brouillard.
Instead, we think more and more top corporate executives have learned
what their rights are in a news interview situation and are using this information to their advantage. 33
Media Training and Skills
For decades now, corporate executives have been flocking to a variety of
media training programs that teach them to face a hostile newscaster, to
become aware of nonverbal cues, and to respond correctly. These training programs have been offered by advertising agencies, public relations
firms, universities, and specialized training organizations. For example,
Rowan & Blewitt claims it is one of the largest media training companies
in the United States, providing more than 500 training sessions a year to
half of the top 50 Fortune 500 companies.34 In typical training sessions,
executives performances are often taped so they can observe themselves and make any improvements.
PR Week reported in April 2000 that media training had become a hot
market. As Virgil Scudder, CEO of Virgil Scudder & Associates, a New
York City training firm states, Few top executives go before the television cameras or face notebook-wielding reporters without spending
time with a media trainer. 35
Because so many business executives
deeply distrust the media, an understanding of how journalists work
lessens their tendency to dodge reporters. Scudder believes that at a minimum, a training program should accomplish these objectives:
Increase the skill and confidence of the executive(s) being trained.
Test and refine your organizations message points.
Identify the most difficult questions your company
counter and formulate answers for them.
Give the executive a better understanding of how the media work.36
is
likely
to
en-
Burson-Marsteller reported in 2000 that it quadrupled its media

training revenues in the previous 2 years, and The Heminway Media
Group doubled its revenues. Burson-Marsteller charged $7,500 for a
143
half-day session for up to three people or $9,500 for a full-day session

for up to five people. The sessions cover a variety of situationspreparing for crisis situations as well as client presentations. Sessions also
vary in topics included. Burson-Marsteller offers sessions in media
training,
presentation
skills
training,
communication
and
leadership
skills,
specialized
communication
settings,
and
communicating
difficult issues.37
The skills learned also vary. For example, the public relations firm Hill & Knowlton uses
realistic methods such as putting trainees through ambush interviews. When least
expected, glaring lights and a television camera confront a trainee while the reporter tries to
use shock tactics such as interrupting an answer to get a story. A few words and some
body language must convey everything, says George Glazer, senior vice president at Hill &
Knowlton.38
Deciding Whether to Appear
Public relations professionals and others who are familiar with broadcast opportunities know the risks and benefits of various programs.
PBSs News Hour with Jim Lehrer is a relatively low-risk venture with the
benefit of reaching relatively highly
informed viewers, including lawmakers
and
government officials.
However, a
television
magazine program, such as 60 Minutes, is a high risk, partly because it is more an
entertainment than a news show. Some producers on these programs
tend to be highly skeptical, if not downright hostile, toward corporations. The danger also exists that a company spokesperson might be
sabotaged by previously undisclosed video footage or other deprecatory
information.
This risk was apparent to Reeboks senior public relations director,
Dave Fogelson, when his company was asked to provide a company
spokesperson to go on camera for a live broadcast on CBSs Eye to Eye
With Connie Chung on a story about child labor abuse in a Sialkot, Pakistan, factory where Reeboks soccer balls were produced. Fogelson adamantly declined the request but, not wanting to appear to be closing off
or avoiding the media, agreed to provide a written statement of Reeboks
perception of the incident and assurance that the proper steps would be
taken to correct the situation.39 The program, aired on April 6, 1995,
showed films of children as young as 6 years old making soccer balls for
Adidas or Reebok for a few dollars a day. It also said that as many as
25,000 children labored in Sialkot workshops. Reebok was spared further unfavorable mention; an Associated Press news story on the CBS
show said Reebok, along with Adidas, first learned of the practice from
CBS and was working to halt it.40
Herb Schmertz, former vice president of public affairs and a member of the board of
directors for Mobil Oil, states the game is fixed in programs such as 60 Minutes; it is
they who are in control. However, there are ways to reduce uncertainty.41
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CHAPTER 5
Schmertz recommends that, when first contacted by

do some research before deciding to participate.
Ask the producer such questions as, Exactly what is the segment
about? What is its thesis? Whom do you want to interview from
our organization, and why?
Call a meeting of the top people in the organization to decide
whether the person they want to interview is effective on TV,
whether the segment could be done without your participation
and what the consequences would be, and, finally, what your response will be. In the process, review the work of the producer
and journalists who are working on the particular segment.
Explore various requests and options with the producer. Ask for
copies of documents and sources of any negative statements they
plan to question you about. Say you want the interview unedited. Even though the request will be denied, it shows youre
wise to their tricks, says Schmertz. Offer the possibility of an offcamera background briefing by your technical people if the subject is complex.
show,
you
How to Handle the Interview

Your goal is not to compete with the starsthe programs network will never allow its stars
to look badbut to make the audience think well of you and your views. In preparation,
try to avoid plowing through mountains of material.
Do the following:
Take a clean sheet of paper and write down the essential points.
Keep rewriting until they are crisp, clear, and colorful.
Decide to make three points on the show regardless of what questions are asked.
Rehearse your answers in at least two mock interviews with both
inside and outside experts.
Avoid the advice to be yourself on TV; try to be a bit of an actor.
Use a makeup person, and on the day of the interview, go for a
swim or long walk, take a nap, or get a massage or facial.
Play your comments in the direction of a conversation because the
listening audience sees itself as eavesdropping.
Repeat your main points because only a small portion of the interview will actually be aired.42
Media coach Lori Robertson, who started her own consulting business
in media training after 13 years as a radio and TV reporter, explains what
reporters do and offers advice on how to respond to reporter questions:
Speak in sound bites10- to 12-second statements
145
Be honest; dont lie.

Never accept a false premise. The interview has the right to correct
the record first.
Stay on point with whatever message you try to convey.
Avoid the Paul Harvey trap. Matt Lundy, a former media coach,
says, Harvey often has long pauses, and in an interview people
tend to rush into an answer rather than wallow in the silence. By
doing so, Lundy says, youre probably going to go down a road
you dont want to go.
Another consideration: Reporters dont always like to deal with people
who are coachedtheyre not giving their real responses; theyre
acting.43
Impressions Count
Marshall McLuhan wrote in his well-known book, Understanding Media, that television is a cool medium, meaning the viewing audience
highly participates in forming a complete image of what is broadcast. 44
Intuitively, Ronald Reagan used television for both its impression-creating quality and intimacy. He demonstrated his skill in the famous debate with Jimmy Carter in which he successfully presented himself as a
likeable and capable person who would not embroil the nation in war.
When Carter turned on Reagan, the latter undercut Carter s image of
personal decencywhich was one of Carter s few remaining campaign
assetsby turning to his opponent and saying, There you go again,
thereby reinforcing his own air of gentle reason. Reagan knew that impressions count.
Handling Trick Questions
Peter Hannaford in Talking Back to the Media gives many examples of
how to identify and handle trick questions. How should Coors handle
this question containing a loaded preface: Your business is slipping,
theres an effective national boycott against you, people say youre
antiblack, antiwoman. How can you expect to survive? The correct response, said Shirley Richard, former head of corporate communications
for Coors, is, I dont agree with your statements, but we will survive
because we brew a unique quality beer. 45
Here are some rules to follow in television interviews:
Never repeat your accusers allegations. Instead, be positive.

statement I am not a crook should have been Im honest. 46
Have a SOCOa single overriding communications objective.
(Hannaford quotes Anne Ready, a Los Angeles-based media consultant, who says the biggest mistake people make is waiting for the
Nixons
146
CHAPTER 5
right questions and not remembering their objective. She suggests that once a
question is asked, acknowledge it and then bridge to the answer that furthers
your objective.)47
Focus on what you want to tell. Dont be afraid to cover something. Dont feel compelled to respond to every question if its not
in your interest.48
Remember the advice of Paul Bender, Boeings public relations director: You can control any interview.
Learning How to Speak TV
Because television is a mass medium, many people who appear forget
that theyre having a conversation, not making a speech or a statement, says Clarence Jones in How to Speak TV.49 You have to think of
the TV audience as one or two people sitting in their living room
about 6 or 7 feet away. Talk to the camera, but if youre being interviewed, people expect you to look at the reporter who asked the question and not at them.
More than 10,000 people are interviewed each day for television news, says Jones. If
you are one of them, he offers these formulas for improving your performance:
1. Condense, condense, condense. Dealing with electronic journalism requires a completely different mind-set than dealing with print
media. Time is the master. Most stories run 30 seconds or less and a
major story only 90 seconds. Story forms are dictated by findings
that the attention span of most adults is 20 to 30 seconds. One exercise, therefore, is to try to say in one sentence everything you feel or
know about a difficult subject. Then pad it out to make 20 or 30 seconds. One-liners are guaranteed to air!
2. Apply the FACE formula. F is for feels. When youre on camera,
reciting facts or figures is out. Tell it with graphs and charts instead.
Or use analogies such as The money we spend treating this disease
would buy everybody in the state a new Cadillac this year. What
television is interested in is having you say how something feels. But
beware: Dont lose your temper on camera, particularly with a
young reporter or employee. People expect leaders to be patient.
A is for analysis. Youre the expert, so give people your opinion on a subject., but do it
in short, simple sentences. Avoid parenthetical thoughts and phrases (e.g., As I said
earlier ) that make a sentence too long for television.
C is for revolving your story around one of six broad categoriesthe
compelling
Cs: catastrophe, crisis, conflict, crime, corruption, and color (the television term for human interest). For example,
a school board member might say at a budget hearing, Looks to me
like the school superintendent has sold out [corruption] to the real-
147
tors who are fighting this tax increase [conflict]. If this tax is not approved, we may have to shut down some of our schools [crisis].
E is for energy. You must project that you truly believe what youre saying.50
Keeping a message simple and attention getting is key. Hannaford
tells us to avoid the jargon of your own business or profession. For example, dont, as an educator once did, use the term primarily modular
learning environment when what is really meant is classroom. 51 In the
preparation of statements for broadcast, Michael M. Klepper teaches
how to rephrase statements into an abbreviated, attention-grabbing
opening. Instead of saying, George Ellis, chairman of the XYZ Plastics
Corporation, has just returned from Europe where, he says, plastics are
easily burned in clean, modern incinerators, he suggests saying, Plastics! How can we dispose of them? Some say we cant. George Ellis says
we can.52
Looking Your Best on TV
Hannaford and others give the following advice about looking your best on television:
Wear blues, grays, and pastels. Avoid wearing anything black or
white; bright reds may also be a problem. Other solids or clothing
with small patterns are safest; herringbone patterns, plaids,
checks, or stripes create a lot of visual activity in the scene.
Wear socks that are long enough to reach under your pants.
Women should wear simple, small pieces of jewelry and should
avoid wearing sparkling, glittery jewelry or noisy bracelets. Also
avoid dangling earrings that distract the audience. Men should
avoid giant, glistening gold tie clasps.
Men should use a little powder or natural base makeup to cover the
blue outline of their beards. Women should use normal makeup but
avoid dark reds or maroons because they are accented by the camera.
When sitting in a chair in television appearances, sit in the front
part of the chair and lean forward because this shows involvement
and interest.
Dont look too slick; audiences respond to someone they can relate to.
Use hands to gesture, up to a point. Avoid such body language and
habits as wriggling in your seat or putting hands in your pocket.
Maintain eye contact with the interviewer; do not look at the camera. Looking at another guest who is speaking is permissible, but
afterward look at the interviewer.
Smile whenever possible, except when it would be considered insensitive.53
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CHAPTER 5
CONCLUSIONS
By observing the techniques of successful
broadcast appearances, corporate executives can greatly enhance the amount of control they have
in conveying their messages to radio and television audiences. Semicontrol is an apt term for this process. There is never complete control,
but a skilled communicator can operate somewhere in the range of 50%
to 80% percent control.
ENDNOTES
1. Larry King, with Mark Stencel, On the Line: The New Road to the White House
(New York: Harcourt Brace, 1993), p. 147.
2. Ibid., p. 96.
3. Ibid., p. 73.
4. John A. Bace, Broadcast Media Relations, in The Handbook of Strategic Public
Relations & Integrated Communications, ed. Clarke L. Caywood (New York:
McGraw-Hill, 1977), p. 78.
5. James E. Grunig and Todd Hunt, Managing Public Relations (New York: Holt,
Rinehart & Winston, 1984), p. 149. The authors credit Herbert E. Krugman
for this concept. See The Impact of Television Advertising: Learning Without
Involvement, Public Opinion Quarterly, Vol. 29, 1965, pp. 349-345, and,
with Eugene L. Hartley, Passive Learning From Television, Public Opinion
Quarterly, Vol. 34, 1970, pp. 184-190.
6. Robert Kubrey and Mihaly Csikszentmihalyi, Television Addiction Is No Mere
Metaphor, Scientific American, No. 286, February 2002, pp. 74-80.
7. Kathleen Hall Jamieson, Dirty Politics: Deception, Distraction, and Democracy
(New York: Oxford University Press, 1992), pp. 9-10.
8. Ibid., p. 60.
9. Ibid., p. 53.
10. Ibid., p. 17.
11. Ibid., pp. 18-19.
12. Ibid., p. 216.
13. Ibid., p. 206.
14. Ibid., p. 209.
15. Ibid., p. 216.
16.
Federal
Communications
Commission,
News
Media
Information:
Broadcast Station Total as of September 30, 2002, November 6, 2002.
17. Rene A. Henry, Jr., Marketing Public Relations: The Hows That Make It Work
(Ames: Iowa State University Press, 1995), p. 104.
18. Timothy Egan, Triumph Leaves No Targets for Conservative Talk Shows,
New York Times, January 1, 1995, p. 1.
19. Rebecca Pirto, Why Radio Thrives, American Demographics, Vol. 16, May
1994, p. 42.
20. Egan, op. cit., p. 1.
21. Of All Media, the Most Powerful Are Talk Show Hosts Because Theyre the
Most Personal, pr reporter, Vol. 35, June 8, 1992, p. 3.
22. Egan, op. cit., p. 1.
23. Ibid., p. 22.
149
24. Joe Conason, Big Lies: The Right-Wing Propaganda Machine and How It Distorts the Truth (New York: St. Martins, 2003), p. 47.
25. Mark Preston, On the Air in 04: A Liberal Voice, Roll Call, October 27,
2003. Internet.
26. Howard Fineman, The Power of Talk, Newsweek, February 8, 1993, p. 24.
27. Allen R. Myerson, Are Fallen Barons Victims of Their Press Clippings? New
York Times, February, 7, 1993, p. F7.
28. Ibid.
29. Timothy Egan, Talk Radio or Hate Radio? Critics Assail Some Hosts, New
York Times, January 1, 1995, p. 22.
30. Ibid.
31. The study was conducted by Richard Manville, Inc., for Brouillard Communications, a division of J. Walter Thompson Company, 420 Lexington Ave.,
New York, NY 10017. See news release dated October 5, 1981. The very
largest companiesthose with $1 billion or more in annual salesshowed
the highest rate (74%) of participation. Seventy-two percent favored using
broadcast interviews to communicate company policy; only 15% were opposed. More than 60 companies moved to this proactive policy during the
preceding 5 years.
32. Retail PeopleMedia Training, Retail Week, November 9, 2002, p. 43.
33. Ibid.
34. From an announcement of an April 11 and 12, 1994, event by the National
Media Relations Forum, P.O. Box 2189, Berkely, Calif. 94702.
35. Virgil Scudder, Media TrainingGetting It Right, Public Relations Tactics,
May 2003, p. 14.
36. Ibid.
37. The Media Training Mavens, PR Week, April 5, 2000, p. 21.
38. Edith Terry and Bradley Hitchings, Learning to Shine in the Limelight,
39. Based on a report by Karen Carney in a crisis communication class at Boston
Universitys College of Communication, October 5, 1999
40. Associated Press, Pakistani Child Labor Used on UNICEF Tools, CBS Says,
Seattle Post-Intelligencer [Online], April 6, 1995.
41. Herb Schmertz, with William Novak, Good-Bye to the Low Profile: The Art of
Creative Confrontation (Boston: Little, Brown, 1986), pp. 102-117.
42. Herb Schmertz, Talking Back to Mike Ambush and Harry Reasonable,
Across the Board, Vol. 23, June 1986, pp. 60-66. Also see Edith Terry and
Bradley Hitching, Learning to Shine in the Limelight, BusinessWeek, July 7,
1986, pp. 88-89.
43. Lori Robertson, The Art of Self-Defense, American Journalism Review, Vol.
24, April 2002, pp. 46-51.
44. Marshall McLuhan, Media Hot and Cold, in Understanding Media: The Extensions of Man (New York: New American Library, 1964), pp. 36-45.
45. Peter Hannaford, Talking Back to the Media (New York: Facts on File, 1986),
pp. 46-47.
46. Ibid., p. 59.
47. Ibid., p. 60.
48. There Are Only 2 Reasons to Meet the Press, pr reporter, Vol. 32, January
23, 1989, p. 4.
49. Clarence Jones, How to Speak TV (Marathon, Fla.: Video Consultants, 1983),
p. 22.
50. Ibid., pp. 23-25.
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51. Hannaford, op. cit., p. 43.

52. Michael M. Klepper, Getting Your Message Out: How to Get, Use, and Survive
Radio and Television Air Time (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1984), p.
70.
53. Hannaford, op. cit.; also Survive the Interview, PR Week, June 18, 2004, p.
29.
Chapter
Gaining Complete Control

the Media: Advocacy Advertising
Over
It is important to have complete control over a message when it carries

serious legal implications, when the media have distorted facts and your
views, and when you want to be on record. Advocacy advertisingalso
known as issues advertisingallows almost total control over when
and how a message reaches the public through the mass media.
With advocacy advertising, an organization can take its case to the
people and decide on the exact wording of the message, its style, timing, frequency of appearance, and, on occasion, its position in a publication (e.g., on the op-ed page of a newspaper). Furthermore, says
Marc Rosenberg, advocacy ads are an unavoidable part of the information stream and can themselves make news. And an ad campaign
can keep your message in front of the public long after the novelty
value of your news story has faded.1
As suggested by the term advocacy, an advocacy ad states ones views
and position on a controversial matter. S. Prakash Sethi, author of Advocacy Advertising and Large Corporations, says advocacy advertising is
concerned with the propagation of ideas and elucidation of controversial social issues of public importance in a manner that supports the position and interests of the sponsor while expressly denying the accuracy
of fact and downgrading the sponsor s opponents. 2
Advocacy advertising falls under the larger heading of corporate advertising, which is defined by the Association of National Advertisers as
aimed at improving consumer and investor perceptions of a company
rather than directly selling its products or services. 3 Included in corporate
advertising
is
institutional
advertisingalso
called
image
advertisingthat portrays an organization in a favorable fashion so as to win
151
152
CHAPTER 6
public goodwill and enhance its reputation. Product advertising is not included in
corporate advertising.
Political issue advertising should be distinguished from advocacy
advertising, although the line between them is not always clear. A clear
but narrow definition of issue advertising in politics is that it supports
the election of a candidate or political party. However, issue advertising may be used by business, labor, and other interest groups to influence public opinion positions that are espoused by particular
candidates.
For
example,
pharmaceutical giant Pfizer
in
2001
broadcast its own issue advertisement on prescription drug affordability in
seven congressional battleground states. It did so up front rather than
working through various organizations. 4 Anytime an ongoing public
policy issue, such as privatization of Social Security, becomes a campaign issue, the line between advocacy advertising and political issue
advertising becomes muddied.
Another
ambiguous
advocacy
advertising
campaign
was
a
30-second advertisement, prepared by the Bush administration, assuring
Medicare beneficiaries that the new Medicare prescription drug law
passed in 2003 would not affect them in any way except to provide
more benefits. The government planned to spend $9.5 million to run
the ad on national network and cable programs over 6 weeks. Democratic members of Congress and some liberal advocacy groups, however, complained, saying the ad amounted to a taxpayer-subsidized
political commercial for the administration. CBS consequently stopped
running the ads while the accuracy of the ad was investigated by Congresss General Accounting Office.5
When the tobacco industry runs an ad to oppose a congressional
antismoking bill, that is an advocacy ad intended to influence congressional votes. However, when an antismoking bill ad appears in the context of political campaigning and, as occurred during the spring and
summer of 1998, the ad shows a voter who pledges to remember this
fall what the politicians do this summer, the ad crosses over into a political ad. This and other ads were shown in five markets of choice, including Atlanta, Denver, and St. Louis, which happen to be markets
where Republican senators who opposed the bill were up for election.
Senator Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.) told his fellow Republican colleagues
that the industry would advertise to support those who voted against
the bill.6 Issue advertising of this kind is no longer clear advocacy advertising but crosses the line to political issue advertising, a controversial
subject discussed in chapter 11.
USE OF ADVOCACY ADS GROWS
In 2002 various organizations spent a total of $645 million on
ads, up from $520 million the year before, according to TNS
telligence/CMR.7 Much of this money is spent in the nations capital.
advocacy
Media in-
GAINING COMPLETE CONTROL OVER THE MEDIA
153
The Annenberg School study, Print and Television Legislative Issue Advertising in the Nations Capital in 2001, states that more than $45 million
was spent by about 375 advocacy groups on ads designed to influence
federal policymakers. About half of it was spent to purchase print or
television issue ads in the Washington, DC, media market. 8 This is certainly a growing niche, said Linda Dove, senior vice president at the
Washington office of the American Association of Advertising Agencies.
Many of the largest public relations firms maintain advocacy practices
in the Washington, DC, area, as well as a slew of political shops that specialize in the practice. Among the large firms are WPP Groups BursonMarsteller,
Omnicom
Groups
Fleishman-Hillard
and
Porter
Novelli,
and independent Edelman.9
Corporations and business interest groups are the major sponsors of
advocacy ads. Their superiority in economic resources gives them a
relative advantage over nonbusiness interest groups in being able to
afford such ads. Energy and power, education, telecommunications,
and health care issues lead in the capital area, accounting for 61% of
the total spending there. The top spender in 2001 was Balanced Energy
Choices, which spent more than $5 million on ads promoting coal as
affordable, clean, efficient and reliable. 10
As shown by the Annenberg study, of the $15.4 million spent on issues relating to national energy policy, about 94% ($14.5 million) came
from energy and business interests; environmental interests accounted
for a mere 6%. The largest spender promoting the presidents policy was
the Alliance for Energy and Economic Growth, whose members include
the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, the American Gas Association, the
American Petroleum Institute, BP, Chevron Texaco, and other energy
firms and associations. In contrast to the $1 million spent by them, the
environmental coalition Save Our Environment, the largest spender in
opposition, spent only about $40,000. The spending pattern was reversed, however, on the issue of the Arctic National Wildlife Preserve
with ads opposing its development beating out those in favor of drilling
with 53% of total spending, led by the National Audubon Society.11
Although most interest groups find the cost of ads prohibitive and
save their dollars for public relations activities, in a recent trend some
interest groups are willing to budget for ads supporting their views because they recognize the effectiveness of advocacy advertising. People
for the Ethical Treatment of Animals (PETA) was an early adopter of corporate advertising techniques. Grassroots flavor and moral weight can
no longer compete with the polished, engaging tone of consumer advertising, said Dan Mathews, PETAs vice president for campaigns. PETA
learned over a decade ago in its antifur campaign that an ad showing
models posing in the buff was much more effective than showing animals writhing in leg-hold traps. Once upon a time, when hippies ruled
the earth, you wanted to avoid looking too slick, said Mathews, Nowadays, slick is the only thing that much of the masses understand. 12
Further impetus may have been given to interest group advertising by
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CHAPTER 6
the success of MoveOn.org, an electronic advocacy organization that said it raised

$250,000 in 18 hours to run an antiwar newspaper ad campaign in more than 111 cities
in 50 states.13
Besides PETA, other interest groups have also used advocacy advertising in their campaigns:
The Communications Workers of America broadcast a high-gloss
commercial immediately after the September 11 attack that called
on Verizon Communications, their employer, to abandon plans to
lay off thousands of workers.
The Evangelical Environmental Network created the What Would
Jesus Drive? fuel-efficiency campaign, a lighthearted play on
What Would Jesus Do, a popular evangelical Christian slogan. It
hoped to turn its $65,000 budget into a blizzard of media coverage
in outlets like Time magazine, NBC Nightly News, The Wall Street
Journal, and The New York Times.
Survival International in London added focus to its advertising by
linking diamond exploration by De Beers to the dislocation of native Bushmen in central Africa. Instead of television or the print
media, it replaced a billboard, showing model Iman wearing a De
Beers diamond, with a near-exact mock-up of a woman from the
Bushmen group and parodied the De Beers slogan, A diamond is
forever, with the line, The Bushmen arent forever.14
Broadcast Networks Restrict Advocacy Advertising
Unlike
political
issue
advertising
where
television
dominates,
newspapers and magazines have been the major outlets for advocacy advertising because broadcast networks have generally rejected such ads. Before
1987 broadcasters resisted these ads because the Fairness Doctrine
forced them to provide free airtime for opposing viewpoints. Resistance
to advocacy advertising lessened when this requirement was eliminated
and more advertising time was available with which to earn extra revenue. For example, in September 1990, NBC dropped the ban and allowed
its seven owned and operated stations to accept such spots.15
Despite the absence of legal restrictions, networks have imposed their
own restrictions. CBSs policy is not to sell time for the advocacy of
viewpoints on controversial issues of public importance. Specifically, a
commercial is considered unacceptable if it explicitly takes a position on
such an issue, or without taking an explicit position, presents arguments parallel those made by one side or the other. 16 For example, CBS
rejected MoveOn.orgs ad Child Play for broadcast during the Super
Bowl. Set to slow music, the 30-second spot features a montage of children working in menial adult jobs as janitors, dishwashers, and garbage
collectors and asks, Guess whos going to pay off President Bushs trillion-dollar deficit?17
155
CNN follows a similar policy. It refused to air a pair of 30-second announcements from two Jewish groups, saying, CNN does not take international advocacy ads concerning regions in conflict. This is the same
policy we applied when turning down ads that dealt with Egypt, Qatar,
UAE and Saudi Arabia. The ad read: America is Israels only real ally in
the Middle East. Israel is a democracy that respects the rights of individuals and gives all citizens a right to vote. All peopleChristians, Muslims, and Jewsenjoy freedom of religion, press and speech.
Disagreeing with CNN, The American Jewish Committee and Israel 21
said the TV spots stress common values between America and Israel and
should not be classified as issue advocacy.18
Fortunately for users of advocacy advertising, these network policies
have not been forced on local television stations, nor does cable television follow them. These outlets are often willing, and even eager, to accept advocacy ads. For example, only 3 of 14 television stations in
Michigan rejected the Right to Life adoption reform ads. One reason
broadcasters give for viewing advocacy advertising more positively is
that it looks tame and is less likely to upset viewers compared with the
trend toward below-the-belt political advertising.
Although a common explanation for rejection of ads is that controversial issues are best handled in regular news programs where balanced treatment can be provided, it is clear broadcasters accept or reject
ads on the basis of a mixture of economic and political considerations.
For example, when WNBC in 1990 rejected a 30-second ad from Neighbor to Neighbor, a national group that favors ending U.S. investments
in El Salvador, David Vacheron, standards and license manager for
WNBC, explained, There was no proof for the ads claim that American
aid was used to murder four Jesuit priests and 40,000 other innocent civilians in El Salvador. 19 Another factor may have been the fear of offending Procter & Gamble. The network had good grounds for this fear:
when WHDH in Boston ran a Neighbor to Neighbor spot in which consumers were urged to boycott P&Gs Folgers coffee, the company canceled approximately $750,000 in annual advertising at the station. 20
Print Media More Hospitable Toward Advocacy Ads
In contrast to television, free-speech protection allows the print media
to accept all kinds of politically and socially controversial ads following
the argument that pages are readily available, whereas broadcast frequencies are limited relative to the many who wish to use them. Nevertheless, because advocacy ads are attacked by those who feel offended, a
newspaper may also restrict such advertising. For example, on
Thanksgiving Day in 1991, Minneapolis Star Tribune published an ad
by the Citizens Committee to Stop the Northwest Airlines Loan, asking
readers to voice their dissent regarding government loans. Northwest
Airlines was outraged, but the newspaper pointed out it could not limit
its ads to those with which the paper agrees.21
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CHAPTER 6
OBJECTIVES OF ADVOCACY ADVERTISING

Advocacy ads can achieve four objectives: (a) correct media errors and distortion, (b)
attract public attention to, and support for, an issue neglected by the media, (c) stimulate
news coverage, and (d) attract the attention of and inform the legislature.
Correct Media Errors and Distortion
As mentioned in chapter 4, advocacy advertising can be viewed as
counter advertising to counter the news. 22
It is a way to hold the
media accountable. Advocacy ads allow a company to fight back when
reporters, commentators, and editorial writers are perceived as misinforming the public. As stated by Herbert Schmertz, former Mobil Oil
vice president of public affairs:
The use of advertising in controversial situations is not designed to convinceto get people with different viewpoints to say, I agree, (or I believe). It is designed to give pauseto arrest the process of easy
assumptions, to establish that there is another point of view. This is a necessary preliminary stage to open debate with open minds. 23
Mobil initiated intensive communication efforts to set the record

straight in the early 1970s. (See Box 6.1 for a celebrated example.) As
stated by Rawleigh Warner, Jr., then Mobils chairman, People know
that if they take a swipe at us, we will fight back. 24 At first Mobil simply joined other companies that believed in speaking out, but soon the
fact that we were different came out, says Warner. Mobils aim, he said,
is to educate people on the intricacies of the petroleum industry and the
American economic system:
Box 6.1 Mobils Hatchet Job Ad
Mobils 1976 hatchet job ad headline was What ever happened to
fair play?referring to a miniseries titled The Great Gasoline War,
on New York Citys nightly WNBC-TV news. In this shows five segments, adding up to 36 minutes, Liz Trotta set out to reveal the economics of the oil industry and why gasoline prices were high in the
New York area. The implication was that the oil industry was engaged
in a scheme to cheat consumers. Within a week, Mobil responded with ads in the New York
Times, the Daily News, and the eastern edition of the Wall Street Journal. The ad
charged, WNBC-TVs recent series on gasoline prices was inaccurate, unfair, and a
disservice to the people. The ad was festooned with 17 small hatchets to highlight each
distortion of truth as seen by Mobil.25
157
In short, we wanted to speak our piece. If we didnt make sense, if we

proved not credible over a long period of time, then we would take our
lumps. But we wanted to broaden the spectrum of ideas, information and
viewpoints, and we were willing to take our chances on the good sense of
the people.26
Schmertz expanded on this strategy. He said Mobils public affairs

program was an integral part of the energy businessnot something
extraneously designed to get our name in the paper, or make friends in
high places, or persuade people to love us. 27 Great statesmen, he said,
dont make decisions based on popularity polls. They move ahead on
the course that right and nation require. 28
Furthermore, Mobil intended to go beyond merely responding to the media. We expect to continue in our attempts to influence events rather than act on them after
the fact.29
Sometimes a film rather than a news story requires correction, as
happened with The Insider, a docudrama about whistle blower Jeffrey
Wigand, who exposed what Brown & Williamson knew about the relationship between smoking and cancer. The tobacco company, concerned
about the films allegation that it threatened Wigand and his family,
used a full-page ad to tell readers otherwise. The ad, A Letter to Disney
Shareholders, signed by Nick Brookes, chairman & CEO of Brown &
Williamson, states:
We are compelled to communicate with you in this fashion because we
have no other recourse. Your company is defaming us in a movie and has
refused our repeated attempts to set the record straight. The film clearly
suggests that Brown & Williamson threatened Wigand. We state here categorically that Brown & Williamson did not threaten Wigand or his family in
any way. Although Disney and Touchstone [the films producer] try to
absolve themselves of any responsibility for the many inaccuracies in the
movie by saying, certain events depicted in the film have been fictionalized for dramatic effect, such disclaimers are too little too late. No disclaimer can overcome the effect of such scenes on the audience,
particularly where an actor of Al Pacinos stature asserts repeatedly, hes
telling the truth.30
Garner Public Attention and Support

One of the cornerstones of a proactive policy is to garner public attention and support and thereby shape the outcome of an issue. Schmertz
sees advocacy ads as being in the pamphleteering tradition: Its a feisty,
frisky, free-swinging tradition that goes back at least to John Locke in
1689. We try to wear Tom Paines hat when were writing an advocacy
message or producing one for TV. The ads are directed at those who
make news, who write the newspapers and produce the TVand at all
the other opinion-molders and thought-leaders who shape public discourse in this country.31
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CHAPTER 6
Mobils advocacy campaign took four forms, as described by Donald

S. Stroetzel, Mobils manager of communications programs:
Op-eds, begun in September 1974, have been the mainstay of Mobils program. They appear every Thursday in the New York Times at the lower
quarter-page opposite the editorial page. They also appear in eight other
major newspapers and two news magazines. The ads are aimed at opinion
leaders,
primarily
politicians
in
Washington
and
state
government,
commentators and editors on TV and radio, newspaper editors, educators, and
senior business executives.
Observations, a column targeted at a popular audience, published in
Sunday supplements about every other week. The ad goes to about 500
newspapers, reaching about 40 million households. The column uses cartoons and woodcuts, and bold typeface to spark reader interest.
TV commercials, a 60-second spot on the same themes as the op-ed ads, seen on evening
news programs of 80 TV stations, reaching about 25 million households a month.
Special ads, a full-page treatment, usually for fire-fighting situations. 32
When a major issue arises, Mobil organizes media blitzes to have

their executives appear on broadcast shows and to meet with local
newspaper editors. In one of these, 21 executives were dispatched to 21
target cities, and within a day or two, they appeared on more than 100
talk shows, news broadcasts, and radio call-in programs. 33
The nuclear industry wanted to activate public support, motivated
by the fact that a number of plants were seeking 40-year license renewals. A flashy image campaign sponsored by the Nuclear Energy Institute
(NEI) seeks to activate support from the silent majority of educated
Americans. The NEI believes they back nuclear power but are afraid to
go public because they are certain most Americans are rabid antinuclear
activists. The ads carry the tag line, Nuclear: More Than You Ever
Imagined, and they position nuclear power as safe, efficient, and clean.
Influentials are targets via full-page ads in publications such as The
New York Times, Washington Post, the Economist, New Republic, and Atlantic Monthly.34
Stimulate News Coverage
Well-crafted advocacy ads not only draw public attention but, as the Harry and Louise
ads during the health care reform debates in 1994 demonstrated, also provide a media
event that engenders news stories, which, of course, attract more public attention. 35
Advocacy ads are useful, therefore, when proactive media relations efforts to obtain free
media coverage are inadequate or ineffective.
Research conducted by Kathleen Hall Jamieson, Annenberg Schools
dean, concluded, Several ad campaigns succeeded in generating news
159
coverage worth many times the cost of the ad placements themselves. 36

One half-page ad, Stop Teenage Addiction to Tobacco (STAT), accused
media CEOs of taking blood money by helping to promote a product
that the Surgeon General says is harmful and addictive. 37
The ad received widespread news coverage, partly because it was timed to appear
the day before the Surgeon Generals annual report on tobacco products
was released. Even more publicity was generated by stories about the refusal of The New York Times and the Los Angeles Times to run the ad.
Another example of publicity generation is the California Poultry Industry Associations
1994 ad, drawing attention to the fact that the Agriculture Departments definition of
fresh chicken included frozen birdsa definition to which the association objected.
Three months after the ad appeared, The New York Timess Living section featured a story
entitled If It Clucks Like a Bowling Ball.38
Influence Government Action
Advocacy advertising is also aimed at lawmakers and government officials to discourage
legislation and regulation. Thus, as mentioned in Part IV of this book, advocacy
advertising can extend into the legislative stage of an issues life cycle. The aim is not only to
influence lawmakers and officials directlyand thereby become an arm of direct lobbying
but also to influence public opinion that will enhance grassroots lobbying efforts. Some
past and recent examples are:
West Publishing used an advocacy ad to pressure the Justice De partment into holding
a meeting with it about a proposal that would allow the government to compete directly
in case law publications. After West ran a series of ads featuring cartoons with a trick-ortreat theme, the Justice Department agreed to a meeting. 39
The health care industry used advocacy ads to influence government in the 1994 debate over the Clinton health plan. Besides the
Harry and Louise ad by the Health Association of America, other
threatened
interests
used
advocacy ads. Delta, an insurance
company, placed a low-key, relatively high-frequency ad in the Washington Post, showing the value of dental insurance and the danger of
proposed changes. The ad also included image material, that Delta
was the nations oldest provider of group dental insurance. According to Delta, Majority Leader George Mitchell told Delta company
lobbyists he was aware of this message from having read the ads. 40
The AFL-CIO launched a major advertising blitz in July 1998 for
a sweeping managed-care overhaul bill; it warned congressional candidates they would pay a price in November if they did not back the
measure. The ads were scheduled to run in 20 House districts and in
five states where senators were targeted. The ads were part of a larger
grassroots effort supporting Patients Bill of Rights legislation and in-
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CHAPTER 6
cluding the shipment of fliers on the issue to regional councils, to be

distributed to workers at hundreds of work sites around the country.41
The tobacco industry has engaged in the most extensive use of
ads to arrest legislative action and to influence public opinion. On
May 23, 1994, R. J. Reynolds Tobacco, a unit of RJR Nabisco Holdings, began a multimillion-dollar advertising campaign to present its
views in the debate on smoking. The company announced that it
planned to follow up on the theme of individual freedom, a theme
that James W. Johnston was thought to have effectively communicated during the congressional hearings the previous month. 42
(See
Box 6.2 for examples of tobacco company ads.)
The probusiness group Arctic Power, Inc., led a $4 million advertising campaign to support President Bushs plan to open the Alaska
National Wildlife Refuge to oil and gas exploration. The ads were
timed to appear just as the Audubon Society planned to air its own
commercial in the Washington, DC market reminding people of the
rescue of oil-coated birds after the Exxon Valdez spill.
The Tax Relief Coalition, a group with more than 400 member
associations, planned to publish ads around the country in spring
2001 to promote Bushs tax plan. It was joined by the tax-cut advocacy group, Club for Growth, which had already started with its $1.5
million ad campaign. Illustrating the increasing use of advocacy ads
in politics, a group of Republican political consultants planned to
spend $5 million on ads bolstering Bush policies, starting with the tax
cut. We will run ads depending on where the debate is and where
help is needed, said Bill Dal Col, director of the Issues Management
Center, an activist public relations agency set up by conservatives. 43
HOW EFFECTIVE ARE ADVOCACY ADS?
The assumption underlying advocacy ads is that they are effective. With
reference to tobacco company ads, Jay Mathews, writing for the Washington Post, states, Advertising experts say that advocacy campaigns
can have a marked effect on the strength of voter support for more restrictions on smoking. He cites Tim Elliot, a partner in the firm that
produced Reynoldss ads, saying such advocacy campaigns have been
shown to change minds and ease political problems if the point is a real
one and you are prepared to commit to it over time. 44 Advertising executives who benefit from such advertising are, of course, inclined to exaggerate its effectivenessclaiming, in this case, the ability of issue ads
to change attitudes.
A 1981 survey of business and media executives, which explored the
basis of claims in support of issue advertising, was less confident about
its effectiveness. These executives generally rated issue advertising average or very good as a vehicle for achieving exposure of the market audi-
Box 6.2 Tobacco Company Ads

The first ad, which appeared in the May 23, 1994, issues of The New
York Times, the Wall Street Journal, USA Today, Washington Post,
the National Journal, and Roll Call, carried the headline Secondhand Smoke: How Much Are Non-smokers Exposed To? It answered,
Very little, and buttressed it by presenting three calculations. One
was, In a month, a non-smoker living with a smoker would, on average, be exposed to second-hand smoke equivalent to smoking approximately 1 cigarettes.45 The ad said, We believe that the
solution to most smoking issues can be found in accommodation. There are ways for
smokers and non-smokers to co-exist peacefully. And we encourage discussion that will help
solve the issues without resorting to Government intervention.46
The ad indirectly addresses the EPAs 1993 announcement that exposure to second-hand smoke causes lung cancer. In a subsequent
ad on May 26, 1994, R. J. Reynolds reprinted a Wall Street Journal
editorial by Jacob Sullum called Smoke & Mirrors: EPA Wages War
on Cigarettes. It states, The EPA twisted the evidence to arrive at a
predetermined conclusion. The editorial becomes technical when it
refers to the agencys blatant trick of using an unconventional definition of statistical significance. It refers to an article in Science stating
that the EPA was able to claim only a weak association between environmental tobacco smoke (second-hand smoke) and lung cancer,
even by using fancy statistical footwork.47
Philip Morris also took out ads in a four-part series on second-hand
smoke. The first was an article from Forbes MediaCritic, written by Jacob Sullum (identified as managing editor of Reason magazine).48 Another ad headline echoes the theme of Accommodation and refers
to a recent USA Today/CNN poll reporting that nearly 7 out of 10 respondents said they think that rather than banning smoking in public
places, smokers should be allowed to smoke in separate, designated
areas. The ad then refers to a program that helps owners of businesses, such as restaurants, bars and hotels, to accommodate the
choices of both their smoking and nonsmoking customers by setting up designated smoking
and nonsmoking areas. The ad ends, We want you to know where we stand.49
R. J. Reynolds also used humor in some ads, for example, showing
a suburban house surrounded by police cars with the caption, Weve
got you surrounded. Come out with your cigarettes.50 Joining the humor theme, an ad by Philip Morris poked fun at smoking restrictions
by showing workers puffing cigarettes at desks floating outside their
upper story office windows; the caption read, Have you noticed finding a place to smoke is the hardest part of your job?51
(continued)
161
162
CHAPTER 6
Box 6.2 (continued)

Together, R. J. Reynolds and Philip Morris tried to sway public opinion by presenting three negative consequences of a smoke-free society: the loss of the contribution of tobacco tax to government
budgets, a black market of tobacco products, and more unemployment. Referring to the previous prohibition of alcohol, an R. J.
Reynolds ad says, These most recent anti-smoking proposals represent nothing less than an attempt at tobacco prohibition, something
that will have serious implications for Americans. This ad, like others,
optimistically ends with the slogan Together, we can work it out.52
ence to the desired message or messages. 53 However, they thought that

effectiveness was limited because the public would perceive ads as being
too self-serving.
Furthermore, business executives of Fortune 500 companies thought
the use of the good corporate citizen copy focus had been overused to
the point it is now counter-productive in enhancing the image of an individual firm.54
Several noted, The often repeated symbolism of a
company who sees no evil, does no evil, and speaks no evil gets very
hard to swallow. What target groups want answered by ads is, What
have you done for me today and what will you do for me in the future?55 The real problem, some executives contended, is subject matter:
Substance is lacking and there is little or nothing to build the campaign
around. The fundamental question is whether the types of problems,
issues, and topics corporations now address in their corporate issue
campaigns can really be dealt with through advertising. 56
The effectiveness of advocacy advertising depends on many factors.
One factor is whether the ads themselves become newsworthy. The famous Harry and Louise TV ads for the defeat of the Clinton administrations 1994 health care reform bill, which were targeted only in the
home districts of key members of Congress and the Washington, DC
market, were successful because they stimulated millions of dollars of
free publicity on network news shows. Even more attention was inadvertently drawn to the ads when groups supporting the Clinton plan
ran ads attacking Harry and Louise. Further awareness of the ads was
created by a White House parody by President Clinton and his wife, Hillary, at a gridiron dinner.57
Achieving public awareness, however, is
only one of several levels of effectiveness.
Determine the Criteria for Effectiveness
The Harry and Louise ads attracted attention and stimulated news coverage, but is that enough? To be effective by themselves, the ads had to
also influence attitudes toward health care reform and, ultimately, con-
163
gressional voting behavior. As indicated in the well-known hierarchy of effects,

effectiveness must be measured on at least four levels:
1. Attracting attention or creating awareness. Ads are highly likely to be
effective in achieving this objective. An ad serves to place an issue on the public agenda.
According to an Opinion Research Corporation (ORC) study, 90% of U.S. adults said they
had read or heard an advocacy ad in the past 2 years.58
2. Creating understanding and comprehension. This result is less
likely and depends on such factors as public interest in the issue, its
complexity, and its emotional character. An ORC study reports that
58% of adults see the ads as at least fairly believable, with 64%
claiming they help them understand the issue under discussion.
However, a survey of congressional and other government leaders by
Yankelovich, Skelly, and White turned up less sanguine results. Although 90% said they read Mobil advocacy ads on the energy issue,
66% found them of little use in understanding energy deregulation issues; nor did the ads influence their opinion on any policy matter.
Furthermore, the ads were found to be abrasive, unpersuasive,
and antagonistic.59
3.
Influencing
attitudes. Communication
theorists contend information by itself rarely influences attitudes; it must be reinforced by
other activities, such as interpersonal communication. However, this
conclusion is tempered by the ORC study finding that 51% said the
ads changed their minds. Furthermore, the Harry and Louise ads created negative attention to the health care reform measure.
4. Influencing behavior. This result is the least likely. It should be
noted, however, that 25% in the ORC study said they took action by
writing to a public official about an issue and 12% said they wrote a
letter to an editor about it. Special situations, as described later, account for some successes.
The quality of an advocacy ad and its many attributes determine how
effective it is in reaching one or more of these four levels. Although lessons from product advertising apply, a few specific studies of the effectiveness of advocacy advertising suggest some special factors. One
study, which sought the reactions of a companys internal stakeholders,
identified
three
criteria:
professionalism,
creativeness,
and
consistency. Professionalism meant that an ad was distinctive or unique,
credible, up to date, recognizable, made a clear promise, addressed target audiences, was typical of the company, and was appealing to its own
employees. Professionalism was necessary to educate stakeholders; that
is, to create understanding.60
To
change
attitudes,
creativeness
was
neededexhibiting
such
attributes as being striking, authentic, original, surprising, unique, and humorous. To change behavior, consistency as well as professionalism
were required. Consistency refers to being consequent and coherent,
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CHAPTER 6
having a single concept and long-term focus. Judgment and skill are ob viously required to
translate these attributes into the design and composition of an ad.
Additional variables are described in an academic study conducted in a
classroom. Students were asked to contact their congresspersons to help
defeat impending legislation that would ban saccharin. The study found
that students considered a message in an advocacy ad more interesting
and informative, and hence more persuasive, than a news story. This
finding refutes the general belief that a news story about a controversial
subject is more effective than a similar message in a paid advertisement
because the source of the latter is assumed to be biased. Furthermore,
what can make an ad more effective is its superior formatlayout, larger
type size, and straightforward presentation. The study also refuted the
premise that a corporate source has lower credibility. For example, ads by
Pepsi were as effective in inducing written correspondence to congresspersons as ads attributed to the American Cancer Society.61
Two cases, those of Allstate Insurance and W. R. Grace & Company,
suggest circumstances when advocacy advertising can affect behavior.
Ray Ewing, former director of Allstates issues management effort, reported that a 1971 ad headlined New York State Supports Auto
Thieves influenced one key person at the time: Governor Nelson
Rockefeller. Reporting on the ad to the governor, his staff interpreted it
as implying the insurance industry might oppose his upcoming bid for
reelection. After the ad was run, Rockefeller announced that although
he would not include a title law in his legislative package, he would not
oppose one either. The law was passed that session. 62
In the second case, W. R. Graces Disincentivization of America campaign, the then director of advertising, Stephen Elliott, concluded,
While many other factors were at work regarding this issue, Grace believes the campaign was an influential contributor to the congressional
action which reduced the capital gains tax to 20 percent instead of the
proposed increase to 52 percent. 63
What
should
be noted of this
4-month campaign is advocacy advertising was coordinated with press
relations and with formal and informal contacts with congressmen and
senators. Each ad was keyed to specific issues debated in Congress at the
time. Readers were asked to write to their member of Congress on the
capital gains tax issue. Direct mail, which included ad reprints and a
49-page
report
titled
The
Disincentivization
of
America,
supplemented the newspaper ads. The targets of direct mail were U.S. congressmen and senators, chief executives of Fortune 1000 companies, and
editors of 665 U.S. newspapers. A by-product of the campaign was
widespread publicity.64
Conditions That Enhance Effectiveness
A fair conclusion to the debate over the effectiveness of
tising is that it can be effectiveeven to the point of influencing atti-
advocacy
adver-
165
tudes and behaviorif carefully designed and under special conditions, such as the
following:
1. The ad is part of a larger public affairs campaign and thus supplemented by such activities as proactive media relations, grassroots
lobbying, and political action committee (PAC) contributions. As
stated by Joseph Klapper in the early literature of communication
theory, mass communication is a contributory agent, but not the
sole cause in producing attitudinal and behavioral changes. 65
2. The advertiser has high source credibility. Often this means the
company has a history of public communication and does not try
to reach the public only during a crisis. Recognizing they have to
build credibility slowly, some companies begin by talking about
things of interest to their audiences and with which they can agree.
3. The ad is based on facts and persuasive reasoning, not flag-waving, posturing, and preaching. One reason the Harry and Louise
ads were so effective is that of the $15 million the Health Insurance
Association of America (HIAA) spent on the campaign, between
$300,000 and $400,000 went for survey research. The aim was to
find message themes that bridged the concerns of HIAA with those
of the public. Focus groups tested the wording of the message and
the setting; for example, Harry and Louise were found to be more
persuasive when seated at their kitchen table than on a sofa in their
living room.66
4. The ad creates interest and involvement by talking in
audiences own life and the things that are important to them.
5. Present both sides of an issue. Because the less attractive facts
about your firm or industry are likely already known, critics can
be defused by the ads admitting these.67
6. Initiate layout innovations and develop a signature style. 68
7. Use targeted messages and media whenever possible. For example,
DuPont began running Voice of the American Farm ads on television, on radio, in major newspapers, and in farming publications
that focus mainly on farm issues, problems, and solutions. 69
terms
of
the
A review of political campaign ads (see chap. 11) suggests other ways in which advocacy
ads can be effective.
TRENDS IN CORPORATE ADVERTISING
Some trends in advocacy advertising also affect image advertising, which is a major
part of overall corporate advertising. Image advertising is about the character of a
corporation. Its objectives are to increase public familiarity with a company, improve
attitudes toward it, and associate favorable personality traits with it. Image advertising
supports advocacy advertising when favorable attitudes toward a company increase the
credibility of its issue messages.
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Image ads can also be used to influence regulatory decisions while not
explicitly advocating legislation. In 1998 several utility companies with
expiring licences to operate nuclear plants were seeking 40-year license
renewals.70
To help them, the Nuclear Energy Institute launched an
image campaign that positioned nuclear power as a safe and environment- friendly energy source. Ads were targeted at influentials through
publications such as The New York Times, Washington Post, the Economist,
New Republic, and Atlantic Monthly. The ads tagline is Nuclear: More
Than You Ever Imagined. The ads promote nuclear power as safe, efficient, and clean. Radio spots were also used on popular radio shows
such as Don Imus.71
Corporate Branding
A fundamental change in the nature of corporate ads during the 1990s
holds implications for both image and advocacy advertising. There is
more corporate branding than corporate image, says James R. Gregory, a consultant hired by the Association of National Advertisers. Corporate branding is more marketing-oriented, much more aggressive,
much more savvy. In contrast, image ads are viewed as fluff and not really valuable, except for self-gratification. That type of corporate advertising is eyewash and people dont pay attention to it. Furthermore,
says Gregory, corporate image ads are the chairman of the company and
the 100th anniversary of the company; theyre past tense. What people are interested in is the future, the companys vision. 72
Branding is also distinguished from identity, which is concerned
with defining and shaping the entity behind the brand. Identity concentrates on management and leadership as opposed to marketing. In
other words, the difference between branding and identity, as in the
corporate context, is who is doing the talking as opposed to what they
are talking about. With corporate identity, public image both inside
and outside of an organization is of great importance as well. For instance, Philip Morris has yet to shake Philip Morris, tobacco company. To remove this stigma placed on it by the public, Philip Morris
has come up with a new nameAltria (meaning higher in Latin). The
logo accompanying the new name is a mosaicinspired by a compartmented shelf in the Philip Morris corporate reception area that features packages sold by its several companies. The new symbol is both
appropriate and fun, with its splashes of color representing the multiplicity and diversity of Altria.73
Schmertz says fundamental changes in the marketplace dictate a more
compelling response than companies have been making; the public wants
to know more about a company than just the quality of its goods and services. People want to know who the company is, what it stands for, and
how it differs from the competition. They also want to know why the
company is relevant to them. 74 A corporation must speak with a clear, coherent, and distinctive voice. It can spring from a powerful corporate
167
voice of an inspired leader (e.g., Sony founder Akio Morita), or a strongly

defined culture (e.g., McDonalds or Herman Millers).
Because it is directed at issues, advocacy advertising should be more rational and less
fluffy than image advertising. Schmertz stated in an interview with Bill Moyers on Public
Broadcasting Service in 1993:
I think corporate America should be dealing in hard aspects of the issues
rather than in emotional kinds of appeals. If you look at the Conoco ads
with the penguins and seals clapping, you have an emotional appeal. That
doesnt tell you anything about what they are doing or the consequences of
what they are doing, or alternative policies. Corporate America should
create a dialogue and debate on important public-policy issues. These
kinds of ads dont do that. The real issue in the debate ought to be on priorities. And the debate ought to be nonemotional. 75
CONCLUSIONS
Advocacy advertising provides corporations with another way to gain
control over the mass mediaby buying space or time to disseminate
chosen messages to the general public or a selective audience. Although
most organizations have this privilege, only those who can pay can use
it. Large corporations, with their considerable wealth, have a comparative advantage over others. Even if a corporation is willing to pay for an
adversarys reply, as Mobil has done, it has the upper hand because it
sets the agenda.
Although advocacy advertisings ability to influence attitudes and
behavior on a particular issue is questionable, it does more than simply
attract attention to an issue. Together with other forms of corporate advertising, such as image advertising, it keeps the public aware of the corporate presence in society. This awareness can serve the function of
legitimizing an individual corporation, an industry, and the business
system as a whole. Whether it succeeds depends on the public acceptability of its messages. Too often the public is told what the corporation
is against but not for what the corporation stands.
ENDNOTES
Marc Rosenberg, The Power of Advocacy Advertising in Newspapers, Editor
& Publisher, February 11, 1995, p. 48.
2. S. Prakash Sethi, Advocacy Advertising and Large Corporations: Social Conflict,
Big business Image, the News Media, and Public Policy (Lexington, Mass:
Lexington Books, 1977), p. 7.
3. Stuart Elliott, The Media Business: Advertising, New York Times, January
18, 1995, p. D5.
4. Jonathan Weisman, Adopting Union Tactics, Firms Dive More Deeply Into
Politics; Employees Targeted With Voter Guides, Turnout Efforts, Washington Post, October 24, 2002, p. A08.
1.
168
5.
CHAPTER 6
Robert Pear, CBS Pulls Advertisement on Medicare Prepared by Administration, New York Times, February 14, 2004, p. A20.
6. Jeffrey Taylor, Is Tobacco Industry Playing Politics With Issue Ads?, Wall
Street Journal, September 1, 1998, p. A20.
7. Lisa van der Pool, Ad Units of PR Shops Seek More Advocacy Work, Marsteller
Adds Specialist in D.C. to Chase Growing Niche, Ad Week, October 6, 2003, p. 9.
8. Peter Roff, Study: $45m Spent on Issue Ads in D.C., United Press International, January 7, 2003. The study was conducted by the Annenberg Center
at the University of Pennsylvania. To be included in the study, the ads had to
run in 2001 in the Washington Times, Washington Post, The Hill, Congress Daily
AM, or Roll Call, all of which are Washington publications read by significant
numbers of legislators, federal officials, and others who have an influence on
public policy formulation.
9. Van der Pool, op. cit.
10. Roff, op. cit.
11. Study Finds Energy Issues Account for Most Policy Advertising, Oil Daily
[Online], June 19, 2003.
12. Ibid.
13. Lucia Moses, Advocacy-Ad Dollars Flow, Editor & Publisher Magazine,
March 3, 2003, p. 4.
14. Nat Ives, The Media Business: Advertising; Unions and Advocacy Groups
Are Putting a Madison Avenue Finesse on Their Protest Ads, New York Times,
December 26, 2002, p. C3.
15. Joann S. Lublin, TV Networks Gingerly Lift Prohibition on Issue Ads,
Wall Street Journal, January 15, 1990, p. B1.
16. Pear, op. cit. Also see CBS Statement on Advocacy Advertising, PR Newswire, January 28, 2004.
17. Anti-Bush Ads Rejected by CBS Are Slated to Air on CNN During Super
Bowl, Knight Ridder Tribune Business News, January 30, 2004, p. 1. Also
see Danna Harman, Advertising or Advocating?, Christian Science Monitor,
February 20, 2004, p. 11.
18. Jennifer Harper, CNN Rejects Ads by Jewish Groups, The Washington Times,
September 20, 2002, p. AO8.
19. Lublin, op. cit.
20. Ibid.
21. James A. Diazi and Carol VanOrnum, Star Tribune Cannot Limit Ads to
Those It Agrees With, Star Tribune, December 5, 1991, p. 25A.
22. Sethi, op. cit.
23. Herbert Schmertz, letter to editor of pr reporter, January 3, 1978.
24. Ibid.
25. Irwin Ross, Public Relations Isnt Kid-Glove Stuff at Mobil, Fortune, September 1976, pp. 106-111, 196-202.
26. Mobil A Case History, Brochure, No. PR1102, prepared by Time, 1976.
27. Top Line, Madison Avenue, Vol. 25, February 8, 1983, p. 32.
28. Ibid.
29. Ibid., p. 36.
30. Wall Street Journal, November 12, 1999, p. C24.
31. Ibid., p. 34.
32. Donald S. Stroetzel, Why Mobil Uses Advocacy Advertising, Public Affairs
Review, Vol. 3, 1982, pp. 32-33.
33. Ross, op. cit.
34. Nuclear Industry Seeks to Activate Silent Supporters, ODwyers Report,
Vol. 12, September 1998, pp. 1, 49.
169
35. Rosenberg, op. cit.

36. Ibid.
37. Ibid.
38. Ibid.
39. Ibid.
40. Ibid.
41. Laurie McGinley and Glenn Burkins, AFL-CIO Ad Blitz on Revamp of Managed Care Has Warning on the Political Cost of Opposition, Wall Street Journal, July 15, 1998, p. A16.
42. Eben Shapiro, R. J. Reynolds Fights Back in Campaign, Wall Street Journal,
May 23, 1994, p. B5.
43. Tom Hamburger and Jim VandeHei, Ads Backing Bush Proposals Proliferate
as Advocacy Groups Become Permanent, Wall Street Journal, March 19,
2002, p. A4.
44. The ad that appeared in the Wall Street Journal on August 9, 1994, p.
A11, showed four individuals, each with a quote, and the ads headline
was We Have Never Smoked. But It Was Our Choice, Not the Governments.
45. See Wall Street Journal, May 23, 1994, p. A9.
46. Ibid.
47. The ad appeared in the Wall Street Journal, May 26, 1994, p. B3. The opinion
editorial by Jacob Sullum appeared on March 24, 1994.
48. See Wall Street Journal, June 28, 1995, p. A5.
49. An ad appeared in the Wall Street Journal, November 3, 1994, p. B9.
51. See Andrew Eolfson, Embattled Companies Fight Back With Ads, CourierJournal, May 27, 1994, p. 1A.
52. Eva Hoeffelman, The Crisis of the Tobacco Industry, class paper in Managing Corporate Crises, Boston University, College of Communication, November 16, 1994, p. 18.
53. Barbara J. Coe, The Effectiveness Challenge in Issue Advertising Campaigns, Journal of Marketing, Vol. 12, No. 4, 1983, p. 27.
54. Ibid., p. 29.
55. Ibid., p. 28.
56. Ibid., p. 32.
58. A study of 1,010 persons in the United States conducted by ORC reported
that 90% said they had read or heard an advocacy ad in the past 2 years.
When asked about the source of the ad, 70% answered television. Unfortunately this raises doubt about the accuracy of respondents impressions because television is the least likely source as networks have
generally refused to accept advocacy ads. But Kenneth Schwartz of ORC
explains that, because of the predominance of television, this medium
tends to be cited by the majority of people as the source of almost any
kind of information about which they are questioned. Stephen A.
Kliment, Advocacy Advertising by U.S. CorporationsCan Money Buy
Friends? Madison Avenue, Vol. 23, February 1981, p. 40.
59. Lynn Adkins, How Good Are Advocacy Ads? Duns Review, June 1978, p.
76.
60. Cess B. M. van Riel and Gerrit H. van Bruggen, Impact: A Management
Judgment Tool to Predict the Effectiveness of Corporate Advertising
Campaigns, Journal of Brand Management, Vol. 11, September 2003,
p. 22.
170
CHAPTER 6
61. Charles T. Salmon, et al., The Effectiveness of Advocacy Advertising Relative

to News Coverage, Communication Research, Vol. 12, October 1985, pp.
546-567.
62. Raymond P. Ewing, Advocacy Advertising: The Voice of Business in Public
Policy Debate, Public Affairs Review, Vol. 3, 1982, pp. 35-39.
63. Ibid.
64. See S. Prakash Sethi, W.R. Grace and Company, New YorkA Short-Burst, High
Intensity, Saturation Campaign in Advocacy Advertising. (Center for Research
in Business and Social Policy, School of Management and Administration,
University of Texas at Dallas, 1980).
65. Joseph Klapper, What We Know About the Effects of Mass Communication:
The Brink of Hope, Public Opinion Quarterly, Vol. 21, Winter, 1957-58, pp.
453-474.
66. James A. Barnes, Privatizing Politics, National Journal, Vol. 27, June 3,
1995, pp. 1330-1334.
67. Coe, op. cit., p. 33.
68. Ibid., pp. 33-34.
69. Debbie Coakley, Ag Advocacy Advertising Alive and Well, Agri Marketing,
Skokie, Vol. 35, April 1997, pp. 74-76.
70. Two of the companies whose plant licenses date back to the 1950s are Duke
Power s Oconee plant in South Carolina and Baltimore Gas & Electric Co.s
Calverg Cliffs plant in Maryland. Nuclear Industry Seeks to Active Silent
Supporters, ODwyers Report, Vol. 12, September 1998, pp. 1, 49.
71. Ibid.
72. Elliott, op. cit.
73. Tony Spaeth, The Name Game, Across the Board, Vol. 39, March-April
2002, pp. 27-31.
74. Alan Siegel, Defining the Corporate Voice; Corporate Identity, Across the
Board, Vol. 31, November 1994, p. 56.
75. Ibid.
Chapter
Holding the Media

Accountable and Suing
A long-term corporate strategy is gradually to change the behavior of journalists and news
organizations by exerting various kinds of pressures on them, with the aim of reforming
their policies and practices. This strategy extends the short-term options already discussed
taking full advantage of current media practices, outsmarting the media, and buying
time and space in the media.
The new strategy is to hold the media accountable to their own journalistic standards and the same laws and standards of society the media
expect others to uphold. Unfortunately, many reporters reflect the attitude attributed to them by William Greider at a seminar: Are the news
media responsible to their audience? Are they responsible for what their
audience knows and understands? A dozen reporters and TV types
said, Hell no, thats not what we do. We do news. 1
Greider s cynical comment overlooks a major development in the
past decade: a significant increase in media reporting and media criticism. In Media Ethics & Accountability Systems, 2 Claude-Jean Bertrand
considers these forms of self-regulation as part of larger media
accountability systems, which he defines as any non-State means of
making media responsibility towards the public. 3
Included among
these systems are press councils, codes of ethics, journalism reviews,
ombudsmen,
and
some
nongovernmental
institutions
concerned
with
media issues. He urges media owners, media professionals, and media
consumers to hold the news media accountable.
Some of these systems flourished in the late 1960s and early 1970s
when social unrest grew. During this time and after, however, media
criticism languished because the news media turned blind eyes on the
failings of colleagues. That changed in the mid-1990s when there was
171
172
CHAPTER 7
an absolute explosion of the genre of media reporting and media criticism in the United States. 4 The New York Times, the Washington Post, the
Boston Globe, and other leading newspapers now regularly report on
media behavior. Magazines like Time and The New Yorker and broadcast
media like CNNs Reliable Sources and National Public Radios weekly On
the Media. also engage in media criticism. 5 As stated by the Washington
Posts Howard Kurtz, the essence of his job was to hold journalists
and news organizations accountable.6
Media self-criticism has become more urgent as several major newspapers admitted that their reporters violated journalistic standards. To
its great embarrassment, the prestigious New York Times faced a scandal
over years of journalistic fraud committed by its reporter Jayson Blair.
On May 11, 2003, the paper published a long article describing his
widespread fabrication and plagiarism in at least 36 of 73 articles
written since he started writing national news stories. These stories included the Washington-area sniper shootings and stories about the
families of U.S. military personnel serving in Iraq. While he was in New
York, his stories contained datelines from elsewhere. The management
style of its top editors and the paper s internal processes were also at
fault. Intent on pushing affirmative action, Howell Raines, the paper s
executive
editor,
gave
Blair,
an African American,
strong
encouragement and support. A culture had evolved at the New York Times that
failed to respond to reported suspicions by staff members about Blair s
reporting. Taking responsibility, Raines and Gerald M. Boyd, the managing editor, resigned after 5 weeks of furor over the Blair affair. Raines
gets credit, however, for the paper s winning of eight Pulitzer Prizes
during the 2 years he was in charge of the newsroom.7
A similar problem of story fabrications occurred at USA Today, where
one of the newspapers star reporters, foreign correspondent Jack
Kelley, was found to have dishonestly reported dozens of articles between 1991 and 2003 and having stolen at least 100 passages from
other publications, some word for word. It was another case of the
Golden Boy syndrome: executives coddling a charming and charismatic star performer and ignoring repeated warnings about the reliability of his work from outsiders and insiders. The held perception in the
newsroom was that Kelley was untouchable, partly because a careerism culture at the paper led some editors to put career concerns above
the integrity of the news report. 8
Other publications had also reported failures of journalistic ethics.
Stephen Glass, who was associate editor at the New Republic, invented
27 of the 41 articles he wrote; Mike Barnicle, a veteran Boston Globe columnist, resigned after he was charged with plagiarism and fabrication;
Patricia Smith, another Boston Globe columnist, was asked to resign after admitting she invented people and quotations; and CNN producers
April Oliver and Jack Smith were fired after reporting an unsupportable
two-part special accusing the Pentagon of using nerve gas against U.S.
Army defectors in Laos in 1970.9
HOLDING THE MEDIA ACCOUNTABLE AND SUING
173
Finally, the vaunted CBS, once considered the nations top broadcast
news division, suffered an embarrassing lapse of professional journalism. In his September 8, 2004, report For the Record, Dan Rather
claimed on CBSs 60 Minutes that memos proved that President Bush
shirked his National Guard Service duty. The story had special significance because it was aired in the heat of the presidential election. Within
hours of the broadcast, the CBS report was attacked, starting with conservative websites that pointed to suspect typography (suggesting that
the typing was by a modern printer). Rather stood by the story and
CBS brushed aside criticism.10 Finally, after 12 days, CBS said the use
of the documents was a mistake and Dan Rather admitted that CBS
could no longer vouch for the authenticity of the news. He apologized,
I want to say personally and directly, Im sorry for the story. The
source of the documents, Bill Burkett, a retired and disgruntled National
Guard lieutenant colonel, who confessed he misled the network about
where he had obtained the documents but wouldnt say where they
came from.11
A subsequent scathing 224-page report from an independent review
panel held Mary Mapes, an award-winning producer, mainly responsible. It said that carelessness and myopic zeal tainted the CBS production. In her zeal to defend the story, the report said, she ignored or
brushed aside legitimate concerns about the story regarding how thoroughly she personally vetted the documents and their source. Bob Steele
of the Poynter Institute for Media Studies cited other failures: heavy reliance on Burkett, who had written scathing online commentaries about
Bush, and failure to uphold its ethical responsibility to interview key
people, such as the secretary of the supposed writer of the documents,
before rushing to air.12 After the reports release, CBS fired Mapes and
asked three senior news executives to resign. Dan Rather escaped punitive action; he had previously announced plans to retire from the Evening News in March 2005. In blunt terms, the review panel outlines
how the news division repeatedly failed to carry out basic journalistic
steps to ensure accurate and fair reporting.
The business community is not wholly depending on media self-regulation to achieve accountability. They are also pursuing other strategies to protect themselves: (a) using media monitoring and oversight
groups, (b) launching a media blitz against misrepresentation, (c) acquiring media ownership and membership on media boards of directors, (d)
engaging
in
public
journalism,
and (e)
suing
news
organizations that engage in libel or defamation or that use illegal
means to obtain news.
USING MEDIA MONITORING AND OVERSIGHT GROUPS
Two major types of organizations monitor the treatment of news by the
media and judge complaints made about them: media watchdogs and
news councils.
174
CHAPTER 7
Media Watchdogs
Corporations are helped by organizations that monitor and report on
the performance of the news media. Although they reflect varying political persuasions, most
are
conservative. Among media watchdog organizations are Accuracy in Media, Center for Media and Public Affairs,
Fairness & Accuracy in Reporting, the Institute for Media Analysis, and
the Media Research Center.13 The largest is the Media Research Center,
launched in 1987 by L. Brent Bozell, III, with the mission of promoting
balance in the liberal media. In 1993 it had a staff of 24 who logged
and indexed every network, CNN, and PBS newscast and talk show. It
also reviewed 50 magazines, five major dailies, and the wire services. Its
public reporting was conducted mainly through Notable Quotables, a
twice-monthly collection of quotes intended to reflect reporters liberal
biases, and a monthly newsletter, MediaWatch, with a circulation of
27,000. In 1990 it published a book, And Thats the Way It Isnt: A Reference Guide to Media Bias.14
Dan Rather has become very aware of conservative media activists
like the Media Research Centers Bozell, noting they are all over your
telephones, all over your e-mail, all over your mail, and it creates an
undertow in which you say to yourself you know, I think were right
on this story, I think weve got it in the right context, I think weve got it
in the right perspective, but we better pick another day. 15
Peter
Jennings expressed this apprehension by saying he sensed a degree of
anxiety in the newsroom, and I think it comes in part from the corporate suite.16 And Tom Brokaw likened the pressures created by Bozells
pressing a button to a kind of tsunami. Hes well organized, hes
got a constituency, hes got a newsletter, he can hit a button and well
hear from him.17 Robert McNeil warns against pressure turning into a
culture of animosity in which motives are attacked, morals are attacked and even patriotism is questioned.18
Occasionally these watchdogs try to apply pressure on the media;
e.g., Fairness & Accuracy in Reporting took out a quarter-page op-ed ad
in the Sunday edition of the New York Times carrying the headline, Is
Bigotry a Disney Family Value? 19 Addressed to Mr. Michael D. Eisner,
chairman and CEO of The Walt Disney Co., the ad attacked the racist
comments of host Bob Grant on New York Citys WABC Radio. Because
Disney owns WABC, the offending station, the ad asked Disney to make
its policies clear.
Various
publications
review
media
performance.
Jude
Wanniskis
1991 Media Guide illustrates how this is done.20
It reviewed more than
700 journalists and 50 publications in North America, including a commentary on the years major news stories, broadcast news, and the Canadian press. Its publishers say its primary purpose is to promote quality
in journalism. The guide assigns half- to four-star ratings to a list of the
101 highest rated journalists of 1991, followed by roughly half-page
analyses of what each said. (See Box 7.1 for an example of contents.)
175
Box 7.1 Example Contents of Wanniskis Media Guide

These analyses of journalists cover six groups: (a) commentators; (b)
financial reporters and columnists; (c) foreign correspondents; (d) national
security/diplomatic
correspondents;
(e)
science,
health,
and
environment reporters (new this year); and (f) social/political reporters.
About a sixth of the book is an overview of the print media and broadcast news, another fourth on publications, and the remainder on journalists and their stories. A useful index allows a company to discover
who wrote what about the organization.
Exxon Corporation, for example, could find commentaries on six
journalists and learn that Peter Nulty of Fortunes board of editors earnestly covers the energy beat and clearly has knowledge and industry
contacts, but almost never uses them to get ahead of the curve. His
article, Exxons Problem: Not What You Think, is described as an attempt to psychoanalyze morale and the leadership crisis at Exxon,
employing the cutesy Fortune style that makes us wince: For now, at
least, Exxon is as strong as the healthiest oil-rig roustabout.21
Wanniskis guide also includes overall assessments of various media.
C-SPAN is MediaGuides choice for raw news, mainly on government.
Mother Jones, it says, is losing ideological ground to the politically
serious In These Times and lacking the broad, eclectic spectrum of
the Utne Reader. And kudos go to the National Interest, this splendid quarterly foreign policy journal, and for Francis Fukuyamas
farsighted, The End of History (Summer 1989), that shook the intelligentsia globally. It
says: The issue became a cause celebre for analysts, commentators, and strategists
everywhere.22
News Councils
News councils serve as informal juries to adjudicate complaints by aggrieved parties about distorted media coverage. These councils provide
a public hearing without necessitating the cost and time required for
legal suits.
National News Council.
A prototype is the former National News
Council, an independent body set up in 1973 to review the performance of the national media and to judge specific complaints about
news coverage.23
Both Shell Oil and Exxon used this council to complain about
NBC-TVs unfair coverage of the oil industry during the Arab oil crisis,
which was aired in a five-part nightly news series in the fall of 1979.
Shells complaint was leveled at the first broadcast, Fly Now, Freeze
Later, which contended some big oil companies were emphasizing the
176
CHAPTER 7
sale of jet fuel rather than home heating oil. The National News Council
agreed with Shell and reported, Contrary to the impression that the
NBC report clearly intended to convey, Shell acted in a responsible and
careful manner when it withdrew from the home heating oil market
in the Northeast.24
Exxon took issue with the second segment, Dirty Oil and Dirty Air, which linked the
deterioration of air quality in southern Florida to the firms decision to cut low-sulfur
fuel shipments to Florida Power & Light. The council agreed with Exxon that the broadcast
was marked by factual error, the selective use of information, lack of perspective, and the
building of effect through innuendo. 25
The council closed its doors in April 1984 because it felt impotent.
The public doesnt seem to know were here, lamented Richard Salant,
former president of CBS News, who served as council president during
its last 10 months. And worse yet, the press just didnt think we were
very useful. In fact, when the council dissolved itself, Creed Black, president of the American Society of Newspaper Editors, summed up the
view held by his colleagues: An editor is accountable to his readers, not
some self-appointed group. 26
Despite this disappointment, Salant
called the News Council a valid idea whose time has not yet come, but
will in the near future.27
As summarized in the American Journalism Review, newspaper publishers such as The New York Times, Washington Post, and the Boston Globe
have opposed the very idea of news councils for these reasons: (a) they
create another obstacle to hard-hitting stories, and some journalists opt
not to write a story for fear they will be unfairly targeted; (b) they substitute the judgment of people who dont fully understand the field for
the judgment of trained journalists; (c) they are the first step toward
government regulation and perhaps censorship; and (c) one could not be
sure to find impartial members who would be fair to the media. 28
Mike Wallace unsuccessfully sought to rekindle the national news
council discussion after the bitter experience of defending himself in a
suit by General William C. Westmoreland against CBS for a 60 Minutes
segment. In it Wallace alleged the general deliberately deceived his superiors
by
underestimating
enemy
troop
strength.
Westmoreland
sued, not because he wanted money, but because he wanted to vindicate himself.
Public hostility and cynicism toward the media have persuaded other
media people to join Wallace in reconsidering the idea. He helped bring
together NBC, CNN, CBS News, and the editors of the Detroit News and
the Louisville Courier-Journal, as well as 10 other representatives of the
media and foundations, at a Ford Foundation meeting on February 26,
1997, to discuss improving the medias credibility and the possibility of
reviving a national news council. One of those attending, Charles
Eisendrath, director of the Michigan Journalism Fellows program at the
University of Michigan, however, favored calling it a Committee on
Professional Standards, not only to express how he perceived the prob-
177
lem, but also to avoid reviving past negative attitudes toward the old news council.29
Minnesota News Council.
Mike Wallaces support of some kind of
national news council was favorably influenced by his observation of
how the Minnesota News Council, one of the two existing state-level
councils (the other is in Hawaii), handled the high-profile complaint
brought by Northwest Airlines against WCCO-TV for a three-part series
shown in spring 1996.
The Minnesota News Council consists of a balanced body of 12 journalists and 12 community representatives, with a state supreme court
justice presiding over its public hearings. Its mission is to exert a moral
influence on media behavior.30 As explained in its literature, The News
Council serves, most of all, an idea: Fairness. We do not describe ourselves, or function, as a watchdog. We are a facilitator. Because the
power of the press is so great, we work to create a level playing field, by
getting a news outlet to come to the table as an equal with a member of
the public who wants to air a complaint. 31
To qualify for a hearing, a complainant must agree not to sue regardless of the outcome. The councils decision carries no legal weight, but
the verdict can embarrass the medium in question. Over its 25-year history, 2,000 complaints have been filed with the council. Of these, most
were dropped or settled after council-initiated discussion. Of the 116
that went to hearings, close to half were decided in the medias favor.
The case Mike Wallace heard, Northwest Airlines vs. WCCO-TV, is
LAUNCH
A
MEDIA
BLITZ
MEDIA MISREPRESENTATION
AGAINST
When General Motors (GM) saw NBCs falsified Waiting to Explode

segment on Dateline NBC, it was so enraged it outdid Herb Schmertzs
advice to get confrontational with the media. The subsequent media
blitz organized by GM against NBCs misrepresentation was so persistent and intense that it serves as a landmark example of how to hold the
media accountable.
The producers of the program had deliberately used incendiary devices to explode the controversial side-mounted gasoline tank on GM
pickup trucks manufactured between 1973 and 1987. Inaccuracies in
the story were pointed out by GM in a letter to the shows producer, but
no action had been taken. GMs good fortune in learning about the deception and in uncovering evidence allowed its general counsel, Harold
J. Pearce, to convene a news conference in Detroit to hold NBC publicly accountable for its
disreputable behavior. The repercussions were sufficiently severe to stop the practice of
falsely staged events (see the full story in the Appendix).
178
CHAPTER 7
Box 7.2 Northwest Airlines Versus WCCO-TV32

Northwest Airlines charged that WCCO-TV of Minneapolis distorted its
investigative reporting of alleged safety and maintenance problems. In
its three-part series in spring 1996, the station revealed new information on $7,825,000 in fines the Federal Aviation Administration had
levied against Northwest for maintenance problems. Among the allegations made by anchor Don Shelby was that Northwest violated national safety standards and endangered the lives of passengers. He
also suggested that the airline pressured mechanics to skimp on
maintenance to maintain its on-time record.
Northwest Airlines accused Shelby of relying on questionable sources
and failing to put the airlines safety record in context with the records of
other airlines. It also found fault with WCCOs promo, which showed a
Northwest 747 flying across the screen and appearing to crash.33
The council met on October 18, 1996, to deliberate three questions:
(a) Did WCCO-TV paint a distorted, untruthful picture of Northwest Airlines? (b) Should promotional announcements for news be held to the
same standards as news? (c) If yes, did WCCO-TVs promotions paint a
distorted, untruthful picture of Northwest Airlines? Each side was allowed a maximum of 10 minutes to make its case on each of the questions. Then the 24 council members engaged in a Q&A session lasting
no more than 40 minutes. The session was open to the public, but total
seating was limited to 150, including the news media.
The Council voted in favor of Northwest Airlines on all three questions: 19 to 2, with 1 abstention, on the first question; 14 to 5, with 2
abstentions, on the second question; and 18 to 1, with 3 abstentions,
on the third question. As stated by University of Minnesota journalism
professor Bill Babcock, director of the Silha Center for the Study of
Media Ethics & Law, the Minnesota News Council was saying, We
have a new era here. We are not dealing with the standards of the in dustry. We are dealing
with public standards, which no longer tolerate this kind of work.
Despite the rebuff to WCCO-TV and its presumed embarrassment,
the following evening the station won an Emmy award for this investigative series. Editorial writer D. J. Tice of the St. Paul Pioneer Press
notes that the sensational expose, regardless of how inadequately the
evidence offered supports the accusations made, remains a highly esteemed style in television news.
ACQUIRE MEDIA OWNERSHIP AND BOARD MEMBERSHIP

The ultimate way for corporations to hold the media accountable
own them. Control over a wide range of media is made easier when
is
to
179
ownership is concentrated in media giants that have been emerging

through a dizzying procession of mergers and purchases. When the
purchasers are in nonmedia industries, grave dangers are added to ownership control. Business values may intrude into, and conflict with, the
values of journalism. When controlling companies are themselves the
subject of news, they may pressure their news organizationsbluntly
or gentlyto interfere with newsgathering and reporting. Another way
for a corporation to exert top-level influence over news policies is
through membership on a newspapers or networks board of directors.
Concentration of Ownership
Concentration of media ownership in the hands of a few conglomerates
may sound appealing from the viewpoint of gaining greater control
over the media, but it is dangerous to business because the media are
more likely to control them. Six media conglomeratesAOL Time
Warner,
Disney,
Viacom,
News
Corp,
Vivendi,
and
Bertelsmanncontrol, to a significant degree, what the American people see, hear, and
read. The Federal Communications Commission (FCC) would like to see
further consolidation, as discussed in chapter 13. It argues that alternative media, such as the Internet, cable TV, and direct broadcast satellites
have made existing limits on ownership less essential. However, even
the FCCs own survey in September 2002 reported that people relied primarily on TV for their news and information, 23% on newspapers, 10%
on radio, 7% on cable, and even less on the Internet. The danger of further consolidation is that it would lead to less access to diverse channels
of communication by business as well as various interest groups. 34
It
would also lead to an increase in advertising rates for business and
higher cable and satellite prices for consumers.
Recent Consolidation.
Two recent purchases indicate the pace and
impact of consolidation. In March 2000 the Tribune Company announced it would acquire Times-Mirror, adding the Los Angeles Times,
Newsday on Long Island, and the Sun in Baltimore. The Tribune Company would leap from regional to national status and control enormous content and be in everything from newsprint to magazines to
broadcasting and the Net, said BusinessWeek.35
The new statistic was
that less than 20% of U.S. dailies, only 264 papers, would be independent. With the sale, the 118-year ownership of the Los Angeles Times by
the influential Chandler family ended. Although family owners care
about making profits, they are not the corporate behemoths obedient
to the quarterly whip of Wall Street. 36 It was The New York Times and the
Washington Post, both family newspapers, that had the courage to publish the Pentagon Papers. As the late Katharine Graham, former chairman of the executive committee of the Washington Post Company,
stated, family ownership provides the independence that is sometimes
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required to withstand governmental pressure and preserve freedom of the Press.37

The biggest acquisition was America Onlines purchase of Time
Warner in 2000 for $183 billion. 38 The worlds biggest online company
and the worlds biggest media company were joined. Competitors and
others expressed fear that the combined company would dominate content and delivery because AOL was the dominant online service and
Time Warner the number two cable operator. Time Warner owns four of
the most popular cable channels: CNN, TBS, TNT, and the Cartoon Network, as well as HBO, the leading premium cable network. 39 The Federal
Trade Commission approved the merger, but took the rare step of appointing a monitor trustee to oversee the company for 5 years. 40 In
writing about media concentration, Larry Grossman had earlier offered
up Time Warner as an example of a corporation that owns major national magazines, is the second biggest operator of cable television systems, holds all or part of the most important cable program networks
(including HBO and CNN), and owns a leading movie and television production company, several of the largest book-publishing companies,
and the biggest recording companies.41
Implications of Media Concentration.
Larry Grossman was one of
the early writers warning about the implications of media concentration. The danger he saw was that the inordinate power of a rich and
privileged few can dominate the debate, influence the views of the
many, and manipulate public opinion. 42 From the perspective of strategic corporate media relations, this situation might have the positive
benefit of reining in the power of the so-called liberal press and establishing newsroom awareness of certain limits. The danger, however, is
that if the ideas of a particular industry or company are not deemed
newsworthy by the conglomerates, or if they oppose them, they simply
wouldnt appear. Furthermore, if the conglomerates are critical of some
views, they could launch an attack against them. Disappointed in how
the national media treated them, some companies in the past (e.g.,
Alcoa) have been able to send their news releases through local media.
However, when the local media are also controlled by the conglomerates, that option vanishes.
Grossman worries about the impact on society, viewing the shrinking oligopoly of
powerful corporate interests as a danger to democratic pluralism.43 So do others.
BusinessWeek warns, One of the central pillars of Americas democracy and market
economy is an independent media with multiple voices.44 The editors of The New York
Times asked the FCC to take a holistic approach to deregulation and to protect the public
interest by managing deregulation in a way that preserves a diversity of news, opinion and
entertainment.45
Another danger exists in the cross-industry ownership by conglomerates, as illustrated by anecdotal evidence that Time Warner in 1990
canceled publication of a book called Connections: American Business and
181
the Mob by one of its book subsidiaries, Little, Brown. The publisher was already in its
final round of prerelease publicity for this expos that linked some U.S. corporations to
organized crime. One of the companies named was Time. This reference, some believe, was
the probable cause for the books late rejection.46
General Electrics Ownership of NBC. When
industrial
corporations extend their ownership empire to include media enterprises, the
specter of corporate editorial interference with
news operations is
raised. After General Electrics (GEs) December 1995 deal to acquire RCA
and, thereby, NBC, an editorial/opinion column in The Arizona Republic
raised the question: What happens if General Electric commits fraud on
the Pentagon and NBC has to report it? Morton Mintz claims that in
1989 officials of NBC News deleted three sentences critical of GE from a
segment of a five-part Today show series on the use of bogus and substandard materials in American industry.47
An article in the Humanist also suggests that the pattern of ownership affects how news and commentary are manufactured. The reference was not only to GE but also to major stockholders of other broadcast networks, such as Chase Manhattan, J. P. Morgan, and Citibank,
and to Merrill Lynch as the prime stockholder of the Associated Press. 48
One illustration of possible corporate influence, says the article, is that
the concerns of labor are regularly downplayed. A study analyzing all
reports dealing with workers issuesincluding child
care and
minimum wagecarried by the ABC, CBS, and NBC evening news broadcasts during 1989 found that coverage amounted to only 2.3% of the
total coverage.49
Although no solid evidence exists that GE interferes with the news,
several
sources
insist
GEs
bottom-line
mentality
permeates
every
cranny of NBC News. Grossman charges that GEs internal environment emphasizes profits over public service or community responsibility. He recalls that in one of GE Chairman Jack Welchs first meetings
with NBC News, he asked why authors, book publishers, and movie
companies are not charged for the interviews and feature time they receive on the Today show.50
Most vociferous in his denunciation of the
profit-making motive, Andrew Jay Schwartzman, executive director of
the Media Access Project, said, They dont think about the impact of the
little cheap, sleazy incremental budget cutting they do. 51
Disneys Ownership of ABC. Whats
happening
to
the
world
as
we know it? asked Bob Harper, Fox marketing president, when he was
told by Walt Disneys ABC television network that it would not broadcast ads for Foxs holiday animated film Anastasia or any other animated movie during a 7 p.m. Sunday slot that featured a revival of the
Wonderful World of Disney franchise.52
This incident shows network
ownership can get in the way of the kind of advertising it will carry.
ABCs advertising sales representatives blamed higher-ups at Disney for
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the decision. Fox was told ads for live-action family films during the
same time period would be considered only on a case-by-case basis.
From Disneys perspective, such control justifies its purchase of Capital Cities/ABC for $19 billion in 1995.53 Executives say the company has
in essence opted to make ABC part of Disneys film distribution chain.
Plans are to air three or four of its recent animated theatrical releases on
Sunday evenings, making them a part of the revival of The Wonderful
World of Disney series.54 The opportunity to cross-promote Disney and
ABC brands was a key attraction of the merger, but some at ABC were
surprised at how blatant such promotions have been. 55 Furthermore,
ABC managers were surprised at the level of Disneys scrutiny of their
operations and the vastly different corporate cultures.
Yet, what Disney did to ABC is what Disney fears about AOLs acquisition of Time Warner. Disney worries that the television stations owned
by Disneys ABC network on Time Warner Cable systems in several
markets might be excluded. A number of other entertainment and media companies also expressed concern that the merger would squeeze
them out of AOLs online distribution vehicles. For example, without
equal access, consumers signing on to AOL could be directed to Warner
Music artists. Although AOLs CEO Steve Case and Time Warner chairman Gerald Levin pledged that the merged companies would carry a diversity of content on their systems, they also stated that they would
distribute Time Warner s own content as widely as possible. 56
Interconnections among business and media organizations are another possible means of ownership influence. Mintz raises the question
of whether CBS might go easy on the insurance company CNN in reporting the harmful effects of smoking, because Laurence Tisch not only
is CBSs chairman but also heads the Loews Corporation, which, in
turn, owns CNN and Lorillard, a major cigarette manufacturer.57
Even the Public Broadcast System (PBS) is underwritten by GE, GM, Metropolitan Life,
Pepsico, Paine Webber, and, contributing more than 70%, four giant oil companies. An
article insinuates that this sponsorship is one reason, according to a media watchdog,
corporate representatives constitute 44% of the sources interviewed about the economy
whereas activists accounted for only 3% and labor virtually none. Furthermore, most PBS
documentaries are considered politically nondescript or centrist. Deadly Deception, an Academy Award-winning critique of GE and
the nuclear arms industry, was, with a few local exceptions, denied
broadcast rights on both commercial and public television. 58
Board Membership
Many corporate heads are on the boards of newspapers, observes
Mintz. On Katharine Grahams board at the Washington Post are James
Burke, retired chairman and CEO of Johnson & Johnson; Nicholas
Katzenback, who for many years was senior vice president and general
183
counsel of IBM; and George Gillespie, a long-time partner in Cravath, Swaine & Moore,
which Mintz considers to be the nations premiere corporate law firm.59
Mintz suggests that this board membership pattern may be related to
why the press failed to report on drug-related deaths revealed at congressional hearings or in court cases where pharmaceutical companies
are sued by the victims or their relatives. For example, although three
drug companies were convicted and fined for withholding information
from the Food and Drug Administration on foreign deaths, press coverage was inadequate. The companies were Hoechst AG, a German-based
multinational, on its drug Merital; Smith Kline on Selacryn; and Eli Lilly
on Oraflex. Mintz considered the matter a significant national and international story, deserving of full news status, but it drew only five
paragraphs on page B3 of the Wall Street Journal and two paragraphs at
the bottom of page D4 in The New York Times.60
ENGAGE IN PUBLIC JOURNALISM
Because media companies are becoming aware of public distrust of the
mediathrough
opinion
surveys
and
reduced
readershipsome
newspapers
are
themselves
seeking
reform through public
journalism projects. The basic idea is to encourage newspeople to create discourse by
convening public forums, seeking out the views of ordinary citizens,
giving readers more voice in news and on editorial pages, and actively
enlisting citizens in a search for solutions to societys problems. 61 Guido
H. Stempel, III, author of several journalism articles, says, The focus of
civic journalism is on finding solutions rather than just pointing out
problems.62
These efforts are called public journalism or civic journalism because
their broader goal is to strengthen civic life in America by reengaging in
public discourse people who have dropped out of public life. Readers are
encouraged to participate in the political process and improve government institutions.63
The Pew Charitable Trusts, with $3.8 billion in
assets, since 1994 have helped to fund projects at 30 American newspapers. For example, in San Jose, California, citizens who are readers of the
Mercury News drafted a statement of accountability and asked lawmakers and candidates to sign it. 64
Jay Rosen, a New York University journalism professor who has been
promoting the concept of public journalism, laments the lack of mature
judgment by the public. He blames the media for reporting too much of
the process and minutiae in politics, with too many dueling experts. He
sees public journalism as helping the community come to public judgment. The journalist focuses on readers and viewers rather than on experts. The public is helped to work through a problem, which is done
by providing information and helping people understand that there are
some choices to be made; that these choices involve tradeoffs; and that
there are consequences to choosing. 65
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Although public journalism is now practiced by nearly 200 news organizations, critics fear journalisms traditional objectivity is sacrificed.
Washington Post editor Leonard D. Downie Jr. reflected this view when
he said, No matter how strongly I feel about something thats going on
out there, my job is not to try to influence the outcome. 66 Some journalists fear civic journalism will turn newspapers into advocates and
discourage reporters from exposing wrongdoing and failures. 67
Has public journalism increased public interest in elections and the
political process? A 1997 study of the Record, a Hackensack, New Jersey,
newspaper, that showed 9 weeks and 54 full pages of issues-based coverage in the 1996 New Jersey Senate race failed to interest readers and
increase their knowledge of candidates or issues. Only one in five readers
said they even noticed the special Campaign Central pages, which appeared every day but Saturday inside the paper s front section.
After listening to focus group discussions, editors felt stunned and
somewhat shaken. The study showed that the frames through which
respondents viewed the campaigns seemed to have been shaped mostly
by the candidates commercials. Indeed, 44% of the newspapers readers
said television was their most important source of campaign news. 68 The
candidates had spent more than $17 million on television commercials. 69
The newspapers public-style election coverage hardly made any impact on North Jersey voters. In addition, the effort cost the paper about
$100,000 in additional newsprint and required almost a dozen reporters
and editors to be shifted temporarily from their regular assignments.
One lesson learned applies to journalism in general: Journalists cant
reconnect citizens with democratic institutions solely by altering the
way they write their stories. Readers best remembered charts, such as a
side-by-side grid comparing the environmental positions of the candidates. Charts were significantly easier than prose to understand, and
they were more believable. Charts in the Voter s Guide were especially
useful and noticed.
Another lesson is that newspapers have to back up their rhetoric
about public-style election coverage with concrete activities of public
involvement. The Record did conduct a poll to identify issues of public interest. It also conducted a series of town hall meetingsopen to anyone who returned a coupon published on the page. However, these
instruments of public empowerment may have been too weak. The only
description of the public forums is that one session gave citizens the opportunity to discuss the issues they felt the campaigns should address
(thus duplicating the purpose of the poll) and that other forums featured
debates
between the
congressional
candidates,
with
citizens,
rather than a panel of reporters, asking the questions. All the sessions
were recorded for telecast on cable, and excerpts from transcripts were
published in the newspaper.70
Finally, some obstacles may impede journalisms effectiveness: the publics
disenchantment with politics, the lack of dynamic political leaders, and loss of public
confidence in the press itself.
185
SUING THE MEDIA

An extreme way to hold the media accountable is to sue them. A growing
number of people and organizations that feel they have been damaged or
falsely accused by television news have been retaliating in court. 71 This approach was illustrated in November 1996 when a Miami, Florida, jury ordered ABC News and the producer of 20/20 to pay $10 million to Alan
Levan, chairman of Florida Bank Atlantic, and his bank. A November 1991
program had accused him of bilking investors in a series of complex real estate deals. Levan was delighted by the verdict, saying, We were seeking an
apology and a change in the way broadcast journalism is conducted. 72
1996 Becomes a Peak Libel Suit Year
As 1996 came to a close, the Wall Street Journal wrote, A year of tough libel
verdicts for the U.S. news media just got tougher. 73 The number of awards
filed against journalists increased sharply during the year, and so did the
award amounts. A preliminary study by the New York-based Libel Defense
Resource Center stated the median libel jury verdict in 1996 before the ABC
case was $2.4 million, more than double that in the previous 2-year period
and more than 10 times the 2-year median of $175,000 in 1992 and 1993.
ABC attorney Floyd Abrams explained, The public for some years has
tended to be angry at the mass media even as it watches it. 74
More people and corporations have felt this way since television news executives and
editors began ordering more investigative stories in the aftermath of Watergate. As seen
by plaintiffs and their attorneys, reporters are a bunch of hip-shooters who dont
know what theyre doing, and they ought to be taught a lesson.75
Another impetus to suing the press is the existence of new nonprofit
organizations that provide necessary legal support. Reflecting their
purpose and mood is the American Legal Foundation, which established
the Libel Prosecution Resource Center. As stated by Michael P. McDonald,
the foundations general counsel, Were going to throw open the doors
of the center to people who feel that they have been assaulted by news
organizations, who feel that they are media victims and would like to
find information about how they can vindicate their rights in court. 76
A final incentive is the Supreme Courts changing and seemingly
antagonistic stance toward the media, which stems from the early
1980s.77 There was further cause for alarm in 1993 when the Second
U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals unanimously ruled reporters from four
newspapers and two networks must relinquish their notes and videotape outtakes of interviews with a criminal-defense lawyer.78
Cases of Deceptive or Careless Newsgathering
Overzealous reporters sometimes use fraudulent means to
news. In 1993 three CNN reporters piggybacked on a search warrant
obtain
their
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CHAPTER 7
when they joined 18 Fish and Wildlife agents to search a Montana

ranch where the owner, Paul Berger, was suspected of poisoning eagles
preying on his sheep. The three reporters, dressed in the same clothes
as the federal agents, hid their identities and were wearing wires feeding a CNN tape. The search warrant did not mention the inclusion of
CNN reporters. Berger and his wife sued the federal government and
CNN for violating their Fourth Amendment rights against unreasonable search and seizure.79
Major Cases of Deceptive News Practices.
A major case of deceptive newsgathering involved ABC News and Food Lion. At the end of November 1991, a federal jury ruled ABC News reporters committed fraud
by posing as employees in the supermarket chain of Food Lion to produce a hidden-camera report on alleged unsanitary food-handling practices at the stores. Food Lion sued ABC, not on the usual grounds of libel
but on the legality of its newsgathering techniques. 80 Box 7.3 describes
the details. A second celebrated case of media deception is the invasion of
the Chiquita Brands International computerized voice mail system by
reporter Michael Gallagher of the Cincinnati Enquirer, which is reviewed
in Box 7.4.
The Food Lion suit motivated participants in a seminar at the Poynter
Institute for Media Studies to update the criteria the Society of Professional Journalists uses to determine when it is justifiable for journalists
to use deception for a story. The following conditions must be met:
When the information sought is of profound importance. It must
be of vital public interest, such as the revelation of great system
failure at top levels, or it must prevent profound harm to individuals.
When all other alternatives to obtain the same information have
been exhausted.
When the journalists are willing to disclose fully and openly the
nature of the deception and the reason for it to those involved and
to the public.
When journalists and their news organization apply excellence,
through outstanding craftsmanship and the commitment of time
and funding to the project, to fully pursue the story.
When the harm prevented by the information revealed through
deception outweighs any harm caused by the act of deception.
When the journalists have followed a meaningful, collaborative,
and deliberative decision-making procedure in which they weigh
the following:
The consequences (short and long term) of the deception on
those being deceived.
The impact on journalistic credibility.
The motivations for their actions.
The deceptive act in relation to their editorial mission.
187
Box 7.3 Food Lion Suit Against ABC

Food Lions successful civil suit against ABC for fraudulent newsgathering techniques led Tom Smith, president and CEO of Food
Lion, to say the jury has told ABC that networks, producers and reporters, like everyone else in the country, are not above the law. 81 The
case was encouraging to companies fighting damaging reports from
television news organizations. The number of claims based on newsgathering issues had been rising, said Sandra Baron, executive director of the Libel Defense Resource Center. She noted, It seems that
what plaintiffs are hoping for is that the public at large is not going to
like some of the tools of the trade, such as hidden cameras and hidden mikes.82
By not filing a libel suit, Food Lion never denied the truth of the November 1992 PrimeTime Live segment that it had routinely foisted
rotted and infected food on an unwitting public. 83 The story contained references to spoiled chicken, rotted fish, and rats in the
cheese. However, the jurors never saw this program because this was
not a libel case in which the truth of the matter counted; the case was
about the methods used by ABC producers in an undercover investigation. Reporters obtained jobs at Food Lion by lying about their previous work experience and giving phony references. Once employed,
they gathered data with cameras hidden in their hair and other equipment tucked into their bras. In the 2 years following the disclosures,
however, Food Lion closed 84 stores and laid off thousands of employees, presumably because of loss of consumer confidence.84
When the jury decided on a $5.5 million verdict against ABC, its
message was that media deception and misrepresentation had gone
too far.85 In the words of Marvin Kalb, a veteran broadcaster who is
now director of Harvard Universitys Joan Shorenstein Center on the
Press, Politics and Public Policy, lying became the rule when it should
have been the exception: The use of deception is so widespread and
sophisticated it demeans journalism and damages badly the journalist and the public.86
The legal implications of the action.

The consistency of their reasoning and their action. 87
This tightened code addresses the broader message of the Food Lion
jury decision, which, according to Scott Andron, business reporter for
the News & Record in Greensboro, North Carolina, is this: The public
does not like us, does not trust us and does not understand us. If we
dont start explaining our work better to the publicand, where appropriate, cleaning up our ethical decision-makingwe can expect more
large punitive damage verdicts in the future. 88 In light of the new code,
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Box 7.4 Cincinnati Enquirer Invades Voice Mail of Chiquita.

Another case of deceptive practices is the invasion of Chiquita Brands
International computerized voice mail system by reporter Michael
Gallagher of the Cincinnati Enquirer in violation of state wiretapping
laws. With the help of a corporate insider, he wrote an 18-page report
based on information obtained from 2,000 voice mail messages. The
report charged Chiquita with union-busting, pesticide poisoning, and
shady dealings in Central America, and included allegations of a Colombian bribery scheme.
Eight weeks after the articles were run, the Enquirer fired Gallagher,
apologized, and paid Chiquita more than $10 million (some say the
sum was closer to $15 million) in one of the quickest and most expensive settlements in media history. The apology appeared on the
front page and was signed by the Enquirers editor, Lawrence
Beaupre, and publisher, Harry Whipple. They said they had become
convinced representations, accusations and conclusions about
Chiquita in the series are untrue and created a false and misleading
impression of Chiquitas business practices. In a memo to the newspapers managers, the publisher said Gallagher lied to us repeatedly
over a period of nearly a year. His deception was massive.
Daniel Schorr, senior news analyst for National Public Radio, labels this investigative story
as one that is accurate and may perform a real public service, but raises questions about how
the information was obtained. The larger lesson is businesses, feeling the pressure of
stepped-up financial reporting over the last decade, are becoming bolder about attacking
journalists publicly and with lawsuits.
Gallagher was later sued separately by Chiquita.
it is also important to add that in its own defense, ABC commented, We

never engage in undercover activities lightly, but sometimes they are
necessary to bring stories of real importance to the publics attention. 89
As an epilogue to the case, U.S. District Judge N. Carlton Tilley, Jr.
ruled the $5.5 million award to Food Lion was out of proportion to the
actual harm suffered and was unconstitutional. He said Food Lion
would have to accept a $315,000 award or he would order a new trial.
The company accepted the reduced award, but ABC decided to appeal
further.90
Judge Tilleys ruling was not based on support for the First Amendment rights of the press; rather it was based on the concept of considering the ratio of actual damages to punitive damages. This argument
was used in a 1996 case in which the Supreme Court struck down a
jurys $2 million award against a BMW dealer who was sued by a doctor because the dealer had failed to disclose the paint of the car he pur-
189
chased had been scratched before it was sold to him. The court considered the ratio of
500 to 1 excessive. Likewise in the Food Lion case, the ratio of the $1,402 in actual damages
to the $5.5 million in punitive damages is about 3,900 to 1. 91
Careless News-Gathering. Deception is sometimes mixed with carelessness in the
news-gathering process. The following are some prominent cases.
U.S. Army General William C. Westmoreland sued CBS and several
individuals for more than $100 million because, in a January 1982
broadcast, The Uncounted Enemy: A Vietnam Deception, he was accused of being part of a conspiracy to underestimate enemy strength
in the Vietnam War. Litigation lasted more than two years, and legal
costs were estimated at $113 million. He dropped his case, however, before it went to the jury. Many people agreed CBS was unfair in using the
loaded word conspiracy and stacking the decks against the general.
Israeli General Ariel Sharon sued Time, Inc., for $50 million,
charging the magazine with blood libel for implying he had encouraged the massacre of Palestinians at the Sabra and Shatila Palestinian refugee camps in Beirut, Lebanon. The story claimed Sharon
had discussed revenge with the Lebanese Phalangists just before the
massacre. Although the jury agreed the story was false, he lost his
case because the jury did not find Time guilty of the other two elements of a successful libel suit: that the story was defamatory and
that it was written with actual malice. Time was embarrassed when
testimony revealed that the cover story was based on a damning
paragraph from an interoffice memorandum written by an Israeli
reporter, David Halevy, in
Times Jerusalem bureau. On cross-examination, Halevy admitted he had no basis for his accusation other than
an inference based on my 43 years of living in Israel.
Paul Engler s beef against Oprah. Illustrating the trend to sue
the media is the $6.7 million suit by cattleman Paul Engler against
Oprah Winfrey and others because of losses incurred when, on her
show in April 1996, she referred to Englands recent mad-cow disease
outbreak as the biggest health crisis since Chernobyl. Worse yet, after her guest, a food safety activist, opined that mad cow posed a dire
threat to America as well, Winfrey exclaimed, It has just stopped me
from eating another burger.92
Attesting to the power of some television shows, the prices of cattle
and cattle futures plunged on the day of the television show, resulting
in a loss of $6.7 million for Engler, who runs a big cattle-feeding operation and ranch. The legal basis for his suit is that Texas, where the
suit was filed, is one of 12 states that has a False Disparagement of
Perishable Food Products lawpassed after the U.S. apple industry
was pummeled by the Alar scare. The law states a critic of agricultural products can be held liable if the criticism isnt based on reliable
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scientific inquiry, facts, or data. 93

With this law as his weapon,
Engler sued not only Oprah Winfrey but also her production company, Harpo Productions, Inc.; the shows distributor, King World
Production, Inc.; and beef critic Howard Lyman, who is a National
Humane Society official. His fellow ranchers cheered him on. Said
one, Dont argue. Go over and blow the hell out of them. Another
said, The only Mad Cow in America is Oprah.94
After nearly 6 weeks, during which Winfrey moved her television show from Chicago
to Amarillo, Texas, where the trial took place, the jury voted she and the other defendants
did not hurt Amarillo ranching families and their cattle companies.95
Effects of Libel Suits: The Media Become More Careful, and Some
Are Intimidated
After the Westmoreland and Sharon suits, Mike Wallace neatly summed
up their effects: There is a need to be damned careful. Put it [the
story] through your typewriter once again or put it through the screening process once again to make absolutely certain that it can withstand
the kind of scrutiny that we give other people, other eventsgovernment, business. He added, There should never have been a lawsuit and
there wouldnt have been if all of us at CBS had been more intelligent in
handling the reaction to that broadcast. For example, Westmoreland
said he would have been satisfied earlier with the statement CBS made to
have the suit dropped, namely, that it never intended to assert, and does
not believe, that General Westmoreland was unpatriotic or disloyal in
performing his duties as he saw them. 96
60 Minutes Temporarily Succumbs to Tobacco Industry. Mike
Wallace leveled some sharp criticism at CBS for succumbing to a
threatened lawsuit by Brown & Williamson Tobacco when in November 1995 it canceled a segment of 60 Minutes containing an interview
with Jeffrey Wigand, PhD, B&Ws former vice president of research.
The company accused CBS of inducing Wigand to break a confidentiality contract with it. In the interview, Wigand accused B&Ws former
chairman, Thomas Sandefut Jr., of lying before Congress when he and
other industry executives maintained a solid front in declaring that
they did not manipulate levels of nicotine in cigarettes. Wigand also
said B&W enhanced the effect of nicotine through the use of various
chemical carcinogens, including ammonia, through a process known
as impact boosting, which results in nicotine being absorbed into the
lungs faster and affecting the central nervous system more quickly. On
a personal note, he claimed in his 60 Minutes interview that he received
threatening phone calls, such as, Leave tobacco alone, or else youll
find your kids hurt, and, Dont mess with tobacco any more. How
are your kids?
191
The 1999 movie The Insider dramatizes the way the CBS program
handled the report on the tobacco industry in 1995. Don Hewitt, executive producer of 60 Minutes, criticized Lowell Bergman, who consulted
on the film and was portrayed as a principled reporter who eventually
quit his job over CBSs handling of the report. Mr. Hewitt was cast as
more concerned with CBSs stock price than the truth. Hewitt said that
by turning himself into a hero and portraying Hewitt as a toady, Bergman lied, destroying his credibility as a journalist. 97
In a substitute program, 60 Minutes reported on the lengths to which
the tobacco industry has gone to muzzle its critics. In a personal note at
the close of the program, Mike Wallace said the programs staff had been
dismayed that the management of CBS had seen fit to give in to perceived threats of legal action. He added, We lost outonly to some degreeon this one, but we havent the slightest doubt that well be able
to continue the 60 Minutes tradition of reporting such pieces in the future, without fear or favor. 98 On hearing Wallaces statement, Richard
Campbell, author of a book on 60 Minutes, quipped, Unless it involves
the tobacco industry. He added, But I think the end result was pretty
weak-kneed, and noted the programs failure to mention the management decision came as CBS stockholders were considering a merger with
the Westinghouse Electric Company.99 The New York Timess comment on
the cancellation of the original program was that In so doing, in the
eyes of some journalism analysts, the program risked its twentyseven-year reputation for taking on any subject, no matter how large or
powerful.100 Said Marvin Kalb: I think what happened here is proof of
the primacy of lawyers over editors.101
Small dailies and weeklies particularly have felt the chilling effect the
proliferation of libel suits has had on aggressive reporting. They lack the
size, money, and resources to fight them and are often unduly influenced by social and financial pressures in their local communities. These
factors, rather than the fear of losing libel cases, have caused editors to
become more cautious in their approach to investigative stories and
even routine but controversial reporting about public figures. 102
The threat of suits has helped to improve journalistic accuracy. Reporters are more apt to double-check their facts rather than prove a preconceived story. Editors and publishers are also likely to be more
responsible by checking for factual accuracy and moving away from the
use of unnamed sources.
The media may also be learning better manners. A study by Gilbert
Cranberg of the Iowa Libel Research Project found that unsatisfactory
postpublication experiences with the press influenced most of the 164
interviewed libel plaintiffs to file libel suits. 103
They complained that
when they called the newspaper, they were bounced from one person to
another. When they did reach someone, they often received such discourteous responses as, Well, thats just the way we do it, buddy!
Thats our policy, or even worse: Fuck you, youre full of shit. 104 Instead of cooling them down, calls to the press made the aggrieved parties
192
angrier, and
methods to
editors:
CHAPTER 7
they
deal
sued. Cranberg, whose goal is to develop nonlitigation

with libel complaints, gives the following advice to
Remind employees of the great power of the press to hurt people

and of the need therefore to treat complainants courteously.
Assign responsibility for dealing with complaints to a person who
has good human relations skills and who is not also responsible for
news coverage.
Develop
written
policies
and
procedures
for
addressing
complaints.
Make sitting on serious complaints a firing offense. 105
By following these rules, public attitudes toward the media are likely to be improved and
serious grievances avoided.
CONCLUSIONS
On a day-to-day basis, a business that dislikes a news story about itself
can call a mediums reporter and editor or producer and voice its displeasure. Corrective action may or may not follow, and the long-term
impact of such calls may be minimal. New strategies are more powerful
and are aimed at producing institutional changes in media structure
and behavior. By supporting media-monitoring activities and news
watchdogs, corporations can expose bad reporting and undermine public confidence in the media. The public journalism movement is one sign
the media are sensitive to public opinion and want to involve the public
more. However, the ultimate weapon of business is to sue news organizationsnot only for libel but also for using illegal news-gathering
techniques. Occasionally those sued are not the media but activists who
allegedly make wrongful accusations that garner media attention.
APPENDIX
GM ONE-UPS NBC ON
WAITING TO EXPLODE PICKUP TRUCKS
On November 17, 1993, a 15-minute segment on Dateline NBC showed
how a GM pickup truck with a side-mounted gasoline tank exploded
and burst into flames when another vehicle struck the tank side of the
truck. Viewers were led to believe what some motorists and the National
Highway Traffic Safety Administration (NHTSA) were claiming, that
the 10 million pickup trucks built between 1973 and 19874.7 million
of which were still on the roadwere unsafe. 106
GM had insisted the
trucks were safe and posed no greater risk of postcollision fire than Ford
and Dodge full-size pickups. NBCs Waiting to Explode show seemed
to undermine GMs position.
193
Not only was GMs reputation at stake; it also faced 30 separate class
action suits. In a major defeat in February 1993, GM was struck with a
whopping $105.2 million verdict in an Atlanta court in the highly publicized case of 17-year-old Shannon Moseley, who, in 1989, was killed
in a crash of a GM pickup truck. 107
Secretary Federico F. Pena of the
NHTSA stated GM appears to have made a decision favoring sales over
safety, and asked for a recall of the trucks. 108 GM could have faced $1
billion in costs, plus lost sales.
Good luck, followed by careful investigation, exposed the fact that
the NBC reporter had placed incendiary devices under the GM truck,
overfilled the gas tank, and left the gas cap loose so the truck would explode and burst into flames. The break for GM came when the editor of
Popular Hot Rodding magazine received a call from a reader telling him of
a firefighter who was on the scene of the staged crash and videotaped
the whole test, saying he thought the explosion had been rigged. After
investigators checked 22 junkyards, they found the trucks used in the
test and discovered a spent model rocket engine in the bed of one of the
pickups. (It was later disclosed the rocket engines had been detonated by
remote control.)109
Using this evidence, GM general counsel Harold J. Pearce held a news conference in
Detroit and, after revealing the facts, called NBCs news program an outrageous
misrepresentation and conscious deception.110 The two-hour news conference was
telecast to GM offices, factories, and dealers throughout the country.111
Although in January GM had sent a letter outlining some of its findings to Dateline producer Robert Read, he did not inform NBC News
president Michael Gartner. The latter learned about GMs letter only after a second letter, dated February 1, was copied and sent to him and to
NBC president Robert Wright.112 After NBC held its crisis meeting, Gartner sent a letter to GM asserting three separate times that the NBC story
was entirely accurate: NBC does not believe that any statements made
were either false or misleading. The Dateline report was and remains completely factual and accurate. 113 However, after NBC officials
watched the GM news conference, they decided on a settlement. Jane
Pauley, the anchor, apologized on the air the next day.114
Mounting criticism from the journalism establishment and concerns
by NBC affiliate stations about withdrawal of advertising by GM dealerships helped convince NBC the settlement was desirable. Marvin Kalb, a
former network news correspondent, commented that a television journalist would have been fired for pulling such a stunt in years past; he lamented, But so radically have journalistic news standards changed
over the last 20 to 30 years that a network can now do this kind of simulationand then argue that it pursued a proper journalistic course. I
find it rather astounding. 115 CBSs 60 Minutes executive producer Don
Hewitt stated, There was no reason to do that. They had a pretty good
story up to that point. You cant ever play fast and loose with the people
who watch you, or you lose them.116
194
CHAPTER 7
Gartner stated he would move with deliberate speed

review of what went wrong, but in early March he decided to resign. 117
on
an
internal
ENDNOTES
1. Donald K. Baldwin, editor, Making Sense of the News (St. Petersburg, FL: Modern Media Institute, 1981), p. 6.
2. Claude-Jean Bertrand, Media Ethics & Accountability Systems (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction, 2000), p. 149.
3. Susanne Fengler, Holding the News Media Accountable: A Study of Media Reporters and Media Critics in the United States, Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly, Vol. 80, Winter 2003, p. 818.
4. Ibid., p. 819. Refers to Bertrand, op. cit., p. l32.
5. Ibid., pp. 819-820.
6. Ibid., p. 826.
7. Editorial, Leadership at The Times, New York Times, June 6, 2003, p. A32.
8. Jame Bandler, Report Cites Virus of Fear at USA Today, Wall Street Journal,
April 23, 2004, p. B1.
9. See Jonathan Chait, Bad Press, The New Republic, Vol. 229, November 10,
2003, pp. 20-23.
10. Brooks Barnes and Joe Flint, Four to Leave CBS News in Wake of 60 Minutes Probe, Wall Street Journal, January 11, 2005, p. B1. Also see James
Rainey and Scott Gold, Los Angeles Times, January 16, 2005, p. A1.
11. Joe Flint and Greg Hitt, Rather Retreats, Calling Report A Mistake, Wall
Street Journal, September 21, 2004, p. B1.
12. Ibid., p. B4.
13. See Bob Davis, Self-Styled Media Critic Dissects TV Coverage to Expose Perceived Liberal Bias at Networks, Wall Street Journal, August 15, 1996, p.
A12.
14. Watchdog Watch, American Journalism Review, Vol. 5, April 1993, pp.
32-34.
15. Eric Altman, Anchors Aweigh: The Refs Are Working, The Nation, November 1, 2004, p. 12.
16. Ibid.
17. Ibid.
18. Said on The Connection, a WBUR program in Boston, January 18, 2005.
19. Ad appeared March 31, 1996, p. E15.
20. Jude Wanniski, 1991 Media Guide, 6th annual edition (Morristown, NJ:
Polyconomics, 1991).
21. Charlene J. Brow, Trevor R. Brown, and William L. Rivers, The Media and the
People (New York: Holt, Rinehart & Winston, 1978), pp. 395-396.
22. Ibid., p. 232.
23. Ibid., p. 172.
24. Blowing the Whistle, Industry Week, July 21, 1980, p. 42.
25. Ibid.
26. William Rivers, Backtalk: Press Councils in America (San Francisco: Canfield
Press, 1972), p. 115.
27. Thomas Griffith, Watchdog Without a Bite, Time, April 9, 1984, p. 103.
28. Alicia C. Shepard, Going Public, American Journalism Review, Vol. 19, April
1997, p. 29.
29. Ibid., p. 28.
195
News Council Finds Coverage Untruthful, But Wins Emmy, pr reporter,

Vol. 39, November 11, 1996, pp. 1-2.
31. Ibid.
32. Ibid.; G. Bruce Knecht, Media: Rare Breed: Media Watchdog With Some
Bite, Wall Street Journal, November 20, 1996, p. B-1; Mike Wallace, The
Press Needs a National Monitor, Wall Street Journal, December 18, 1996, p.
A20; and Shepard, op. cit., pp. 24-29.
33. Shepard, op. cit., pp. 28-29.
34. Beware Media Consolidation, BusinessWeek, May 26, 2003, p. 126.
35. Joseph Weber, This Old-Media Deal Has New-Media Promise,
BusinessWeek, March 27, 2000, p. 46.
36. Susan E. Tifft, American Journalism Loses Another Family, Wall Street
Journal, March 14, 2000, p. A30.
37. Katharine Graham, Journalistic Family Values, BusinessWeek, July 8,
2002, p. 118.
38. Martin Peers, Nick Wingfield, and Laura Landro, Media Blitz: AOL, Time
Warner Leap Borders to Plan a Mammoth Merger, Wall Street Journal, January 11, 2000, p. A1.
39. Catherine Yang, A Real Test for Trustbusters, BusinessWeek, July 17, 2000,
pp. 78, 81.
40. Dan Carney, Who Will Watch AOLs Watchdog? BusinessWeek, January 8,
2001, p. 39.
41. Lawrence K. Grossman, The Electronic Republic: Reshaping Democracy in the
Information Age (New York: Viking, 1995), pp. 200-201.
42. Ibid., p. 173.
43. Ibid.
44. Editorial, BusinessWeek, July 8, 2002, p. 118.
45. Editorial, Protecting Media Diversity, New York Times, February 23, 2002,
p. A14.
Bacon, 1997), p. 31.
47. Morton Mintz, The Pro-corporate Tilt, Nieman Reports, Vol. 45, Fall 1999,
p. 24. Mintz is a former reporter at the Washington Post and chair of the Fund for
Investigative Journalism.
48. Michael Parenti, The Myth of a Liberal Media, The Humanist, Vol. 55, January 1995, p. 7.
49. Ibid.
50. Grossman, op. cit., p. 175.
51. Tom Shales, The Endangered NBC Peacock: How Owner GE Is Ravaging the
Once-Proud Network, Washington Post, March 29, 1991, p. B1.
52. Bruce Orwall, Disneys ABC Keeps Ad Hole Mouse-Friendly, Wall Street
Journal, July 17, 1997, p. B1.
53. Elizabeth Jensen and Thomas R. King, World of Disney Isnt So Wonderful
for ABC, Wall Street Journal, July 12, 1996, p. B1.
54. Bruce Orwall, Disney to Show Its Animated Film Hits on ABC, Wall Street
Journal, January 6, 1997, p. B6.
55. Ibid.
56. Kathy Chen, Disney Frets Over AOL Merger Plan, Wall Street Journal,
March 23, 2000, p. A24.
57. Mintz, op. cit., p. 32.
58. Parenti, op. cit.
59. Mintz, op. cit., pp. 31-32.
30.
196
CHAPTER 7
60. Ibid., p. 25.

61. Christopher Conte, Angels in the Newsroom, Governing Magazine, August
1996, p. 20.
62. Guido H. Stempel, III, Media and Politics in America: A Reference Book (Santa
Barbara, Calif: ABC-CLIO, 2003), p. 52.
63. G. Bruce Knecht, The Newsmakers: Why a Big Foundation Gives Newspapers
Cash to Change Their Ways, Wall Street Journal, October 17, 1996, p. 1.
64. Ibid.
65. Public Journalism: Possible Answer to What Ails the Press, in Julie Rovner,
Covering Health Care: Are Reporters Missing the Beat? A Special Supplement to Advances, Issue 3, 1996, p. 2.
66. Ibid.
67. Knecht, op. cit., p. 1.
68. News release, Public Journalism Cant Do It All, by the Pew Center for
Civic Journalism, Washington, DC, May 21, 1997.
69. David Blomquist and Cliff Zukin, Does Public Journalism Work?: The
Campaign Central Experience, Pew Center for Civic Journalism, Washington, DC, May 1997, p. 30.
70. Ibid., p. 6.
71. See William M. Carley, Bad Reception: As Television News Reporting Gets
More Aggressive, It Draws More Suits, Wall Street Journal, January 21,
1983, p. 1. For a scholarly compendium of the many recent lawsuits against
the press, see Rodney A. Smolla, Suing the Press: Libel, the Media, and Power
(New York: Oxford University Press, 1987).
72. Kyle Pope, ABC Network Loses Libel Suit Over 20/20, Wall Street Journal,
December 19, 1996, p. B1.
73. Ibid.
74. Ibid.
75. Carley, op. cit.
76. James E. Roper, Whos Behind the Media Libel Suits, Editor and Publisher,
March 2, 1985, pp. 9-10.
77. Carley, op. cit., pp 1, 15.
78. Milo Geyelin, Limits on Shield for Reporters Alarm Media, Wall Street Journal, September 28, 1993, p. A5.
79. Kevin Helliker, Feathers Fly: CNN Got Its Story About Poisoned Eagles but
Rancher Cries Foul, Wall Street Journal, September 25, 1997, p. Al.
80. For background of this case, see Barry Meier and Bill Carter, Undercover
Tactics by Television Magazines Fall Under Attack, New York Times, December 23, 1996, p. A1.
81. Elizabeth Jensen, ABC Reporters Committed Fraud in Undercover Report,
Jury Rules, Wall Street Journal, December 23, 1996, p. B5. The year 2000
started with the announcement of the biggest merger of all: AOLs acquisition of Time Warner for $156.14 billion.
82. Elizabeth Jensen, ABC Aggressively Contests Suit Over News Gathering,
Wall Street Journal, August 29, 1995, p. B6.
83. Dorothy Rabinowitz, ABCs Food Lion Mission, Wall Street Journal, February 11, 1997, p. A20.
84. Ibid.
85. Susan Paterno, The Lying Game, American Journalism Review, Vol. 19, May
1997, p. 40.
86. Ibid., p. 43.
197
87. Ibid., p. 42, which refers to Doing Ethics in Journalism, a handbook by the Society of Professional Journalists.
88. Scott Andron, Message to Journalists More About Trust than Law, Quill,
Vol. 85, September 1997, p. 15.
89. Barry Meier, ABC Held Liable for Fraud in Reporting on Store Chain, New
York Times, December 21, 1996, p. 8.
90. Peter Johnson, Walters: Viewers Dont Care About News Purity, USA Today, October 14, 1997, p. 3D.
91. Scott Andron, Scratched Car Saves ABC, Quill, Vol. 85, September 1997, p. 14.
92. Laura Jereski, Oprah Knocks Beef, and a Big Rancher in Texas Has a Cow,
Wall Street Journal, June 3, 1997, p. A1.
93. Ibid.
94. Ibid., p. A8.
95. Sue Anne Pressley, Oprah Winfrey Wins Case Filed by Cattlemen, Washington Post, February 27, 1998, p. A3.
96. Katherine Evans, Declarations of Victory, New York Times Book Review, April
5, 1987, p. 13.
97. Alex Berenson, 60 Minutes Producer Aims Bitter Blast at Ex-Colleague,
New York Times, June 4, 2000, p. NE26.
98. Ibid.
99. Ibid.
100. Bill Carter, CBS Executives Killed Story, 60 Minutes Broadcast Says, New
York Times, November 13, 1995, p. B8.
101. Ibid.
102. In small towns, politicians and businesspeople often gang up on editors
and bombard them with lawsuit threats. The size of awards, besides the expenses, intimidates editors. Even libel insurance does not help small papers
because they may not be able to afford the deductible and insurance does
not cover the time, energy, and loss of morale involved in lengthy court
battles. Observers see a danger as small papers pull out of investigative reporting and leave large papers the responsibility to speak out. Try to
imagine a world in which the only available outlets for communication are
the huge institutional media. A lawyer for the Libel Defense Resource Center in New York warns that there are certain officials who dont accept the
fact that theres supposed to be a give and take in public issues. They dont
believe there should be criticism. David Zucchino, Publish and Perish; Libel and the Little Publication, Washington Journalism Review, Vol. 7, July
1985, pp. 28-35.
103. Gilbert Cranberg, The Libel Alternative, Columbia Journalism Review, Vol.
24, January-February 1986, p. 39.
104. Ibid., p. 40.
105. Ibid., pp. 39-41.
106. Douglas Lavin, GM Plans a Public Relations Battle After Punitive Award in
Pickup Trial, Wall Street Journal, February 8, 1993, p. A4.
107. Douglas Lavin, GM Emerges Victorious as Court Overturns Truck-Safety
Verdict, Wall Street Journal, June 14, 1994, p. B10.
108. Douglas Lavin and Daniel Pearl, GM Trucks Had Fuel-Tank Flaw, Regulators Find, Wall Street Journal, October 18, 1994, p. A3.
109. Elizabeth Jensen, Douglas Lavin, and Neal Templin, Tale of the Tape: How
GM One-Upped an Embarrassed NBC on Staged News Event, Wall Street
Journal, February 11, 1993, p. A1.
198
CHAPTER 7
110. Douglas Lavin, GM Accuses NBC of Rigging Test Crash of Pickup Truck on
Dateline Program, Wall Street Journal, February 9, 1993, p. A3.
111. Jensen, Lavin, and Templin, op. cit., p. A7.
112. Ibid.
113. Ibid.
114. James B. Treece et al., Now, the Court of Public Opinion Has GM Worried,
BusinessWeek, February 22, 1993, pp. 38-39.
115. Elizabeth Jensen, Some Journalists Join GM in Criticizing NBCs Treatment of Truck-Crash Story, Wall Street Journal, February 10, 1993, p. B1. 116. Ibid.
117. Elizabeth Jensen, Off the Air: NBC News President, Burned by Staged Fire
and GM, Will Resign, Wall Street Journal, March 2, 1993, p. A1.
Chapter
Bypassing the News Media: Direct

Communication
The most drastic way business can reduce the medias power is to break
its monopoly as the sole deliverer of news to the public. Companies can
bypass the mass media and reach target audiences directly. Traditionally, companies communicate with the public by sending news releases
to the mediaincreasingly electronically by using Business Wire and
other electronic news delivery servicesand, if the news is sufficiently
important, by holding a news conference. This process places the news
at the mercy of reporters, editors, producers, and hosts of the mass media who serve as gatekeepers. They decide what stories or segments will
be used and what slant each will be given.
This control by the media over what messages reach the public is
analogous to labor union control over management communication
with unionized employees in the 1940s, which was prescribed by the
National Labor Relations Act of 1935. When the Taft-Hartley Act of
1947 finally broke this supposed monopoly of the unions, companies
were again allowed to communicate directly with their employees. In
the same spirit, companies now want to communicate with their important audiences directly through private or alternative channels, taking advantage of new communication technologies.
Some companies are also rebelling against what they see as the news
medias perversion of the traditional reportorial role of objectivity and
devotion to news values. Companies in trouble seek other options when
they see themselves being served up as the days or weeks entertainment for the masses by media desperately trying to survive and politicians desperately trying to divert attention from their wholesale
failure, says pr reporter. The new corporate strategy is to adopt a low
profile, concentrate their energies directly on key stakeholders, avoid
199
200
CHAPTER 8
controversy and even visibility, focus on your mission and growl at

those who try to pull you off course. 1 Bypassing the news media and
dealing with the public directly becomes an attractive alternative.
DISENCHANTMENT WITH THE NEWS MEDIA
Public opinion polls, panel discussions, and news stories about questionable behavior by journalists reflect the decline of trust in the news
media by both business and the public. Business has some serious misgivings about the medias objectivity, fairness, and devotion to news
values. If public cynicism about the media continues to grow, the medias effectiveness may erode to a point where corporate communicators must substitute other channels of communication and influence.
Illustrative of the many questionable journalistic practices that have
added to public cynicism is Connie Chungs Just Between You and Me
episode with Newt Gingrichs mother. Interviewing Gingrichs mother
off-air, Chung implied she would keep her comments confidential. Not
having had experience in dealing with reporters, Mrs. Gingrich took her
promise at face value and gave an honest reply. Chung, however, publicly reported what was said, namely, that her son, Newt Gingrich,
thought Hillary Clinton was a bitch. 2 Trust in the media wanes as the
public learns of these improprieties.
Polls Reveal Public Doubts About the Media
The State of the News Media 2004, which is described as An Annual
Report on American Journalism, reports that public distrust of the
news media has been declining over the last 18 years, except for the one
up-tick in November 2001, after the 9/11 terrorist attacks. The report
asks, How long can the profession of journalism endure if people increasingly dont believe it?3
Some of the changes between 1985 and
2002 include: The number of Americans who think news organizations:
Are highly professional declined from 72% to 49 %.
Generally get the facts straight declined from 55% to 35%.
Care about the people they report on declined from 41% to 30%
Are politically biased rose from 45% to 59%.
The believability of most news organizations has declined. By August
2002, the percentage of Americans who rated their daily newspaper as
highly believable fell from 80% to 59%. The believability ratings of national television networks also declined: ABC News fell from 83% to
65%, CBS from 84% to 64%, and NBC from 82% to 66%. Local news stations also lost believability, falling from 81% to 65%. Among the few
who stand out for their relative stability are public broadcastings
NewsHour and The Wall Street Journal. Andrew Kohut of the Pew Re-
BYPASSING THE NEWS MEDIA
201
search Center concludes that today the public considers the news media
less professional, less accurate, less moral, less helpful to democracy,
more sensational, more likely to cover up mistakes, and more biased.
The larger problem, he says, is a disconnection between the public and
the news media over motive: Journalists believe they are working in
the public interest and are trying to be fair and independent in that
cause, but the public thinks these journalists are either lying or deluding
themselves. The public believes that news organizations are operating
largely to make money and that the journalists who work for these organizations
are primarily motivated by professional ambition and
self-interest.4
A 1996 survey of 3,000 respondents by the Center for Media and
Public Affairs showed that a majority of Americans believe special interests, such as corporate media owners and advertisers, as well as pressure for profits, improperly influence the way news is gathered and
presented.5 Perhaps for this reason, this survey also reports that 53%
support licensing of journalists and 70% favor court-imposed fines for
inaccurate or biased reporting. 6
Other findings reveal that the media
have a negative impact on society:
73% of the American public blame the news media for making
them dissatisfied with the way things are going in this country
with 43% saying they are dissatisfied a lot and 30% saying
somewhat.
48% believe that the media make things sound worse than they
really are.
62% (another survey says 71%) feel the news media get in the way
of solving the countrys problems.7
Researchers and critics have interpreted these survey results in worrisome terms. Kohut says the 1996 survey amounts to a sweeping indictment by a public that appreciates the medias watchdog role but hates
the way they practice their craft. He adds that most of the anger is directed at the mainstream media, especially television, which is seen as
drifting toward a tabloid mentality that blurs the line between news and
entertainment.8 The late social critic Christopher Lasch worried about
the steady decline in Americans knowledge of public affairs even while
they are drowning in information.
Concerns about the failings of journalism were voiced and elaborated
on in a 2-day discussion by a panel of journalists and nonjournalists
moderated by Hodding Carter III. The panel concluded that journalism
has been corrupted and that there exists no mechanism of accountability that fosters trust in the media. Journalism is corrupt in several
ways, said the panel: (a) journalistic arrogance, which is manifested
when journalists spend more time talking with one another than with
people in their communities; (b) too close identification of journalists
with their sources to protect their celebrity status, and sacrificing the
202
CHAPTER 8
ability to obtain truthful news; (c) insufficient understanding by journalists of the subjects they write about, or they know the truth before
they get the facts; and (d) corporatization of the media, which has replaced locally owned newspapers, a trend that allows profits to be
placed ahead of such goals as informing citizens and protecting their
freedoms. In some instances, community attitudes have become so negative that many communities consider newspapers irrelevant.
Because of these failings, business and conservatives see bias entering
the treatment of such economic issues as inflation by blaming wage and
price hikes on the private sector while government policies, such as creating too much money, are exonerated. 9 Their slant on many stories reflects their obsession with the need to write about conflict. Said another
critic, Adam Gopnik, the media can be faulted for its tone of highminded moral indignation which is intended to suggest the medias
superiority, for example, to a public figure under discussion. 10
The view that the media have sacrificed their news values is widely
held by Americans, confirms James Fallows, Washington editor of the
Atlantic Monthly, in his book Breaking the News: Americans believe that
the news media have become too arrogant, cynical, scandal-minded,
and destructive.11 A Harvard Business Review article on books that tell
business managers how to think about the media extends the indictment. It charges that the U.S. media is corrupt. It fails to do what it
claims to do, what it should do, and what society expects it to do, says
Peter Vanderwicken, the reviewer.12
Liberal Bias
A major cause of disenchantment with the news media among business
and conservative politicians has been the belief that the media harbors a
liberal bias. They point to a poll released in April 1996 by the Freedom
Forum Media Studies Center and the Roper Center for Opinion Research
that shows 89% of journalists voted for Bill Clinton in 1992, compared
with only 43% of the popular vote in the election. 13 Another continuing
study, A Measure of Media Bias, by Tim Groseclose of the University of
California and Jeff Milyo of the University of Chicago, finds that the liberal inclination is pronounced. The test was that liberal national media,
such as Newsweek, The New York Times, Time magazine, the CBS Evening
News, USA Today, and NBC Nightly News overwhelmingly cite left-leaning think tanks in their stories. Only Fox News Special Report cited conservative ones.14
These studies appear to confirm the findings of a major study, The Media Elite,
published in 1986. The study asserted that the typical leading journalists from major
newspapers, magazines, and TV networks have a liberal bias. They fantasize about the
abuse of power and are more likely than businessmen to uphold social underdogs and
criticize authorities (see Box 8.1 for more details).
203
Box 8.1 Studies and Surveys of Media Bias

A major study that supports the contention of a liberal media bias is
The Media Elite by S. Robert Lichter, Stanley Rothman and Linda S.
Lichter.15 The typical leading journalist is described as the very model
of the modern eastern urbanite and politically liberal and alienated
from traditional norms and institutions. 16 The authors based their
findings on a sample of 238 men and women journalists at the New
York Times, Washington Post, Wall Street Journal, Time, Newsweek,
U.S. News and World Report, CBS, NBC, ABC, and PBS. These
reporters, bureau chiefs, editors, producers, and executives are made
up largely of white (95%) men in their 30s and 40s (79%), whose
fathers are professionals or businessmen (80%), and who come from
northeastern or north central cities (68%). 17
The authors say, journalists are consistently more likely than businessmen to uphold social underdogs and criticize authorities.18
Responding to pictures (using the Thematic Apperception Test), they
fantasize about the abuse of powerwhether by greedy businessmen,
conniving politicians, intimidating policemen, or bullying military
superiors. More than businesspeople, they are motivated by the need
to be the center of attention and to feel important and influential.
They seem fearful that others may gain control over them, therefore,
and attack others who are perceived as powerful. Seeing the world as
a struggle for power helps to explain why political campaigns are
hyped as horse races and why many business stories are treated in
terms of who will come out on top.
Another expression of the current intellectual and emotional milieu
of the national media is in news coverage of long-term social controversies. Several chapters in The Media Elite report on a content
analysis of such issues as busing, nuclear safety, and the role of the oil
industry in the energy crisis of the 1970s. The conclusion is not so
much that todays leading journalists are biased but that they tend to
see elements of social controversies in a way that corresponds with
their own attitudes.19
An essay in BusinessWeek by Bruce Nussbaum agrees with the
viewpoint that media bias manifests itself in social issues. Reporters
and editors bring to their jobs a white-collar cultural bias in that they
are more likely to know people who are gay than those who are
religious conservatives.20 Nussbaum says this social bias is not political partisanship.
The reason for this concern is that the national media have unquestionably become a major force in American life, say the authors of The
Media Elite. They have become a catalyst for political activists and social
critics. The news media see themselves as surrogates for the public, a
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role sanctioned by society. Don Hewitt, executive producer of 60 Minutes, says, We

have become Americas ombudsman. Echoing the characterization of TV documentaries and
news magazine shows as show biz, he states, Our purpose is to make information more
palatable and to make reality competitive with make-believe. 21
There is no such thing as an objective national news media, asserts
the Media Research Center, a nonprofit educational foundation formed
in 1987 to document liberal media bias and distribute this research to
the public. Its book, And Thats the Way It Isnt, provides ample evidence
on a variety of topics that media bias is real, that it is prevalent, and
that it obscures the reality that the journalistic profession has sworn to
report. The inference that journalists do have an ideological axe to
grind suggests a deliberate attempt to slant the news, rather than the
kinder view that journalism is inherently subjective; a journalists
approach to a story invariably reflects his opinion. 22
Intrusion of Commercial Values
The drive to maintain or increase newspaper and magazine circulation
and, for broadcast stations, to receive high Nielsen ratings, is increasingly important as investors see the media as just one more industry in
which to make a profit. Indeed, newspapers have been highly profitable.
Washington Post ombudsman Geneva Overholser states, The trouble is
that newspapers have become so profitableprofitable beyond any
normal retailers dreamsthat the pressure on corporate executives to
run them with an emphasis on the short term as opposed to the long
term is just enormous.23
The result has been a clear shift from the idea of news as information
to the idea of news as a market commodity. The media have lost their
distinctiveness in serving the public interest and instead are seen as just
another business. Jay T. Harris, chairman and publisher of the San Jose
Mercury News, was so chagrined over staffing cuts that he resigned. He
told his corporate bosses that their bottom-line profit motive for the
newspaper staff cuts risked significant and lasting harm to the paper as
a journalistic enterprise. He said he hoped his resignation would cause
the corporate bosses to closely examine the wisdom of the 20% corporate profit targets.24
Like Bagdikian, Gary C. Woodward, in Perspectives on American Political Media, blames the rise of media conglomerates, and their treatment
of news organizations as investments, for this shift in the treatment of
news. The story is told that when Larry Tisch, the chief financier of
Loews, became chairman of CBS after purchasing large blocks of its
stock, one of his first acts was to downsize the news and entertainment
division staffs. As stated by Woodward, Tischs reign over CBS generally had the effect of maintaining its short-term attractiveness as an investment, but weakened it as a media corporation with a unique history
205
and identity.25 Woodward also cites examples of how financial interests may dictate not getting involved in reporting on issues affecting another business owned by the parent company, or avoiding negative
comment and reporting on the actions of an important advertiser. 26
Other sources of pressure may be political. In Inside Congress, Ronald
Kessler tells how ABC officials, out of fear of Congress, allegedly shelved
a story about allegations of sexual harassment against Representative
Sonny Bono (R-Calif.) and of sexual activities by other unnamed lawmakers. ABC News producers spoke of a new conservatism under ABC
News chairman Roone Arledge and ABC News president David Westin.
As one producer rationalized, Westin is a former corporate lawyer
from Washington, and Disney, ABCs parent company, has regulatory
issues pending before Congress. Theres fear here that this piece was
killed because the network didnt want to take on Congress. 27 Although
he realizes the mass media industries must remain profitable and attractive to their investors, Woodward fears their role as agents of social
and political interaction is being weakened.
Disenchantment with the media also occurs when they run ads that
are found to be blatantly false. The commercial need to increase advertising revenue seemingly overrides social responsibility concerns. Media
outlets protest that they cant possibly have any level of responsibility
for ads because it is unduly burdensome and impractical to require them
to compare the products against claims made in advertising. Furthermore, First Amendment rights are threatened when the FTC asks the
media to reject false ads. Says FTC Chairman Timothy Muris, Reputable publications should be doing a better job screening them. When
they dont, the FTC threatens enforcement action. For example, it settled
a case with Blue Stuff Inc.s advertisements on national cable TV for its
emu-oil-based gel, priced at $60 for 8 ounces, which claims to relieve
severe pain. Muris is pressing for self-regulation, however, because he
realizes the First Amendment implications of FTC regulation. John
Kimball, marketing director for the Newspaper Association of America,
believes that the ultimate decision on what appears in a newspaper
rests with the publisher, not with any other entity. 28
Although most journalists complain about pressures to cater to the
commercial organizational demands, some are themselves driven by rewards in the form of prestige, popularity, and financial gain. Receiving
special attention is the questionable practice by journalists of accepting
speaker s fees. This raises questions about journalists credibility and
possible conflicts of interest, especially when they accept honoraria
from the same organizations they criticize for trying to buy influence
on Capitol Hill. Fueling further cynicism about the media is that many
of these journalist speakers resist disclosure of their sources and the
amounts of their lecture fees. Sixty-eight percent of readers of the Washington Journalism Review (renamed American Journalism Review) in a
1991 poll favored reform in this area. When Bernard Kalb, moderator of
CNNs Reliable Sources, asked columnist Robert Novak to reveal his out-
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CHAPTER 8
side income, the latter answered, Its none of the publics business. Im a private citizen.
If Kalb were asked the same question, his answer would probably be, I dont listen to
my own questions.
Entertainment Values and Tabloid Journalism Crowd Out News Values.
One consequence of the dominance of business values over news values
is that the press is under mounting pressure to provide entertainment-oriented news.29 National Public Radio host Scott Simon reflected
this concern in his Weekend Edition essay: Over the past few years, so
much of the American news industry has invested so much effort to
spotlight sensational superficialities and celebrity inanities, that by the
time we wanted to throw light on something truly and tragically serious (genocide in Bosnia), our audience no longer took us seriously. 30
The same is true in the treatment of health news. James Fallows cites the
example of Newsweek as preaching the journalism of big ideas by hyping Prozac one minute and playing it down the next, in a way that
trivializes important issues.31 He points out how a cynical and superficial press has shattered faith in public institutions.
Ben Bagdikian, author of The Media Monopoly, noted that as the marketplace, not journalistic values, sets the standards, the line between
tabloid and mainstream media fades. All the media, from The New York
Times to the evening news, are infected by the tabloid approach. Los Angeles Times TV critic Howard Rosenberg commented about the incestuous media process whereby a sleazy paper or program carries some
scandalous item, then the so-called respectable media fall in behind
themsquandering themselves on relative minutia but also diverting
the publics eye from the truly significant issues of the day. 32 The practice of tabloid laundering was dramatically illustrated by coverage of
Princess Dianas death, as described in Box 8.2.
Tabloid
journalism
has
also
touched
television
news
magazine
shows. Don Hewitt, 60 Minutes creator, devoted the inaugural William
S. Paley Lecture at the Museum of TV & Radio to denouncing the networks compulsion to
produce them:
In the rush to put more [of them] on the air taste and integrity and all the
intangibles that made [TV news] respected the world over get lost. Americans television sets [get loaded] with the same garbage that weighs down
supermarket checkout counters. Theres a line that separates the news
business from show business and I think its being crossed all the time
now. The Hard Copies, Current Affairs and Inside Editions do all the
things we would never even flirt with. 33
Business Deal Between the Los Angeles Times and Staples.

Another manifestation of how a leading newspaper succumbed to commercial values was the proposed profit-sharing deal between the
highly regarded Los Angeles Times and the Staples Center. Journalistic
traditions were neglected when Mark Willie, chairman of the parent
207
Box 8.2 News Coverage of Princess Dianas Death Illustrates

Tabloid Laundering
When Princess Diana was killed in an automobile accident in a Paris
tunnel on August 31, 1997, the three major networks devoted to it
197 minutes of their evening newscasts for the weeknot as much
time (255 minutes) as to the coup against Soviet leader Mikhail
Gorbachev in 1991, but more than to stories about U.S. Marines arriving in Somalia (182 minutes), the Mississippi River floods (167 minutes), and Hurricane Andrew (151 minutes). Mother Teresas death a
few days later received only 16 minutes. Nielsen ratings showed that
public attention to Dianas death was enormous. Television coverage
of Dianas funeral was watched in more than 26 million U.S. households. USA Today s total circulation was several hundred thousand
above normal for the week after Dianas death and Times first issue
about Dianas death had newsstand sales of about 850,000, which is
650,000 more than normal.
Commenting on tabloid journalism, Margaret Carlson, Time columnist, said, We take what the tabloids do and write about it, and that
way get what we wouldnt write about originally into the magazine. And
then we run pictures of the pictures to show how terrible the pictures
are. Newsweek did that on September 8 with a full-page spread
about the medias celebrity obsession. It included a color picture of
one cover of the British tabloid, The Sun, showing the now-famous
photo of Diana with her swimsuit straps slipped down her arms on a
boat with her companion Emsad Mohamed Dodi Al-Fayed.
Times Mirror Company, gave priority to business interests. This occurred when Los Angeles Times editor Michael Parks and publisher
Kathryn Downing made an unwise decision to engage in a profit-sharing deal between the papers magazine and its subject, the Staples Center sports arena, and not disclose it publicly until the issue came to
light in other publications. The October 10 issue of the Times magazine
had been entirely devoted to the Staples Center. Profits from the magazine issue were shared by the Times Mirror Company, which is a sponsor of the arena, and the arenas owners.
Embarrassed by disclosure of this agreement, the Los Angeles Times
took the unusual step of investigating itself and publishing a 14-page
special section, which called its arrangement a tangled tale of ignorance and arrogance.34 The section was written by longtime Times media reporter David Shaw and was not shown to Parks or Downing before
publication. Shaw wrote, Times journalists now fear that the very essence of their workthe bond of trust between them and their readers
has been jeopardized. The two senior news executives also apologized
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in Sundays Times. Parks told Shaw, Clearly, I underestimated the impact of the Staples
arrangement on our credibility, on the journalistic ethos that we foster, on our standing in
the community and in the profession.35 As executive producer of the CBS Evening News,
Erik Sorensen noted, the wall that has long separated the business from the editorial side
of the paper is being breached.
METHODS OF ALTERNATIVE AND DIRECT COMMUNICATION
To avoid the gatekeeping function of the mass media, organizations
have been addressing their target audiences directly by means of alternative
media,
private
communication
systems,
database
marketing
that eliminates the filter of the mass media, and the Internet.
Use of Alternative Media by Politicians
Reference has already been made to structural changes in the media. Chapter 4 suggested
that companies and politicians take advantage of the enlarged media menu beyond the
traditional mass media. Lessons in using alternative media and direct methods of reaching
desired audiences can be learned from politicians.
In the realm of politics, audiences as well as politicians have been
seeking a way around the press, traditionally described as the snide,
frenzy-driven trivializers who were contributing to the erosion of their
democracy.36
Interactive shows such as Larry King Live have allowed
viewers to serve as remote-control reporters, in that they can interview newsmakers themselves by telephoning in and commenting on
events as they watch them. 37
When presidential candidates appeared,
the public felt it had direct access to political leaders. With the advent of
C-SPAN, which allows the audience to see press conferences live, viewers
became critical of national networks reports, saying, Thats not what I
saw today. Why are these guys saying this? 38
Politicians and others who consider using the alternative media
must, however, be cautious and prudent in their selection. When Paul
Tsongas was a presidential candidate, he was asked whether he would
consider hosting Saturday Night Live, which was an opportunity to gain
attention. He declined because he felt it was not in his best interest as a
candidate. I was trying to present myself as a serious truth teller, he
said.39 For similar reasons both Walter F. Mondale in 1984 and Michael
S. Dukakis in 1988 declined invitations to appear on Donahue, even
though they were trailing in the polls. Donahues reaction was: While
it is true our program has always suffered from the daytime tabloid,
were-not-quite-the-news attitude, I thought this is an awful lot of pretense to be summoning to deny yourself this free television time. 40
Candidate Bill Clinton welcomed the opportunity to appear on alternative media and accepted an invitation from the Arsenio Hall Show,
209
where he played his saxophone. Many political consultants and reporters were fearful such an appearance would demean Clinton. Said Tom
Wicker of The New York Times, When two other candidates are making
such a point of traditional family values, whatever they are, for a guy to
appear on television playing jazz with dark shades on, on the Arsenio
Hall Show after midnight, I dont think that enhances his standing on
family
values.41
However,
Clintons
media
consultant,
Mandy
Grunwald, saw matters differently. She said it would explain to people
who Bill Clinton was, what his life was about, what he was about, what
he was about in personal terms. We had a strategic mandate to do
that.42 Her strategy was to go to nontraditional news sources because
they
were trying
to
convey biography
and
personality
and
not
news.43 As election results showed, the appearance likely helped Clinton,
especially among the young. Just under half of first-time votersabout
5.5 millionsupported Clinton, which accounted for nearly all of Clintons 5.8
million vote margin.44
Private Communication Systems
Private communication systems consist of two types: (a) constituency
communications, such as an organizations communications with its
stakeholders, and (b) privately financed cable channels. Communication
with
employees
through
newsletters,
newspapers,
magazines,
and
electronic communications is most common. The writers and editors of
these internal media are represented by the International Association of
Business Communicators with its more than 16,000 members. Besides
reaching
employees
through
these
controlled
channels,
organizations
have the opportunity to communicate with their employees through
one-on-one communications with supervisors and through a variety of
group meetings.
Motorola went directly to its employees with mass-media-related
news with the aim of taking the sting out of impending bad press or
other issue-related matters. One way was to place sandwich boards at
exits, which alerted employees at the end of the workday to expect television coverage that evening and criticisms or investigations and headlines the following morning. The company also used its cleaning staff to
distribute red alert messages so employees would immediately see them
on their desks or workstations when they report to work. Message
sheets carry a special logo to identify their urgency.45 Private channels
can also be used to target other stakeholders of an organization.
Public relations textbooks and handbooks are replete with examples of communication
programs that can be used with an organizations multiple stakeholders, as illustrated by
the following:
Investors can be reached through annual reports, interim reports,
and annual meetings (reports of which are sometimes made available in video format, on CDs, or on websites).
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Customers, dealers, and suppliers

ters, special bulletins, and other means.
can
be
reached
through
newslet-
The importance of going directly to key stakeholders, at least before

going to the news media, was demonstrated when First Chicago invited
banking reporters to a briefing at which senior bank officials explained
the banks new fee policy when customers go to a bank teller instead of
an ATM. Of all the complex details discussed at the briefing (e.g., the circumstances when a teller may be seen without paying a fee), the reporters jumped on the story of a new $3 teller fee. The story was then
amplified by grandstanding politicians and late-night comedians, as
well as public relations critics. The main lesson learned, said bank officials, is that getting information into customers hands before they see
it in the media is crucially important. 46 Officials already knew that employees must also be informed: Branch employees, the banks first line
of defense against irate customers, were provided communications materials beforehand. They supported the teller fee decisions and have done
an excellent job of explaining the decision and telling customers about
less costly banking options. Other stakeholders that should be informed, said officials, are government and community leaders, the minority community, and civic and political leaders. 47
The second type of private communication system is the privately
financed cable channels that are viewed by the general public but have
their contents controlled by their owners. An example is Pat Robinsons
cable television channel, which broadcast the August 1996 Republican
National Convention in San Diego. The cost of the broadcast was defrayed
by Amway, which
contributed
$1.3
million. Amways
president Richard M. Dick DeVos, Jr. said he viewed this contribution as a
public service.48 Pat Robinson also bypassed the mass media by producing audiocassettes that are distributed free to targeted audiences.
Database Marketing
Database marketing can bypass the media entirely, or counter the medias influence. The application of database
marketing allows communicators to reach audiences on a personal, one-on-one basis. Tom
Brennan of Brennan & Brennan, a public relations firm in Anchorage,
Alaska, defines himself as a database user: For years Ive been using
mass
media
only
as
supplementary
communication
channels. The important stuff goes direct to targeted audiences. When we issue a press
release we think through which people we would most like to have read
the story if a newspaper used it in its original form. Then we send the
press release to them. Its also a way of insuring the media doesnt garble the message.49
In writing his releases, Brennan includes some things I know the
media will leave out. At the same time, you have to be careful you
dont lose the interest of the news media.50 Brennan gives the example
211
of a hotel that decided to close its well-known restaurant and turn it

into a private dining room. Fearing the local newspaper would interpret
this announcement as a sign the hotel was in financial difficulty, which
it wasnt, Brennan sent 5,000 Dear Friends of the Restaurant letters;
he also reserved an ad in the paper to appear the next day. About a week
later, the media wrote a story, but by that time the story was well distributed and correctly perceived by the audience. 51
When using a database marketing approach, communicators should consider its full
meaning. As defined by Skip Andrew of the National Center for Database Marketing,
database marketing involves
managing a computerized relational database system, in real time, of
comprehensive,
up-to-date,
relevant
data
on
customers,
inquiries,
prospects, and suspects, to identify your most responsive customers for the
purpose
of
developing
a
high-quality,
long-standing
relationship
of
repeat business, by developing predictive models which enable us to send
desired messages at the right time in the right form to the right peopleall with the result of pleasing our customers, increasing our response rate per marketing dollar, lowering our cost per order, building
our business, and increasing our profits.52
In his book on the direct marketing of politics, One Billion Dollars of Influence, R.
Kenneth Godwin reported more than 200 million direct mailings are typically sent each
year to generate resources for political action. 53 Some examples are the following:
The Center for Resource Economics, a public interest group that
monitors corporations, used the Freedom of Information Act to identify and communicate with companies that threaten food supplies or
the environment.54
Philip Morris started a glossy new magazine in October 1996
called Unlimited: Action, Adventure, Good Times to reach close to 2 million male smokers between the ages of 21 and 29. Barred from broadcast advertising and facing possible new restrictions on billboards,
sponsorships,
and
magazine
advertising
(requiring
the
use
of
black-and-white, text-only ads in any magazine with substantial
youth readership), this private magazine intends to reinforce loyalty
to the brand and to provide added value, says a Philip Morris spokeswoman.55 This is not the first magazine Philip Morris published for its
smokers. In the mid-1980s, it published the Philip Morris Magazine,
which dealt with such controversial subjects as smokers rights. It
reached a circulation of 12 million people six times a year but was discontinued in 1992.
Videos as well as direct mail print material can be used in direct marketing. When Oliver North, the ex-Marine colonel, ran for the Republican nomination for a Senate seat in Virginia, he sent party regulars an
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11-minute videocassette containing a minibiography with commentary tailored to their

concerns.56
Commenting on the use of videos, Tom Edmonds, a political consultant, reiterated the advantage of direct marketing: You can bypass the
mass media and target only the people you want to reach. 57 He says
that for about $2 a cassette, he can send his clients customized messages to thousands of demographically desirable television screens,
thereby avoiding the need to buy expensive commercial time on a
station or cable system.
The Internet
The Internet has become an essential part of public affairs campaigns. It
and other modern online systems (e.g., e-mail, forums, bulletin boards,
and newsgroups) allow persons and organizations to communicate
their messages directly to their intended audiences without filtering or
distortion by reporters, editors, producers, or hosts. 58 Online services,
such as America Online, allow a sender to select audiences on the basis of
topics of common interest, such as the environment or animal rights.
An estimated 10,000 bulletin boards existed in 1996. 59
The Web is a medium that works best when information is available
for those who go looking for it, using the pull model of communications, says Shel Holtz, author of Public Relations on the Net.60 A company
can take advantage of user initiative by dedicating a site, or a clear section of a company home page, to an issue of special importance. When
several companies share a view on an issue, a consortium can build a
single website, such as the Camisea website on oil exploration in the Peruvian rainforest.61 Trade associations can likewise centralize positions
shared by the majority of their members. Holtz suggests that readers be
invited to submit their thoughts in response to a website, but a company should then be ready to respond to each. websites can help support
grassroots lobbying efforts. A companys intranet can reach employees,
as Caterpillar did in spring of 2000 to convince Congress to grant China
permanent normal trade relations.62
Among the converts to online systems are some members of Congress. In The Hill on the Net, Chris Casey tells how they have learned to
post material to the Net and thereby bypass traditional media and enhance their ability to deliver material directly to constituents. 63
Furthermore, says Casey, reading the speeches and other statements of a
member of Congress will tell you much more than you would get from
the sound bite coverage (if any at all) that print or broadcast media gives
to these types of events.64
Burson-Marstellers
research
has
identified
e-fluentials
among
Internet usersa powerful group of online users who steer current cultural and consumer trends. 65 This emerging class of online elites participate in chat rooms, use e-mail frequently, utilize message boards and
forward selected information to others. E-fluentials also yield clout
213
offline as well as online: 77% vote, 55% sign petitions, 48% e-mail government agencies, 47% e-mail congressmen or senators, and 40% serve
on committees of local organizations. Companies, as well as communities and special interest groups can tap the power of e-fluentials and enlist their support. Users of online services insist that messages are brief,
simply stated, and contain essential information, because they have
limited time, either because of restrictions or because they are billed for
the time used. They want to browse rapidly and will reject a message
that wastes their time.
E-Mail.
The clearest way to reach people directly, without mass media interference,
is through e-mail. When the audience is one individual, this new channel simply imitates
personal correspondence. Special conventions, called netiquette should, however, be
observed in using e-mail. As recommended by Nadine Udall Fischer of NADIA, The
Professional Speaking Company (Lawrenceville, NJ):
1. Use e-mail for urgent, time-sensitive matters.
2. Be brief, action-oriented, and direct. Make your point
seconds of the readers time.
3. Be sensitive. Avoid hiding behind e-mail to say something you
would not want to say face-to-face. Write in upper- and lowercase
letters because writing in all caps is the e-mail equivalent of hollering. Avoid slam-o-gramsnegative, curt e-mail messages. 66
within
30
The ability to send an e-mail message to a list of people, instead of

just a single recipient, differentiates e-mail from personal correspondence and enhances e-mails capability to bypass the mass media.
When using such mass-distributed e-mail messages, several common
elements should be included: the name of the individual or institution
that sent the message, date, listing of the contents in the same order in
which the items appear, information on how to contact the author of
the message, and how to unsubscribe from the mailing list. 67
Companies are neglecting the opportunity to respond to people who
send e-mail to them. According to the consulting firm Customer Respect.com, 37% of the 100 largest corporations who were sent e-mail
didnt respond at all, even with an automated form letter. Only after 3
or more days did an additional 22% answer. It was as if they were saying Dont communicate with us. Ever. In grading companies on the
speed and quality of responses, researchers who posed as customers
found several companies most responsive: Freddie Mac, Costco Wholesale, DuPont, Allstate, Lowes, Verizon Communications, Intel, Sears
Roebuck, Hewlett-Packard, and IBM. Among the least responsive was
Pepsi, appearing in 97th place. Said a Pepsi spokeswomanand, hopefully, others on the least responsive listWe are making changes as
we speak.68
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Discussion Groups and Blogs.

The Internet allows users to get online with communities of like-minded people on specialized topics
through forums, bulletin boards, and newsgroups.
Listserv and electronic mailing lists are available that enable someone to subscribe to discussions covering a wide variety of topics. 69
More than 53 million
American adults have used the Internet to publish their thoughts, respond to others, post pictures, share files and otherwise contribute to
the explosion of content available on line, according to a report from
the Pew Internet & American Life project. 70
It also reports that somewhere between 2% and 7% of American Internet users have created blogs
and about 11% of Internet users are blog readers.
Blogs, or Web logs, are becoming a public affairs tool of choice for
associations
and
corporations
to
influence
public
policy,
says
Ken
Deutsch, executive vice president of Issue Dynamics. 71 He outlines four
techniques used by bloggers to allow people to process a growing
amount of content:
1. Develop an audience and become the place to go on an issue with
the most up-to-date information. Do this by sifting through all of
the Internets content and providing high-quality and usually
short postings for a very specifically segmented audience.
2. Benefit from the ranking system of returns on Google, currently
the dominant online search engine, which ranks sites and key
words based on how many other Internet sites link to them. Make
an effort, therefore to link to other sites and promote other sites
through content reference within each blog entry.
3. Use the community-building approach by allowing site visitors to
become participants.
4. Get your message heard by using rich rite summary or really
simple syndication, which are akin to a news feed. 72
Companies can take advantage of discussion groups to reach participating individuals, including e-fluentials. If a company wants to submit
information or views on discussion group sites, however, it must make
sure the message conforms to the interests of the site. In some cases a
moderator may serve as an intermediary. Certain Internet norms
must be observed. Blatant advertising and self-promotion must be assiduously avoided, and messages must be of clear benefit to recipients.
Home websites.
A major growth industry in public
been the establishment of home pages by companies and
company-sponsored sites make messages available to the
messages
typically
contain
product
information,
press
pany backgrounders, fact sheets, financial statements, and
issues. Unlike a newspaper or television station that is
cessed by readers and viewers, a company home page requires moti-
relations has
others. These
public. The
releases,
comreviews of
routinely pro-
215
vated audience members intent on seeking information. This is called

the pull model of communicationthat receivers go to those sites that
they think contain the information they want when they need it. In
other words, the sender must depend on audience initiative because a
proactive information-seeking effort is required by the user to locate a
site and utilize it. A certain amount of random navigating of the
Internet is done by some computer users, but this audience is irrelevant.
The use of company home pages was explored by Yi-Chun Regine Liu in
a master s thesis, as described in Box 8.3.
Push Technology.
Theoretically push technologyin
pull technologyenables organizations with home pages to broadBox 8.3 Study of Some Corporate Websites
Yi-Chun Regine Liu examined the use of home pages in the top 10
companies in four industrieschemicals, airlines, commercial banks,
and health careto determine whether and how they used home
pages. Even as early as 1996, when the research was conducted, 35
of the 40 companies carried home pages: all 10 airlines and all 9
banks (reduced to 9 because Chase Manhattan and Chemical Bank
merged); 8 chemical and 7 health care companies. Home pages typically display a company logo and slogan; for example, DuPonts
Better things for better living, bears this explanation: Were a science and technology based global company of people who make
products that make a difference in everyday life.
Liu found that almost all of the information in these company
home pages, such as annual reports and employee publications, duplicated material already existing in other media. But home pages had
certain advantages. Aside from potentially reaching new audiences,
two features of home pages make them a potentially powerful medium, says Liu. One is their multimedia capabilitythe ability to use
audio and video materials, such as brief speeches by CEOs and pictures of products and services (thus imitating colorful high-quality
magazines and reports). Another is their capability to provide audience
interaction. Visitors can select the specific information sought, enhance it, and give feedback. For example, airlines provide interactive
schedules that allow someone immediately interested in a certain destination to receive the departure and arrival schedule; some airlines go
a step further by accepting online reservations.
The Internet has the further advantage of creating a one-on-one relationship between an organization and a person. As stated by Brian
Johnson of Alexander Communications, an Atlanta-based public relations agency. The Internet is about interactivity, a dialogue, and public relations is about interactivity, the give and take of ideas, ideals,
and information. On the Internet, listening is as important as talking.
contrast
to
216
CHAPTER 8
cast messages to audiences without requiring their initiative. Instead

of relying on Web users to pull news and ads from a variety of sites by
browsing and searching, push technology places material on users PC
screens to receive their attention. 73 However, as Shel Holtz points out,
such push technology cannot be relied on to get a message to a targeted
audience. It is the user who configures the tool to receive only material
in categories that are of interest. 74
The user specifies generic channels
such as news, companies, industries, and sports, or branded channels
from news organizations like The New York Times or CNN. Topics can
then be chosen within these channels, but customization does not extend to refined levels.
These push technologies were pioneered in 1996 by two California
firms: PointCast of Cupertino, and BackWeb Technologies of San Jose.
PointCast software goes out to the Internet and retrieves the kinds of
stories demanded. PointCast presents stories to the user in headline form
via a screen saver, and BackWeb does so in the form of Info-Flashes
little graphics that pop out of the edge of your screen or march along its
borders in whatever program youre using. 75
By clicking a headline,
the user displays the text. What is considered a complaint by a reviewer
of this software is to the advantage of an organization. Walter S.
Mossberg frets that a significant proportion of the stuff in the generic
channels isnt independently written news but one-sided company press
releases.76
Spamming Endangers the Internet. Spamming has become the number one
scourge of the Internet and threatens to undermine its value. Worldwide, 10.4 million
spam e-mails are sent every minute. AOL says that every day it tags as spam and blocks
80% of the e-mail reaching it.77 Spam accounts for 50% of all electronic mail in the United
States78 and costs U.S. businesses $10 billion annually in lost productivity and additional
equipment and software.79
Spamming is defined as an inappropriate attempt to use a mailing
list, or Usenet or other networked communications facility as if it was a
broadcast medium (which it is not) by sending the same message to a
large number of people who didnt ask for it. 80 Efforts are underway to
control spamming through antispam technology and legislation. One
of the most popular technologies is the so-called white list, which accepts mail only from a list of approved contacts. EarthLink, the third
largest Internet service provider, has been building such a system. Users
are installing antispam software, the use of which is expected to reach
$653 million in 2003. The unfettered, open and chaotic nature of the
Internet is being replaced by an orderly and closed system. Mailing from
work, friends, and e-tailers will be filed into separate mailboxes. 81
After
much
debate in
Congress,
a
sweeping
antispam
bill
was
passed, Can-Spam of 2003, which was signed by President Bush on December 10 and took effect January 1, 2004. The debate centered
around marketers First Amendment rights of commercial speech ver-
217
sus peoples privacy rights. As the Supreme Court said in 1951 in response to solicitors of magazine subscriptions, the First Amendment
didnt give companies free rein to invade the living rights of others to
privacy and repose.82 Because 79.1% of spam messages are claimed to
originate in North America, the European Union is asking for stronger
measures, such as an opt-in system rather than the new laws
opt-out provision. The powerful Direct Marketing Association has
opposed a blanket opt-in rule and instead wants harsher penalties for
the worst offenders.83
Use of Web Pages During a Crisis. 84 The
characteristics
of
speed
and availability make the Internet an ideal tool for a company to provide the media and others with information about a crisis. In todays
24/7 environment, word of a crisis is quickly broadcast by the news
media, even as the crisis unfolds and before details are available. To obtain balanced treatment from the media, a company can offer three
types of websites: the company site; a special site dedicated to the crisis; and the sites of supporters, advocates, and allies. 85 The Internet can
also take a companys message directly to stakeholders, such as vendors, franchisees, customers, and employees. Thus, a new role for public relations practitioners is that of content provider, a role that
eliminates the filter. The Internets multimedia capability makes
possible the exciting prospect of broadcasting visual images directly to
a companys stakeholders. Box 8.4 describes how Odwalla effectively
used a dedicated website when its apple juice was implicated in several
cases of E. coli poisoning.
CONCLUSIONS
When customers dislike a product, they find a substitute. The same is
true for corporations that have depended on the mass media to disseminate their messages. When trust in the news media is low, companies
may bypass them entirely or supplement the medias version with their
own through various forms of direct communication with their audiences. Trust has been undermined as evidence mounts that the media are
failing in their mission of objective and fair reporting. Charges abound
of a liberal media bias and commercial values that favor sensationalism
and entertainment over journalistic values. Fortunately for business,
alternatives to the traditional news media are growingin the form of
alternative
media,
private
communication
channels,
direct
marketing
channels, and the Internet.
ENDNOTES
1. Strategy 92 & Beyond , pr reporter, Vol. 35, March 2, 1992, pp. 1-2.
Box 8.4 Odwallas Tainted Apple Juice Crisis

Late in the evening of October 30, 1996, health officials in Washington State notified the San Francisco juice maker Odwalla that its companys apple juice was implicated in several cases of E. coli poisoning.
Sixty-one people eventually became sick and 1 child, a 16-month-old
girl, died from the same type of bug that had contaminated Jack-inthe-Box hamburgers in 1993.
Within 20 minutes after receiving the news of contamination from state officials, Odwalla
held a press conference to announce a recall of all products containing unpasteurized apple
juice, which amounted to about 70% of its product line. It also shut down its production facil ity
and carefully analyzed every point in the process.
During the recall, Edelman Public Relations Worldwide worked with
Odwalla. Although the company did not have a corporate or promotional website, Edelman set up a crisis-related site within 72 hours.
Edelman uses its domain name (www.enw.com) as a way to create a
subdomain to host a clients site when crisis strikes.
Odwallas site became an important part of the companys response. The website address in news releases led many reporters to refer to the site for updated
information. Within 48 hours of its establishment, the site generated 19,000 hits. Odwalla had
a chance to tell its story after the immediate crisis passed.
A feature of Odwallas site appreciated by reporters was that it offered links to two
government agencies most closely involved with the recall: the Food and Drug Administration
and the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.
Odwallas swift action and communication are the likely reason an
independent survey conducted by America Online found 96% of the
respondents said they approved of the way the crisis was handled and
86% said they would continue to buy its products. The company survived, but its stock price, which was $28.70 a share before the crisis,
is only slowly recovering from a 52-week low of $9.25 a share.
Based on its Odwalla experience, Edelman has prepared a Crisis
Preparation & Response (CPR) product that enables rapid, real-time
Internet response as well as updating and worldwide access. Within
an hour, CPR can place an immediate text response online. In 12
hours it can add third-party influence statements, graphic sophistication, and digitized video footage, including interview segments a program such as 60 Minutes might have left out (provided the company
prepared its own film).
218
2.
219
In the News: Prepared Testimony of Dr. Jay Black Before the Senate Committee on the Judiciary, Federal News Service, December 19, 1996.
3. The State of the News Media 2004, Pew Research Center for People & the
Press. www.stateofthenewsmedia.org/narrative_overview_conclusions
4. Ibid.
5. Ibid.
6. Ibid.
7. From Roper Center, Public Opinion Online. Also see Rita Beamish, Voters Rate
the Coverage by News Media as Mediocre, Los Angeles Times, November 27,
1994, p. A-19; Reginald Stuart, A Year of Sizzle Boosts Audiences, Arms Our
Critics; Sensationalism in Journalism to Erode Public Confidence in Media,
Quill, Vol. 82, November 1994, p. 56.
8. Steve Berg, Gingrich Joins Chorus of Media Critics, Star Tribune, January
18, 1995, p. 6A.
9. Ibid.
10. Ibid.
11. James Fallows, Breaking the News: How the Media Undermine American Democracy (New York: Pantheon, 1996), p. 3.
12. Peter Vanderwicken, Why the News Is Not the Truth, Harvard Business Review, Vol. 73, May-June 1995, pp. 144-152.
13. Bruce Nussbaum, The Myth of the Liberal Media, BusinessWeek, November
11, 1996, p. 34. The poll, however, is criticized for including only 139 Washington journalists.
14. Robert J. Barro, The Liberal Media: Its No Myth, BusinessWeek, June 14,
2004, p. 28
15. S. Robert Lichter, Stanley Rothman, and Linda S. Lichter, The Media Elite:
Americas New Powerbrokers (Bethesda, Md: Adler & Adler, 1986).
16. Ibid., p. 294.
17. Ibid., pp. 20-23.
18. Ibid., p. 86.
19. Ibid., pp. 294-295.
20. Nussbaum, op. cit., p. 35.
21. Lichter, Rothman and Lichter, op. cit., p. 150.
22. Watchdog Watch, American Journalism Review, Vol. 5 , April 1993, pp.
32-34.
23. Lichter, Rothman, and Lichter, op. cit., pp. 294-295.
24. New York Times, March 20, 2001, pp. C1, C6.
Bacon, 1997), p. 46. Also see p. 48.
26. Ibid., p. 49.
27. Jane Hall, ABC Pulls Story on Misdeeds in Congress, Los Angeles Times, May
17, 1997, p. A15.
28. John R. Wilke, FTC Asks Media to Reject False Ads, Wall Street Journal, November 20, 2002, p. A3.
29. Jacqueline Sharkey, The Diana Aftermath, American Journalism Review,
Vol. 19, November, 1997, p. 22.
30. Even Media Pros Now Question Validity of Current News; Another Reason
to Go Under-the-Radar Directly to Publics, pr reporter, Vol. 37, March 21,
1994, p. 1.
31. Michael Elliott, Blunt Arrows Miss the Mark, Guardian, April 8, 1996, p. T16.
32. Ed Siegel, The Tabloid Approach Takes Hold; News Analysis, Boston Globe,
December 23, 1993, p. 1.
220
CHAPTER 8
33. Television Newsmagazine Shows Called TrashYet Rate Highest; Watch for
Local Television Reporting to Turn Uglier, pr reporter, Vol. 36, August 23,
1993, p. 3.
34. Lisa Bannon, In Special Section, Los Angeles Times Raps Executives Role in
Tangled Tale, Wall Street Journal, December 21, 1999, p. B10.
35. Ibid.
36. Larry King, with Mark Stencel, On the Line: The New Road to the White House
(New York: Harcourt Brace, 1993), p. 6.
37. Ibid., p. 60.
38. Ibid.
39. Ibid., p. 160.
40. Ibid., p. 16.
41. Ibid., p. 36.
42. Ibid., p. 161.
43. Ibid., p. 32.
44. Ibid., p. 155. He cites the Congressional Quarterly Almanac, 102nd Session,
1992 (Washington, D.C.: Congressional Quarterly, 1993), p. 6-A.
45. Natural Communications Methods Work Best; Some Examples, pr reporter,
Vol. 38, June 26, 1995, p. 2.
46. One More Reason for Going Around the Media to Publics, pr reporter, Vol.
38, June 5, 1995, pp. 2-3.
47. Ibid.
48. Bill Vlasic, Douglas Harbrecht, and Mary Beth Regan, The GOP Way Is the
Amway Way, BusinessWeek, August 12, 1996, pp. 28-29.
49. Database PR: Opinion Leader List Overpowers Media List, pr reporter, Vol.
36, February 1, 1993, p. 1.
50. Ibid.
51. Ibid.
52. Database Marketing Could Be Threat to PR, or an Ally, pr reporter, Vol. 36,
January 18, 1993, p. 1.
53. R. Kenneth Godwin, One Billion Dollars of Influence (Chatham, N.J.: Chatham
House, 1988), p. 1.
54.
Eileen
Gannon,
Solving
Environmental
Problems
With
Information
Technology, The CPSR Newsletter, Vol. 13, Summer 1995, pp. 9-10.
55. Sally Goll Beatty, Philip Morris Starts Lifestyle Magazine, Wall Street Journal, September 16, 1996, p. B1.
56. Andy Meisler, From Your Mailbox to Your VCR: More Ads, New York Times,
October 16, 1994, p. E6.
57. Ibid.
58. For an excellent review of the subject see Daniel S. Janal, Public Relations:
Influencing Editors and Your Target Market, in Online Marketing Handbook
(New York: Van Nostrand Reinhold, 1955), pp. 287-333.
59. John V. Pavlik, New Media Technology: Cultural and Commercial Perspectives
(Boston: Allyn & Bacon, 1996), p. 170.
60. Shel Holtz, Public Relations on the Net, 2nd edition (New York: AMACOM,
2002).
61. Ibid., p. 345.
62. Ibid., p. 225.
63. Chris Casey, The Hill on the Net: Congress Enters the Information Age (Boston:
AP Professional, 1996), p. 84.
64. Ibid.
65. See www.efluentials.com.
221
Whats Proper & Whats Not in the Use of E-Mail? Channels (monthly
newsletter published by PR Publishing Co., Exeter, N.H.), p. 7.
67. Holtz, op. cit., p. 125.
68. 1-Way Patrol: E-Mail: Signed, Sealed, Deleted, BusinessWeek, November
11, 2002, p. 14.
69. Casey, op. cit., pp. 77-78.
70. 44 Percent of American Internet Users Have Contributed Their Thoughts,
Digital Content to Online World, Ascribe Newswire, February 26, 2004.
71. Ken Deutsch, Blogging Bids to Become the New Tool of Choice for Influencing Public Policy, Impact, May 2004, p. 1.
72. Ibid., pp. 1-3.
73. Walter S. Mossberg, Personal Technology: Push Technology Sometimes
Pushes News You Cant Use, Wall Street Journal, March 27, 1997, p. B1.
74. Holtz, op. cit., p. 123.
75. Ibid. PointCast has been replaced by Entrypoint, owned by Launchpad Technologies. This service displays information in an on-screen toolbar that enables users to link to shopping, financial, and news sites of their own choice.
Laurie J. Flynn, Compressed Data; Push Technology Returns in a Form
That Is More Polite, New York Times, March 13, 2000, p. C4.
76. Ibid.
77. Stephen Baker, The Taming of the Internet, BusinessWeek, December 15,
2003, pp. 78-81.
78. Stephen Baker, From Open Doors to Gated Communities, BusinessWeek,
September 8, 2003, p. 36.
79. Mentioned in a professional paper by Marinos Papadopoulos, who references the Direct Marketing Association (www.the-dma.org). An early infamous case is the green card lawyer who, in April 1994, sent an
advertisement to more than 5,500 Usenet newsgroups without any regard
for the groups topic of discussion. The sender was consequently vilified
across the Internet. The lawyers violated the rule, or netiquette, that messages should only be posted to newsgroups appropriate to the subject of the
message. Casey, op. cit., p. 57.
80. Ibid., p. 55.
81. Baker, The Taming of the Internet, op. cit.
82.
Lorraine
Woellert,
Commentary: Will the
Right to
Pester
Hold
Up?
BusinessWeek, November 10, 2003, p. 73.
83. Brandon Mitchener, Europe Blames Weaker U.S. Law for Spam Surge,
Wall Street Journal, February 3, 2004, p. B1.
84. The crisis story is based on a press kit by Edelman Public Relations Worldwide and the following: Take Control, PRs Magazine of Reputation Management, November-December 1997, pp. 48-50; Richard Rapaport, PR
Finds a Cool New Tool, Forbes ASAP, October 6, 1997, pp. 101-108.
85. Suggested by Holtz, op. cit., p. 336.
66.
IV
Governmental Strategies
Governmental strategies begin when an issue at the public involvement

stage begins to interest lawmakers and regulators. If they place the issue
on their agenda, the issue advances to the legislative stage. Here public affairs professionals seek to influence key persons in the legislative and executive branches of government through direct contact and indirectly
through the mobilization of interest groups and citizens to put pressure
on senators, members of Congress, and various government officials. The
goal usually is to discourage unwanted government action or, if government does take action, to obtain as favorable an outcome as possible.
When a corporation is interested in the enactment of certain legislation,
however, it will use legislative strategies to promote its own views.
Most laws are embellished by regulations that are promulgated by various government
agencies and many of them are later challenged in court. For this reason, the regulation and
litigation stage has been added to the issue life cycle. Chapters 9 and 10 on lobbying
encompass both legislatures and regulatory agencies; chapter 12 discusses the growing
subject of litigation communication.
FORCES IN THE GOVERNMENT ARENA
Legislative communication and litigation communication are of vital
importance because they address government, a major force in a corporations sociopolitical environment. They also recognize the previously
discussed influence of interest groups, as well as the fundamental role of
public opinion.
Increasingly,
legislative
communication
resembles
political
campaigning, as corporations realize that one-on-one contact with members of
Congress is inadequate. Lawmakers must be assured their actions will
223
224
PART IV
not alienate their constituents. Therefore, corporations use public

ion polls to measure public acceptance, form coalitions with other
est groups, and attempt to gain media support for their position.
opininter-
Government
Businesses operate within the parameters of what government allows.
Government regulations can define what products or services are legal,
as the banning of alcoholic beverages during the prohibition era demonstrates.
Regulations
can
specify
the
distribution
channels
through
which a product may be sold, as with the distribution of prescription
drugs through licensed pharmacists. Regulations can also restrict how a
product may be advertised, such as banning cigarette ads on television.
Not surprisingly, one of the favorite charts in business-government
books shows the precipitous rise in the number of regulations during
the 1960s and 1970s. Murray L. Weidenbaums book, Business, Government, and the Public, shows a mildly rising curve in the number of federal consumer protection laws passed between 1890 and 1972. The
curve rises sharply, however, in the mid-1960s and the author notes
that legislation shows little sign of diminishing. 1 Furthermore, some of
the newer regulations are across the board and apply to all industries
(e.g.,
regulations on the environment, affirmative action, and occupational health and safety). Traditional regulations were industry specific
and therefore relatively more acceptable because regulators might actually understand how a regulation would impact a particular industry.
Although corporations emphasize the onerous aspects of government regulations in
their public statements, many are equally interested in these other functions of
government:
Promoter of business (e.g., tax credits, tariffs, subsidies).
Guarantor of business (e.g., the Chrysler & Lockheed bailouts).
Buyers of goods and services from the private sector.
Manager of the economy through monetary and fiscal policy.
Owner of enterprises (e.g., the Tennessee Valley Authority).
Planner of economic growth and prosperity.2
Some of these functions hold the promise of government contracts,
subsidies, and loan guarantees. With a worldwide movement toward
marketplace
economies,
public
ownership
of enterprises
can
be
converted into business potential through the process of outsourcing and
privatization. Besides maintaining a stable and growing economy, business and the public expect government to strengthen the countrys infrastructure, which now focuses not only on better roads, but the
building of an information infrastructure. The subject of what public
goods the government should provide will always remain highly
controversial.
GOVERNMENTAL STRATEGIES
225
Interest Groups
Interest groups exert enormous power in legislative and regulatory decision making because all of them are potential lobbyists. (Their role in
originating and disseminating issues has already been discussed in the
introduction to Part II.) Jonathan Rauch, national correspondent for the
National Journal, believes the reason for the inability of Congress and
the White House to achieve their sometimes lofty goals is that real control lies with these pivotal groups. 3
As economist Mancur Olson wrote, the more parochial a lobby is, the
more likely it is to form and thrive. Rauch further explains, Lobbies exist to secure some favorable measures for themselves. Each group cares
much more about keeping its little piece of the pie than anyone else cares
about taking it away. 4 These lobbies can be beaten only by mobilizing
broad public opinion against them, but that happens only in response to
a crisis or when a bipartisan elite spends months or years seeking to do
so. Sometimes, however, a corporation can form a coalition with some
interest groups, recognizing that some normally opposed to business
might join it in support of specific issues.
Public Opinion
Public opinion comprises what is on the minds of the general public, and
a variety of writers have recognized its importance. Public relations
counselor Edward L. Bernays wrote in his classic, Crystallizing Public
Opinion:
Perhaps the most significant social, political and industrial fact about the
present century is the increased attention that is paid to public opinion, not
only by individuals, groups or movements that are dependent on public
support for their success, but also by men and organizations which until
very recently stood aloof from the general public and were able to say, The
public be damned.5
Public opinion surveys serve several purposes related to public affairs: They are a useful way of monitoring what issues Americans are
concerned about, what their stand is on specific issues, and what their
mood is; for example, whether the country is on the right track. Many
pertinent survey findings are reported in subsequent chapters.
Leo Bogart, former vice president of marketing planning and research
at the Bureau of Advertising, said, in a Harvard Business Review article, the
main purpose of opinion research is to inform management on the general climate of opinion, to point out public relations issues with which the
company may be faced.6
And Robert O. Carlson, a former opinion researcher for the then Standard Oil Company of New Jersey, said large corporations wanted to evaluate their place in the publics mind. 7
226
PART IV
Illustrating Carlsons concern about how big business is viewed by

Americans, a 2000 Gallup poll found 65% of the American public thinks
big government is the biggest threat to the country in the future; in
contrast only 22% named big business and 7% named big labor as
threats.8 The American people appear not to have a lot of confidence in
government. A Gallup poll in 2000 found that only 7% said they had a
great deal of confidence and another 17% said they had quite a lot of
confidence in Congress. Confidence in the presidency was somewhat
higher, with 15% having a great deal of confidence and 27% quite a lot of
confidence.9
Surveys
also
anticipate
trends.
The
American
Management
Associations
survey,
Business
and
Society:
1976-2000which
was
conducted during the early phase of growth of public affairsfound 68% of
the respondents agreed with the statement: We have reason to be concerned whether the corporation as we know it will survive into the
next century. The corporation itself must change, consciously evolving into an institution adapted to the new environment. The AMA
report concluded: There is a fundamental change coming in the relationships between American business and the society it serves. 10
ACTIVITIES OF LEGISLATIVE COMMUNICATION
The
first two chapters on governmental communication introduce lobbying techniques to the arsenal of communication tools used in the life
cycle of an issue. Lobbying can be direct or indirectthe latter is now
usually called grassroots lobbying. Direct lobbying, discussed in chapter
9, refers to communication with legislators or administrative officials
who affect a pending vote or decision on public policy. Hedrick Smith
calls this old breed or retail lobbying, characterized by one-on-one
contact.11
In contrast, Smith characterizes grassroots lobbying, discussed in
chapter 10, as the new breed or wholesale lobbying. Back-home
pressure is built up by activating natural constituencies and state-level
political networks. The idea is to build on a politicians motivation to get
reelected by creating public opinion favorable to ones interests and motivating the folks back home to communicate with their legislators
and other government officials.
Both types of lobbying can be reinforced with what political scientist
Edwin Epstein calls electoral activitiesactivities that center around
the selection and support of candidates or of issues that come before the
public.12 The aim of these electoral activities, discussed in chapter 11, is
to influence public voting behavior so political players favorable to ones
position are elected.
Finally, strategies for dealing with the judicial branch of government
must be considered. The life cycle of an issue no longer ends with legislation but extends to a fourth stage: litigation. After laws are passed, rele-
GOVERNMENTAL STRATEGIES
227
vant government agencies promulgate and enforce regulations. 13 Chapter 12 reviews

the increasingly important subject of litigation communication.
The first three chapters in Part IV draw heavily on interpersonal communication techniques, discussed in Part II in dealing with opinion
leader communications. Because public support is required in most situations, techniques of strategic media relations and advocacy advertising
discussed in Part III are also applied, usually as part of grassroots
lobbying.
ENDNOTES
1. Murray L. Weidenbaum, Business, Government, and the Public (Englewood
Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1977), pp. 33-35.
2. See Rogene A. Buchholz, Business Environment and Public Policy: Implications
for Management, 5th edition (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1995), pp.
142-157.
3. Jonathan Rauch, Demosclerosis Returns, Wall Street Journal, April 14,
1998, p. A22.
4. Ibid.
5. Edward L. Bernays, Crystallizing Public Opinion (New York: Liveright, 1923),
p. 34.
6. Leo Bogart, Use of Opinion Research, Harvard Business Review, Vol. 29, No.
2, 1951, p. 121.
7. Robert O. Carlson, The Use of Public Relations Research by Large Corporations, Public Opinion Quarterly, Vol. 21, No. 3, Fall 1957, p. 341.
8. Roper Center at University of Connecticut, Public Opinion Online, October 25,
2000, Accession Number 0374111, Question 015.
9. Guido H. Stempel, III, Media and Politics in America: A Reference Handbook
(Santa Barbara, Calif.: ABC-Clio, 2003), p. 47.
10. John L. Paluszek, Business & Society 1976-2000 (New York: AMACOM,
1976), p. 1.
11. Hedrick Smith, The Power Game: How Washington Works (New York:
Ballantine, 1988), p. 230.
12. Edwin M. Epstein, The Corporation in American Politics (Englewood Cliffs, NJ:
13. Raymond P. Ewing recognizes this stage in Issues Management: Managing
Trends Through the Issues Life Cycle, in The Handbook of Strategic Public Relations & Integrated Communications, ed. Carke L. Caywood (New York:
McGraw-Hill, 1997), p. 183.
Chapter
Direct Lobbying
The right to lobby is guaranteed by the First Amendment of the Constitution, which states, Congress shall make no law abridging the freedom of speech or of the press; or the right of the people peaceably to
assemble and to petition the government for redress of grievances. People can also make demands and advocate specific public policy. Oneon-one contact with lawmakers or governmental officials is called direct lobbying and today is routinely conducted by paid professionals
who
represent
corporations,
trade
associations,
and
other
interest
groups. Although lobbyists come in all political persuasions, many are
lobbyists for hire by those who can afford them.
Millions of dollars in lobbying fees and political contributions were
spent by industry and opposing groups in the summer of 2003 to influence the FCCs ruling to relax limits on media ownership. The Center for
Responsive Politics reported that media companies spent more than $82
million on federal lobbying efforts between 1999 and 2002 and another
$26 million on political contributions. The biggest spenders were the
most famous names in broadcasting: AOL Time Warner spent $15.77
million on lobbying and $6.2 million in political contributions; Disney
spent $16 million on lobbying and $2.8 million on contributions; the
Hearst Corporation spent $394,000 on lobbying and contributed
$180,000 to candidates and PACs. Lobbying intensified in the months
leading up to the vote and Clear Channel, owner of more than 1,200 radio stations and 36 television stations, which barely had a presence in
Washington 2 years earlier, hired four additional lobbying firms and set
up its own Washington office.1
The use of professionals has evolved because of a highly specialized
society that requires representation by interest groups as well as individual citizens. As the eminent political scientist V. O. Key, Jr. stated,
The study of politics must rest on an analysis of the objectives and
229
230
CHAPTER 9
composition of the interest groups within a society. 2 Whether the influence of pressure
groups has gone too far, however, is subject to much debate. Many believe we now live in an
era of single interest groups that neglect the good of society as a whole.
THE LOBBYING BUSINESS
By all measures, the lobbying industry has been growing rapidly and is
commensurate with the growing role of government in business affairs.
Nearly $2 billion was spent for Washington lobbying in 2003. Health care
issues accounted for the single biggest share, about $297 million, partly
because Congress was considering Medicare prescription drug coverage.
Finance and insurance lobbying was next, with at least $259 million spent;
and lobbying on communications and technology issues third, with about
$248 million.3 The New York Times reported, Lobbying has turned into a
well-ordered global business, with the influence game taking on a decidedly corporate look.4 As of March 2004, the number of registered lobbyists was about 25,000, up from the 14,946 registered on September 30,
1997.5 In all there were more than 38 registered lobbyists and $2.7 million
in lobbying expenditures for every member of Congress. 6
Official figures include only those who register under the requirements of the law. Under the old Federal Regulation of Lobbying Act of
1946, anyone who solicited or accepted contributions for lobbying purposes had to keep accounts, present receipts and statements to the Clerk
of the U.S. House of Representatives, and register with the Clerk of the
House and the Secretary of the Senate. The new Lobbying Disclosure Act
of 1995 lawand the Lobbying Disclosure Technical Amendments Act
of 1997provides more information about interest groups activities
and more accuracy in reporting their spending. 7
Grassroots lobbying
groups, however, are not required to register.8 Unofficially, the number
of lobbyists is much higher than official figures because many fall outside the legal requirements or simply do not register. Ken Silverstein, in a
blistering book on Beltway lobbying, Washington on $10 Million a Day:
How Lobbyists Plunder the Nation, places the actual figure between
40,000 and 80,000, roughly 75 for each member of Congress, even at
the lower figure.9
Washington correspondents Michael Kilian and Arnold Sawislak said
that lobbying was the fourth largest DC industryafter government,
printing, and tourism.10 Because they play a large legislative role, lobbyists
are often called the third House of Congress. They are also known as the
fifth branch of government (after the media, which serves as the fourth).
Who Hires Lobbyists?
Industries most affected by government regulation, especially by impending legislation,
are most likely to be active in lobbying. In 2000 the top five spenders by industry group
were:
DIRECT LOBBYING
231
1. Finance, insurance, and real estate, $201 million.

2. Health, $209 million.
3. Communications and electronics, $201 million.
4. Energy and natural resources, $159 million.
5. Transportation, $138 million. 11
Finance, insurance, and real estate lead (also the perennial leader in
campaign contributions), because over the last 20 years lawmakers
have debated dozens of proposals that would allow banks, securities
firms, and insurers to enter each other s line of business. For example,
banks, which were the leading proponents of the legislation, would be
permitted to offer checking accounts, insurance, and stocks under one
roof. Banking deregulationnamed bank modernization to seem more
appealingfinally succeeded in 1999, thanks to a bipartisan push for
banking overhaul measures.12
The communications and electronics industry group was the third
biggest spender. The motivations of this industry are clearly revealed by
Microsofts increasing presence on the lobbying scene (see Box 9.1) and
increased campaign contributions. Its total soft money, PAC and individual contributions to federal parties and candidates, jumped between
1993 and 2000, as shown here:
1993-94, $109,134.
1995-96, $256,634.
1997-98, $1,407,271.
1993-87 (total), $1,773,039.
1999-00, $2,226,387.13
Who Are the Lobbyists?
Most lobbyists are ex-Hill people, ex-government workers, lawyers, and public relations
practitioners. For example, in 2003 General Electric, Comcast, Citigroup, and many other
Fortune 500 companies hired Bush administration officials and former Republican
congressional advisers for top lobbying posts. A Republican National Committee official
told a group of Republican lobbyists that 33 of 36 top-level Washington positions he was
monitoring went to Republicans.14
The Center for Responsive Politics identified 138 former members of
Congress who turned up as registered lobbyists during 1998. One of
them, former representative Bill Paxon (R-N.Y.), who headed the National Republican Congressional Committee, joined the law firm Akin,
Gump, Strauss, Hauer & Feld for $1 million a year.15 Lobbyists are employed in the Washington offices of corporations, trade associations,
national business groups, law firms, public relations firms, political
consulting firms, research institutes, and think tanks. However, a handful of huge firms dominate Washingtons lobbying business. These
Box 9.1 Microsofts Entry Into the Beltway

Microsofts belated presence in Washington, DC, illustrates the motives that prompt lobbying activities. Before opening an in-house lobbying office in 1995, the company shunned politics and barely
acknowledged Washington existed. In low-key fashion, it relied on the
DC law offices of Preston, Gates, Ellis & Rouvelas Meeds (Gates is the
father of Bill Gates). By the second half of 1997, however, Microsoft
extended its activities; it spent $1.2 million on lobbying, nearly double
the $660,000 spent during the first 6 months.
Even before its antitrust troubles started with the Justice Department, Microsoft hired Grover Norquist, the head of Americans for Tax
Reform and one of the best connected conservatives in Washington.
He was able to help Microsoft in two ways. One was to fight changes
in proposed immigration legislation in 1996 that would have jeopardized the status of numerous legal immigrants that Microsoft employs.
Another way was to help secure passage of the Software Export Equity
Act in 1997, which rewarded software exporters with a tax break worth
an estimated $1.7 billion over the next 10 years. Although the law
benefits almost 100 companies, Microsoft is the biggest beneficiary.
Microsoft was further spurred into action by an October 20, 1997, Justice Department suit
seeking a $1 million-a-day fine from Microsoft for allegedly violating a 1995 antitrust consent
decree. In question was Microsofts requirement that PC makers who want to use its Windows
operating system must load Microsofts Internet Explorer Web browser on their machines. A
week before November 4, 1997, when a Senate Judiciary Committee hearing was scheduled to
discuss the matter,
lobbyists implored members to tread softly on their client, and
Microsofts home state senators blitzed the members with Dear Colleague letters asking for
fairness in questioning Bill Gates about his business practices.
Microsoft also countered Ralph Nader, who convened a conference
on the software business in November 1997. Microsoft and Charles
Kelly, president of the Worldwide Association of NT Users Groups,
which represents 180,000 programmers, staged a counterconference
that called for the government not to interfere in Microsofts affairs.
On November 25, Microsoft also released findings of a survey commissioned by it from political pollsters Peter D. Hart and Robert M.
Teeter. By a margin of more than four to one, the survey supported
Microsofts contention that the market, not the government, should
determine the contents of software products.
Among other actions, Gates invited Patrick J. Leahy of Vermont,
the senior Democrat on the Senate Judiciary Committee, to corporate headquarters and his
luxurious home. Another action was to appear on ABCs Nightline to argue his case.
232
DIRECT LOBBYING
233
Outside lobbying firms, mostly law firms, are the beneficiaries of

lobbying expenditures. Microsoft hired a bipartisan group of prominent lobbyists, which included four former members of Congress and
32 former congressional staffers and government officials. Microsoft currently has 10
outside lobbying firms on retainer. Only one,
Edelman PR Worldwide, is a public relations firm. Its assignment, according to a memo
made public by the Los Angeles Times, was to place op-eds and letters to the editor in
newspapers in states where Microsoft is under antitrust investigation.
firms offer a full range of serviceseverything from public relations,

traditional lobbying, research, polling, and direct-mail canvassing to
specialists who deal in drumming up grass roots support for issues. 16
According to a Roll Call review of lobbying reports for 2002, the revenues of the top 25 lobbying firms were $304.3 millionand the total
lobbying fees for all firms from January 1 to June 20, 2002 exceeded
$859.5 million.17
(See Box 9.2 for list of Washingtons top lobbying
firms in 2001.)
Corporate DC Offices.
Corporate offices are primarily maintained by large
corporations; smaller companies tend to rely entirely on their trade associations. Besides
engaging in lobbying, these Washington offices perform the following functions:
1. Supply information to the home office by acting as a listening post
and early warning system on current government policies and
future plans and actions that might affect company operations.
Box 9.2
Washingtons Top Lobbying Firms in 2001
Firm
Cassidy & Associates
Patton, Boggs
Akin, Gump, Strauss, Hauer & Feld
Verner, Liipfert, Bernhard, McPherson & Hand
Greenberg Traurig
Van Scoyoc Associates
Barbour Griffith & Rogers
Washington Council Ernst & Young
Williams & Jensen
PricewaterhouseCoopers
Fees (in Millions)

$33.0
23.5
19.2
18.5
16.4
13.4
12.3
12.0
10.9
10.8
234
CHAPTER 9
2. Render service to visiting home office personnel.

3. Provide marketing assistance.
4. Provide legislative representation.
5. Supply analyses of government programs and policies. 18
Trade Associations.
Well-heeled trade associations are taking on a
growing role as intermediaries between their industries and an increasing army of federal regulations. 19 The American Society of Association Executives reports 25,000 members for 2003, 30% of which are
Washington-based trade associations.20
At the end of the 1980s, the
number was only about 3,000. 21 Many joined the migration to the capital during the 1960s and 1970s when federal regulation of business became rampant. This reaction suggests lobbying is a particularly strategic
function.
Other
functions
are
marketing,
education,
employer-employee
relations, research, standardization and simplification, and statistics. 22
National Business Groups.
Corporate political activity often centers around supra-organizations that represent
broad segments of business. Most important among these are the Business Roundtable (see Box
9.3), U.S. Chamber of Commerce, the National Association of Manufacturers, the American
Business Conference, and the National Federation of Independent Business.
One feature that has accounted for the Business Roundtables notable
success is CEOs engagement in direct lobbying with leaders of Congress,
the executive branch, and high levels of the civil service. Previously, few
CEOs had lobbied government officials, as the incident in Box 9.4 demonstrates. Another factor that has accounted for the Roundtables effectiveness is the use of a pragmatic rather than an ideological approach:
Its basic rationale for survival is solid and still stands: economic
strength in Americas capitalist society cannot exist without the cooperation of the managers of the nations largest corporations.23
However, the tide may have turned against the Business Roundtables effectiveness. In recent years it has lost much of its influence because CEOs can no longer walk into a few key offices at the White
House and Capitol and fix problems. With the demise of the old seniority system, each member of Congress now acts like an independent
contractor. CEO members of the Business Roundtable simply cannot
deliver the huge numbers of votes required to pass or defeat legislation.
Furthermore, membership is so diverse that the group has difficulty
arriving at a consensus.24
Another type of national business group has been spawned by the
new high-tech industry and reflects its ever-shifting concerns. Called
adhocracy, these are temporary virtual associations that reflect the industrys policy interests. Similar to coalitions, they serve as temporary
umbrella groups to advocate interests ranging from privacy to taxation. One of them, Americans for Computer Privacy, was instrumental
Box 9.3 The Business Roundtable

The giant among the national business groups is the Business
Roundtable, which consists of about 200 CEOs of big business in the
industrial, financial, and services industries. The combined gross revenues of its members are equal to about half of the gross domestic
product of the entire nation. The group was formed in 1972 after the
Nixon administration began its unprecedented peacetime program of
wage and price controls to combat high inflation, unemployment, and
international exchange problems. As stated by Kim McQuaid, Executives became increasingly aware that they needed stronger and better
negotiating techniques at the federal level; the situation demanded
up-to-date political acumen. Executives also recognized that new regulations, such as those of the EPA or Occupational Safety and Health
Administration, cut across industry linesunlike old-style regulations
that pertained to particular industries.
The Roundtable employs modern managerial techniques to cope
with the fragmented power structure of Congress. It is organized into
issue-oriented task forces, it assigns responsibilities on the basis of expertise, researches legislative proposals, makes recommendations on
bills, drafts its own proposals, and supports or opposes legislative proposals. The Roundtable has in recent decades spearheaded the political mobilization of business. It often forges alliances with other
business lobbies, including organizations like the United States Chamber of Commerce, the
National Association of Manufacturers, and the National Federation of Independent Businesses.
Box 9.4 Historic Meeting: DuPonts CEO Meets With the House
Speaker
In 1961 Crawford H. Greenewalt, then president of DuPont, arranged a 1-hour meeting with
House Speaker John W. McCormack of Massachusetts to talk about the divestiture of General
Motors stock. Surprised, McCormack told a friend,
You know, Clarence, Ive just had a most refreshing experience with
a businessman. He was the president of the DuPont Company,
Crawford H. Greenewalt, and it was the first time in the 30-odd years
that Ive been a member of Congress that the head of one of the six or
eight largest corporations in the United States came to my office to talk
directly with me on a problem that gave him concern. It was about the
recent decision of the Supreme Court in the General Motors case.
He came straight to the point without beating around the bush, without talking about his
maiden aunt who had gone to the same school with my mother, or anything of that sort. He was
forthright, he knew the facts, and he explained them clearly.
235
236
CHAPTER 9
in persuading the Clinton administration to reverse its long-standing

policy on the export of encryption technology. Another, the Internet Tax
Fairness Coalition, supports a simplified uniform sales tax for Internet
commerce.25
Other Lobbying Groups: Law, Public Relations, and Accounting Firms.
Washington, DC abounds with law firms, some of which are branches of the countrys
leading law firms. Of the nations top 50 firms in 1981, 47 had offices there compared
with 33 offices in 1978. Most attorneys in these offices are specialists in such
governmental areas as regulatory and international law.26
There is no ballpark estimate of how many people work in public relations in Washington, according to Kilian and Sawislak, who say that
these professionals do the job of keeping their clients informed about
regulatory activities, write speeches and testimony for congressional
hearings and agency appearances, plan and run seminars and conventions, set up press conferences, lay on cocktail parties, and take clients
and contacts to lunch and dinner. 27 Mainly, however, public relations
firms enable corporations and interest groups to coordinate lobbying
and public relations campaigns. On the basis of 1998 revenues, the top
public relations firms in the Washington area are the following:
Burson-Marsteller, $32.9 million.
Hill & Knowlton, $27.0 million.
Fleishman-Hilliard, $19.6 million.
Ketchum, $18.9 million.
Porter Novelli, $17.5 million.
Ogilvy PR Worldwide, $16.2 million.
Powell Tate, $15.7 million.
GCI/APCO, $14.3 million.
Shandwick Public Affairs, $13.0 million.
Edelman PR Worldwide, $12.3 million.28
Public relations firms have been active in acquiring lobbying firms. In
November 1999, Shandwick USA acquired the well-known Cassidy
Companies; a decade ago, Hill & Knowlton acquired the lobbying firm of
Gray & Company. Both public relations firms, in turn, are owned by
larger advertising firms. Shandwick USA belongs to the Interpublic
Group, and Hill & Knowlton belongs to the WPP Group, which also owns
the advertising giants Oglivy & Mather and J. Walter Thompson. 29
Further consolidation has occurred. By early 2004, three publicly
traded advertising and public relations companiesWPP Group PL,
Omnicom Group, Inc., and Interpublic Group of Companies, Inc.
owned most of the influence industrys best known names. They control firms founded by former president Bill Clintons pollster, former
president Jimmy Carter s spokesman, and the current chairman and
immediate past chairman of the Republican party. One impetus behind
DIRECT LOBBYING
237
this consolidation is that these public affairs firms are more profitable than public
relations.30
Corporations also hire accounting firm lobbyists, largely because tax
laws
are becoming
increasingly
complex. As
stated
by
Jeffrey
H.
Birnbaum: the hottest tactic in lobbying these days pits corporate technicians-for-hire, like those
at Price Waterhouse, against
the
governments own technicians. And increasingly, the government is simply
outmatched.31 When top government tax staffers decide to leave government, they often turn to Price Waterhouse. Two former staff directors of the Joint Tax Committee, Congresss repository of tax
information and analysis, started the trend when they joined the accounting firms, which by 1990 employed 123 professionals, compared
with 45 at the Joint Tax Committee.32
DIRECT LOBBYING RESOURCES AND SKILLS
Direct lobbying requires three resources: access, information, and
tually beneficial relationship. A lobbyist must also possess the
sive skills of being an excellent listener, communicator, and negotiator.
a mupersua-
Access
Personal access to legislative and regulatory decision makers is a prerequisite for lobbying. As stated by Edwin Epstein, the chance to get a
hearing and the opportunity to make ones case at crucial times and
places is a key political resource. 33
For this reason, former senators,
representatives, legislative aides, White House cabinet members, press
secretaries, and anyone else in a high position who has contacts are
eagerly sought out as lobbyists. Being a member of a politicians family
presumably enhances access. Linda Daschle, a powerful lobbyist for
American Airlines, is the wife of Tom Daschle. According to Arianna
Huffington, author of Pigs at the Trough, she was instrumental in the
passage of the $15 billion bailout of the airline industry after 9/11. Chet
Lott, Trent Lotts son, went from running a pizza joint to being a powerful Washington lobbyist. Huffington asks, How can these things be
legal? Why should they be allowed to be lobbyists and members of the
families of politicians who make these key decisions? 34
Staff Directories.
Several available directories enable individuals
and groups without preexisting personal contacts to least easily identify
members of the legislative and executive branches of government.
Congressional Staff Directory lists members of the Senate and
House, as well as officers and staffs and their legislative specialties. 35
Every member page contains addresses, telephone and fax numbers,
e-mail and web addresses; expanded member biographies, photo-
238
CHAPTER 9
graphs; a state map with district highlighted; staff members with titles and legislative responsibilities; all district offices with address,
phone
fax,
staff;
and
leadership
positions,
committees,
subcommittees and caucuses.
Federal Staff Directory lists 44,000 decision makers in the executive branch of the federal government and contains more than 2,600
biographies.36
The directory provides information on the Executive
Office of the Presidentwhich pinpoints senior officials and top aides
working directly with the President and Vice Presidentcabinet departments, and independent and quasi-official agencies.
Leadership Directories comprise 14 yellow books. Those most
useful for lobbying purposes include the Congressional Yellow Book
(members of Congress, including committees and key staff), the Federal Yellow Book (key personnel in federal departments and agencies),
the State Yellow Book (elected and appointed officials in the executive
branch, as well as state legislators and their committees), the Judicial
Yellow Book (covers federal and higher state courts), the Municipal Yellow Book (leading city and county governments and local authorities,
and Foreign Representatives in the U.S. (information on thousands of
business and government decision makers in the United States). The
Internet provides daily changes in the Leadership Library.37
Michael K. Deaver, a lobbyist with a long history of lobbying in the
nations capital, shows how he exploited his former employment in the
White House by obtaining access to it for personal gain (see Box 9.5).
Former Senator Bob Packwood (R-Oreg.) is another public official who
used the revolving door to become a lobbyist. In November 1996, he
filed papers to incorporate his new lobbying firm, just 11 days after the
legal 1-year moratorium on lobbying expired. He will benefit from the
knowledge acquired in government services because he will be lobbying
for a business coalition on estate tax issues, a subject he oversaw as
chairman of the Senate Finance Committee. 38 When their terms were up
in January 2005, well-connected Senators John Breaux and Don
Nickles planned to join the private sector as lobbyists. According to Political-MoneyLine.com,
272
former
members
of
Congress
have
registered to lobby since 1995, a trend abhored by critics. Many lawmakers
stay in office only until they can cash in on their positions, says Larry
Noble, executive director of the Center for Responsive Politics. Then
they use their special contacts on the Hill to benefit paying clients. 39
The revolving door also applies to some civilian administrators. The
case of the Air Forces Darleen Druyun, who for three decades had negotiated
billion-dollar
weapons
contracts,
received
national
notoriety
when in January 2003 she accepted a job with Boeing. For about a year
it was known that she was talking about job opportunities with three of
the nations largest defense contractors: Boeing, Lockheed Martin, and
Raytheon. Both Michael Sears, Boeings chief financial officer, and
Druyun were fired a year later for unethical conduct. Pentagon inves-
DIRECT LOBBYING
239
Box 9.5 Michael K. Deaver: The White House Insider

Michael K. Deaver is a prime illustration of the value of personal access. In May 1985, 2 weeks after he left the White House, where he
was deputy chief of staff and an intimate of President and Mrs. Reagan, he and Canadian officials held formal discussions that led to a
$105,000 lobbying contract. Among the clients he represented were
Rockwell International (in its attempt to persuade the administration to
build more B-1 bombers), a group of Caribbean nations (interested in
the administrations initiative to help Caribbean Basin countries), and
a South Korean manufacturer, Daewoo (accused of violating U.S. import restrictions).
Deaver was severely criticized because he was seen as blatantly taking advantage of his special access to the White House. As reported
by Newsweek, Deaver, the ultimate lobbyist, was allowed to keep his
pass to the White House and access to its tennis court after resigning
from his position. Also, on instructions from Nancy Reagan, he still received the presidents detailed daily schedule. His purchase of a mobile-phone-equipped Jaguar XJ6 also received considerable publicity
and added to the perception he was flaunting his position as an influence peddler.
tigators and the Justice Department were probing into whether she
shared a rival companys information with Boeing and pushed a controversial $21-billion plan to have the government lease and later buy
100 Boeing-made airplanes while she worked as a government acquisition officer.40
Officers of major corporations have easy access to government decision makers because they and their companies possess the following political resources:
Corporate managers have continual contact with government officials in their performance of important public functions.
Businesses make political contributions, and public officials wish
not to offend them. They at least give them an audience.
Government agencies are sometimes required by law to consult
groups affected by their regulations.
Dinners between business leaders and top officials in the federal
government are sometimes arranged for purposes of dialogue.
As industrial statesmen and leaders of industry, CEOs of the
largest corporations are accorded the status of semiofficial spokespersons for the business community. This is one of the strengths of
the Business Roundtable, mentioned earlier.
As managers of the most important economic enterprises in the
country, whose cooperation and assistance are critical to the na-
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CHAPTER 9
tional interest, business leaders have served in official capacities, for example, on toplevel presidential public-service commissions and as consultants.
On an informal basis, top executives rank high in social status. As
social elites, they are thrown into contact with other notables, including leaders in politics and government.
Also informally, the similarity of their socioeconomic background to that of a significant number of independently wealthy
senators facilitates contact between them and contributes to understanding.41
Access Through Travel Gifts. Industry
leaders
and
their
professional and trade associations pay for the travel of regulators to conventions and conferences where they not only speak on panels but have a
chance for cocktail conversations
about policy
matters.
Cable companies, radio and television broadcasters, high-tech businesses, and the
telephone industry, for example, have paid for scores of trips by FCC
members and staff. Over the past 3 years, FCC members accepted more
than $725,000 worth of airfare, hotel rooms, meals, and expenses from
the industries they regulate, with smaller amounts provided by international agencies and few public groups and universities.
The National Association of Broadcasters, the largest trade group for
the radio and TV broadcasters, spent more than $75,000 flying commissioners and more than a dozen staff members to its yearly convention in
Las Vegas. Another group, the National Cable & Telecommunications Association, which represents about 200 member companies, also invites
FCC members to its annual convention, attended by about 90,000 people.
Thats probably the best opportunity to help people, both the FCC and
staff, really understand how our business works, said Rob Stoddard,
spokesman for the association. Individual companies, such as Viacom,
owner of CBS, Infinity Broadcasting, Paramount Pictures, and Showtime,
have also funded trips.42
Coincidence of Personal and Legislative Interests. The
need
for
access to a member of Congress is diminished when a legislator s personal interests coincide with a corporations because of stock ownership
(see Box 9.6). There is no law or congressional rule that requires members of Congress to excuse themselves from legislation or subcommittees that could directly affect their major stock holdings.
Information and Knowledge
Although nailing the right Congressman and influencing the right
vote is the essence of lobbying, such contact must be backed up with
superior informationat the right time, says Philip Lesly, a veteran
public relations consultant. 43 Access alone, therefore, is insufficient for
political influence; a lobbyist must be credible and knowledgeable. He or
DIRECT LOBBYING
241
Box 9.6 Two Cases of Overlapping Interests

Bristol-Myers Squibb Bristol-Myers Squibb had an automatic ally in
Congress through Senator Judd Gregg (R-N.H.), who owned between
$100,000 and $250,000 of stock in the company, according to his
1995 financial disclosure statement. Accordingly, legislation that benefitted the company also benefitted Gregg. House consideration of the
FDA Export Reform and Enhancement Act of 1995 was a case in
point. It would enable pharmaceutical firms, such as Bristol-Myers, to
sell non-FDA-approved drugs in other countries. Gregg was an outspoken advocate for the pharmaceutical industry in the 104th Congress. On one occasion, as the Senates chief deputy whip, he tried to
bring the measure to the Senate floor for a vote. Having failed in that
endeavor, he used his seat on an appropriations subcommittee to attach an amendment onto an appropriations bill. When that amendment carried without debate and became law in April 1996, BristolMyers stock rose 65%, from $82 a share to $136 a share over the next
10 months. Gregg was enriched as the value of his stock holdings in
Bristol-Myers Squibb increased by between $60,000 and $150,000.
Columbia/HCA Another example of automatic access to Congress
is Senator Bill Frist (R-Tenn.), whose father, Dr. Thomas Frist, Sr., was
a founder of Columbia/HCA, the countrys biggest chain of for-profit
hospitals. Senator Frists personal investment in the company was $13
million, representing 65% of his personal fortune of $20 million, according to his 1994 financial disclosure. Not surprisingly, Frist was an
outspoken advocate to give Medicare recipients more options and to
allow hospitals and doctors to join together as private entities that
could contract with Medicare. Both measures would help Columbia/
HCA. Defending his stand, Frist said, Everybody knows my background, where I come from and the hats that I wear. There is a
stone wall that comes between any money that I get or interests that I
have, and what I do here.
she must be able to assemble expert information and present a credible analysis of the pros
and cons of specific issues.
Providing the best researched and best developed factual report on a
legislative subject is an important and neglected means of assuring favorable legislation and regulation, says Lesly. Such information must be
unimpeachably objective. It must also enter the pipeline of consideration at the right time; namely, when bills are still in the formative stage
and officials are looking into the subject. Often the best studies made by
business, think tanks, and other groups arrive after the sifting process
has gone too far to undo many hours of work by many people.
When Michael Deaver was accused of flaunting his access to the
White House for his client, the Canadian government, he defended him-
242
CHAPTER 9
self by defining his function in knowledge terms: working in the advisory field.44 His role, he said, was to advise the Canadian government
on how to deal with the United States. The reason foreign governments
buy his services, he said, is that he helps them develop strategies about
what their objectives should be and how to achieve them. 45
Think Tanks.
The formation of think tanks by business interests
has greatly facilitated the formulation of free-market policy proposals
and the creation of data and knowledge to support lobbying activities,
including material for news releases. From fewer than 70 in 1969, the
number of think tanks grew to more than 300 by the late 1990s, with
further growth expected.46 The original purpose of think tanks, as envisioned by political scientists such as Charles Merriam, Harold Lasswell,
and John Kingdon, was to provide important background voices that
bring rational, reasoned analysis to long-term policy discourse based on
the best evidence available.47 However, as the political environment became
increasingly
dominated
by
antigovernment
conservatives
who
posed an effective challenge to the status quo, conservative think tanks
found an increasingly engaged, attentive, and receptive audience among
policymakers. These conservative think tanks outnumbered liberal ones
by a ratio of two to one.48
Consistently the most helpful to the most conservative groups has
been the Heritage Foundation, according to Andrew Rich, author of
Think Tanks, Public Policy, and the Politics of Expertise.49 Unlike earlier
think tanks, like the centrist Brookings Institution, the Heritage Foundation aggressively markets its policy views by formatting and promoting its expertisethrough short and accessible products, such as
Backgrounders.50 By the late 1990s, the Heritage Foundation became
the largest and best known of the new generation of ideologically conservative think tanks and rated as most influential among think tanks
generally.51 It was ahead of two other influential conservative think
tanks, the American Enterprise Institute and the Cato Institute. 52 In
1997 it was also ahead of the centrist Brookings Institution, which
was the most influential think tank in 1993. (Andrew Rich measured
influence by the frequency of providing congressional testimony and
newspaper citations.)
The future influence of think tanks is likely to diminish, says Rich,
based on his analysis of 135 in-depth interviews with officials at think
tanks and those in the policymaking and funding organizations that
draw on and support their work. The reason is that instead of providing
scholarly analysis of issues, think tanks now tend to produce research
that is little more than polemical commentary. 53
Experts have been
turned into advocates as the once-real boundaries between experts and
advocates in American policymaking have become blurred. Between the
mid-1960s and the mid-1990s, the proportion of think tanks with identifiable ideologies grew from less than one quarter to more than half.
DIRECT LOBBYING
243
A Mutually Beneficial Relationship

The power of access and information is strengthened when a lobbyist operates on the
sound foundation of a mutually beneficial relationship with a legislator or other decision
maker. Some ways of establishing such a relationship are the following:
Find out which members of Congress have a particular interest in
your company. For example, after finding out in what congressional districts and states company employees live, start calling on
senators and members of the House who represent them.
Find out which congressional committees can be important to the
company. Then get to know the chairperson, ranking majority
and minority members, and staff aides. Find out all you can about
their jobs, how they view their tasks, and them personally. Discover what is on their political agenda.
Help senators and House members make a good impression on
their constituents by keeping them informed about what is going
on in their own districts. Never cause embarrassment by giving
them incorrect information.
Do not hesitate to provide personal and professional service, for
politics operates by exchange and mutuality of service. Within
reason and the boundaries of ethics, help members of Congress
and their families attend sports and theater events and provide
summer job leads for their children. Help them to obtain local
publicity when something important happens, such as a new factory opening in their district.
When asking for favors, distinguish between issues that are really
important to your company and those that are peripheral. Remember that the trick in Washington is to keep as unobligated as
you can while piling up as many IOUs as possible.
If you are a constituent of the legislator you are approaching, try
to encourage folks back home, who are his or her constituents, to
express their opinions and attempt to mobilize them into an effective grassroots network.
Ask whether you or company constituents helped the legislator
get elected by volunteering services and making personal or PAC
contributions.54
SOME HELPFUL SKILLS
Besides possessing political resources, a lobbyist must acquire special
lobbying skills. Among the most important are working with, and
testifying before, congressional committees and arranging for media
coverage.
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CHAPTER 9
Working With Congressional Committees

Lobbyists and citizens may arrange to be invited to appear before congressional
committees. Anyone who learns how Congress works which in itself is a must for any
lobbyistknows that these committees are key to the legislative process. Members of
committees formulate drafts of legislation that, if approved by a committee, are then voted
on by the entire Senate and House of Representatives.
Key personnel within a committee are the chairperson, who is almost
always a member of the majority party of Congress, the ranking minority members, and the professional staff. (Lists of members of all committees and subcommittees are available from the Clerk of the House,
U.S. Capitol, Washington, DC 20515, and the Secretary of the Senate,
U.S. Capitol, Washington, DC 20510. Another source is the Congressional Staff Directory mentioned earlier.)
A businessperson who is from a committee members home district
and is already favorably known to the senator or House committee
member is in the best position to make contact. He or she should do the
following: (a) write a letter that spells out how an issue will affect the
constituency of the member of Congress; (b) meet with members of
Congress in their home districts rather than on the Hill; (c) cultivate
congressional committee staff because they are knowledgeable and have
influence on congressional members.
When meeting with congressional committee members or staff, a Washington expert
who knows these persons should accompany a home district visitor. As stated earlier,
this is one of the functions that can be performed by someone in the corporate
Washington office, a trade association, or a law or public relations firm. 55
Testifying Before a Congressional Committee
Thousands of citizens testify before congressional committees each
year. Among them are business executives who wish to influence the
outcome of a bill. When invited to testify before a committee, an executive should heed the advice of John Bartels, Rexnords director of public
affairs:
Treat your testimony as an opportunitynot an ordeal. However,
also remember that the experience can be unnerving: Those
36-foot ceilings and marble walls, plus media, plus questions from
congressmen are not duplicated in the business world.
Put across some positive points of your own. You
about the subject than they do, but stay in your ballpark.
Congressional staff people do the work for a hearing, so contact
them before you get there. Get an idea of what the audience will be,
who will run the show, when you should be there, and who else
will be appearing.
know
more
DIRECT LOBBYING
245
Have a detailed statement, plus copies for distribution well (48

hours) before your appearance.
Have a summary ready to read aloud. Read slowly and clearly.
Answer questions straightaway. If you dont know, say so. Maintaining credibility during questioning is very important.
You may defer a question by saying that if allowed, youd like to
answer that in writing. Remember, most hearings are to gain public notice and support for the committees stands. They can use
your statements in any way they see fit, so make them correct.
Listen to questions carefully. Wait 2 to 3 seconds, then answer. Be
cool. You may need a drill before you go.56
A committee appearance contains features of both a speech and a media interview. The spoken and written statement is the speech, and the
questioning is the interview. However, these interviews can exceed the
dangers of a media interview because congressional members are more
interested in advancing their own cause than in even being as fair as
some reporters. Caution, therefore, must be exercised in gauging the direction of questioning and in preparing for the zinger, the ultimate
question (see Box 9.7).
Box 9.7 Senator Kennedys Zinger
Senator Edward Kennedy illustrated how to use the zinger when he
was chairman of a subcommittee that investigated deregulation of the
airline industry. He provoked witnesses, punched holes in opposing arguments, and stimulated controversy. He thereby managed to generate publicity out of the obscure, tedious, and incomprehensible
subject of regulatory practice. His culminating question would be the
zinger that, as explained from Kennedys perspective, makes an important point for your side is unanswerable, and shows that the
person who is unable to answer the question satisfactorily can do so
only because hes totally wrong and youre totally right. And it has to
be obvious, clear, and easy for anybody who knows nothing about the
subject, hearing the question, to understand those three things.
The dynamic behind hearings, says a popular Harvard Business
School case study, is to provide useful lessons to both the industry
spokesmen and regulatory commissions. The deft handling of information, the well-timed release of reports, the prudent scheduling of
witnesses: all of these can be used to present a fair representation of
the facts while subtly influencing the perception of these facts.
Hearings should be viewed as part theater, said Stephen Breyer, the
same subcommittees special counsel. They have to be carefully
planned and directed in advance. They have to make the intellectual point, and they have to be interesting in terms of conflict, revelation, and drama.
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CHAPTER 9
Arranging for Media Coverage at Hearings

Using congressional hearings to obtain publicity should not be forfeited
to members of Congress. Increasingly, corporations and other organizations view the appearance of one of their witnesses as an opportunity to
distribute VNRs as well as regular printed releases. An example is the appearance of Ken Mason, CEO of Quaker Oats, before an FTC hearing in
Washington (see Box 9.8).
Other Advice for Effective Government Presentations
Lawyers and other lobbyists offer a potpourri of advice on how to present ones case to government more effectively. Some advice is about attitudes: a realization that many of the legal things are really people
things; for example, dont assume that bureaucrats are dumb, lazy or
rigid. Other advice is about contacts; for example, find someone who
knows a legislator personally, set up a legislative network whether you
represent an association or a corporation, and develop allies whenever
possible. And some advice is about campaign tactics; for example,
whenever possible, reduce issues to case studies, and make sure copies of
your testimony are available to the media. 57
Box 9.8 Testimony of Ken Mason, CEO of Quaker Oats
The aim of Ken Mason, CEO of Quaker Oats, was to personally enunciate the companys point of view about childrens ready-to-eat cereals, child nutrition, Saturday morning television, and related interests.
He wanted to make sure his views went beyond the hearing to the
general public.
A Washington, DC, public relations firm, John Adams and Associates, arranged publicity. It invited radio and television network news as
well as other opinion-leading Washington-based media to the FTC
hearings. As insurance, the public relations firm went one step further
and arranged for audio and television taping of Masons testimony. An
audiotape, made during the afternoon hearings, was immediately edited into a brief news report (called an actuality) and transmitted to
the radio networks and local station news departments around the
nation, in time for the evening news.
John Adams and Associates also had two different kinds of videotapes made. One was an interview with Mason, about a minute-and-ahalf in length, based on his FTC testimony. The second, a shorter
tape, was his statement about the companys position. Fifty television
stations around the United States used the second tape; a larger number used the longer tape.
DIRECT LOBBYING
247
CONCLUSIONS
Direct lobbying conforms to the traditional meaning that allows persons to petition government. All interest groups, and especially corporations, do so. Corporations have special advantages of access because
of the dominance of economic institutions and the high status of business executives in our society. Lobbying is no longer a folksy affair,
however; it has become a highly skilled business run chiefly by professionals, many of whom are for hire by those who can afford them. They
have considerable knowledge and other political resources. Direct lobbying is fortified with grassroots and fund-raising activities, as discussed in the following two chapters.
ENDNOTES
Charles Pope, Media Groups Spent Millions Lobbying the FCC, Seattle
Post-Intelligencer, June 3, 2003, p. C2.
2. V. O. Key, Jr., Politics, Parties, and Pressure Groups, 3rd edition (New York:
Thomas Y. Crowell, 1953), p. 24.
3. Sharon Theimer, Spending on 2003 D.C. Lobbying Near $2B, Associated
Press, June 1, 2004. For details on the communications industry, see Paying
to Play: $100 Million to Influence Communications Policy, January-June 2003
by Communication Daily. Press release, March 10, 2004.
4. Impact, op. cit., p. 1.
5. Masters of Access: How the Best Lobbyists Line Up, The Hill, March 24,
2004, p. 16.
6. Influence, Inc.: Summary; Lobbyists Spending in Washington (1999 edition), Center for Responsive Politics.
7. Susan Watkins Greenfield, Interest Groups and Lobbyists: Sources of Information, CRS Report for Congress (Washington, D.C.: Congressional Research
Service, July 18, 2002 update), p. CRS-1.
8. Francesca Contiguglia, GAO Finds That Lobbyist Registration Has Soared,
Roll Call, May 14, 1998. Internet.
9. Ken Silverstein, Washington on $10 Million a Day (Monroe, Me.: Common
Courage Press, 1998), p. 18.
10. Michael Kilian and Arnold Sawislak, Who Runs Washington? (New York: St.
Martins, 1982), p. 142.
11. Lobbyists Database, op. cit.
12. Ibid.
13. Money in Politics Alert: Microsoft Antitrust Case: An Update on the Companys Lobbying and Campaign Contributions, Center for Responsive Politics; based on FEC data downloaded June 1, 2000.
14. Jim VandeHei and Juliet Eilperin, Targeting Lobbyists Pays off for GOP;
Party Earns More Funds, Influence, Washington Post, June 26, 2003, p.
A01.
15. Influence, Inc.: Lobbyists Spending in Washington (1999 edition), Center
for Responsive Politics.
16. Neil A. Lewis, Spheres of Influence Grow in Washington: Once the Enclave
of a Few Old Hands, Lobbying Is Corporate and Fast-Merging, New York
Times, November 16, 1999, p. C-1.
1.
248
CHAPTER 9
17. Brody Mullins, A Record Year for K St. in 02, Roll Call, April 21, 2003.
Internet.
18. Murray L. Weidenbaum, Business, Government, and the Public (Englewood
Cliffs, N. J.: Prentice-Hall, 1977), pp. 244-252.
19. For Trade Association, Politics Is the New Focus, BusinessWeek, April 17,
1978, p. 107.
20. Figures provided by the ASAE, October 24, 2003.
21. Jeffrey H. Birnbaum, The Lobbyists: How Influence Peddlers Get Their Way in
Washington (New York: Times Books, 1992), p. 7.
22. See Joseph F. Bradley, The Role of Trade Associations and Professional Societies
in America (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1965).
23. Kim McQuaid, The Roundtable: Getting Results in Washington, Harvard
Business Review, Vol. 59, May-June, 1981, p. 115.
24. Jeffrey H. Birnbaum, The Fallen Giant, Fortune, December 8, 1997, pp.
156-158.
25. Glenn R. Simpson, Lobbying for Net Firms Gets Boost From Adhocracy,
Wall Street Journal, December 21, 1999, p. A24.
26. Kilian and Sawislak, op. cit., p. 195.
27. Ibid., pp. 188-189.
28. Lewis, op. cit. The source of information is ODwyer s Directory of Public Relations Firms.
29. Ibid.
30. Jeffrey H. Birnbaum, Big Firms Gobble up Lobbying Interest: Consolidation
Is the Trend in Influence Industry, Washington Post, April 27, 2004, p. E1.
31. Accounting Concerns Assume Burgeoning Role as Lobbyists; Often Outshoot Federal `Bureaucrats, Wall Street Journal, March 7, 1989, p. A26.
32. Birnbaum, op. cit., p. 217.
33. Epstein, op. cit., p. 197.
34. Tavis Smiley, Arianna Huffington Discusses How Corporate Greed and Political Corruption Are Undermining America, National Public Radio, February 19, 2003.
35. Published by CQ Staff Directories, Inc., 815 Slaters Lane, Alexandria, VA
22314. It is published three times each year, in the spring, summer, and fall.
36. Published by CQ Staff Directories, Inc.; see previous note.
37. See www.leadershipdirectories.com.
38. Associated Press, Packwood, the Lobbyist, Among Many Ex-Colleagues,
Boston Sunday Globe, November 17, 1996, p. A9.
39. Jeffrey H. Birnbaum, More Lawmakers See Lobbying as Next Job, Boston
Globe, June 28, 2004, p. A8.
40. Anne Marie Squeo and J. Lynn Lunsford, Missed Connections: How Two
Officials Got Caught by Pentagons Revolving Door, Wall Street Journal, December 18, 2003, p. A1.
41. Epstein, op. cit., pp. 197-203.
42. Anne C. Mulkern, Industry-Paid Junkets Raise Ethics Issues for the FCC, The
Denver Post, March 9, 2003, p. A-01.
43. Managing the Human Climate, no. 512, September/October, 1978, p. 2. Also
see Margery Kraus, Government Relations in the 90s and Beyond, in Practical Public Affairs in an Era of Change: A Communications Guide for Business,
Government, and College, ed. Lloyd B. Dennis (Lanham, Md.: University Press
of America, 1996), p. 95.
44. Martin Tolchin, Aide Said Canada Could Use Deaver, New York Times, May
11, 1986, p. 1.
DIRECT LOBBYING
249
Burt Solomon, Hawking Access, National Journal, Vol. 18, May 3, 1986,
pp. 1048-1053.
46. Andrew Rich, Think Tanks, Public Policy, and the Politics of Expertise (Cambridge, Mass.: Cambridge University Press, 2004), p. 204.
47. Ibid., p. 2.
48. Ibid., pp. 205-206.
49. Ibid., p. 216.
50. Ibid., p. 206.
51. Ibid., p. 53.
52. Ibid., p. 81.
53. Ibid., p. 220.
54. Dan H. Fenn Jr., Donald Grunewald, and Robert N. Katz, Business Decision
Making and Government Policy: Cases in Business and Government (Englewood
Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1966).
55. See How to Work With Congressional Committees, Iron Age, April 11,
1977, p. 154.
56. Rexnord/Public Affairs, Governmental ContactTestifying Before Congressional Committees, supplementary materials to Fraser/Associates,
Getting the Most From Grassroots Programs in the 1980s (Washington, D.C.:
Public Affairs Council, 1980).
57. Tips & Tactics, supplement of pr reporter, Vol. 17, August 6, 1979.
45.
Chapter
10
Grassroots Lobbying
Grassroots lobbying is pressure from the bottom up. The folks back
home tell a legislator what is on their minds, and these voices are important because more than anything else legislators want to get reelected. Because grassroots pressure seldom arises spontaneously, it
must be organized by those seeking to become lawmakers. Thus grassroots advocacy has become an essential strategic tool in lobbying Congress and the state legislatures. Over the past 20 years, grassroots
programs have grown in number and many corporations and associations have established positions and sometimes entire units devoted to
grassroots.1 Between 1993 and 1994, organizations spent $790 million
on it at the federal, state, and local levels. 2
A 1997 Fortune magazine survey that lists the Power 25Washingtons most important and powerful interest groups, labor unions,
and
trade
associationsfurther
demonstrates
the
importance
of
grassroots lobbying. Leading the list were the American Association of
Retired Persons, the American Israel Public Affairs Committee, the
AFL-CIO, the National Federation of Independent Business, and the Association of Trial Lawyers of America. The Power 25 wield enormous
political clout, not only because they have money but also because
they are able to mobilize support from actual voters back home. They
can point to large numbers of geographically dispersed, politically active members with narrow interests. This, said Fortune, is the New
Lobbying.3
Focusing on the issue of health policy, researcher Michael T. Heaney
found that grassroots strength mainly accounts for the high ranking in
the newest list of the 25 organizations with the most influence on
Capitol Hill. Based on interviews with 95 congressional staffers, these
were the American Medical Association, AARP (formerly the American
250
GRASSROOTS LOBBYING
251
Association of Retired persons), the American Hospital Association

(AHA), and the United States Chamber of Commerce. Local presence is
important: The AARP upholds the gold standard for citizen lobbying,
with 67% of congressional staffers reporting a strong local AARP presence; and the AHA stands out for maintaining the best geographic coverage of any organization, with 83% reporting that it is politically
organized in their areas.4
WHY GRASSROOTS ACTIVITIES HAVE BECOME IMPORTANT
Although direct lobbying is an excellent way of conveying information
to lawmakers, it is usually an insufficient means of applying political
pressure. Direct lobbying by itself is usually effective when an issue is
highly technical or involves only selected constituencies. However,
when an issue attracts public attention and concern, grassroots public
opinion and pressure count. Lawmakers know that if they ignore the
voice of their own constituents on issues that concern them, their reelection is at risk.
The American Bankers Association (ABA) has recognized the value
of grassroots lobbying and organized a Team 21 to help execute campaigns. In this way, calls and e-mails and faxes come from real bankers running real banks across America. With more than 1.5 million
people making their living at a bank, it shouldnt be impossible to mobilize big numbers when important legislation is on the line in Congress, says the ABA Banking Journal.5 The Team 21 model is a highly
structured, coordinated approach by ABA, the state executives, and
bankers from institutions of all sizes. Federal legislative captains, appointed by the ABA and each state executive, are responsible for setting
up and running the program in each state. The captains, in turn, appoint team leaders for every U.S. representative and senator in each
state. These leaders, in turn, organize volunteer teams of between 5
and 10 banks that work to build ongoing relationships and regular
communications with their assigned members of Congress.
Two other factors, besides the nature and complexity of a policy issue, affect the appropriateness of various grassroots activities: (a) the
issues stage in the legislative process, and (b) the legislative chamber
and legislator targeted.6
Compared with direct lobbying by executives or professional lobbyists, legislators pay more attention to
grassroots activities during that part of the legislative stage when an
issue is voted on in committee or when it comes to the floor of the
House or Senate. Legislators rely more on professional lobbyists,
however, for detailed content of legislation. 7 The target of grassroots
activity is more likely to be the House than the Senate because it is
more likely to be influenced. House members represent a narrower
constituency and are subject to reelection every 2 years instead of the
Senates 6 years.
252
CHAPTER 10
Changes in Political Structure

Because of changes in the political structure and the availability of technology, one of the strongest trends in politics today is the movement toward the golden age of grassroots lobbying. This unstoppable force
is transforming U.S. culture and politics. Three changes in the political
environment have increased the effectiveness of grassroots lobbying
and provided enormous incentives and opportunities for corporations
and others to engage in it:8
1. Political parties have been weakened and their control over members of
Congress has loosened.
2. The reorganization of Congress in the 1970s decreased the
power of committee chairpersons, which had the effect of more
widely distributing
power to individual
legislators. They subsequently became political entrepreneurs who sought financial and
other support directly from constituents. Corporations, with their
rich political resources, are an important source of campaign support. They can provide PAC funds and soft money (see chap. 11), volunteers to help in campaign work, and feedback on issues and the
political climate.
3. The decline in voter participation. Only about 40% of registered
voters vote in off-year elections, and about 50% during presidential
elections. As little as 20% of the population can determine who wins
or loses in an off-year election, and 25% during presidential elections.
For example, in 1994 freshman Republican Andrea Seastrand won in
Californias 22nd district with less than 2,000 votes to spare; her fellow California representative, Democrat Jane Harman, was returned
to Congress by a vote margin of 812. In a closer race, Sam Gejdenson
(D-Conn.) won an eighth term in Congress in 1994 with only 21
votes to spare.9 When a small block of votes can determine the outcome of an election, a member of Congress is especially sensitive to
grassroots pressure.
Effective Technology
The technology of the Internet is another
has become more important and effective. As
BusinessWeek:
reason grassroots lobbying

stated by Pete Engardio in
By mastering the weaponry of the Web, everyone from clandestine Beijing

dissidents to high-powered Washington lobbyists are finding that the
Internet is an extraordinary tool for mobilizing support, raising money, and
exerting influence. In the Internet Age, its possible for a handful of Websavvy activists to exert pressure on policymakers working out of their
homes. The result may be a fundamental transformation of the nature of
politics.10
GRASSROOTS LOBBYING
253
The Internet, says Engardio, has ushered in the new social phenomenon of virtual
organizations: unstructured ad hoc clusters of people who perhaps never met but who
share a common passiona concern for environmental issues, an ethnic identity, or
simply a sense of struggle. But they can be rapidly mobilized for political action. 11
The Internet is changing the rules of the game, states a Foundation
for Public Affairs report on the impact of the Internet on public policymaking.12 It lowers the barriers to entering the game. 13 Former Christian Coalition executive director Ralph Reed says the Internet is the latest
in a series of technologies that are democratizing the political process,
making it possible [for activist groups] to bypass gatekeepers and the
traditional print and broadcast media to communicate directly with
their constituents.14 The importance of the Internet will grow as more
people use it, as more than half (55%) of U.S. adults were doing by
mid-1999.15
Corporations, however, have lagged behind activist groups in their
use of the Internet. Concern about security has made corporations shy
about posting information on the Web, says Faye Gorman-Graul, director of Dow Cornings government relations office in Washington. Look
at company websites and you rarely see public policy positions. Even if
companies are gun shy, they can use the Internet to monitor activists,
says Matthew Benson, senior director at the Bivings Woodell public affairs consulting firm: It has the potential to be a great place for early
warning on emerging issues. 16 Ronald Budzik, vice president for government affairs at Mead, adds, You can easily get the data that flows
across the environmental groups. Go to a website and get any information that comes off of it. All it takes is an e-mail address to sign up for
many activist groups e-mail alerts.17
ELEMENTS OF GRASSROOTS LOBBYING
From a public affairs viewpoint, grassroots lobbying is the mobilization
of constituents to demonstrate public support for an organizations position. Raymond Hoewing, former president of the Public Affairs Council, defines grassroots programs as organized efforts by a company or
organization to recruit and deploy political power from constituencies
in and out of the organization. 18 Edward A. Grefe, chief political consultant to Legislative Demographic Services, emphasizes, Grassroots is
one-on-one communications reaching out to individuals to seek their
support and to recruit their participation. 19 It is also a two-way process that is based on the assumption that those most affected by an issue
will respond to an invitation to become involved in any deliberation
over its future.
Corporations,
trade
associations,
and
many
other
organizations
recognize the opportunity as well as the necessity to look beyond traditional political structures to the people. 20 As stated by Jack Bonner, a
254
CHAPTER 10
prominent grassroots specialist, grassroots works best when you activate politically
important home district constituents who can demonstrate they understand both sides of
an issue and can explain in their own words how this issue will impact their district. 21
Grassroots lobbying consists of three essential steps: (a)
constituency building, (b) constituency communication, and (c) constituency
activation.
Constituency Building
Constituency building is the process of identifying and recruiting people
who are willing to become politically active on behalf of an organization. It is the attempt to harness the self-interest of individuals who
have some kind of a relationship or common interest with an organization. The aim is to motivate them to join the company in its political
programs and campaigns.
For organizations with sound existing public relations programs,
constituency building is already well on its way. Established relationships with such stakeholders as employees, stockholders, and community citizens can be directed toward political support. If relationships are
weak, however, support from these stakeholders is less likely and preliminary efforts have to be made to win their confidence.
Constituency building begins when an organization identifies those
individuals or groups among its stakeholders who are most likely to become politically active. The composition of this collection of persons and
groups is not constant but varies with different types of issues. Stockholders, for example, are more likely to be interested in issues dealing
with corporate governance and taxation; employees in the automotive
industry are interested in the issue of protective tariffs and quotas.
Volunteers
are an
important
segment
of an organizations constituents because they do much of the work of grassroots lobbying. The National Rifle Association (NRA) has one of the most effective groups of
volunteers. It expends a significant amount of time and resources in recruiting,
training,
maintaining,
and
mobilizing
volunteers
for
legislative and political campaigns. For this purpose the NRA has a Grassroots
Division with a full-time staff of 12. Box 10.1 describes these activities
and how they were applied to a political campaign. 22
Strategies for Selecting Constituents.
selecting constituents:
Wes Pedersen describes five methods for
Ad hoc: Changing with circumstances and each issue. Circumstances, such as having to respond to an immediate legislative need or
threat, may dictate this approach, in which the choice of constituents
varies with each issue. For example, stockholders are an appropriate
constituent group for issues dealing with corporate governance and
GRASSROOTS LOBBYING
255
Box 10.1 NRAs Way of Recruiting and Managing Volunteers

The NRA recruits by making use of its natural resourcesits base of support in guns shops,
gun and hunting clubs, shooting ranges, and gun shows. Each volunteer is asked to recruit
additional volunteers among family members, friends, business associates, Christmas card lists,
alumni associations, and so on.
These volunteers are entered into a sortable database where their
profile characteristics are recorded; for example, has a pickup truck
(ideal for sign distribution), or owns a business with multiphone capacity. Their interests are noted so that assignments can be delegated
that dovetail. Also, assignments make use of any previous volunteer
experience.
Training is taken seriously. In the past two election cycles, the NRA
conducted more than 110 grassroots-election workshops in 41 states.
Volunteers are made to feel comfortable using a phone bank script,
walk sheets, or precinct map. Their egos are also lifted by giving them
titles commensurate with the jobs they are doing (e.g., phone bank
coordinator, a neighborhood captain, or a literature drop coordinator).
At meetings everyone wears a name badge so people can get to know one another.
During a campaign every effort is made to make the working environment enjoyable and
very importantto make sure each one is given something to do.
At the end of a campaign make sure volunteers are recognized A candidate might send a
letter, a commemorative pin, or an autographed bumper sticker. Other forms of appreciation are a low-budget party or a pat on the back
and a hearty thank you.
taxation; employees in the automotive industry would be appropriate for the issue of
protective tariffs and quotas.
Broad-based:
Targeting
employees,
shareholders,
customers,
distributors, suppliers, and other constituencies. The ABA used this
approach when it appealed to the general public to oppose the inclusion of a 10% tax on interest and dividends in a tax reform package by
Congress. Bankers feared the public would blame bankers once the
withholding began. The ABA placed an ad titled Congress Wants a
Piece of Your Savings. What They Need Is a Piece of Your Mind in
many U.S. newspapers. More important, the ABA prepared a media
and support kit that was sent to its 14,000 member banks. For media
relations purposes, the kit contained two sample letters to the editor,
one by a banker and one by a citizen. To reach other specific audiences, the kits included a Q&A sheet with specific answers to questions by employees, customers, and the media. The kit also provided a
sample postcard/ballot that customers could fill out and drop into a
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CHAPTER 10
ballot box in the bank lobby, which the bank would then mail to
Congress. To further encourage grassroots activity, the kits contained
three sample letters to Congressfrom a banker, a consumer, and a
senior citizen.23
Key-contact: Using a cadre of line managers who are able and
willing to meet one-on-one with senators and representatives on issues important to the company. It is a more formalized approach favored by several companies, such as Merck and Scott Paper.
Third-party advocacy: Soliciting support from outsiders who are credible
sources. Because they are outsiders, they generally have weaker interest in and
commitment to the issue, a fact that lawmakers often recognize by according them
higher credibility.
God Bless America approach: Bringing people into the political process
because its the right thing to do.24
Two additional approaches have been added: grasstops and astroturf.
In the grasstops approach, persons are sought who are likely to gain access to, or have influence with, a member of Congress, perhaps because
they were once close to him or her. They are prominent, influential
people in the area who agree to weigh in with a lawmaker on behalf of
your issue.25 They are higher up the political food chain, so more lawmakers want to interact directly with them. Such persons may also enjoy clout because of their expertise on an issue or assistance they have
provided during political campaigns. They include elected officials,
opinion leaders, party leaders, campaign advisers, local association officers, community leaders, academics, and other policy analysts. 26 Used
in key influential or key influencer campaigns, the grasstops strategy is
best used as a supplement to a broader program.
The astroturf approach has been made possible by the help of modern
information technology, which easily allows the creation of databases
of potential constituents, which appear as apparent grassroots supporters. For example, when Bonner sought to identify groups that would be
predisposed to oppose an amendment that would require the Big Three
auto makers to build smaller, more fuel-efficient cars, he chose the elderly and the physically handicapped; they, he reasoned, would have a
hard time getting into smaller cars with walkers, wheelchairs, and other
special equipment.27 As recognized by Ron Faucheux, such lists of potential supporters can be used for the instant manufacturing of public
support for a point of view in which either uninformed activists are recruited or means of deception are used to recruit them. 28
Such manufactured support is a artificial and temporarynot to be
confused with solid, lasting grassroots support from established relationships. The real difference between grassroots and astroturf, says
Elizabeth J. Welsh, president of Executive Communications, is in the
level of understanding, belief, commitment and personal stake that advocates
demonstrate
during
their
communications
with
legislators. 29
Lawmakers have a growing suspicion of astroturf campaigns, causing
GRASSROOTS LOBBYING
257
them to question their constituents to ascertain how knowledgeable

they are on the issue and what prompted them to call the legislator. 30
Newspaper publishers are also becoming more vigilant in screening astroturf letters to the
editor. The Boston Globe is one such publisher, af-ter unwittingly publishing letters that
were written not by the local folks who signed them, but by the Republican National
Committee. In response to greater media scrutiny of letter writers, public relations
people are giving this advice: (a) Even when form letters are required, engage in creative
personalization; (b) make an effort to tailor letters to each publication; (c) try to get letters
signed by someone who will be recognized as a leader in a particular community; and (d)
allude to the author s knowledge of an issue; for example, start out with As a former patient
of Local Hospital.31
Categories of Key Constituency Groups.
refer to the following categories of constituents:
Many campaigns find it helpful to
1. Natural constituencies. The most likely source of grassroots

support for a company comes from those groups whose economic
fate is linked with it. Employees and stockholders are therefore called
natural
constituencies
because
employees
jobs
and
stockholders
dividends are dependent on company profitability and survival. They
share a commonality of interest with the company. An illustration is
the campaign by several corporate giantsincluding GM, Citigroup,
Southern Company, ChevronTexaco, and Verizonto send letters to
shareholders asking them to contact members of Congress to support
President Bushs dividend tax cut. The letter from GMs president and
CEO Rick Wagoner read, in part, We think this proposal makes good
economic sense, and is good for our stockholders and General Motors. Weve shared our enthusiasm for it with members of Congress, and we urge you to do the same promptly. 32
2. Extended constituencies. Extended constituencies also have a link
with a company, but the connection is weaker and more remote. Examples are retirees, royalty recipients, dealers, suppliers, merchants
in communities where companies are located, and a miscellany of
people, such as outside legal counsel and insurance companies with
whom the company is insured. Sun Oil also recruits leasers who own
property on which Sun drills.
The classic $1-billion bailout of Chrysler illustrates the use of extended
constituencies.
The
companys
carefully
orchestrated
lobbying effort included 4,700 dealers and 19,000 suppliers, who were
asked to make an all-out effort to contact senators and representatives to let them know how important Chrysler s business was to
the local economies.33
Although
customers
are
sometimes
considered
a
natural
constituency, they are for practical purposes best considered as either an extended constituency or outside constituency, depending on the
258
CHAPTER 10
nature of the industry. Companies in the tobacco industry use catalogs not only to market directly to customers but also to mobilize
customers as a political force. For example, when Philip Morriss
Benson & Hedges catalog offers customers a Mikasa crystal set in exchange for 300 proofs of purchase, the responses enable the company
to build a database of its smokers, which can be used to drum up support for its legislative and other political goals. It also publishes a
magazine, Unlimited, to reach its Marlboro smokers.34
3. Outside constituencies. Outside constituencies, drawn from the
general public, do not have an economic link with a company; they
may, however, identify with its issue and causes. Such groups, often
considered third-party advocates, are important when a corporation
or association has no constituent presence in key legislative districts. 35
The challenge is to find a way to identify these potential supporters.
The Health Insurance Industry of America (HIAA) identified and
recruited outside constituencies by using paid ads to fight the Clinton
administrations health care reform proposal. Its much publicized
and highly successful Harry and Louise spots demonstrated the value
of this approach. A vital feature of the $15-million spots was a
toll-free telephone number. It generated more than 350,000 phone
calls, which enabled the HIAA to send information packets to callers.
The HIAA recruited 40,000 activist volunteers from the respondents,
who are credited with producing 200,000 contacts with members of
Congress.36
Constituency Communication
When time permits, recruitment of constituents can be followed up by
regular communication about pertinent political issues and stressing
the importance of constituent involvement in the political process. As
stated by Pamela Jones-Lee, president of National Grassroots & Communications, Clients need to take time to educate their constituencies
so the constituency is still there after they leave. 37 The New York Power
Authority has done this with its Ambassador Program, which is intended to establish two-way communications with more than 4,000
contacts statewide who appear on its computerized mailing list. One aspect of the program is a questionnaire asking these people about their
involvement in the community, the level at which they would participate (e.g., letter writing, making phone calls), and the issues in which
they would be interested.38
Communicating
with
and
educating
a
companys
natural
constituencies of employees and stockholders is essentially an extension of existing public relations, employee communication, and investor relations
programsassuming they exist.
For
example,
a company provides employees not only with company news and social activities, but also information about economic and political issues facing the company and,
GRASSROOTS LOBBYING
259
indirectly, themselves. Similarly, communication vehicles can be created with extended

constituents, such as dealers.
When a vote on an issue is imminent, public affairs managers can instantly provide newly identified constituencies, as well as existing ones,
with political and public policy information through some of the new
media: cable television, online electronic services (e-mail, websites), and
fax machines. For example, the Independent Insurance Agents of America (IIAA) supplemented its existing newsletters with satellite communications when it transmitted three live shows in one day to 200 sites
around the country, reaching more than 5,000 people.39
Constituency communication is facilitated by the Internet, which is
easy and cheap to use. For example, when people call up and ask for information, they can be told to get it on the organizations website. It
saves time and the expense of mass mailings. Ken Deutsch and Mark
Reilly of Issue Dynamics, Inc., take this strong view: Any grassroots
campaign organization without a website is missing the boat. 40
Any
use of the Internet, however, should be integrated into the overall grassroots campaign strategy and not used by itself. Although serious grassroots efforts are now being conducted on the Internet, there has not yet
been a single campaign conducted solely via the Internet that has had
any major results.41
Constituency Activation and Methods of Pressuring Lawmakers
Although
constituency activation is not always distinct from constituency communication, its goal is to alert and mobilize supporters on issues of importance to the company. Alerts have traditionally been
announced through direct mail, such as action alert letters or newsletters, and telephone calls. Now phone calls are mostly automated voice
messages, and faxes and e-mail are increasingly employed. Cyberlobby
firm e-advocates, cofounded by Pam Fielding, used e-mail to help lead a
National Education Association drive to save a federal requirement that
Internet service providers give schools a discount rate after congressional Republicans moved to end it. Lawmakers and the FCC were
swamped with 22,000 messages from moms, dads, business persons,
teachers, or school administrators. 42 Such an avalanche of messages is
losing its effectiveness, however, and consultants are advising a move
from high quantity to high quality.43
Furthermore, the contact tree technique is frequently applied, whereby selected
members use phone and fax communications to keep other members informed of legislative
happenings. A more organized method, used by the HIAA, is to hire field directors in critical
states to organize direct-mail and telephone contacts. 44
Organizations send alerts to encourage constituents to communicate with their
congressional members offices through phone calls, letters, faxes, and e-mail, and also to
have face-to-face meetings by visiting them on Capitol Hill or at their district offices.
260
CHAPTER 10
Patch-Through Techniques. When they mobilize the citizenry to

take part in the political process (which is the way they like to define their
work),
grassroots
lobbying-for-hire organizations
such
as
Bonner & Associates depend heavily on phone calls by their hundreds of operators.
During a call, operators present receivers with a programmed script, and,
if receivers agree, the opportunity to send a postcard, letter, or fax. If receivers agree, operators arrange a preprinted, postage-paid mailing.
More typically, constituents are asked if they would like to talk to
their congressperson. If so, they are immediately connected to the congresspersons office. This contact technique is called a telephone patchthrough, which Ron Faucheux defines as direct-connects or third party
calling, in which a phone bank for a lobbying organization gets an
agreeable activist on the line and directly connects him or her to the targeted public official or staff member so that the activist can deliver a personal message.45 Consultants warn that it is becoming more and more
important to provide more detailed information to those talking to legislators
because
resulting
conversations
sometimes
enable
lawmakers
to turn callers around because of their lack of information. 46 Especially
under such circumstances, patch-throughs are more likely perceived as
astroturf efforts rather than having the appearance of a genuine grassroots call.
One of the newest trends is the intercept, which appears spontaneous.
It occurs when a selected constituent with great influence walks up to
an elected official unexpectedly. After some small talk, he or she leaves
the lawmaker expressing how he or she feels about a selected issue. 47
Computer scanners are sometimes used, especially with a grasstops
campaign aimed at leaders in a community. Bonner sends fax letters to
people won over during a phone conversation, asking them to sign their
name inside a black box on the page and fax it back to Bonners office.
After scanning the signature into a computer, it can be transposed to petitions and, from a set of geographic locations, sent to lawmakers. The
signature might also be affixed to a petition in an advertisement. 48
In one of the most massive campaigns, the 1991 and 1992 B-2
Stealth bomber campaign, Bonner and Associates trained 200 phone
bank operators to place calls to members of 5,000 groupsincluding
farm, senior citizen, minority, and religious groups in more than 100
politically responsive congressional districts. Citizens were asked to
send postcards or phone their representative in support of the bomber.49
Which Communications Are Most Effective. A
1992
Gallup
Poll
survey of 150 new and returning members of the U.S. House and Senate
indicates which forms and messages of communication they pay most
attention to:
More than 70% said they pay a great deal of attention to personally
written letters from constituents, meetings with heads of groups,
visits from CEOs representing companies with a job presence in the
GRASSROOTS LOBBYING
261
district, personally written letters from heads of groups in the district or from company
officials with a job presence in the district, and phone calls from constituents.50
Between 60% and 69% of the members of Congress pay attention
to phone calls from heads of groups in their district; 20% to 25% to
postcards and mailgrams from the district; and 19% or less to issue
papers, form letters from constituents and company officials, editorials, CEO visits from a company without a district job presence,
and advertisements.51
Other studies also show that letters or telephone calls from constituents, if they are perceived as personal and spontaneous rather than orchestrated, are given the most weight. The most effective method is to
allow constituents to communicate in their own words to their elected
officials, a method frequently used on the state and local level. Special
events can be used to facilitate constituent contact with legislators; the
IIAA, for example, established an interactive kiosk at a trade gathering.
A 1999 study of the effectiveness of constituent communications
ranks fax and e-mail below the personal media previously mentioned,
but ahead of a petition or mass mailing. When members of Congress
see theres an unorchestrated, honest grassroots interest in an issue,
they tend to pay attention. 52 However, overzealousness in grassroots
lobbying must
be watched. Congressional staffers have become
disconcerting interpreters of grassroots communications. As one said, When
it comes in bunches you can recognize it as Astroturf. Its not taken
very seriously.53
What also gets little or no attention from members of Congress are issue
papers; editorials; visits from CEOs and officials of firms affected by an issue but without significant job presence in the home district; and newspaper, radio, or TV issue ads in Washington, DC, or in the home district.
TOOLS OF GRASSROOTS LOBBYING
Interpersonal
communication
dominates
grassroots
lobbying,
and
letters and personal conversations with members of Congress through visits or phones calls are supplemented with e-mail, faxes, and other
electronic
communication.
Furthermore,
such
communications
are
stimulated and manipulated through organized efforts by corporations
and interest groups.
The tools already mentioned merge with a broader list of services public affairs consulting firms provide for grassroots lobbying. The following
list by Leslie J. Gianelli, vice president at Powell Tate, shows the overlap
with direct lobbying and traditional public relations and marketing:
Coalition building and grassroots outreach.
Grasstops recruitment and mobilization.
Database development and maintenance.
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CHAPTER 10
Direct-mail preparation and distribution.

Phone banking and telemarketing.
Presentation and media training.
website design.
Polling and focus groups.
Earned media outreach.
Paid advertising.
Fund raising.54
A Services Buyer s Guide published by Campaigns
how these activitiesand some additional onesare categorized:
& Elections shows
Telephone contact and mobilization.

Telephone patch-throughs, direct connects.
Grasstops organizing and field operations.
Targeting and demographic planning.
Lists/labels/district matches/database.
Lobbying direct-mail printing and processing.
Lobby direct-mail creative, strategy, and planning.
Electronic media buying: local markets.
Electronic media buying: regional and national markets.
Newspaper ad placement: local markets.
Newspaper ad placement: regional and national markets.
Public relations and event planning.
Litigation support services.
Media training and speech preparation services.
Polling and focus groups.
Satellite broadcasting services.
Broadcast fax services.55
Coalition building pertains to both direct and grassroots lobbying, as
does the use of the research tools of polling and focus groups. Many direct
marketing toolsuse of databases, direct mailings, and telemarketing
apply to grassroots lobbying. Public relations skills are especially important for broad-based third-party advocacy programs
because
they involve media relations efforts and the use of websites to influence general
public opinion.
It is clear, however, that interpersonal communications prevail in the
execution of grassroots lobbying. Personal conversations with members
of Congress through visits or phone calls are supplemented with letters,
e-mail,
faxes,
and
other
electronic
communication.
Furthermore,
computer technology has greatly enhanced grassroots effectiveness. It has
also enabled organizations to use astroturf techniques.
Telephones Are Still Useful
Phones are one of the most effective and essential tools of
paigns. Aside from door-to-door visits, the phone is the other chief me-
modern
cam-
GRASSROOTS LOBBYING
263
dium of personal two-way communication. Only persons with phone

numbers, however, can be reached, and of these, only about 70% answer.56
The phone allows a dialogue with voters to determine which issues they deem most
important and what they think about them. When this feedback is used in subsequent
conversations, a relationship is established, which cannot be accomplished through any broadcast medium,
says Wally Clinton, president of the Clinton Group, a Democratic firm
based in Washington, DC. Because the telephone is a medium of dialogue,
not monologue, Clinton shuns making prerecorded calls, which disallow
the most powerful function of the telephonethe ability to communicate
persuasively, delivering a message and capturing feedback. 57
Although volunteers can handle a few hundred or up to a few thousand calls, paid telephone banks are needed for larger numbers. For example, the 1994 campaign of New York governor George Pataki started
with 100,000 calls, followed by 1.1 million turnout calls 4 days before
the election.58
Budget, of course, must be available. Thanks to deregulation of the
communications industry, however, costs have dropped by more than
50% in the last 7 years, says Mac Hansbrough, president of National
Telecommunications Services, a Democratic firm based in Washington,
DC.59 (See Box 10.2 for benefits and costs of phone banks.)
Use Phones in Combination With Other Media.
Phone calls work best in
combination with toll-free numbers, direct mail, and the Internet, as the following campaigns
illustrate.
TeleMark, a telephone contact firm based in Portland, Oregon,
was hired to take inbound toll-free calls from radio ads produced by
the Public Response Group in Chicago on behalf of the Consumer Alliance for Electric Choice. After capturing the name and address of the
respondents, the operators used their ZIP code to patch them through
to their legislators to express their opposition to a bill. 60
National Telecommunications Services was hired by the Southern Utah Wilderness
Alliance, the Sierra Club, and the National Wildlife Federation to persuade the president
to veto the pave-the-parks legislation. Patch-through calls were made not to a single
destination but to the president, key White House advisers, and members of Congress.
This wider audience avoided a negative backlash that sometimes occurs when one
target is overwhelmed.61
Modern technology helps in telemarketing as well as in other applications. For example, predictive-dialing technology allows computers to
do the time-consuming work of dialing numbers, listening to busy
signals,
and
getting wrong
numbers. Automated
digital recording
technology enables the capture of fund-raising pledges, petition-signing
commitments, and other conversations that benefit from a permanent
audio recording. Furthermore, high-end computer systems and high-
Box 10.2 Benefits and Costs of Phone Banks

Consultants
and
vendors
who
specialize
in
telemarketing
egorize paid telephone calls used in campaigns into four categories:
1. An ID call, which identifies the political leaning of the voter.
2. A persuasion call, which seeks to influence the voter
age a patch-through call.
3. An attack push poll call.
4. A GOTVget out to votecall.
services
and
cat-
encour-
Push
poll
callsdistinguished
from
negative
persuasion
callsare
highly controversial and should never be used, says Hansbrough. On
the other hand, Peck Young of Austin, Texas-based Emory, Young &
Associates, says phone banks are now applied to persuasion calls.
To contact 40,000 voters with a persuasive ID call and a GOTV
call may cost $50,000 says Tony Feather. Bob Corn, vice president
of Alexandria, Virginia-based Landmark Strategies, estimates that
the typical budget allocates 40% to 45% to ID calls, 30% to 35% to
GOTV calls, and 20% to 25% to persuasion. Phone banks are highly
cost-effective, as suggested in fund-raising applications, especially
when used in combination with direct mail, television, radio, print,
and other fund-raising media. Each medium reinforces the other,
creating a powerful message, says Ellinger. Because phone calls increase donor awareness and motivation, he states response rates
with current donors are three to five times that of direct mail, and
with lapsed and nondonor audiences, response rates of 10 times or
more are common.
Using paid telephone banks has several advantages besides the
ability to reach a high volume of voters in a short period of time. Because professional operators are used, they can get reliable identification because they are unbiased. The enthusiasm of volunteers is
likely to create a bias, although this motivation would not be harmful
in persuasion or GOTV calls. It is essential, however, that phone
bank operators be well-trained, prepared to handle questions and are accent neutral with
acceptable diction, says Linda Cherry, president of Cherry Communications, a Republican
firm based in Tallahassee, Florida. She says that there is a wide range of quality,
accuracy, and reliability within the industry.
Professionally trained operators can also take greater advantage of the targeting of calls to
desired voters, who can be identified by improved voter lists, polling information, and
demographic data. Data collected from previous phone conversations are also useful. In
persuasion calls, operators can present tailored scripts to different segments of voters in a
single advocacy program.
264
GRASSROOTS LOBBYING
265
speed modems provide the capacity to track data in almost real time.
Better desktop analysis allows for more detailed statistical information
so that trends can quickly be spotted and adjustments made to messages
where necessary.62
Computer Technology Enhances Grassroots Effectiveness
Modern information technology that combines such hardware as fast
computers with vast storage capacity, software, and databases has
greatly facilitated and enhanced the effectiveness of grassroots lobbying. State-of-the-art information systems support all of the elements of
grassroots
lobbying:
constituency
building,
constituency
communication, and constituency activation. The latter capability is particularly
important because sudden legislative developments place a premium on
capacity and speed.
Computer technology is used for the following purposes:.
1. Maintain membership lists in databases. One of the oldest uses
of information technology is the creation and maintenance of membership lists, such as files of employees, stockholders, community
leaders,
and
other
company
stakeholders.
Computer
databases
allow easy updating and immediate access. An example of strategic
use of databases is the National Association of Life Underwriters,
which built a network of more than 10,000 members who serve as
contacts in 521 of the nations 538 congressional districts. Local coordinators routinely meet with each member of Congress three or
four times a year.63
2. Classify and sort constituents. The computer can sort a constituent database into categories relevant to a specific campaign, provide
cross-tabulations
with
other
databases,
and
allow
instant
communication
through
connections with
laser
printers, telephones, and
broadcast faxes. Through the use of available software, it is now
easy to sort and mobilize constituents in a variety of ways:
By congressional or legislative districts. One specialized software is the Congressional District and State District Identifier System. Another is
a
program
by
Rocliff Associates
of Delavan,
Wisconsin, that enables an organization to identify the legislative
districts
where
employees,
stockholders,
retirees,
and
other
constituencies reside. If grassroots action is needed in particular districts, an organization can target those constituents, inform them,
and ask them to take action. Anheuser-Busch used this software
system in an effort to oppose an additional federal excise tax on
beer. Using its file of 40,000 employees, 40,000 stockholders, 200
major suppliers, and 960 wholesalers, the company was able to
target constituents in the districts of 22 key members of the House
Ways and Means Committee. Anheuser-Busch also sent its 200
major suppliers information packages consisting of a letter ex-
266
CHAPTER 10
plaining the tax issue and the companys position, a background

information sheet, talking points, and details of how the issue
would affect the company, the industry, and the supplier. 64
By activism and political connection. For example, the National
Federation of Independent Businesses (NFIB) maintains a database
that
includes
names, addresses, phone
and fax
numbers, geographic regions, legislative districts, number of employees, types
of business, issue positions, and political backgrounds. The NFIB
has divided this membership list of 617,000 persons into target
groups based on the degree of activism: an A list of 400,000 members who responded at least once to a direct-mail activation; an AA
list of 200,000 members who responded to more than one direct-mail activation; a guardian list of 40,000 most active members; and a key contact list of 3,000 members who have close
relationships with public officials.65
By ZIP codes. Software used in marketing has been adapted for
grassroots lobbying needs. For example, the Prizm Cluster System,
provided by Claritas of Alexandria, Virginia, helps to reach consumers for public affairs purposes. According to ZIP code, every
U.S. neighborhood is assigned to one of 40 clusters, each of which
represents
people
with
similar
backgrounds,
means,
and
consumer behavior. The Ford Motor Company used this system in
1985 when it, together with GM, successfully convinced the Department of Transportation (DOT) to reduce its miles-per-gallon
fuel average for passenger cars. From an initial list of 1 million customers, Ford targeted 25,000 of them in a direct-mail campaign.
The response rate, measuring those who communicated with DOT,
was 12.6%.66
3. Inform citizens and provide interactivity. The Internet and other
online networks can inform citizens and provide feedback and
interactivity through specialized websites and online debates. Web
home pages allow organizations to inform current and potential constituents who own computers and are likely highly educated with
high incomes. For example, the American Crop Protection Association, a lobbying arm of the farm chemical industry, sought to enlist
member support for the Republicans version of the Safe Drinking
Water Act when it was held back by Democrats. It posted a message
on its website saying, We have been meeting with committee staff
and others to put back pressure on the GOP to not give away so much
in their push for consensus that they produce a bill that our industry
cant support.67 Meanwhile the opposing group, the Environmental
Working Group, used the Web to inform Internet users that Representative Greg Ganske received $17,750 from groups interested in
changing pesticide standards, implying that the chemical industry
intended this money to influence his stand. 68
A website was at the center of Washington-based Edison Electric
Institutes grassroots lobbying efforts to support the White Houses
GRASSROOTS LOBBYING
267
Clear Skies plan. Members of the association were urged to participate in the industry outreach effort to mobilize employees, retirees
and
shareholders
to
counter
controversy
surrounding
it,
namely,
that it would roll back deadlines for meeting public health standards
and
leave
carbon
dioxide
emissions
unregulated.
The
website
features a general advocacy page, talking points that members of each
group can use to write their Congressional representatives, and letters for members of each group to send to Congress. 69
The campaign also asked industry executives to travel to Capitol Hill in
support of the plan.
A deficiency of many websites is that they provide little opportunity
for interaction and therefore cant capitalize on the motivation that is
built
when
relationships
are
established
with
constituents.
Although
focusing on social responsibility issues, this failing was noted in a
study of 100 websites of Fortune 500 companies by S. L. Esrock and G.
B. Leichty.70 On the one hand, they found that 88% had websites, and
80% of them dealt with at least one social responsibility issue. For example,
Olin
described
environmental
and
conservation
issues
and
Avon its Breast Cancer Awareness crusade. What the sites lacked, however,
were
sufficient
dialogic
featuresfeatures
that
encourage
an
exchange of information and views between a company and its
publics. (The websites in the Esrock and Leichty study were aimed at
three
major
audiences:
shareholders/investors
[68%],
prospective
employees [68%], and customers and customer service [51%].)
Interaction is encouraged with such features as explicitly inviting
users to return to the site, including links to other websites, providing
a constantly updated calendar of events, and inviting users to voice
their opinions on issues. (See chap. 2 for how interest groups are
learning to incorporate these features.) The Esrock and Leichty study
showed that companies were at least making their sites more inviting. For example, three out of four prominently displayed icons or
links for site maps or search engines on the front page.
Some websites already permit a highly interactive way of disseminating information through a kind of coffee-shop exchange that can
provide dialog, give-and-take, a depth of background and kinds of
information that are impossible, or at least rarely seen, in traditional
media.71
One format allows each candidate to pose a tough policy
question to the other; by the next day, each would have responded to
that question at length and posed another. The process, which would
then be repeated, has two
advantages: Relatively long written
responses would be provided and appeals to emotion would be limited.
The written responses could also be retained in an archive. 72
4. Mobilize immediate support. Grassroots lobbying technology,
such
as
e-mail
advocacy,
telephone
patch-throughs,
and
grassroots
databases
enable
companies
to
mobilize
immediate
support
for
specific legislative events. For example, Bonner & Associates sent farmers, senior citizens, and small-business owners predrafted e-mail
268
CHAPTER 10
messages that, when forwarded to congressional representatives, appear self-composed.73

Similarly, the Pesticide Action Network and the NRA have mobilized up to 200,000
members at a time.74
In
applying
the
telephone
patch-through
technique,
computers
can sort and redirect a call to the office of a particular member of Congress. Databases can also be used to generate letters to Congress, as
Citicorp did to reach its employee volunteers and generate 38,000 letters to Congress and to newspapers on the banking reform law. By
using its computer-driven phone banks, the U.S. Chamber of Commerce can call 215,000 members about issues of concern to the organization. When a key vote looms, a computer will start dialing their
numbers with a recorded message with three options: Press 1 to have
a mailgram or letter sent in their name to their representative; press 2
to record a voice-mail message for the lawmaker; press 3 to have a
computer connect them immediately with the lawmaker s office.75
ORGANIZING AN INTEGRATED LOBBYING CAMPAIGN:
HOW CSE DOES IT
Public affairs managers face the challenge of integrating all the elements
of a grassroots lobbying campaign with its overall public affairs goals
and activities. Citizens for a Sound Economy (CSE) has done this successfully. It transformed itself into an integrated lobbying organization
in 1993 when the administration proposed an energy tax. Since then it
has been interested in several other issues. In 1994 it spent close to $5
million on advertising and grassroots efforts to oppose the administrations health care reform proposal, and in March 1995 it became involved in the House debate on overhauling the nations civil litigation
system. It has also pushed for a balanced budget amendment and
sought reform of the FDA.76
CSE is a 250,000-member conservative advocacy group that receives
its financial support from such bastions of free enterprise economics as
the David H. Koch Charitable Foundation, the John M. Olin Foundation,
and the Sarah Scaife Foundation; from trade associations such as the
American
Petroleum
Institute
and
Pharmaceutical
Research
and
Manufacturers of America; and from companies such as CIGNA and R. J.
Reynolds Tobacco. Its fight for legal reforms is supported by the American Council of Life Insurance, Americans for Lawsuit Reform, the NFIB,
and the U.S. Chamber of Commerce.
To bolster its power base, CSE maintains a research-and-education
foundation. It commissioned a poll by Luntz Research of Arlington, Virginia, showing that many Americans had serious doubts about the FDA.
CSEs grassroots efforts are helped by its chapters in six states: Louisiana, New Jersey, New York, Oklahoma, Texas, and Virginia.
CSE recognizes the value of a professional staff and outside experts.
Among the persons and organizations it hired are (a) well-connected
GRASSROOTS LOBBYING
269
field operatives to help organize campaigns in key states; (b) the San
Diego-based
firm
Direct
Communications
Corporation,
which
places
calls to its members and allows them to patch calls through to their
Members of Congress; and (c) Elizabeth Sauer, a grassroots specialist
who formerly worked for the public relations firm of Fleishman Hillard.
CSE uses a variety of tactics to achieve its political goals, including
advertising, bumper stickers, and demonstrations. To help sway key
senators on the balanced budget amendment, it took out ads in several
states. It spent about $50,000 in Delaware, where Democrat Joseph R.
Biden, Jr. was a late convert to the bill; and about $15,000 in North Dakota in an unsuccessful effort to persuade Democrats Kent Conrad and
Byron L. Dorgan. Its spending on negative ads in the 1994 campaign approached $1 billion. It was the season of sleaze, as judged by a Ketchum
newspaper ad deploring the excesses of negative advertising. 77
In
fighting
the Clinton
administrations health
care
reform
proposals, CSE distributed bumper stickers and buttons to its members. It also
coordinated a series of demonstrations to counter the bus tour the administration organized to promote its health care proposal.
CONCLUSIONS
Grassroots lobbying achieves its true purpose when it withdraws from astroturf techniques
and draws on the true opinions, feelings, and goals of the electorate. It is unrealistic,
however, to expect average persons to take the initiative in advancing even their own
goals. Leadership is needed. Sometimes a spontaneous leader emerges, and often enough, a
public interest group provides a leadership role.
Businesses can also legitimately provide leadership if their goals are
consonant with those of the public; this public opinion surveys can determine. If public opinion is not yet sufficiently advanced, a company
can choose to influence it. Part of the strategy of Glaxo Wellcomes
Civic Action Network, for example, is to educate the public with such
messages as that it takes 15 years to fund and develop a new life-saving drug.78
This effort is part of constituency communication, discussed
earlier.
Furthermore,
the
instruments
of
opinion
leader
communication and strategic media relations should be used both before and during grassroots lobbying efforts. As stated by Margery
Kraus, president and CEO of APCO Associates, Popularizing your
cause through talk radio and engaging the public through a variety of
media actions have never been more useful tools for the government
relations professional.79
ENDNOTES
1. Edward A. Grefe, An Introduction to Grassroots, in Winning at the Grassroots:
A Comprehensive Manual for Corporations and Associations, by Tony Kramer
with Wes Pedersen (Washington, D.C.: Public Affairs Council, 2000), p. 8.
270
CHAPTER 10
Ron Faucheux, The Grassroots Explosion, Campaigns & Elections, Vol. 16,
No. 1, December 1994-January 1995, p. 20.
3. Jeffrey H. Birnbaum, Washingtons Power 25, Fortune, December 8, 1997,
pp. 144-158.
4. Wes Pedersen, The Power of Grassroots Is Demonstrated Via a Study of Its
Impact on Congressional Staffers, Impact, October 2003, pp. 1, 3.
5. Hjalma Johnson, Team 21: Future of Grassroots Lobbying, ABA Banking
Journal, Vol. 92, May 2000, p. 17.
6. Michael D. Lord, Grassroots Strategy and Tactics: What Works, What Doesnt,
and Why, in Kramer, op. cit., pp. 238-239.
7. Ibid., p. 239.
8. See Gerry Keim, Corporate Grassroots Programs in the 1980s, California
Management Review, Vol. 28, Fall 1985, pp. 110-123.
9. Chris Casey, The Hill on the Net: Congress Enters the Information Age (Boston:
AP Professional, 1996), p. 223.
10. Pete Engardio, Activists Without Borders, BusinessWeek, October 4, 1999,
p. 144.
11. Ibid., pp. 144-145.
12. Tom Price, Creating a Digital Democracy: The Impact of the Internet on
Public Policy-Making (Washington, D.C.: Foundation for Public Affairs,
1999), p. 2.
13. Ibid., p. 15.
14. Ibid., p. 9.
15. Ibid., p. 5.
16. Ibid., pp. 12-13.
17. Ibid., p. 13.
18. Wesley Pedersen, Winning at the Grassroots (Washington, D.C.: Public Affairs
Council, 1989).
19. Grefe, op. cit., p. 4.
20. Fraser/Associates, Getting the Most From Grassroots Programs in the 1980s
(Washington, D.C.: Public Affairs Council, 1980), p. 15.
21. Faucheux, op. cit., p. 24.
22. Glen Caroline, Maximizing Campaign Volunteers: The NRA Way,
Campaigns & Elections, Vol. 24 , April 2003, pp. 26-29.
23. See Jerry A. Hendrix, Public Relations Cases (Belmont, Calif.: Wadsworth,
1988), pp. 236-243.
24. See Michael E. Dunn, Developing an Effective Grassroots Program: Templates for Success, in Kramer, op. cit., pp. 17-19; also see Pedersen, op. cit.
25. Dunn, op. cit., p. 13.
26. Dunn, The Future of Grassroots, op. cit., p. 226.
27. Ken Silverstein, Washington on $10 Million a Day (Monroe, Me.: Common
29. Elizabeth J. Welsh, Grassroots Activation and Mobilization: Tools and Technologies, in Kramer, op. cit., p. 119.
30. Michael E. Dunn, The Future of Grassroots, in Kramer, op. cit., p. 279.
31. Digging up the AstroTurf, Ragans Media Relations Report, February 17,
2003, p. 3.
32. Paul Cordasco, Corporate Giants Call on Shareholders in Support of Bush
Tax Plan, PR Week (US), April 7, 2003, p. 1.
33. Bailout LobbyHow Chrysler Corp. Orchestrates Support of Bid for Federal Aid, Wall Street Journal, September 6, 1979, p. 1.
2.
GRASSROOTS LOBBYING
271
Sally Goll Beatty, Philip Morris Boosts Marketing via Catalog, Wall Street
Journal, November 4, 1996, p. 5.
35. Dunn, op. cit., p. 13.
36. Faucheux, op. cit., pp. 25, 53.
37. Ibid., p. 24.
38. Rick Chase and Stephen M. Ramsey, Second Chances: Lessons Learned and
Mid-Course Corrections, in Kramer, op. cit., p. 43.
39. Ibid.
40. Ken Deutsch and Mark Reilly, Using the Internet for Grassroots Effectiveness, in Kramer, op. cit., p. 143.
41. Ibid., p. 140.
42. Engardio, op. cit., p. 148.
43. Interview by Mary Clare Jalonick, Grassroots Lobbying: Trends and Techniques; Consultant Q&A, Campaigns & Elections, February 2003, p. 45.
44. Ibid., p. 22.
45. Ibid., p. 22.
46. Jalonick, op. cit.
47. Ibid.
48. Silverstein, op. cit.
49. Richard Alan Nelson, Activist Groups and New Technologies: Influencing
the Public Affairs Agenda, in Practical Public Affairs in an Era of Change: A
Communications Guide for Business, Government, and College, ed. Lloyd B.
Dennis (Lanham, Md.: University Press of America, 1996), p. 416. Also see
Silverstein, op. cit., pp. 212-220.
50. Faucheux, op. cit., pp. 53-54.
51. Ibid.
52. Price, op. cit, pp. 15, 19. The author of the study is P. Michael Lord, Babcock
Graduate School of Management.
53. Silverstein, op. cit., p. 95.
54. Leslie J. Gianelli, Maximizing Consultant Relationships: Hiring, Managing
and Assessing Your Consultants, in Kramer, op. cit., p. 51.
55. Grassroots Lobbying & Issue Advocacy Services Buyer s Guide, Campaigns
& Elections, February 2003, p. 44.
56. Ibid., p. 20.
57. Wally Clinton was one of eight consultants and vendors specializing in
telemarketing services whose answers to questions were solicited for an article, Telephones as Strategic Tools, Campaigns & Elections, Vol. 18, August
1997, p. 22.
58. Telephones as Strategic Tools, ibid. p. 23. Stated by Tony Feather of New
York-based Campaign Tel, Inc.
59. Ibid., p. 22. Stated by Clinton.
60. Ibid., p. 23. Stated by Powell.
61. Ibid., p. 23. Stated by Hansbrough.
62. Ibid., pp. 21-22. Stated by Feather.
64. Pedersen, op. cit., p. 107.
66. Pederson, op. cit., p. 107.
67. However, in retrospect, the association didnt want this message to be
public, so it pulled the description of its lobbying efforts from public
access.
34.
272
CHAPTER 10
68. Kenneth Pins, Foes Make Pitches on World Wide Web, Des Moines Register,
June 10, 1996, p. 5.
69. Sarah Bouchard, Electric Utilities Power up Push for Clear Skies Bill, Roll
Call, July 9, 2003. Internet.
70. S. L. Esrock and G. B. Leichty, Corporate World Wide Web Pages: Serving the
News Media and Other Publics, Journalism and Mass Communication Quarterly, Vol. 76, No. 3, 1999, pp. 456-467; also their Organization of Corporate Web Pages: Publics and Functions, Public Relations Review, Vol. 26, Fall
2001, pp. 327-344.
71. Ibid.
72. Ibid.
73. Birnbaum, op. cit., p. l52.
74. Ibid., p. 13.
75. Nelson, op. cit., p. 416.
76. Peter H. Stone, Grass-Roots Group Rakes in the Green, The National Journal, Vol. 27, March 11, 1995, p. 621.
77. See Can It Be Controlled? Ad Men Decry Sleaze in Political Promos, but See
Even More in 96, Impact, December 1994, pp. 1-2. Impact is a monthly
newsletter of the Public Affairs Council.
78. Mike Morris, Glaxo Wellcomes Civic Action Network: Case Study of a
Broad-Based Grassroots Program, in Kramer, op. cit., p. 34.
79. Margery Kraus, Government Relations in the 90s and Beyond, in Dennis,
op. cit., p. 97.
11
Chapter
Electoral Activities
Electoral activities are political actions intended to influence election outcomes and agendas of political parties, legislative bodies (particularly the
House and Senate), and presidential and gubernatorial contests. Indirectly, electoral activities support lobbying activities by enhancing access
to, and influence on, lawmakers. 1 As stated by Charles S. Mack, president
and CEO of the Business-Industry Political Action Committee, Political
action tries to affect the outcome of elections to produce political decision
makers favorably inclined to the views of particular interest groupseither by involving their members directly in the political process or by providing financial support to friendly candidates.2
The common denominator of most electoral activities is money: PAC
money, independent expenditures, soft money, and other money used
for issue advertising. Money is so important that, as Republican political
leader Mark Hanna once quipped, there are two things important in
politics. The first is money and I cant remember the second. 3 Money is
provided by private financing of congressional campaigns, which is
consistent with Americans belief in capitalism. Consequently, wealthy
individuals
and
well-organized
segments
of
society, such
as
corporations and labor unions, have disproportionate political access.
Candidates recognize that more and more money is needed to run for
office. In the costliest campaign in history, the 2004 presidential and
congressional elections cost nearly $4 billion, compared with $3 billion
in 2000, $2.2 billion in 1996, and $1.8 billion in 1992. 4 The five most
expensive Senate races in the 2004 elections cost more than $20 million
each, headed by the South Dakota Senate race costing slightly over $33
million. The most expensive House race was in Texas District 32, costing
over $8.4 million.5 Because of the precipitous rise in political campaign
costs, elected officials increasingly depend on financial contributions
and other resources to run for, or remain in, office.
273
274
CHAPTER 11
It is no wonder members of Congress spend so much of their time on

fund-raising activities. They must, in effect, contend with two campaigns: one for the vote and one for resources. 6 A snapshot of a day in
the life of representative Gerald Solomon (R-N.Y.) shows him rushing to
a $500-a-head breakfast meeting for the reelection of fellow Republican
Rep. Deborah Pryce and leaving 25 minutes later saying, Take a look at
this. Ive got three this morningIve already been to twoand seven
this
evening.
Theyre
time-consuming. 7
Sometimes,
however,
collecting money is fast and simple. In the 2002 election, it took Thomas
Siebel, a Silicon Valley money man, just a few weeks to collect more than
$2 million from his top executives to form a PAC. 8
Corporations, as well as other political participants, find an opportunity in the politicians need for campaign funds. Contributors can ingratiate themselves with politicians to gain access and influence.
POLITICAL CAMPAIGN CONTRIBUTIONS
Providing candidates and political parties with moneyand in-kind resourcesis the
most important
corporate
and business
electoral
activity. Money helps get the right people elected and adds clout to lobbying
efforts. Justin Dart, CEO of Dart Industries, got to the core of the matter
when, referring to lobbying, he said, With a little money they hear you
just a little better.9
A member of Congress expects that anyone who
wants to get a point across will have already contributed to his or her office. Conservative political analyst Kevin Phillips said of the system, If
you dont pay, you dont play. 10
Public relations professionals must know how to respond to requests
for political contributions and when to take the initiative in making political contributions a part of a public affairs program or campaign. The
various ways politicians and political groups finance their campaigns
are summarized next in the big picture and each source is then further
described. Because political contributions can either promote or undermine the political process, Congress has passed laws that spell out procedures and limits. A summary of the provisions of the McCainFeingold Campaign Reform bill serves as a guide to allowable actions
and contributions.
Sources of Campaign Financing
The
sources
of
political
campaign
funds
are
individual
contributionsboth
large
individual
donors
and
small
donationscandidates
self-financing, PAC money, soft money (now channeled primarily to
527 groups), and other forms. The relative importance of each is shown
in the breakdown of projected spending in the 2004 elections as shown
in Box 11.1.
ELECTORAL ACTIVITIES
275
Box 11.1 Sources of Projected Spending in the 2004 Elections 11
Individual contributions to candidates and parties

PAC contributions to candidates and parties
Candidate self-financing
527 spending (related to a federal election)
Public funds to presidential candidates and party conventions
Convention host committee spending
Other (loans, interest to candidates, Levin funds,
independent expenditures)
Total
(In Millions)
$2,500
384
144
386
207
139
102
$3.9 billion
Specific Sources of Funding

Individual Contributions. The
biggest
single
source
of
campaign
cash in the 2004 elections was individuals. They donated an estimated
$2.5 billion to federal candidates and political partiesan increase of $1
billion over the 2000 elections. Despite the McCain-Feingold reform
laws intent to reduce contributions from large individual donors, they
gave a disproportionate amount. Billionaires such as George Soros gave
seven-figure checks to the 527s. On the positive side, however, more
small-money donorsgiving $200 or lesscontributed in the 2004
elections than before.12
Giving by small-money donors was accelerated by the Internet. As
demonstrated during the 2000 election cycle, leading political contenders used this tool effectively. Bill Bradley raised $650,000 as of September 30, 1999, followed by John McCain with $260,000, and George W.
Bush with $90,000. Internet giving reached a new high in the prelude to
the 2004 campaign. Vermont Governor Howard Dean shattered all records and entered the Guinness Book of World Records when in the 3
months prior to October 1, 2003, he raised more than $14 million online, and during his entire campaign raised $19 million in online contributions.13
Some see this method of campaign financing as the least
corrupting because the contributions are mostly small, thus reducing
the danger of a quid pro quo relationship between givers and recipients.14
Furthermore, the Internet will cause more people to give, says
Jay Friesel of the advertising firm 24/7 Media, because of the ease of execution, the ability to contact immediately. 15
PACs.
PACs have become a staple of national politics, with nearly
every major issue group and federal candidate forming a PAC. Corporations, labor unions, trade associations, and others may legally solicit
276
CHAPTER 11
money from individual members of their organizations and disburse

these funds to chosen candidates for federal office. 16 Campaign finance
laws set limits on the amount individuals may contribute. 17 Called hard
money, these funds are particularly valuable to a candidate because they
can use them directly for personal advertising and other purposes.
The growth of PACs was spurred by the passage of the 1974 amendments to the Federal Election Campaign Practices Act that clarified what
PACs could and could not do. From about 1,600 PACs in 1978, their
number grew to more than 4,000 6 years later, with total contributions
rising from $92.6 million to $228.7 million. 18
According to Political
Money Line, there were 201 corporate PACs in September 2004, which
collected $111 million in 2003. 19 In the 2004 elections, PAC contributions from all sources totaled $384 million, an increase of 33% over the
2000 elections.20
As shown in Box 11.2, trade and professional associations account
for 6 of the 10 top PAC contributors to federal candidates in 2003-2004,
followed by 3 labor unions and only 1 corporation. Membership organizations can aggregate the donations of many people while corporations
are limited to their own employees and stockholders. The geographically spread United Parcel Service is an exceptionand some predict that
far-flung Wal-Mart, with its mounting legal problems, will join the
list.21
The three labor unions and the Association of Trial Lawyers of
America consistently give the lions share to Democrats, whereas most
associations give more to Republicans.
Corporate PACs give more money to Republicans than Democrats,
with about 9 out of 10 doing so from January 1, 2003, through October
13, 2004, according to a study by PoliticalMoneyLine. This preference
Box 11.2 Top 10 PAC Contributors to Federal Candidates,
2003-200422
Total
PAC Nam
(in Millions) Dem %
National Association of Realtors Laborers
$ 3.7
Union
2.6
National Auto Dealers Association
2.5
National Beer Wholesalers Association Association of
2.2
Trial Lawyers of America United Parcel Service
2.0
International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers
1.9
American Medical Association United Auto
2.0
Workers
1.9
National Association of Home Builders
1.9
1.8
Repbl %
48
86
27
23
93
27
95
20
98
35
52
14
73
77
7
73
5
80
1
65
277
reflects the growing allegiance of the business community to the GOP,

driven by ideological compatibility, respect for majority power and the
concerted pressure exerted by Republican congressional leaders and conservative activities, says the Washington Post.23 A study by the Federal
Election Commission (FEC) of PAC giving for all of 2003 and the first half
of 2004 showed that all corporate PACs gave $14.1 million to Republicans running for the Senate versus $8.3 million to Democrats. In the
House, Republican candidates received $38 million versus $18.1 million
for Democrats. Republican leaders have sought to accelerate the shift to
the GOP through the K Street Project (named for the street where many
lobbyists have their offices). House Majority Leader Tom DeLay (Tex.)
and conservative advocate Grover Norquist have strongly suggested
that companies favoring the Republican party will have better access
than those that do not.24
The prevalence of corporate PACs, however, should not be exaggerated. According to a study by M.I.T. professor James M. Snyder, Jr., 40%
of Fortune 500 companies did not even have a PAC in 2002, and the average corporate PAC gave only around $1,400 to legislators, well below
the then legal limit.25 Because of the soft money restrictions imposed by
the new campaign finance reform law, PACs were expected to be more
attractive in the 2004 elections. Furthermore, the appeal of PACs was
recognized for other reasons as well. Greg Casey, president of the Business-Industry Political Action Committee, told business groups: There
is a growing realization that hard dollars raised through PACs will be
the coin of the realm. 26 Also supporting this view is Ken Phelps, a fundraiser for Lockheed Martins PAC, who stated, Weve got to grow the
PAC. Its a political environment and we need to be a political company.27 PACs have also become more appealing because e-mail and the
Internet have made solicitation for donations cheaper and easier. New
computer software has eased the formidable task of running PACs and
reporting transactions to Washington. 28
Candidate Self-Financing.
Few candidates finance their own campaigns, but rich candidates can. The Center for Responsive Politics reported that federal candidates were expected to have poured $144
million in personal funds into their campaigns in the 2004 elections. 29
Among House candidates, Benjamin Earl Streusand (R-Tex.) and Jeanne
L. Patterson (R-Mo.) spent $2.8 million, and Michael McCaul (R-Tex.) spent $1.9 million.
Among Senate candidates, Blair Hull (D-Ill.) spent $28.7 million, Douglas Gallagher (RFla.) spent $6.6 million, and Jack Ryan (R-Ill.) spent $4.6 million.30
In 2000 self-funders spent even more ($205 million), including the
astounding $63 million laid out by Jon Corzine, co-chairman of the investment firm Goldman Sachs, when he decided to run in the New Jersey senatorial race. This huge outlay brought the street-tough political
order of New Jersey to its knees. 31 The size of his self-financing overshadowed the $37.4 million of self-financing by publishing magnate
278
CHAPTER 11
Steve Forbes in the 1995-1996 election cycle, followed by Ross Perot with $8.2 million. As
Scott Fitzgerald said, The super-rich are different from you and me. They can become U.S.
Senators.32
Soft Money and 527s. 527s,
the
new
outlet
for
soft
money,
accounted for a slightly higher source of spending in the 2004 elections,
$386 million, than PACs with $384 million, as shown in Box 11.1. 33 Soft
money refers to unregulated donations to political parties by individuals, corporations, and unions. The use of soft money in federal campaigns has been a highly controversial issue because its rising use
circumvented the goals of campaign finance laws, one of which was to
remove the influence of big money. However, as soft money contributions to national parties in the 2002 election cycle shows, 724 organizations gave $100,000 or more. Thirteen gave $3 million or more, with
Saban Capital Group leading the list with $9.3 million. Eight gave $2
million or more, with government-sensitive companies Philip Morris
giving $2.9 million and Microsoft giving $2.7 million. 34
Soft money was intended to be used for supposedly generic partybuilding activities, such as get-out-the-vote drives, bumper stickers,
yard signs, and generic TV ads that say Vote Democratic or Vote Republican. Such donations, which the Supreme Court in its 1976 Buckley
v. Valeo ruling declared legal,35 had no limit, in contrast to hard money.
The only conditions that had to be met were those of not coordinating
efforts with a candidate and not constructing a political message that
refers to a particular candidate. The Republican and Democratic national party committees, however, learned to circumvent these restrictions. They financed television ad campaigns that attacked or promoted
congressional candidates by name, rationalizing that the law was not
broken because the ads were issue ads that did not explicitly say vote
for or vote against a particular candidate. In practice, therefore, soft
money was often used to benefit specific federal candidates, thus becoming a major vehicle for skirting the limitations and restrictions of federal
law, says the Center for Responsive Politics. 36
In the 1996 elections, the record growth of soft money contributions
became the big story and led to sharp criticism from several sources:
Fred Wertheimer, former president of Common Cause, said,
This past election will go down as the worst in modern times, if not
in our history as a nation. 37
He asserted that a record-shattering
$200 million in contributions were made outside the federal law. Although saying most of it came from business interests, he also attacked the AFL-CIO for running its $20-million-plus television and
radio ad campaign with the stated purpose of defeating Republicans
in selected House districts. 38
Donald J. Simon, executive vice-president of Common Cause, said, Theres complete lawlessness out
there.39 A new country club has taken root: a club of wealthy, high
279
powered donors who help set the political agenda, impact the outcomes and, in many
ways, run the country.40
Paul S. Herrnson, professor of government and politics at the
University of Maryland and author of many books on politics and
campaigning, concluded that most soft money contributions were
little more
than subterfuges that enable wealthy individuals, organizations,
and
party
committees
to skirt
federal
campaign
finance statutes.41
The result, he said, is that there is no public
accountability.
Reporter
Beth
Ragan
called
soft
money
contributions
the
black market economy of campaign finance. 42 (Soft money contributions were sought and made in many ways. As highly publicized
in the press, the president and members of Congress offered to meet
large contributors, whose gifts were unregulated. For example,
$50,000 brought an invitation to coffee with President Bill Clinton.
Further disclosures, such as the easy access to the White House and
Congress by Enron officers and lobbyists during the Bush administration helped create the momentum for reform. The media portrayed Kenneth Lay, Enrons former chairman, as having benefitted
from writing big checks to political partiesand aggressively urging other top officers and employees to make contributions.)
Darrell M. West titled his book about our system of government Checkbook
Democracy, describing it as a form of government in which money has hijacked the
campaign process.43
Some corporations also joined the backlash to soft money, saying
that executives were tired of endless appeals for funds that may not
serve their interests.44 Two thirds (68%) of the 400 top executives who
responded to a BusinessWeek/Harris Poll conducted in mid-March 1997
favored
ending
unlimited
soft
money contributions
to
political
parties by corporations and other interests. 45 Said General Motors vicechairman Harry J. Pearce, Theres no way to tell how the money is really being used.46
The argument for campaign finance reform was
growing.
Even
some
companies
in
heavily
regulated
industriestelecommunications,
pharmaceuticals,
finance,
and
tobaccothat
used
to give soft money because they felt they had to were let off the hook
after the reform bill was passed. 47 At the urging of the Committee for
Economic
Development,
corporations
mostly
avoided
527
groups
trying to pick up soft money in the 2004 elections. 48 Not a single top corporate political donor in 2000 gave to them in the 2004 elections,
partly because they felt they had even less control over them. 49
After the McCain-Feingold reform bill outlawed old-fashioned soft
money contributions to national parties, the fast-proliferating 527
groups quickly became the new recipients of soft money contributions. From January 2003 through March 2004, they raised $146.4
million for federal elections compared to the $212.4 million in soft
280
CHAPTER 11
money the national political parties raised over the same period during the 2002 election
cycle.50 They have not yet caught up with previous soft money donations to national
party committees.
Named after section 527 of the Internal Revenue Code, 527 groups
are tax-exempt and allowed to raise money for political activities, including voter mobilization efforts, issue advocacy advertising, and the
like. They are supposed to be independent from the parties and the candidates. In reality, however, the groups overlap in many ways and the
campaigns
often
swap
consultants and
lawyers. Bush
campaign consultant Tom Synhorst, for example, was also founder of Progress for
America, the largest pro-Bush 527.51
As with previous soft money contributors, the circle of major donors
to 527 groups is small. Of the more than $290 million raised by those
groups in the 2004 elections, 44% came from just 25 people. As of September 2004, billionaire investor George Soros gave $13 million to
Democratic groups, insurance man Peter Lewis gave $15 million, and
Hollywood producer Stephen Bing nearly $7 million. 52 Among the recipients, seven organizations spent two thirds of the money: Three
groups ran television ads for Republicans, and four ran ads and assisted
with voter turnout for Democrats. The most prominent recipients were
America Coming Togther (ACT)largely the brainchild of Steve
Rosenthal, former political director of the AFL-CIOwhich spent $72
million; The Media Fund, $51 million; MoveOn.org, $12 million; and
New Democratic Network, $11 million. They were doing the advertising and voter mobilization work traditionally done by the Democratic
National Committee.53
The Republicans got a late start with 527s in the 2004 elections because they sought to pressure the FEC to rein in Democratic operations.
However, when the FEC failed to act, Republican-leaning 527s received
funding and ended up having the greatest impact, said Fred Wertheimer,
a veteran of campaign finance overhaul. 54 Texas developer Bob J. Perry
led Republican donors with his $8 million to pro-Bush groups. Other
major donors were Texas energy magnate T. Boone Pickens; $5 million
from Alex Spanos, owner of the National Football Leagues San Diego
Chargers; and $4.2 million from Jerry Perenchio, chairman of the Hispanic television network Univision. The major recipients were Progress
for America, receiving $38 million; Swift Boat Veterans and POWs for
Truth, $12 million; and Club for Growth, $8 million. 55
Understandably, Senator John McCain, one of the reform bills sponsors, feared that with their billionaire backers and nasty, negative television ads the 527 groups threaten to bring politics to a new low. 56 He
sees nothing wrong with 527s when used to fund get-out-the-vote efforts and educate voters about issues. However, he considers their activities illegal, plain and simple when used by unscrupulous operatives
on both sides to run political smear campaigns against George Bush
and John Kerry.57
He vows to correct this abuse in future campaign
finance reform legislation.
281
An unintended consequence of 527s is that the stabilizing role of political parties will be further weakened. Large donors will write checks
to state parties instead, and these are likely to be more ideologically extreme, resulting in more partisanship in Washington. National parties
will also have to spend more time and money eliciting small donations
from individuals.58
Although candidates and political parties can use
PAC money for issue advocacy advertising, most ad campaigns are paid
for by money raised by nonprofit groups that claim no connection to
candidates or political parties, and use their funds to run issue ads. 59
Financing Conventions and Inaugurals.
At least 29 companies donated to the conventions of both parties in 2004. Big corporations and
their lobbyists host receptions, dinners, and baseball outings and help to
underwrite the costs of the convention itself, allowed by a loophole in
the campaign finance law. The FEC concluded that such donors are
civic-minded,
not
politically
motivated. 60
Likewise,
companies
and
individuals have been contributing to
Bushs Presidential
Inaugural Committee. According to BusinessWeeks analysis, at least 28 defense
contractors, energy giants, financial firms, Big Tobacco, technology,
and health care companies have contributed $100,000 or more. Among
those giving the maximum of a quarter-million dollars were ExxonMobil,
ChevronTexaco,
Occidental
Petroleum,
Southern
Co.,
United
Technologies, Sallie Mae, and Altria.61
Campaign Finance Laws
After the Watergate scandal, which revealed large contributions to
Nixons reelection campaign, Congress passed the Federal Election Campaign Practices Act of 1971 to prevent candidates and their committees
from soliciting large donations from individuals and organizations that
might corrupt the political process. Only money from PACs raised and
spent according to the requirements and restrictions of this law could be
used in connection with an election for federal office. The law prohibited
corporations and labor unions from making direct contributions from
their treasuries to political candidates. In its place, the 1974 amendments to the Act authorized the establishment of PACs for corporations
and labor unions, as well as for trade and professional associations.
McCain-Feingold Bill. The reform bill that was on the political
agenda the longest is the McCain-Feingold bill. It seeks a ban on soft
money to the national parties, restricts corporate and union spending
on campaign advertising, and provides for greater disclosure of contributions.62
Senator John McCain made a drastic overhaul of the campaign finance system the centerpiece of his campaign for the
presidential candidacy of the Republican party in 1999 and he vowed to
keep the issue alive. His stated aim was to give the government of this
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country back to its citizens and take it back from the big money and special interests.63
The bill was repeatedly introduced in Congress but
killed in 1997 and again in 1998 and 1999. 64 Finally, his perseverence
was rewarded on March 27, 2002, after the consequences of checkbook
democracy were exposed by the Enron scandal. Congress had to bow to
public pressure and pass the McCain-Feingold bill, formally known as
the Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act of 2002, and President Bush signed
it. The law went into effect on November 6, 2002.
The laws main provisions are as follows:
Soft money. Bars unlimited donations to national party committees by individuals, companies, and labor unions. Donations to state
and local party committees are permitted but are limited to $10,000
per year and money cannot be spent on federal elections. (State parties donations are capped at $10,000 if used to impact federal elections.)
Hard money (PACs). Doubles cap on regulated donations, allowing individuals to give up to $2,000 per primary and general election
for both House and Senate candidates. Individual contributions to
state party committees are limited to $10,000 a year and those to national
party
committees
to
$25,000. The
maximum
aggregate
amounts that an individual donor may give per 2-year election cycle
are $37,500 to candidates; $57,500 for all other contributions, of
which not more than $37,500 may be to committees other than national party committees (i.e., federal PACs and federal accounts of
state party committees). The limit to federal candidates and national
parties over the 2-year election cycle is $95,000.
PACs may give up to $5,000 per candidate per election. A multicandidate PAC may contribute up to $5,000 to a candidate, per election; $5,000 to another PAC, per calendar year; and $15,000 to a
national party committee, per calendar year. No annual aggregate
limit applies.
Advocacy advertising and other public communications. Bars corporations and labor unions from financing radio or TV ads for a federal candidate within 60 days of a general, special, or runoff election
or within 30 days of a primary, unless ads are entirely paid for with
hard money (i.e., PACs). Any person who spends $10,000 for such
electioneering communication must file a disclosure statement with
the FEC within 24 hours and again for each subsequent $10,000 of
expenditures.
A public communication that supports or opposes a clearly identified federal candidate must be paid entirely (100%) out of hard
money, regardless of whether it contains express advocacy. State candidates and officeholders may not spend soft money on public communications that promote or attack a clearly identified candidate for
federal office.65
283
Disclosure and penalties. Toughens reporting requirements for those who pay
for political advertising, requires faster public notices by the FEC, and extends the statute
of limitations for criminal violations to 2 years for violations less than $25,000 and 5
years for violations involving $25,000 or more. 66
Senator Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.) strenuously objected to the McCainFeingold bill and filed a lawsuit that questioned its constitutionality on
the basis that political fund raising and spending are protected by the
free-speech clauses of the First Amendment. However, in December
2003, the Supreme Court, in a close 5-4 decision, rejected this claim,
thereby leaving intact the restrictions on soft money. In a jointly
authored opinion, Justices Stevens and OConnor stated that previous
rulings have made clear that the prevention of corruption or its appearance constitutes a sufficiently important interest to justify political
contribution limits.67 (See chap. 14 for further information.)
Have Campaign Finance Reforms Worked? Views
vary
widely
about the success of the reform bill. Newsday called the law a qualified
success, noting that the candidates were forced to swear off unregulated soft money.68 Taking an opposite view, Larry Sabato, director of
the Center for Politics at the University of Virginia, called the law an utter failure. He blames 527s for undermining the reform legislation and
laments that Those who wrote (the law) promised that the system will
be more open and there will be less money spent on elections. Of course,
we have never seen an election with so much money. 69
The McCain-Feingold bill was intended to reduce the excesses of soft
money, which was largely used by national parties for issue advocacy advertising, and the undue influence of big contributions by corporations,
unions, and wealthy individuals. The soft money goal was not achieved
in that soft money contributions were simply diverted from national parties to 527 groups. Wealthy individuals accounted for a large share of
these 527 contributions. The amount of soft money contributions, however, was lower than previous donations to national party committees. 70
The use of issue advocacy advertising was thus largely kept intact. What
the reform bill bans is the financing of radio or television advertising by
corporations and labor unions within 60 days of a general election or 30
days of a primary. The reform bill confirms what cynics have said: Plug
one loophole, and a dozen others will open up.
ISSUE ADVOCACY ADVERTISING
Attacks on soft money and 527s have largely centered on the use of
funds for issue advocacy advertising. Its use in political campaigns represents an increasingly prominent source of communication in the U.S.
political system.71 It refers to ad campaigns paid for by money raised
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by nonprofit groups that claim no connection to candidates or political

parties, and use their funds to run issue ads. 72 These ads are supposed
to deal with matters that arise during a campaign; for example, plans
for
a
Medicare
prescription
benefit,
changing
environmental
regulations, the trading status of China, and various tax reforms. However,
the millions spent by interest groups on single-issue ad campaigns have
actually often been thinly veiled plugs for candidates. 73
No wonder
New York Universitys Brennan Center for Justice and researchers at
Brigham Young University have concluded that these issue ads are in reality campaign ads and perceived as such by their audiences. 74
Campaign ads that urge citizens to vote for him or her and against the rival
candidate are legal when candidates pay for their own ads, usually with
PAC money.
The largest chunk of political advertising goes to television, but
newspapers are vying for a larger share. During the 2000 presidential
campaign, $807 million went to TV, whereas newspapers got about $30
million. The Newspaper Association of America points to a survey, conducted in the summer of 2003 by the Cromer Group, that found that
voters surveyed said they trusted political ads in newspapers more than
political ads on television or radio, and ranked newspapers second behind TV for providing the information most helpful when trying to
make up their minds about how to vote in state and local elections.
Newspapers also say that its increasingly difficult for TV to gets its
message out.75
Ads Financing by 527s and Other Nonprofit Groups
Several nonprofits, besides 527 groups, have been major sponsors of issue advertising. The Sierra Club exploited the 527 group loophole in
1996 when it began running its environmental issue advocacy ads. Another group, Citizens for Better Medicare, a drug industry group, used
this device to fight White House efforts to create a Medicare prescription
drug benefit.76 More than $2 million was spent on television advertising
in just 3 weeks before the House vote. Since its inception in July 2001,
Citizens for Better Medicare has spent more than $30 million on television advertising alone and unknown amounts on radio, print, and
Internet
advertising, according to
an
analysis conducted
by Democrats.77 These examples demonstrate the overlap between campaign issue advertising and advocacy advertising discussed in chapter 8.
Other types of groups, such as 501(c) groups, may also engage in issue advocacy advertising and in varying amounts of political activity,
depending on the specific type of group. For example, 502(c)(4) groups,
commonly called social welfare organizations, may engage in political
activities as long as these activities do not become their primary purpose.78 A notable example are ads run in 20 congressional districts by
the United Seniors Association, a conservative group that acknowledges
285
it receives some financing from the drug industrys major trade group,
the Pharmaceutical Research and Manufacturers of America. (It was
previously
known
as
the
Pharmaceutical
Manufacturers
Association
but the new name, which adds the word research, improves its image.) The ad praises lawmakers for supporting legislation to provide
prescription drug benefits to the elderly. Charles W. Jarvis, chairman of
the group, says the ad is simply trying to spur a civil debate in the public square on an important issue, asserting it has no campaign considerations in mind, given its 501(c)(4) tax status. The Wisconsin
Advertising Project at the University of Wisconsin said a conservative
estimate of the ads cost was $9 million at the time. 79
On the state level, advertisements by Citizens for a Strong Senate, one
of only a few 527 committees that focused on Congressional races in
2004, raised almost $11 million and unleashed more than 7,000 commercials to help Democrats in six states, including Colorado, where Peter
Coors, chairman of the beer company that bears his familys name, was
defeated. Three quarters of the money came from Herbert and Marion
Sandler, large Democratic donors who run a California financial services
company. Another group, Americans for Job Security, a business trade
association, formed a 501(c) group that ran more than 5,000 television
ads in at least five states before the election, all without having to disclose
the source of its money.80
Secrecy.
One advantage of 501(c) groups is secrecy. Whereas beginning late in the 2000 cycle, 527s were required to file detailed financial reports with the Internal Revenue Service, 501(c) groups were not required
to disclose their contributions or expenditures. For example, when at the
behest of Representative J. C. Watt (R-Okla.), a nonprofit group was created that planned to raise and spend as much as $1.5 million to help Republicans keep control of Congress, neither the expenditures nor the
donors were disclosed.81 This feature is troublesome. Karl Sandstrom, a
member of the FEC, explained, When office holders can maintain secret
accounts, the opportunity for corruption is immense. 82 Another critic of
the practice, Fred Wertheimer of proreform group Democracy 21, asserts,
The most dangerous money in American politics is the unlimited, secret
contribution. Thats the door opened here.83
Occasionally, however, givers of issue advertising money do appear on
media radar screens. For example, the media revealed that Vance
Opperman, whose company, West Publishing, was involved in a highstakes merger and had sensitive dealings with the Justice Department,
gave $100,000 to Democracy 21. Opperman and his family also gave
$300,000 to Democratic state parties. The merger subsequently went
through. Furthermore, West Publishing won a $14-million contract with
the Justice Department for online legal research. Because of such media
revelations, some groups, such as Citizens for Reform and Citizens for the
Republic Education Fund, have switched their tax status away from social welfare to a tax status that clearly allows political participation. 84
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In a study of ads appearing in the 2000 election cycle, nonprofit advocacy organizations accounted for 85% of the ads. The other ads were
sponsored by Democrats (9%) and Republicans (6%). Ad sponsors include Citizens for Better Medicare, the AFL-CIO, Planned Parenthood,
the Chamber of Commerce, the Business Roundtable, the League of Conservation Voters, Americans for Job Security, Emilys List, and the Coalition to Protect Americas Healthcare. 85
Prior to 2000, conservative
Republicans
benefitted
most
from
tax-exempt
social
welfare
organization support.86
Environmental
groups,
for example, have
sometimes decided
to
channel
their
political
spending
away
from
traditional
PAC
contributions into attack ads of their own devising, a shift they consider more
cost-effective. Accordingly, the League of Conservation Voters
reduced
its PAC contributions to congressional candidates from $1.1 million in
1994 to about $150,000 in 1996. The League then launched a $1.5-million Dirty Dozen campaign in July 1996 to fund radio and television
ads aimed at ousting 12 House members. President Deb Callahan reasoned, Giving PAC contributions to a candidate wasnt really saving
our environmental heroes from defeat. Now, she says, were making a
fundamental shift in the kind of political power were exerting. 87
The clever way in which these ads avoid the restriction of not advocating that viewers vote or not vote for a particular candidate is demonstrated in the ad by the Christian Action Network on Clintons Vision
for a Better America. Innuendos, subtle associations, and various visual and auditory techniques are used, some bordering on subliminal
perception techniques. Box 11.3 describes the campaign and the
techniques used.
The number of issue ads typically grows with the approach of an
election day. A week before the end of Campaign 2000, the Annenberg
Center logged 861 such ads compared to only 104 earlier ads. The number of groups and party committees paying for them had similarly
jumpedfrom 27 to 150. 88 Most of the ads were sponsored by organizations other than the two major parties. In a study of ads appearing in
the
2000
election
cycle,
advocacy
organizationsnonprofit
organizations, some of which are tax-exemptaccounted for 85% of the ads,
whereas Democrats sponsored only 9% and Republicans only 6%. Aside
from the two political parties, the ad sponsors include such nonprofits
as Citizens for Better Medicare, the AFL-CIO, Planned Parenthood, the
Chamber of Commerce, the Business Roundtable, the League of Conservation Voters, Americans for Job Security, Emilys List, and the Coalition to Protect Americas Healthcare.89
Following the example of the Christian Coalition, which pioneered issue ads, a small number of tax-exempt groups (supported by several
conservative multibillionaires) poured hundreds of thousands of dollars
into last-minute advertising blitzes to offset labor union advertising
campaigns at the end of the 1996 campaign. 90 Corporations and business associations also engaged in last-minute preelection advertising.
287
For example, the pharmaceutical industry poured at least $16 million

into an advertising blitz in 2002 in an effort to tip the balance of power
in Congress toward Republicans who back the drug makers legislative
interests.91 Also wishing to tilt the election outcome, the U.S. Chamber
of Commerce financed a $13-million ad campaign and spent additional
sums under the name Americans Working for Real Change. 92 The reBox 11.3 Christian Action Networks Television Commercials
In 1992, the Christian Action Network (CAN) aired the television commercial Clintons Vision for a Better America 250 times in 24 major
cities, along with newspaper advertisements, columns, and direct
mail. None of CANs $2 million in expenditures that year was publicly
disclosed because the group called the activity public education rather
than electioneering. The distinction was justified because the commercials did not urge the electorate to vote for or against specific persons. The Supreme Courts decision in Buckley v. Valeo in 1976 said
that groups are considered to be engaged in electioneering only if
they run ads or produce material including words like Vote for (or
against) Representative Jones. But as West points out, there are
many ways to urge voting for or against a candidate by making use of
nonverbal communication and techniques of video production, such
as audio voice-overs, music, visual text, visual images, color, editing,
and code words.
The ads used the following techniques:
Visual degrading of Clintons picture into a poor-quality, grayish
negative so that he looks bad.
2. Use of unfavorable colors (contrast between a bright color image of
the American flag and a grayish, unflattering image of Clinton).
3. Ominous music; for example, halfway through the commercial, the
pitch drops down into a deep bass, suggesting something bad will
happen if Clinton is elected president.
4. Abrupt sequencing of images; for example, a color image of
Clinton accompanied by an American flag quickly shifts to a parade sequence of yelling, disagreeable-looking gay men clothed in
chains, leather, and rope, thus creating a feeling that these individuals are threatening traditional American heterosexual values.
5. Use of quota and vision as code words unfavorable to Clinton;
for example, one spot refers to Job quotas for homosexuals and
asks, Is this your vision for a better America? (Quotas are viewed
unfavorably by most Americans and the vision thing was much
related to President Bush.)
6. Visual disappearance of Clinton in the presence of the flag at the
end of the ad, strongly suggesting to voters to defeat him.
1.
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form bills restrictions on advertising 30 or 60 days prior to an election are intended to limit
such last-minute advertising.
Effectiveness of Campaign Ads
Like corporate advocacy advertising discussed in chapter 6, the effectiveness of political issue ads and other campaign ads cannot be
assumed. According to Joshua Green, a senior editor of The Atlantic,
campaign commercials are Dumb and Dumber. Most people, he
says, would agree that televised political ads, almost without exception, are remorselessly bad.93 They lag in quality and imagination. They still mainly follow the formats originated in the 1950s,
such as the biographical ad, the negative attack, and the practice of
using an opponents words against him. Green not surprisingly
concludes
that
political
advertising
is
becoming
less
effective.
Viewers need about 20 exposures before they can remember an adin
contrast to around five or six viewings for consumer ads, which in
contrast, prize originality.94
People tend to avoid ads with which they disagree, but because political ads fill the airwaves, its almost impossible to shut them out completely, says Lynda Lee Kaid of the University of Florida. 95
In 2002,
1,497,386 spots aired in the nations top 100 markets, according to the
Campaign Media Analysis Group, a private firm that tracks televised
political ads. Besides the number of ads, more information is crowded
into them. For example, William Benoit found that from 1952 to 1996
the average number of issues covered in Republican ads rose by 115%,
and in Democratic ads by 519%.96
Citizens
who
are
unaffiliated
with
political
partiesnonpartisans
are most likely to be influenced by campaign ads. Other factors count,
too. Ads sponsored by a candidate serve to bolster the viewers perception of the candidates character. There is also broad agreement that
negative ads are more persuasive than positive ones, despite widespread
public distaste for them. Their incidence grew from around 11% to 43%
between the 1960 and 1996 elections. 97 They are more likely to be noticed and actively processed; they contribute to more learning and provide superior recall; and they produce a larger effect on opinion
formation than positive ads. There is also some evidence that they suppress voter turnout. Whether negative or positive, however, issue ads
are inferior to candidate-sponsored ads in producing awareness or
knowledge.98
As with advocacy ads in general, quality and creativity count. Green
is optimistic that as the Internet becomes the hot new medium for political ads, more imagination will be fostered. For example, when the
liberal organization MoveOn.org held a contest to design the best
anti-Bush ad, more than 1,000 submissions were made and the best
ones aired on television.99
289
HOW EFFECTIVE ARE POLITICAL CONTRIBUTIONS?

When
asked
why
they
make
political
contributions,
corporate
spokespersons typically reply that they like a particular candidate and
party and want to support the democratic process. However, the companies and industries that have been the most generous in their giving
are those that expect to benefit the most from government subsidies, tax
benefits, and regulatory relief. The effectiveness of political contributions, therefore, is measured by two results: (a) getting favored candidates elected, and (b) obtaining favorable legislation and favorable
treatment from the executive branch of government.
Helping a Candidate Win
Campaigns matter a great deal in the outcome of congressional elections, and how well a campaign is financed is expected to influence
whether ones favored candidate wins. Joseph J. Fanelli, president of the
Business-Industry PAC, wants candidates with his views to win. His aim
in making contributions is to make races more competitive by improving the philosophical balance of Congressthrough the support of
pro-private enterprise challengers with reasonable chances to win and
in assisting similarly-oriented incumbents who are in danger of losing
their seats.100
Money Advantage of Incumbents.
The ability to outspend ones rival gives a candidate an important advantage. This advantage accrues
mainly to incumbents because contributions mainly flow to them. In
particular,
federally
registered
lobbyists
inordinately
contribute
to
incumbents because they want to reach influential decision makers. Incumbents from both parties in congressional elections also enjoy
disproportionate
contributions
from
corporate
PACs.
Corporations
are
more interested in buttressing their lobbying clout in support of vital
company interests than in the outside chance a challenger favorable to
them might win an election.
The money advantage of incumbency was shown in the 2002 elections. A House incumbent raised, on average, nearly $900,000 to keep a
seat (up from $650,000 in 1998); the typical House challenger raised
only $197,000. As races grow more costly, the money gap between incumbents and challengers is expected to widen. 101 In the 2004 elections,
incumbent senators raised a total of $223.6 million compared to $70.7
million by challengers; house incumbents raised $427.6 million versus
$100.8 by challengers.102
The biggest spender in the 2000 Senate races was Jon S. Corzine, the
Wall Street multimillionaire. He spent $63 million on his campaign,
with $35 million in the primary election alone, most of it ($23.5 million) on advertising.103 As Jeff Pilletts of the Bergen Record stated,
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Money
supplies
everything
in
politicsaccess,
friends,
even
credibility. He not only purchased commercials, he purchased the party machinery and the people who run it. 104 Corzine could make a virtue of his
self-financed effort. I wont owe anything to anyone but you, he declared to voters. In his primary campaign he bombarded the airwaves
with 12 weeks of unrelenting audiovisual persuasion and financed at
least
5,000 workers in
an unprecedented get-out-the-vote (GOTV) operation. He spent $15 million on television time aired over a 2-month
period leading up to the general election.
In roughly 9 out of 10 House races and three quarters of all Senate races in which
incumbents seek reelection, the incumbent wins. 105 In the 2002 elections, 98% of House
incumbents were reelected, as were 85% of incumbent senators.106 Challengers have a fighting
chance mainly when the incumbent is implicated in a scandal, has roll call votes that are out
of sync with voters, or possesses other liabilities.
Money alone, however, does not buy elections for incumbents and
certainly not for challengers, against whom the odds are so heavily
stacked. An attractive candidate who has a coherent message and comes
from a district whose voters are ideologically not too far from the candidate is needed. Among the losers have been some candidates who spent
their own money in the 1998 election. Mark Warner, a Virginia Democrat, lost after spending more than $10 million; Guy Millner, a Georgia
Republican, lost after spending $6.4 million. 107
In Californias June
1998 primary, Republican candidate Al Checchi spent at least $37 million of his own money, and candidate Harmon spent $11.6 million. Both
lost to Democratic candidate Lieutenant Governor Gray Davis. 108 In the
1998 election, the top Senate spender, Senator Alfonse M. DAmato
(R-N.Y.) lost to the Democratic challenger, Representative Charles E.
Schumer (D-N.Y.).
More detailed analyses of election results demonstrate money is
chiefly important in open-seat races. The amount of money a candidate
spends on campaign communications significantly affects the outcome.
The impact of spending is especially important because elections for
open
seats are usually
won by
far
smaller
margins than
incumbent-challenger races.109 A strong challenger, however, may be able to
win if he or she can obtain campaign financing and assemble an effective
campaign organization. Certain additional factors help: a contested primary, media support, campaigning on position issues, and group-based
targeting.110 Party support is also important.
Supporting Lobbying Efforts
Lobbyists want to reach the most influential decision makers. This contention is supported by a study by the Center for Public Integrity of the
personal campaign contributions of more than 1,000 federally registered lobbyists from 1999 through September 2004. The study shows
that they gave $2.9 million to Senate incumbents and their challengers
291
in 2004 and a mere 5.4%, or $257,000 to challengers. Senate Minority

Leader Thomas A. Daschle (D-S.D.) received the largest amount. 111
Business people and lobbyists dont like to admit publicly that their reason for making
political contributions is to obtain favors. Roger Tamraz, an oil executive, was an
exception. When testifying at the 1996 Senate hearings on campaign finance abuses and
asked why he gave $300,000 to the Democratic party, he bluntly replied: to win access to
the White House and the Clinton administration. 112 A BusinessWeek/ Harris survey of
400 top executives of major companies found a similar reason behind political
contributions: 50% said, My company and I hope to gain access to politicians so we can
gain fair consideration on issues affecting our business. 113 The top reason, however, was, I have
strong political views and want to support a political party and candidates who share my convictions (65%), and the second was Making
political contributions is my way of supporting the democratic process
(59%).
Robert J. Wager, president of the American Bakers Association, describes more graphically the aim of political contributions supporting
lobbying efforts. He says, The key to success for any PAC is to take a
pragmatic approach which emphasizes effective action on behalf of the
economic interests of the association. 114
He further explains that his
BreadPAC makes bipartisan contributions on the basis of merit. Reinforcing his belief that PAC funds should reinforce lobbying efforts, he
says, Whenever possible, the check, or a copy of it, should be personally delivered by the treasurer, or an association member, to the candidate. This is even more effective if the PAC treasurer is the associations
chief lobbyist.115
After George W. Bushs election victory in 2000, businesses that invested in his
campaign made no secret about expecting favors, as suggested in the Wall Street Journal
headline, Influence Market: Industries That Backed Bush Are Now Seeking Return on
Investment.116 Some of the expectations were as follows:
MBNA, which gave $1.25 million to Bush, the Republican party,
and the Inaugural Fund during the 1999-2000 election cyclethe
second highest corporate donor after Enronwas pleased to hear
that the president would sign a tough bankruptcy bill.
Drug companies gave $14 million to Republican campaigns over
the past 2 years and spent an additional $60 million to fund their
own independent political advertising campaign. They are lobbying for an overhaul of the Medicare program that would include a
prescription drug benefit for senior citizens, provided such a benefit doesnt lead to drug price controls.
Some businesses are looking forward to repeal of the ergonomic
regulations imposed by the Clinton administration, much to the
annoyance of organized labor, which had fought for their enactment for 10 years.
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The value of contributions in support of lobbying objectives is illustrated by Enron and Arthur Andersen, described in the Appendix.
Among the many other examples is Archer Daniels Midland (ADM),
which continues to received tax breaks for producing ethanol, a subsidy
that was intended to serve as a friendly incentive to reduce Americas dependence on foreign oil. However, this tax break is often cited as an egregious example of corporate welfare. 117
Another example is Glaxo
Wellcome, which benefitted by winning a patent extension on two drug
patents for 19 months, which some analysts believe earned it at least an
extra $1 billion in sales. 118 The Glaxo Wellcome PAC received contributions from 1,537 employees. Through its Civic Action Network, consisting of 1,800 employees across the country, Glaxo motivates rank-andfile employees to telephone members of Congress and asks them to
support the company.
Helpful Conditions
PAC money buys congressional votes but only under certain conditions, which should assuage the fear that PACs are creating a special interest state. As clarified by Larry J. Sabato, PAC contributions do, on
some occasions, make a difference, but those occasions are not nearly as
frequent as critics charge. His evidence is based on more than 60 interviews with PAC and party leaders, a mail survey of 399 PACs, and a review of available studies.119
Sabato concludes that PACs work best in influencing congressional votes under these
conditions:
1. Visibility. When issues lack headline status, they do not draw the
attention of constituencies. The Senate vote on deregulation of the
trucking industry in 1980 illustrates this principle. There was a
strong linkage between congressional votes and PAC money, much
stronger than the relationship between votes and party, ideology,
and constituency. The linkage was even stronger for the senators
nearest to an election.
2. Specialization and lack of opposition. PAC gifts are not likely to be
decisive on broad national issues, such as policy on El Salvador or
the MX missile systems, where opposition is weak and unorganized.
3. Alliance. When large PACs or groups of PACs (e.g., business and labor PACs) are allied, they garner more attention. A congressman
might dismiss $5,000 from a single PAC (the maximum gift), but
$20,000 or more from a group fills a significant part of reelection
campaign needs.
4. Strong lobbies. When PAC gifts are coordinated with direct or grassroots lobbying, they are more likely to influence congressional
votes. Members of Congress are rewarded not for their political philosophy but for how they vote on an issue of concern to a PAC. 120
293
Although it is ludicrously naive to contend that PAC money never

influences Congress member decisions, Sabato believes that merit matters mostmerit as defined by ideological beliefs, party loyalty, and the
interests of district constituents. 121 His optimistic view, however, is not
shared by all.
OTHER POLITICAL ASSISTANCE AND CYBERPOLITICS
Large corporations have been seeking a more direct role in the electoral
process and becoming more creative as far as how they are going to be
political.122 In the 2002 elections, pro-Republican businesses were using such novel ways as stuffing voter guides into pay envelopes, e-mailing workers with candidate report cards, and mounting GOTV drives. 123
Many have merged political assistance programs with regular public affairs activities and strengthened programs on employee voter education. The Internet is playing an increasing role in fund raising and
political action, achieving the designation of cyberpolitics.
Merging Political Assistance With Public Affairs
Political assistance takes many forms. For example, a study by the Public Affairs Foundation showed that in addition to supporting PACs,
which 80% of them do, leading corporations engaged in such additional
political activities as:
Scheduling facility visits for elected officials (84%).
Conducting voter registration programs (58%).
Communicating on issues with third parties (43%). 124
Added to this list of political activities is the granting of leaves of absence to allow or
encourage a companys employees (usually on the managerial level) to run for political
office or assist in a campaign. Because laws prohibit the use of company funds and other
resources for such purposes, leaves of absence are without pay.
In the 2004 elections, corporations shifted some of their efforts from
financing issue advertising by others to such direct activities as encouraging employees to support individual candidates and to lobby Congress on particular issues. For example, Dow Chemical reached out to its
37,000 retirees for extra lobbying clout. International Paper allowed
employees to use special software to track political issues, which resulted in e-mails from 2,500 workers to the Senate encouraging postal
reform (because many of the companys customers suffer when postal
rates rise).125
Other activities and programs have also been undertaken. Peter
Kennerdell, editor of Managing the Business-Employee PAC, refers to political assistance in the form of in-kind contributions, partisan communications, conduit/trustee accounts for employees making personal
294
CHAPTER 11
political contributions, direct campaign involvement, and such miscellanea as honoraria for
speeches.126
Making Full Use of PACs.
Kennerdell reminds public affairs professionals that raising funds for politicians is not the only function of PACs.
More important, they are vehicles for educating, motivating and mobilizing employees in politics. 127 His handbook stresses that PACs should
be part of an overall public affairs program and that broad-based grassroots efforts should be integrated with employee political education.
One way business and other interest groups can help candidates on
the local level is by printing stories about a candidate in PAC newsletters
and other publications. Professional journalists who are engaged in socalled PAC communications turn out highly professional products that
play an important part in building employee involvement, says A. John
Adams, president of a Washington public affairs consulting firm bearing his name. He describes one oil company that set up a series of area
committees, which report on their activities in their own quarterly
newsletters. These area newsletters supplement the regular PAC
monthly newsletter (see Box 11.4) on the writing of a PAC newsletter),
which deals with political developments affecting the company. The
area committees also organize local events, such as backyard barbecues,
to which candidates for public office are invited. 128
Box 11.4 Writing a PAC Newsletter
PAC communications should be objective and professionally written.
Adams says it is important to de-Washingtonize PAC communications, which are written in quite different language from that used
elsewhere in the company. In explaining company concerns to employees, companies must get on the same wavelength as the employees. It is not enough to make an ideological statement that an
opponent is liberal or anti-business. 129 The purpose of Washington
Window, a professionally written PAC newsletter distributed by the
Corning Employees Political Action Committee (COREPAC), as explained by John R. Blizard, government affairs manager of the Corning Glass Works, is to educate people who are eligible to participate
in COREPAC and to correct preconceived notions of whats happening
in Washington, D.C. The newsletter was published quarterly and distributed to approximately 1,800 exempt salaried employees. 130
The company followed two simple guidelines in deciding what issues
to cover: Corning must have taken a stand on them, and they must
have a bearing on the company. Qualifying issues have been energy
problems, clean air, toxic substances, foreign trade, and labor reform.
The topics should also easily evoke employee interest; for example, the
Clean Air Act affects jobs in Cornings New York automotive plant,
where ceramic substrates are produced for catalytic converters.
295
Getting Out the Vote Programs

Corporations have stepped up grassroots efforts, an activity where unions dominated. In its 1998 political campaign, the AFL-CIO planned to
focus on grassroots activity instead of issue advertising, which it did in
the 1996 campaign. It spent at least $18 million in a GOTV drive, with
some 300 paid activists leading the effort. In California it supplemented
the door-to-door and phone bank campaigns with mass mailings to 1.4
million adults in union households. 131
According to exit polls, labor s
GOTV efforts paid off in key congressional and gubernatorial races in
November 1998. Among its goals for the November 1999 election, the
AFL-CIO wanted to register at least 4 million new voters, focusing
heavily on Blacks, Asians, and Hispanics. 132 Labor intensified its registration and GOTV efforts in 2004.
In the 2004 elections business groups and corporations gave much
greater emphasis in employee GOTV campaigns. BIPAC, a business advocacy group, set a goal for local businesses in Ohio to encourage
80,000 employees who didnt vote in 2000 to go to the polls. Caterpillar
made it possible for its 37,000 expatriate workers to vote by using absentee ballots that could be downloaded . Although it doesnt endorse
candidates, its website does provide candidates voting history on critical issues such as trade.133
Voter Education Programs
As companies slashed their political donations in the 2004 election campaign, many made an unprecedented effort to seek a more direct role in
the electoral process by influencing the votes of their employees, says
Wall Street Journal columnist Alan Murray.134
Greg Casey of BIPAC,
which is dedicated to electing business-friendly candidates, has been
successfully convincing corporate executives they can play a big role in
educating employees and getting them out to vote. Of the 150 members of the Business Roundtable, he has signed up 90 for voter-education
programs, up from just a dozen or so 4 years ago. 135
Such programs are not new. The Headquarters Unit Employees PAC at
Dow Chemical distributed a booklet, How to Evaluate a Candidate, to its
employees and taught them how to use it. The booklet explains that voting criteria should encompass three core values: belief in the American
free enterprise system, fiscal responsibility, and reasonable government
regulation. To these are added 10 quantifiable criteria, such as electability
and whether Dow employees are in ones election district. A similar approach was used by the former LTV Corporation, which sponsored a
Leadership Series consisting of a wide range of information, analysis,
news and insights on the major presidential candidates, the primaries,
and the national conventions. 136 The articles, which were summarized
in a booklet, were on issues developed through the cooperation of the
Baruch College of Business and Public Administration of the City Univer-
296
CHAPTER 11
sity of New York. Seven issues were covered: the federal budget deficit, the defense of the
United States, foreign trade, employment, industrial policy, education in America, and the
environment. The company did not, however, endorse a particular candidate.
Programs on the Free Enterprise System.
Many companies believe
teaching employees the fundamentals of the free enterprise system is an
important way to influence how they make political judgments. When
economic education flourished in the late 1970s, Dart Industries initiated a 20-week program at its West Bend Division. The first 10 weeks
dealt with general economics, and the second 10 weeks with information relating the principles to the West Bend Division. It used a variety of
media and techniques: posters, payroll stuffers, articles in the house organ, discussions between managers and line employees, and economic
quizzes with prizes of $10 each awarded to outstanding employees.
However, when the Dart program was evaluated at the end of the 20
weeks, the results were declared unsatisfactory. Although employees
knowledge of facts improved, the key result, a change in their attitudes,
was not apparent. Their attitudes were described as still not fully favorable to big business. Hoping to improve results, the company subsequently worked on another program covering the six major theme
areas of profits, inflation, government and taxation, productivity, general business information, and social responsibility.137
Public relations counselor Philip Lesly succinctly explains why formal programs such as Darts are doomed to fail. He cites the following
key faulty assumptions and practices: (a) the assumption that education will take if facts alone are exposed to the public, (b) continued insistence of business on formulating a gospel and projecting it at the
audience to be swallowed whole, (c) failure to recognize the drastic
change in the way influence is disseminated, (d) the assumption that the
audience has the same interests and aspirations as the company, (e) use
of the wrong semantics, such as the reference to the free enterprise system, and (f) lack of clear objectives.138
To avoid the error of developing programs that are too abstract or
ideological, Standard Oil of Californias overall philosophy was to address specific economic questions as they arise, relating them to the individual as much as possible.139
The ingredients of such programs are
several: Make economics an integral part of the regular flow of information in the employee communication system. Use employee publications, videotaped company newscasts, employee jobholder meetings,
employee annual reports, and other media. Relate economics to daily
business operations, and tap the experiences and interests of employees.
When discussing public issues, demonstrate a unity of interest between the company and employees. A further way to make economic
education effective is to combine it with political action programs.
Although formal economic education programs have fallen into disuse, the subject matter of economics is integrated into a variety of sto-
297
ries
that
appear
in
employee
publications
and
videos.
During
the
recession of the early 1980s, when auto and other manufacturing companies faced economic hardships, employees were told about the realities of global competition, to convince them of the need for givebacks
and
higher
productivity.
Company
publications
contained
articles
about sales won or lost, the need for restructuring, the reasons for acquisitions or mergers, plans for capital improvements, and reasons for
plant closings. Some companies also informed employees about political
issues affecting them and their industries, for example, the need for free
trade or the need for a cap on insurance liability.
Whether to Engage in Partisan Communications
Companies
normally
avoid
partisan
communications
and
other
activities. Legally, however, a company may engage in partisan activities if
they do not go beyond the restricted class of high-level executives and
administrative officers and their families, and stockholders and their
families. Thus companies are allowed to sponsor a candidate or party appearances, invite a candidate to address the restricted class, produce and
distribute printed materials of a very partisan nature, endorse candidates, and conduct very partisan voter registration and GOTV drives. 140
A company may have a special reason for engaging in partisan communications. Duquesne Light
Company, serving
two counties in
southwestern Pennsylvania, including the city of Pittsburgh, decided
to do so because the utility became an issue in several elections. After
deciding to support one of the three candidates, we wrote letters to all
our employees and shareholders who live in the state senatorial district, telling them what was being said, explaining when they make
their decision on voting day, they keep in mind the facts about our relationship with the state house member, explained Jean F. Grogan, director of public service programs. 141
Grogan realizes the risks of
offending some PAC members who support the other side. Thus she
recommends caution in using partisan communications: Be very selective about the races in which to get involved and be extremely careful
about language used in letters to employees. 142
Cyberpolitics
The Internet has become a new method of political campaigning, as well
as fund raising, proliferating more rapidly that anyone anticipated. A
new term, cyberpolitics, now recognizes the Internet as a mainstream,
multipurpose political tool. 143
It has unleashed a new cadre of campaign workers who normally dont have time to man a phone bank and
it is a marvelous tool for building networks, mobilizing supporters, and
raising campaign funds.144
Howard Deans success as a Democratic
presidential candidate in the early months of the 2004 election cycle
showed what a mighty political tool the Web has become. He adopted
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CHAPTER 11
the newly formed Internet service Meetup.comwhich facilitates the gathering of people
who share common interestsas his primary grassroots organization tool. By the end
of May 2003 his campaign claimed to have 25,000 supporters on Meetup and twice that
number of contributors or volunteers.145
Dean also paid attention to blogspersonal online journalsand
treated relatively unknown
bloggers
as a critical opinion-making
constituency. By some estimates, 750,000 people blogged in 2003, with the
number growing daily.146 Dean took advantage of the blog craze after
9/11 when people wanted to know what other Americans were thinking and feeling about the terrorist act. It gave each person his or her own
voice. Journalists, too, became bloggers as they commented on the
news, often in rudely clever tones. Some of the most popular blogs
come from big-name journalists and former editors. 147 Deans impact
on political campaigning is enduring. As BusinessWeek noted, Dean has
nudged American politics further into the Internet Age. Campaign Blogs
and supporter meet-ups have joined the political lexicon, online fundraising has become ever more important, and the Internet has become a
vital organizing tool.148
The
success
of Deans Internet
campaign
encouraged
savvy
politicians in both parties to revamp their tech operations. Consequently,
Senator John F. Kerry raised an average of $1 million a day online in the
10 days following the Super Tuesday primaries. 149 The Bush team used
GeorgeWBush.com as a political organizing tool, using the advantage
that the Republicans had a head start because of their 3-to-1 edge in
e-mail addresses. Also using the Internet as an organizing tool, the liberal advocacy group MoveOn.org organized one of the largest antiwar
rallies in history in 2003, with some 10 million protesters around the
globe. It had 2 million e-mail members and in early 2004 ran a $10-million TV ad campaign against President George W. Bush. Besides raising
money from small donors, MoveOn.org obtained a $10 million to $75
million pledge for a GOTV campaign called Americans Coming Together
from George Soros, the billionaire financier and avowed Bush critic. He
is also providing $1 million a year for 3 years to the Center for American
Progress, a new think tank headed by John Podesta, White House chief
of staff during the Clinton administration. 150
CONCLUSIONS
Electoral
activities,
especially
political
contributions,
enhance
a
companys lobbying objectives and overall public affairs goals. At stake is
who gets elected and what issues the candidates will support. Donors
generally expect that PAC, soft money, issue advocacy advertising, and
other contributions will provide them with access and influence in the
political system. Business has a special advantage over other interest
groups because it has more economic resources. Proving a connection
between money and voting results, however, is not an exact science.
299
The role of money in politics is itself a political issue resulting in regulationsmost recently by the McCain-Feingold reform bill. However,
even as contribution restrictions are
observed, political actors constantly explore ways of circumventing them. Contributions to 527
groups by a variety of special interest groups have particularly been
questioned and efforts are contemplated further to tighten campaign
finance rules.
Many corporations are engaging in other forms of electoral involvement besides making financial contributions. These include voter registration drives, voter education programs, and more basic economic and
political education programs. In the future, corporations may be building
stronger
political
communities
that
threaten
the
traditional
nonpartisan policy of business.
APPENDIX
CASE
STUDIES
DEMONSTRATING
HOW
CONTRIBUTIONS SUPPORT LOBBYING
POLITICAL
Case 1: Enron Corporation

Enron has become the textbook example of the blatant and widespread
use of political contributions in support of lobbying efforts to obtain political favors. The companys rapid growth into the nations seventh
largest corporation proves the value of political contributions. Enron
could not have become a trading company giant without succeeding in
its strategy of establishing a deregulated energy market. The objective
was to break up monopoly control of energy markets by local utilities
and change the rules so energy would be deregulated. 151
To do this it spent lavishly to replace local utility monopolies. Since
1997, it gave more than 700 candidates in 28 states $1.9 million, according to the National Institute on Money in State Policies. In California, a major target, Enron gave Governor Gray Davis $97,500 of its
$438,155 total contributions to politicians in the state. Jeffrey Skilling,
Enrons president and chief operating officer since 1997, testified to utility commissioners that deregulation could save the state $8.9 billion. In
the 2000 election cycle, Enron gave $1.1 million to local candidates. It
became the leader of an emerging power-trading industry that shaped
electricity deregulation plans affecting millions of household. Enron
also stood to earn big profits for the companys trading of electricity
and natural gas.152
Money, however, was not Enrons only advantage. As Mary Kenkel, former manager for
federal affairs at the Edison Electric Institute said, They were smartthey went after
people who [they] knew would make a difference. They lobbied cleverly. In Texas, Enron
hired 83 lobbyists, bought advertisements in local papers, and gave to local charities,
including Laura Bushs book fair.153
300
CHAPTER 11
Enron also targeted Congress and the White House to change the
rules governing the energy industry. The corporation and its executives
contributed almost $5.88 million to political war chests since 1989, including $1.9 million in soft money to both parties. Republicans received
73%.154 Kenneth Lay, Enrons chairman and former CEO, and other executives
contributed
more
than
$500,000
to
Bushs presidential
campaign and donated more money to the inaugural and the campaigns
legal effort in Florida during the disputed 2000 election vote count. 155
Enron was the top corporate donor in the 1999-2000 election cycle,
having given $1.3 million to Bush, the Republican National Committee,
and the Inaugural Fund.156
Money was used for other purposes too. Nationally, Enron collected
visible people: pundits, journalists, and politicians were given lucrative
retainers in return for chatting about current events with executives at
Enrons Houston headquarters. Lay called them his advisory council,
saying to them in December 2000, These are exciting times, and we
need all the ideas we can get. One of the group, William Kristol, editor
of the Weekly Standard, received a $50,000 annual retainer. He said he
saw no conflict in collecting such money from Enron, simply likening it
to a regular and generous honorarium for speaking before a trade association.157
The main strategic goal behind all of these efforts was to keep regulators away. Enron was highly successful. As summarized by Albert R.
Hunt of the Wall Street Journal, Few special interests got more access or
results than Enron: legislative favors, a lax oversight of its risky financial derivatives, tax breaks, unsurpassed input into the Cheney energy
legislation drafting process and most of what it wanted, and reportedly
even veto authority over regulatory appointees. 158
Case 2: Arthur Andersen
Enrons auditing firm, Arthur Andersen, and the other Big Five accounting firms were also major players in the political arena that expected to
influence political decisions. Like Enron, these firms sought independence from government regulation and oversight, and they didnt hesitate to use their formidable political clout, largely gained by being a
major contributor of PAC money to politicians and soft money to political parties. Senator Christopher Dodd, the influential Connecticut Democrat, had accepted nearly $500,000 in contributions from the
accounting industry between 1989 and 2001. 159 The industrys major
objectives were: (a) to stop Security and Exchange Commission (SEC)
regulations and possible new legislation prohibiting accounting firms
from also performing consulting services to their auditing clients; (b) to
prevent
the
Financial Accounting Standards
Board
(FASB),
an
independent, private-sector body, from imposing their standards on accounting
firms; and (c) to stop moves that would require stock options to be
shown as an expense in company earnings statements.
301
Since 1989 Andersen had contributed more than $5 million in soft

money, PAC, and individual contributions to federal candidates and parties, more than two thirds to Republicans. In the 2000 election cycle
alone, the firm and its employees made contributions totaling $1.4 million, which was 10% of the overall donations from the accounting industry. The firm was the fifth biggest donor to Bushs White House run,
contributing nearly $146,000 via its employees and PAC. The managing
partner of Andersens Houston office was one of the pioneersan individual who raised at least $100,000 for the Bush campaign during
1999-2000.160
The Big Five, with a leadership role played by Joseph Berardino, Andersens CEO,
succeeded in achieving all three objectives until the Enron scandal unfolded. Their efforts
demonstrate how electoral activities supported their lobbying activities. In his book, Take
on the Street: What Wall Street and Corporate American Dont Want You to
Know. What You Can Do to Fight Back, Arthur Levitt Jr., former SEC chairman,
describes how the accounting industry and corporate lobbyists successfully applied their
political clout (see Box 11.5).
After the Enron debacle revealed Andersens complicity, the Justice
Department indicted the company for its alleged shredding and destruction of documents. The limits of political contributions and lobbying
were now obvious. When things were going well, their political clout
worked, but when an embarrassing crisis occurred, political friends
evaporated. As the Economist summarized Enrons treatment, Kenneth
Lay, Enrons chairman, who was very close to President Bush and
known as Kenny Boy, now was accorded the response, Ken Who? 161
Political contributions could not stem the tide of the governments suit
against the company and win support from politicians who had received contributions. Said Peter Deutsch, the senior Democrat on the
panels investigations subcommittee, It doesnt matter if they gave us a
million bucks. We are not going to cut them any slack. Andersen, like
Enron, had become a political liability.
ENDNOTES
1. Edwin M. Epstein, The Corporation in American Politics (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.:
Prentice-Hall, 1969), p. 11. He defines electoral politics as activities related
directly to the selection and support (financial and otherwise) of candidates
or issues to be decided upon by the public.
2. Charles S. Mack, Lobbying and Political Action, in Practical Public Affairs in
an Era of Change: A Communications Guide for Business, Government, and College, ed. Lloyd B. Dennis (Lanham, Md.: University Press of America), p. 106.
3. Albert R. Hunt, The Lessons of the 1996 Scandals: Do It Again, and More,
Wall Street Journal, June 3, 1999, p. A27.
4. 04 Elections Expected to Cost Nearly $4 Billion, press release dated October 21,
2004, opensecrets.org; Campaign Finance Reform, www.opensecrets.org;
Greg Gordon, At What Price?, Star Tribune (Minneapolis, MN), November 8,
2000, p. 23A.
302
CHAPTER 11
Box 11.5 Lobbying Tactics Used by Accounting Industry 162

When Levitt said that the SEC would insist on auditor independence
and, through enforcement actions if necessary, require that companies adhere to the letter and spirit of the GAAP [generally agreed upon
accounting practices], the accounting industry questioned the need
for national standards.
It persuaded Congress to hold hearings on a proposed ruling by
the FASB to expense stock options. Silicon Valley, also large campaign contributors, were especially opposed, pointing out that weak
profits made cash compensation difficult. Senator Joe Lieberman, the
Connecticut Democrat, introduced legislation to bar the SEC from enforcing the rule. He also sponsored a Senate resolution that declared
the FASB proposal would have grave consequences for Americas entrepreneurs. The bill failed to pass, but the resolution did, by an overwhelming 88-9. Levitt consequently urged FASB members to back
down in favor of a current, weaker rule that requires companies to disclose stock options grants in the footnotes to income statements.
The industry was able to block an attempt by the SEC and the
American Institute of Certified Public Accountants to pass a rule banning auditors from doing most kinds of consulting work for the same
companies they audited. Some 46 members of Congress sent letters
to
Levitt
opposing
the
measure.
Furthermore,
Senate
Banking
Committee chairman Phil Gramm warned Levitt that Congress was preparing an appropriations rider that would bar the agency from spending
taxpayer funds to enforce the rule. Faced with such threat to SEC independence, Levitt gave in and compromised. The final rules,
adopted on November 15, 2000, allowed auditors to perform up to
40% of a companys internal audit work and an unlimited amount of
consultingas long as all this was disclosed. (It turned out that in
2000, S&P 500 companies paid their auditors $1.2 billion in audit fees
and triple that amount, $3.7 billion, for nonaudit services.)
5. 2004 Election Overview: Most Expensive Races, opensecrets.org.

6. This is the reason for the subtitle in Herrnsons book: Congressional Elections:
Campaigning at Home and in Washington, 2nd edition (Washington, D.C.: CQ
Press, 1998), p. xii.
7. Phil Kuntz, The Money Chase: A Day in Washington Is Just Another Day to
Raise More Dollars, Wall Street Journal, October 23, 1995, p. A1.
8. Ellen Miller and Nick Penniman, The Road to Nowhere: Thirty Years of Campaign-Finance Reform Yield Precious Little, The American Prospect, August
12, 2002, p. 14.
9. David Cohen, PAC Power: An Abuse of Power, in Political Action for Business:
The PAC Handbook, ed. Ken Clair (Washington, D.C.: Fraser/Associates, 1981),
p. 313.
10. Ibid., p. 19.
303
11. 04 Elections Expected to Cost Nearly $4 Billion, op. cit.

12. Lawrence Noble and Steven Weiss, Op-Ed: Plenty of Individual Contributions, Miami Herald, November 25, 2004, as reprinted at www.open secrets.org.
13. Good Morning America show, September 30, 2003; Jeanne Cummings, Cash
Influx Tilts Campaign Calculus, Wall Street Journal, October 1, 2003, p.
A12; Stephen Baker, Click the Vote, BusinessWeek, March 29, 2004, p. 102.
14. Thoms B. Edsall and Juliet Eilperin, PAC Attack II; Why Some Groups Are
Learning to Love Campaign Finance Reform, Washington Post, August 18,
2002, p. B2.
15. Glenn R. Simpson, The Internet Begins to Click as a Political Money Web,
Wall Street Journal, October 19, 1999, p. A28.
16. Coercion, however, may not be used to force a political contribution. This
does not mean that company executives may not be chided for failing to
contribute, which Richard J. Lane did when he was president of BristolMyerss worldwide medicines division and co-chairman of its employee
PAC. Concerned about the politically motivated attacks against our industry to shackle our industry with price controls, his aggressive solicitation resulted in a $2 million contribution to the party and its candidates
during the 2000 campaign, second only to Pfizer. Sheryl Gay Stolberg and
Gardiner Harris, Industry Fights to Put Imprint on Drug Bill, New York
Times, September 5, 2003, p. A1.
17. PACs could exceed legal giving limits, however, when making independent
expenditures, defined as disbursements made to pay for a communication expressly advocating the election or defeat of a clearly identified candidate without the candidates cooperation. Clair, op. cit., p. 186. Also see
The Big Picture - Issue Ads/Expenditure & Communication Costs,
www.opensecrets.org.
18. Jeffrey Milyo, David Primo, and Timothy Groseclose, Corporate PAC Campaign Contributions in Perspective, Business and Politics, Vol. 2, No. 1,
2000, p. 77.
19. Jeanne Cummings, Closing the Spigot: In New Laws Wake, Companies
Slash Their Political Donations, Wall Street Journal, September 3, 2004, p.
A4.
20. 04 Elections Expected to Cost Nearly $4 Billion, op. cit.
21. Top PACs, www.opensecrets.org/pads/toppacs.asp.
22. Top 20 PAC Contributors to Federal Candidates, 2003-2004, based on data
released by the FEC on October 25, 2004, www.opensecrets.org.
23. Thomas B. Edsall, Study: Corporate PACs Favor GOP; Decisive Shift From
Bipartisan Giving Began in 1995-97, Washington Post, November 25,
2004, p. A06.
24. Ibid.
25. Alan B. Krueger, Economic Scene; Lobbying by Businesses Overwhelms
Their Campaign Contributions, New York Times, September 19, 2002, p. C2.
26. Greg Hitt and Tom Hamburger, New Campaign Law Restores PACs Appeal, Wall Street Journal, July 29, 2002, p. A4.
27. Ibid.
28. Ibid.
29. Ibid.
30. 2004 Election Overview; Top Self Funders, www.opensecrets.org.
31. David Beiler, Jon Corzine and the Power of Money, Campaigns & Elections,
Vol. 22, April 2001, pp. 22-36.
304
CHAPTER 11
32. Ibid.
33. An update on December 8, 2004, showed that 527 groups raised a higher
amount, $409 million. See Political MoneyLine, www.tray.com.
34. Soft Money to National Parties, www.opensecrets.org.
35. Mary Beth Regan, Campaign Finance 96: It Doesnt Get Much Sleazier
Than This, BusinessWeek, October 28, 1996, p. 59.
36. Coming to Terms: A Money-in-Politics Glossary, Center for Responsive
Politics, www.crp.org/pubs/glossary/contents.htm.
37. Fred Wertheimer, The Dirtiest Election Ever; The Spending Abuses of 1996
Should Shame Us Into Reform, The Washington Post, November 3, 1996, p.
1.
38. Ibid.
39. Regan, op. cit. A notorious example is the acceptance by the Democratic National Committee of an illegal $250,000 donation from Cheong Am America, a South Korean company. The committee returned the donation after
the Los Angeles Times exposed it as a violation of laws barring contributions
from foreign firms. See Glenn R. Simpson and Jill Abramson, Foreign Exchange: Legal Loopholes Let Overseas Contributors Fill Democrats Coffers,
Wall Street Journal, October 8, 1996, p. A1.
40. Vicki Kemper, Deborah Lutterbeck, and Christin Davilas, The Country
Club, Common Cause, Vol. 22, Spring/Summer 1996, pp. 16-17.
41. Ibid., p. 238.
42. Ibid., p. 236.
43. Darrell M. West, Checkbook Democracy: How Money Corrupts Political Campaigns (Boston: Northeastern University Press, 2000), p. 7.
44. Amy Borrus and Mary Beth Regan, The Backlash Against Soft Money,
BusinessWeek, March 31, 1997, p. 33.
45. Ibid., p. 36.
46. Lisa Zagaroli, GM Puts Brakes on Soft Money contributions, Detroit
News, June 1, 1997, p. A1.
47. Alan Murray, Corporate America Sits Mostly on Side During This Election,
Wall Street Journal, July 27, 2004, p. A6.
48. Ibid.
49. Jeanne Cummings, op. cit., p. A1.
50. 527s Not Filling Soft Money Gap, June 25, 2004 press release,
51. Mark Hosenball, Michael Isikoff, and Holly Baily, The Secret Money War,
Newsweek, September 20, 2004, pp. 24, 26.
52. Hosenball, et al., op. cit., p. 25.
53. Jeanne Cummings, Political Money Flows Faster in 04, Wall Street Journal, April 5, 2004, p. A6. They budgeted $95 million for the 2004 campaign
to hire thousands of canvassers to sign up voters in 17 swing states. The Media Fund plans to use its $50 million budget to run issue ads in the same 17
states.
54. Jeanne Cummings, Those 527 Fund-Raisers Prove Resilient, Wall Street
Journal, December 6, 2004, p. A4.
55. Ibid.
56. John McCain, Plugging the Loophole, Newsweek, September 20, 2004, p.
24.
57. Ibid.
58. Lorraine Woellert and Lee Walczak, Campaign Reforms Dangerous Aftershocks, BusinessWeek, April 8, 2002, p. 42.
305
59. Glenn R. Simpson, Democrats to Swivel Spotlight to Mush Money Issue,

Wall Street Journal, September 19, 1997, p. A16. However, the argument is
made that Section 501(c)(4) or 527 tax-exempt organization may pay for issue ads if they are unincorporated and they pay from funds donated by individuals.
60. Jeanne Cummings, Political Contributors Step up to the Plate, Wall Street
Journal, July 29, 2004, p. A4.
61. Richard S. Dunham, Hail to the Chief: Big Business Gets Behind Bushs
Bash, BusinessWeek, January 10, 2005, p. 13.
62. Jill Zuckman, McCain Takes Aim at System of Campaign Financing,
Boston Globe, July 1, l999, p. A6.
63. Phil Kuntz, McCains Financing Stance Recalls Keating-Five Role, Wall
Street Journal, December 17, 1999, p. A16. He mentioned this theme on
ABCs Nightline.
64. Ron Unz, McCain-Feingold Loses. There Is an Alternative, Wall Street Journal, October 20, 1999, p. A26.
65. From a Public Affairs Council PowerPoint presentation on Campaign Finance Laws, SASM&FLLP, December 2, 2003.
66. David Rogers, Senate Approves Measure to Curb Big Donations, Wall Street
Journal, March 21, 2002, p. A24. Also Trevor Potter and Kirk L. Jowers,
Summary Analysis of Bipartisan Campaign Finance Reform Act Passed by
House and Senate and Sent to President, www.brook.edu.
67. Cummings, Greenberger, and Hamburger, op. cit., p. A8.
68. Campaign Law Actually Works, But Reformers Still Have a Job to Do,
Newsday, November 9, 2004, p. A36.
69. Joanna Chung, Battle Over Funding Continues After Historys Costliest
Presidential Race, Financial Times, November 20, 2004, p. 9.
70. 527s Not Filling Soft Money Gap June 25, 2004, press release,
71. Richard Tedesco, Issue Ads to Boost Political Spending, Broadcasting & Cable, Vol. 128, September 7, 1998, pp. 11-14.
72. Glenn R. Simpson, Democrats to Swivel Spotlight to Mush Money Issue,
Wall Street Journal, September 19, 1997, p. A16.
73. Mary Beth Regan, Stan Crock, and Paul Magnusson, Campaign Finance: A
Deepening Cesspool of Politics and Cash, BusinessWeek, July 22, 1996, p.
96.
74. See www.citizen.org.
75. Jack Brady, Stumping for Ad Dollars; Newspapers Push for More Political
Advertising Revenue, Newspaper Association of America, Inc., July-August 2004, Special Report, p. 28.
76. Greg Hitt, 527 Groups Use Tax Loopholes to Promote Politicians, Wall
Street Journal, May 25, 2000, p. A28.
77. John M. Broder, Clintons Drug Plan Attacked by Industry, New York Times,
June 27, 2000, p. A22.
78.
For a description of these various types of advocacy groups see
www.opensecrets.org/527s/types.asp.
79. Robin Toner, The 2002 Campaign; The Drug industry; Democrats See a
Stealthy Drive by Drug Industry to Help Republicans, New York Times, October 20, 2002, p. 20. Also involved in the ad campaign was the 60 Plus Association. Both were called front organizations by Merrill Goozner, a New
York University professor of business journalism who is writing a book
about the pharmaceutical industry. At least two groups were bankrolling
306
CHAPTER 11
opposing campaigns: the senior citizens lobby AARPs $4 million issue ads
and the AFL-CIOs $1.5 million campaign. Greg Hitt, Drug Makers Pour Ad
Money Into Final Days of Campaign, Wall Street Journal, November 4,
2002, pp. A1, A4.
80. Glen Justice, Concerns Grow About Role in Interest Groups in Elections,
New York Times, March 9, 2005, p. A20.
81. Greg Hitt, Political Groups Swarm to Campaign-Finance Loophole, Wall
Street Journal, March 20, 2000, p. A36.
82. Hitt, 527 Groups Use Tax Loopholes , op. cit.
83. Dwyer, op. cit., p. 154.
84. Ibid.
85. These organizations were identified in the Annenberg Center s examination
of television ad spending after Super Tuesday (from March 8-November 7,
2000). See Annenberg press release.
86. A review by the Wall Street Journal indicates that Democrats and moderate
Republicans are receiving support from newly approved tax-exempt organizations. Among the new groups approved by the IRS in 1997 are the American Civil Rights Coalition, the Foundation for Responsible Government,
Americans for Clean Energy, the American Small Business Alliance, and
Americans for Job Security. The last is a trade association backed mainly by
the insurance industry; its founder is Robert Vagley, president of the American Insurance Association. Cummings, op. cit. These groups and individuals
were sometimes helped by Triad Management Services, a private consulting
firm that helps conservative Republicans funnel money to tax-exempt
groups and advises wealthy GOP clients on where to donate money. (Triad
stands for Tactical Resources in American Democracy.) The firm used two
affiliated nonprofits to take in $3 million in unpublished donations, and it
helped Citizens for the Republic and another nonprofit organization spend
millions of dollars in 1996 to influence congressional races.
87. Timothy Noah, Environmentalists Take Leaf From Book of Right and Target
Enemies, Allies in Issue Campaigns, Wall Street Journal, July 19, 1996, p. A14.
88. Editorial: The Rise of the Non-Candidate, Washington Post, November 5,
2000, p. B06.
89. These organizations were identified in the Annenberg Center s examination
of television ad spending after Super Tuesday (from March 8-November 7,
2000). See Annenberg press release.
90. Jeanne Cummings, Issue-Advocacy Groups to Play Bigger Role, Wall Street
Journal, March 6, 1998, p. A16.
91. Greg Hitt, Drug Makers Pour Ad Money Into Final Days of Campaign, Wall
Street Journal, November 4, 2002, p. A1.
92. Jeanne Cummings, Robert S. Greenberger and Tom Hamburger, Supreme
Court Upholds Key Parts of New Campaign-Finance Law, Wall Street Journal, December 11, 2003, p. A1.
93. Joshua Green, Dumb and Dumber, Atlantic Monthly, Vol. 294, July-August 2004, pp. 83-86.
94. Ibid., p. 86.
95. Green, op. cit., p. 86.
96. Based on paper by William Benoit in Advertising & Society; ibid., pp. 84-85.
97. Based on documentation by Roderick P. Hart, a professor at the University of
Texas; Green, ibid., p. 85.
98. Michael Pfau, R. Lance Holbert, Erin Alison Szabo, and Kelly Kaminski, Issue-Advocacy Versus Candidate Advertising: Effects on Candidate Prefer-
307
ence and Democratic Process, Journal of Communication, Vol. 52, June 2002, p. 301.
99. Green, op. cit., p. 86.
100. Joseph J. Fanelli, PAC Overview, in Clair, op. cit., p. 27.
101. Campaign Finance: How to Fix a Rigged System, BusinessWeek, June 14,
2004, p. 74.
102.
2004
Election
Overview:
Incumbent
AdvantageAll
Candidates,
103. David M. Halbfinger, Deep Pockets: How Corzine Spent $35 Million in a
Primary, New York Times, September 17, 2000, p. WK5.
104. David Beiler, Jon Corzine and the Power of Money, Campaigns & Elections,
Vol. 22, April 2001, pp. 22-36.
105. Ibid., p. 201.
106.
See
2004
Election
Overview:
Incumbent
AdvantageAll
Candidates,
107. Center for Responsive Politics.
108. Janet Hook, Decision 98: Big Spenders Can Be Losers in Campaigns; Despite Wealth, Checchi, Harman, Issa and Others Came up Short in Political
Wars, Los Angeles Times, June 5, 1998, p. A1.
109. Herrnson, op. cit., pp. 210-211. The first $100,000 spent adds 16.37% to
the candidates vote share; $200,000 adds 18.83%; $500,000 adds 22.09%.
Spending by the opponent, however, decreases vote shares by only slightly
less than the benefits cited for candidate spending.
110. Ibid., pp. 108, 206-208.
111. Jeffrey H. Birnbaum, Lobbyists Rain Largess on Senate Incumbents,
Washington Post, November 2, 2004, p. A05.
112. Jill Abramson, Political Memo: 1996 Campaign Left Finance Laws in
Shreds, New York Times, November 2, 1997, p. 1.
113. BusinessWeek/Harris Executive Poll: Look Who Wants to Change the System, BusinessWeek, March 31, 1997, p. 36.
114. Robert J. Wager, Toward an Effective PAC: What to Do and How to Do It,
in Clair, op. cit., p. 160.
115. Ibid., p. 164.
116. Tom Hamburger, Laurie McGinley, and David S. Cloud, Influence Market:
Industries That Backed Bush Are Now Seeking Return on Investment,
Wall Street Journal, March 6, 2001, p. A1.
117. Zachery Coile, Senators Rap Ethanol Mandate; Energy Bill Provisions
Called Corporate Welfare for Midwest Producers, San Francisco Chronicle,
April 12, 2002, p. A4.
118. Chris OBrien, How Glaxo Sells Itself to Congress, The News and Observer,
February 23, 1997, p. A1.
119. Larry J. Sabato, PAC-Man Goes to Washington, Across the Board, Vol. 21,
October 1984, p. 18. Also see his PAC Power: Inside the World of Political Action Committees (New York: Norton, 1984). The strength of Sabatos assessment is his contention that findings associating PAC money with desired
congressional votes are based on correlational studies that, although
suggestive, are not conclusive. He cites the fallacy of the Common Cause
argument that the defeat of President Carter s Hospital Cost Containment
Act of 1977 illustrates the effectiveness of the American Medical Associations AMPAC. It gave $1.65 million during the 1976 and 1978 campaigns
to 202 of the 234 House members who voted for a crippling amendment.
But the correlation that those favoring the AMA amendment received more
308
CHAPTER 11
than $8,100 on average compared with the $2,300 received by the 122
members who voted against the amendment is not sufficient proof the PAC
payments influenced the vote. In proving that a correlation does not prove
causation, Sabato examines studies based on more sophisticated statistical
techniques that hold steady such variables as the party, ideology, and
past voting record of a congressman. He gives the historical example of the
1975 congressional vote for milk price supports, which, he argues, was
only slightly influenced by 1974 dairy PAC contributions. More relevant
was how important dairy production was in each legislator s home district
as well as his or her ideology and party affiliation. Ibid., p. 22. 120. Ibid., p. 23.
121. Ibid., p. 25.
Slash Their Political Donations, op. cit., p. A4.
123. Jonathan Weisman, Adopting Union Tactics, Firms Dive More Deeply Into
Politics; Employees Targeted With Voter Guides, Turnout Efforts, Washington Post, October 24, 2002, p. A8.
124. Raymond L. Hoewing, The State of Public Affairs: A Profession Reinventing Itself, in Dennis, op. cit., p. 37.
125. Jeanne Cummings, Political Contributors Step Up to the Plate, Wall Street
126. Peter B. Kennerdell, Managing the Business-Employee PAC (Washington,
D.C.: Public Affairs Council, 1992), pp. 8-9.
127. Kennerdell, op. cit., p. 14.
128. A. John Adams, Communications and Political Action Committees, in
Clair, op. cit., p. 178.
129. Baker, op. cit., p. 279.
130. Case Study: Cornings PAC Publishes Newsletter; Potent but Possibly Divisive Public Affairs Tool, pr reporter, Vol. 21, June 26, 1978, p. 3.
131. Owen Ullmann, Unions: Laboring Mightily to Avert a Nightmare in November, BusinessWeek, October 19, 1998, p. 53.
132. Glenn Burkins, AFL-CIO to Raise at Least $26 Million to Support Democrats, GOP Moderates, Wall Street Journal, February 18, 1999, p. A24. 133. Ibid.
Slash Their Political Donations,op. cit., p. A1.
135. Murray, op. cit. Also see Cummings, ibid.
136. Raymond A. Hay in preface to The Candidates (Reagan vs. Mondale) Where
They Stand (Dallas: The LTV Corp., 1985). The booklet was provided by H.
J. (Jerry) Dalton, Jr., manager of corporate communications.
137. Phyllis S. McGrath, Action Plans for Public Affairs (New York: The Conference Board, 1977), p. 43. The outcome of the new approach was not reported.
138. Philip Lesly, Why Economic Education Is Failing, Management Review,
Vol. 65, October 1976, pp. 17-23.
139. Myron Emanuel, Curtis L. Snodgrass, Joyce Gildea, and Karn Rosenberg,
Corporate Economic Education Programs: An Evaluation and Appraisal (Financial Executives Research Foundation, 1979), p. 303. This is the most
complete source of information on economic education programs used in
the 1970s.
140. Lee Ann Elliott, The Dos and Donts of Corporate Political Activity, in
Kennerdell, op. cit.
141.
309
Jean F. Grogan, Using Partisan Communications to Aid a Candidate, in

Kennerdell, op. cit., p. 165.
142. Ibid., p. 166.
143. Amy Borrus, On the Stump, Online, BusinessWeek, April 12, 1999, p.
123.
144. Ibid.
145. Ryan Lizza, Campaign Journal: Dean.com, The New Republic, June 2,
2003, pp. 10-12.
146. Web Logs: Golden Blogs, Economist, August 16, 2003, p. 55.
147. Catherine Seipp, Online Uprising, American Journalism Review, Vol. 24,
June 2002, pp. 42-47.
148.
Richard S. Dunham, Commentary: Why the Dean Bubble
Popped,
BusinessWeek, February 16, 2004, p. 38.
149. Stephen Baker, Click the Vote, BusinessWeek, March 29, 2004, p. 104.
150. David Bank, Billionaires Back Online Activists Anti-Bush Ads, Wall Street
Journal, November 11, 2003, p. A3. Also see Jeanne Cummings and Julia
Angwin, Donors Look for the Loopholes to Campaign-Finance Limits,
Wall Street Journal, December 12, 2003, p. A5. Also see Jeanne Cummings,
A Hard Sell on Soft Money, Wall Street Journal, December 2, 2003, p. A4. 151. Leslie Wayne,
Enrons Many Strands: The Politics; Enron, Preaching Deregulation, Worked the State House Circuit, New York Times, February 9,
2002, p. C-1.
152. Kevin McCoy, Enrons Contributions Trail Reads Like a U.S. Road Map,
USA Today, January 28, 2002, p. B1.
153. Wayne, op. cit.
154. McCoy, op. cit., p. 42.
155. Carla Marinucci, Group Tallies Enrons Contributions, Lobbying, San
Francisco Chronicle, January 30, 2002, p. A10.
156. Tom Hamburger et al., op. cit., p. A1.
157. Joe Stephens, Hard Money, Strong Arms and Matrix; How Enron Dealt
With Congress, Bureaucracy, Washington Post, February 10, 2002, p. A1. 158. Albert R. Hunt,
Enrons One Good Return: Political Investments, Wall
Street Journal, January 31, 2002, p. A19.
159. Michael Schroeder and Greg Hitt, Accounting Industry Is Taken to Task,
Wall Street Journal, March 8, 2002, p. A12.
160. Arthur Andersen: The Enron Scandals Other Big Donor, The Center for
Responsive Politics; Greg Hitt, Andersen Lobbyists Work to Ease Pressure
of Probes, Wall Street Journal, January 17, 2002, p. A16.
161. Lexington: Beware the K-Street Conservatives, The Economist, December
7, 2002, p. 36.
162. Arthur Levitt, Arthur Levitts Crusade, BusinessWeek, September 30,
2002, pp. 74-80.
Chapter
12
Litigation Communication
Since the 1960s and 1970s, American society has continuously become
more litigious. Those were the decades when consumer and environmental
movements
gained
momentum
and
government
responded
with an avalanche of regulations. Books and films such as A Civil Action, Erin Brockovich, and The Rainmaker have popularized the role of
lawyers in society and reinforced the culture of a litigious society. Litigation became one of the favorite tactics used against corporations by
consumer, environmental, and other public interest groups. For example, seven environmental and public health groups filed a lawsuit in
the D.C. Circuit Court of Appeals to block industry-backed rules from
the U.S. EPA that would weaken pollution monitoring standards and
lead to increased emissions of mercury.1 One of the groups, the Natural
Resources Defense Council, has become known as one of the most effective litigating groups on U.S. environmental issues. Almost a quarter of the staff are lawyers.2
In the context of issues management, litigation communication is
the fourth stage in the life cycle of an issue. 3 After laws are passed, relevant government agencies promulgate and enforce regulations. Laws
are seldom, if ever, sufficiently complete and clear on such matters as
enforcement standards and timetables for meeting legal requirements.
If a business disagrees with a government regulation, it may file a
challenging lawsuit. More likely, government, a public interest group,
or an aggrieved party will sue when its interpretation of a law or regulation suggests lack of compliance. Business has seen the need, therefore, to extend its activities beyond legislation and into the judicial
branch of government in the form of litigation communication.
310
LITIGATION COMMUNICATION
311
JUDGESHIPS ARE OFTEN ELECTIVE OFFICES

The judicial system is no longer an isolated part of the government, immune to political pressures. In some jurisdictions, judges are no different from other elective officials. Fortunately, most judges keep
themselves reasonably aloof from politics. Nonetheless, as members of
society, they, too, are influenced by the news media and other activities
that affect public opinion. The power of the judicial system is too immense to escape attention by corporate communication strategists.
In 38 states judges are elected, not appointed, so it is not surprising
that the judicial candidates act like other political candidates. They run
attack ads, fill out questionnaires detailing their beliefs, and hit up big
donors on the phoneactivities that were once considered beneath the
dignity of the office.4 The danger is that the image of an impartial judicial system is destroyed, as the core ideals of the American judiciary
that judges are fair, objective, principled, and nonpartisanare compromised.5 Lawyers and other special interests with a stake in court decisions attend fundraisers and contribute in other ways. When Pennzoil
sued Texaco, Pennzoil gave $10,000 to the judge assigned to hear the
case. Texaco struck back by making $72,700 in campaign contributions
to five Texas Supreme Court judges expected to make a final ruling in the
case. However, Texaco was outbid when Pennzoil ultimately contributed
more than $315,000 to Texas Supreme Court justices, including donations to three justices who werent running. The integrity of the court
system is obviously in question when, in states such as Texas, California, and Ohio, where tort reform was an issue, some judicial candidates
were known as the defense or plaintiff s candidate. Trial lawyers and defense attorneys who made contributions did so in the belief that the side
with the most judges wins.6
Almost half (48%) of 894 elected judges surveyed in 2001 and 2002
by the Justice at Stake Campaign, a nonpartisan watchdog group in
Washington, DC, said they felt a great deal of pressure to raise money
during election years. When asked how much influence these contributions had on their decisions, 4% said a great deal of influence, 22% said
some influence, and 20% said just a little influence. The right answer
is supposed to be no influence at all, the response given by only 36%. 7
The Brennan Center for Justice, a judicial watchdog group based at the
New York University School of Law, reports that candidates for the
highest courts in 20 states raised $45.6 million in 2000, a 61% increase
from 2 years earlier. The trend is expected to continue. 8
Even when the judiciary is independent, parties to a lawsuit, recognizing the power of the courts, apply some of the same lobbying techniques
to the judicial branch that are used with the legislative and executive
branches of government. For example, an item in a 1995 Columbia Jour-
312
CHAPTER 12
nalism Review article revealed that, over the previous 12 years, seven Supreme Court Justices had enjoyed first-class, all-expense-paid winter
trips to luxury resorts where they gathered to select the winner of a
$15,000 prize awarded annually by West Publishing for Distinguished
Service to Justice. Cases involving the company were heard by the justices during those years; all of the cases were decided in favor of West. 9
Other approaches are also used to influence the judicial system. Koch
Industries, an oil, natural gas, minerals and agribusiness giant, is the
largest
contributor,
among
approximately
90
other
major
corporations, law firms, and foundations, to a University of Kansas foundation
that offers small groups of hand-picked state judges a two-part Economics Institutes for State Judges seminar, usually at resort hotels.
They are taught hard-nosed, market-based economics. For example,
one course talks about the costs of overdeterrence by judges who punish companies for harming people or the environment. The institutes
syllabus for this session states, Many potentially hazardous activities
offer great benefits to society. At another session, judges were told that
they let too much junk sciences into cases involving damage claims
against companies and that the rules of the federal Environmental Protection Agency and the Labor Departments Occupational Safety and
Health Administration are enormously expensive and often ineffective.
Since 1995, 550 judges have attended these seminars. Koch has also
launched a rating system for judges that grades them on how their decisions affect the business community. 10
POWER OF THE JUDICIAL BRANCH OF GOVERNMENT
The enormous power of the judicial branch of government is increasingly recognized. A book review of Kenneth W. Starr s First Among
Equals: The Supreme Court in American Life, reflects this fact. Starr s view
is, The judiciary is not merely first among three equal branches of government. Theres nothing equal about it: The Supreme Court reigns supreme.11 A major reason why issues management extends to a fourth
stage is that the courts have not restricted themselves to their traditional role of ruling on legislative matters; too often the courts appear
intent on usurping the rights of the legislative branch of government. In
recent Supreme Court cases, justices have repeatedly reversed judges
who had read new rights into the Constitution or expanded their own
authority to resolve disputes.12
As a sign of business concern about the power of the Supreme Court,
business is now focusing on replacements for the three soon-to-retire
Supreme Court justices: Justice John Paul Stevens, Chief Justice William
H. Rehnquist, and Justice Sandra Day OConnor. More than ideological
conservatism is sought because, as Robin S. Conrad, senior vice-president of the U.S. Chamber of Commerces National Litigation Center, observed, Being a conservative is not the same as being pro-business. For
313
example, conservative justices Antonin Scalia and Clarence Thomas have consistently
voted against efforts to restrain punitive damages, a top business priority. Judicial
conservatives defend federalism by being generally unwilling to preempt state laws that
place higher standards on companies than overlapping federal statutes.13
GROWTH OF LITIGATION PUBLIC RELATIONS
Lawsuits concern corporations because they have a dual impact: on reputation and the
bottom
line. When plaintiffsgovernment, other businesses,
individuals,
and
public
interest
groupsfile
a
lawsuit,
corporations face the prospect that the case will receive widespread publicity. In fact, public interest groups file lawsuits as a way to raise public
consciousness about an issue and to demonstrate the interest groups
activity and effectiveness. In this process, however, corporate reputations may be tarnished. Media coverage of a court battle can damage a
companys reputation, destroy a product market, and shake up the confidence and morale of shareholders, managers, and other employees,
wrote Christopher P. A. Komisarjevsky in 1983, then a senior vice president of the public relations firm Hill & Knowlton and recently the president and CEO of Burson-Marsteller Worldwide. 14
As for their bottom lines, the tobacco companies have been most af fected by litigation. A
recent verdict against Philip Morris USA, the largest tobacco company, was for $10.1
billion. Plaintiffs accused the company of deceiving smokers that low tar, light,
ultralight, and mild cigarettes were less risky than other cigarettes. Altria, the parent
company, faced a court order to post a $12 billion bond to appeal the Illi nois verdict, and the
cigarette division faced the possibility of being forced to file for bankruptcy-court
protection.15
Companies that previously shunned the political arena have sometimes scrambled to catch up after facing judicial problems. When Judge
Thomas Penfield Jackson ruled on April 3, 2000, that Microsoft was stifling innovation and on April 30 proposed a breakup of the company
into two entities, Microsofts chief lobbyist, Jack Krumholtz, launched a
vigorous campaign with the aim to convince official Washington that
Justices attempt to split the company up is misguided. Audiences included members of Congress, federal judges, and a future president. 16
Microsoft used its apparently bottomless store of money to convert it
into virtually all the political resources available to a corporation (see
Box 1.1).
This expensive, high-powered campaign, intended to influence the
court system, possibly including the Supreme Court, did not go unchallenged. Microsofts enormous presence in the capital, according to Ed
Black, president of the Computer Communication Industry Association,
amounted to intimidation: It is an outrageously blatant attempt to try
to nullify a judicial and law enforcement proceeding by leveraging their
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CHAPTER 12
political muscle and money. 17

Another voice against the unseemly
campaign of Mr. Microsoft was Mike France, who covered the
Microsoft trial from New York. While acknowledging that Microsoft
has the constitutional right to make political contributions, fill the airwaves with ads, and lobbying Congress, he found something quite
disturbing about watching the worlds richest man trying to buy his
way out of trouble with Uncle Sam. He adds, One of the most deepseated principles in American jurisprudence is that nobody should be
above the law. Another is that judicial decisions should be free from political interference.18 However, harsh political realities require bold action. On November 2, 2001, the Justice Department and Microsoft
announced that they had reached a settlement. 19 It was very much in
Microsofts favor.20
Total War Against Corporations
Reflecting on trends in lawsuits against their corporations, general
counsels from several large companies drew the disturbing conclusion
that some forces in the United States have declared a total war against
corporate America. As described by Coleman S. Hicks, a senior vice president of Oak Industries and former partner at Covington & Burling, this
is a new form of litigation, where the aim is not only to seek damages
from a company but also to destroy the company, to question its moral
ethic, to question the values of its officers and its board. He and other
current or former corporate general counsels from Monsant, Exxon,
Philips Petroleum, Kerr-McGee, and Browning-Ferris Industries met to
discuss what most called bet-your-company litigation. 21
One conclusion drawn by this group, as stated by Rufus Wallingford
of Browing-Ferris, is that external forces are now part of the game.
Its wishful thinking for anyone to believe we can keep this [litigation]
confined to the four walls of the courthouse, and the press or community will not get involved. 22 Even within the four walls of a courtroom,
the group felt, the system of litigation leaves Fortune 500 companies at a
competitive disadvantage. Things like successor liability, joint and several liability, unlimited punitive damages and the inability to get to a
resolution in the court system hang a bulls eye around American business, said Wallingford. 23
Unlimited punitive damages are the main
problem, as demonstrated by the astonishing jury award of $4.9 billion
against GM in a lawsuit involving burns on three passengers, caused by
a fuel tank that exploded because it was too close to the bumper. Of this
amount, compensatory damages amounted to only $107 million. 24
You cant just rely on a strategy within the courthouse. It has to be
much broader than that, said R. William Ide, III, senior vice president
and general counsel at Monsanto. 25
Furthermore, when external
sources are involved, you do not have rules and its a free-for-all loaded
with misinformation, added Charles W. Matthews, Jr. of Exxon.26 Ap-
315
parently agreeing with corporate general counsels, Acting Justice Harold J. Rothwax of
the New York State Supreme Court commented, Lawyers now feel it is the essence of
their function to try their case in the public media. Its no longer courtroom based its a
whole new ethic that has to be looked at carefully. 27 Ways must be found to deal with
publicity surrounding a case.
Corporate Scandals Increase Vulnerability
The Enron and ensuing scandals of 2002 have made matters worse. A
first-of-its-kind survey of potential jurors released in October 2002 by
DecisionQuest, a Los Angeles trial consultancy, showed that 75% or
more distrust corporations on a variety of counts; the historical level
was 50%. The survey consisted of telephone interviews of 1,000 people
eligible for jury service. Large majorities of those surveyed cited greedy
executives, crooked accountants, and shredded documents. They were
also critical of corporations in other areas; for example, 85% answered
that they believe companies hide dangers associated with their products
and their waste until the government or a lawsuit forces them to tell the
truth. Attitudes toward managers and executives were particularly critical, with 71% of the respondents believing that those at the top are
more likely to lie than lower level employees or expert witnesses. Placing
top officials on the stand could thus prove risky. Moreover, says Stephen
L. Hill, Jr., who delivered the news in a speech to a group of financial officers, pat, legalistic-sounding defenses that lack explanations for a
companys actions just arent going to cut it anymore. The survey supposedly sent shivers through boardrooms and executive offices. 28
Antibusiness biases are also likely to affect jurors, according to defense lawyers who asked 50 prospective jurors about their reaction to
this statement: Corporate executives will lie to increase their profits.
More than half agreed. When asked about the statement, A representative of a company will say whatever it takes to keep the company out of
trouble, 72% agreed, with 22% of these agreeing strongly.
When companies are silent or evasive in the face of litigation, the
public is inclined to find them guilty, according to a Hill & Knowlton/
Opinion Research survey about public attitudes of corporate defendants. Unfortunately, this finding is likely to be reinforced because corporations are still mainly guided by a bunker mentality. Harlan Loeb,
U.S. director of Hill & Knowltons litigation services practice, advises
that the same savvy thinking and strategic fiber that sets apart a company in a spirited marketplace must be cut and pasted to the litigation
communications domain.29
Thus the need for litigation public relations services is recognized.
Companies need an action plan that provides an organizational mandate
to anticipate and control the public dimensions of litigation, says Loeb.
The corporate brand must be protected by devising an integrated strategy
316
CHAPTER 12
to preempt audience attitudes before a complaint is in the field. The opportunity aspect of litigation should also be recognized. When the spotlight is on the company, brand building is possible (e.g., by reaching out
to tuned-in customers and other audiences). 30 Komisarjevsky advises the
public relations staff and legal staff of companies to develop a
close-working, mutually respectful, and trusting relationship. 31
Litigation Public Relations Gains Recognition 32
Within the last decade, the importance of litigation public relations has
been recognized by books and articles on the subject and the addition of
this service in law and public relations firms. An early book (1995) is
Susanne A. Roschwalb and Richard A. Stacks Litigation Public Relations:
Courting Public Opinion; a later one (2003) is James F. Haggertys In the
Court of Public Opinion: Winning Your Case With Public Relations. A typical
law journal article is Deborah A. Lillanthals Litigation Public Relations: The Provisional Remedy of the Communications World. 33 One of
the main points made by this literature is exemplified by Haggertys
statement, Communication is now central to the management of modern litigation. It can mean communicating to external audiences such as
the media, or to internal audiences like employees, investors, shareholders, and others with a vested interest in the organization. 34 Confirming
the acceptance of litigation public relations, a recent survey of the top
200 corporate law departments in the United States found that nearly
50% regularly use public relations techniques in litigation and 23% said
they do so often or always. 35
Companies fighting costly legal battles now recognize the need to
sway public opinion as well as the courts, and accordingly, they turn to
public relations. Whether its cameras in the courtroom or reporters on
the courthouse steps, a media strategy to protect, enhance and bolster
your litigation strategy is almost always a necessity, says Sheila Tate,
president of Powell Tate.36
Martha Stewart, the high-profile celebrity and founder of Martha
Stewart Living Omnimedia, accused of lying about an insider trading
deal of Imclone stock, illustrates the complexity of litigation public relations. In the pretrial period, her defense team chose media appearances
wisely and well, according to Judy Leon of DecisionQuest. She appeared
on both the Barbara Walters and Larry King shows, which were safe
media venues in which Stewart could remind the public that she is, after all, a human being, not a punch line, a person who has suffered intense public humiliation and immense financial loss months before the
first day of her trial, and an American citizen facing a fundamental
threat to her personal liberty. 37
Her courtroom performance apparently lacked public relations sensitivity. She and her defense team decided not to have Martha Stewart testify on her own behalf, which ran
counter to jury and public expectations formed by TV law-and-order
317
shows. Parading an array of celebrities through the courtroom to show support for Stewart
was a bad idea, according to Alan M. Dershowitz, a well-known and outspoken professor
of law at Harvard: It made almost no impression. If anything, we may have taken it as a
little bit of an insult.38 Stewart lost the case.
Another person who turned to public relations is Richard M. Scrushy,
who was ousted in March 2003 as HealthSouths chairman and CEO after being charged for his alleged role in a $2.7 billion accounting fraud at
the
company. When
relations
between
federal
prosecutors
and
Scrushys lawyers boiled over, the latter held a news conference on the
courthouse steps alleging that prosecutors concealed evidence that
proved Scrushys innocence. Furthermore, one of Scrushys attorneys
appeared on a local radio shows on which he accused the government of
witness tampering and manufacturing evidence. 39 The attorneys as well
as Scrushy and his wife also appeared on their own television show.
Scrushy and federal prosecutors agreed to a court order restricting public comments about his upcoming fraud trial, scheduled for September
2004.40 Known to curry favor with the local community, Scrushy was
recasting his persona from someone known for partying in Hollywood
with his girl band 3rd Faze to that of a humble man from the south
whose faith will help him weather the current storm. 41
Recognizing the role played by public opinion, the general counsels
from the large corporations realized that they needed to involve their
communications or public affairs people. William G. Paul, former general counsel of Phillips Petroleum, referred to the companys really fine
communications team who are skilled at dealing with the press
much more skilled than I or any of the lawyers internally and much
more skilled than outside counsel. He added, Those people work
closely with lawyers. They know the case; they know the issues; they
dont talk to the press until they are fully informed. 42
Exxon also relies on specialists in the public affairs group to handle
the news media. Charles W. Matthews, Jr., the companys general counsel, added that on occasion the lead trial attorney might become an integral part of the process as long as the outside counsel understands the
business, the problems, the needs, whatever concerns we have.
Wallingford cautioned that trial lawyers tend to pop off too much and
theyre not trained.43 Referring to a south Texas situation, he said he
prefers to let a community affairs specialist develop strategy and serve
as company spokesperson in dealing with external matters.
What these corporate general counsels alluded to was the emergence
of litigation public relations: the attempt to control the publicity surrounding a lawsuit, with the intention of influencing public opinion as
well as the dispositions of juries and judges. The judicial branch of government, which traditionally has been treated as off limits to parties
wanting to influence it beyond the courtroom, was now to be treated as
another important audience by lawyers and public affairs professionals. As stated by Mary Gottschall, a legal affairs correspondent for The
318
CHAPTER 12
New York Times: This [litigation public relations] has emerged as an increasing trend, especially where major litigation is involved. The idea is
that the case might be tried in the court of public opinion as well as before a jury.44
Growth as a Professional Service.
Many public relations and legal
firms are now offering litigation public relations services, often in the
context of crisis management.45 Among the major players are public relations giants Burson-Marsteller and Hill & Knowlton, as well as others,
such as Ketchum, the seventh largest global public relations firm. Based
in
Washington,
DC,
Ketchums
Litigation
Communications
practice
confirmed the importance of litigation public relations by hiring a leading figure in the field in 2003, Rose Marshall. She had run her own firm,
Legal PR, for 10 years and represented such clients as Monsanto, the
American Trucking Association, and the Product Liability Advisory
Council. Another prominent player in the field is The Lukaszewski
Group, whose flyer, describing members as management advisors in
litigation
communications,
states,
When
critical
legal,
regulatory,
and ethical situations arise that threaten organizational reputation and
credibility. Its not a game! Its principal, James E. Lukaszewski, favors active public relations participation in litigation matters on the
premise that news media treatment of a case may affect legal judgments
and undoubtedly affects corporate reputation, both in the short and in
the long term.46
Public relations and other communications counselors have been
hampered in giving advice to clients because they dont enjoy the same
attorney-client privilege protection as lawyers. Richard E. Nicolazzo,
president of Nicolazzo & Associates, has strongly stated that communications counsel must be accorded the same protection. He states that clients must be ably represented in the court of public opinion and the
court of law.47 For example, in a case involving secret grand jury testimony about possible crimes committed
by a well-known businessperson, identified in the lawsuit only as Target, prosecutors subpoenaed a
public relations consultant hired by the clients attorney. When the consultant refused to appear or to supply records, the prosecutors moved to
compel compliance. The judge in the case, Lewis A. Kaplan, sided with
the consultant, saying,
This court is persuaded that the ability of lawyers to perform some of their
most fundamental client functions would be undermined seriously if
lawyers were not able to engage in frank discussion of facts and strategies
with the lawyers public relations consultants. For example, lawyers may
need skilled advice as to whether and how possible statements to the
pressranging
from
no
comment
to
detailed
factual
presentations
would likely be reported in order to advise a client as to whether the making
of particular statements would be in the clients legal interest.
319
Describing litigation public relations activities, Carole Gorney, a

professor of public relations at Lehigh University, says, In todays litigious society, generating publicity favorable to plaintiffs has become
a well-planned, often-used legal strategy. 48 It has become common
for plaintiffs, and sometimes their attorney, Gorney reports, to appear
on televised talk shows or give interviews for highly personalized articles in newspapers and magazines with the purpose of shifting public
opinion in their favor.
Among the lessons learned from litigation communication is that the
news media typically consider an accusation by a plaintiff more newsworthy than a companys denial. A DuPont ad put it more bluntly: The
media take the perspective of a plaintiff s lawyer. 49 Often without any
courtroom evidence, the media take up the plaintiff s cause, granting
hours of unchallenged coverage. Meanwhile the company under attack
is often restricted, from legal and public relations standpoints, in its
own response. Not only might a corporate attorney advise the dubious
no comment reply for his client; a judge might even curb the firms
public defense, forbidding the use of image advertising and publicity as
undue influence on the jury.
Another lesson is that caution must be exercised in attempting to
improve a companys image prior to a trial. Image ads used by
Northrop were ill advised and raised objections from the trials judge
(see Box 12.1).
Box 12.1 Image Ads by Northrop

Federal judge Pamela Rymer objected to Northrops use of image
ads a week before jury selection in the governments suit against the
company. She ordered the ads to be pulled from local airwaves in
Los Angeles, the site of the trial. One of the ads described the way
people at Northrop think: We try to get things to be as good as possible. This can take years and years so that we can get it just right
before it goes into the aircraft. The spot appeared during such
heavily watched programs as Good Morning America, The Cosby
Show, the evening and late-night news, and Los Angeles Lakers basketball games.50
Because Northrop was indicted for allegedly falsifying tests on
parts for the Harrier jet and the air-launched cruise missile, the judge
thought this ad might prejudice jurists against the governments
case, even without their realizing it. Judge Rymers ruling for prior
restraint exemplifies the classic struggle between the First Amendments protection of free speech and the courts interest in ensuring
the integrity of the judicial process, according to an article in the
Wall Street Journal.51
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CHAPTER 12
PRODUCT LIABILITY
The courts have increasingly become outlets for individuals who feel they have been
victimized. Suits dealing with defective products, racial or sexual discrimination, sexual
harassment, environmental pollution, and other matters have become commonplace. Of
these, product liability cases have loomed largest in both number and cost.
Growth in Product Liability Cases
The Rand Corporations Institute for Civil Justice reported that 17,000
U.S. companies were lead defendants in product liability lawsuits between 1974 and 1986.52 Between 1974 and 1990, product liability case
filings in U.S. federal courts increased by over 1,100%. 53 More recent records show that between 1985 and 1991, 107,000 personal injury
suits, 48,000 asbestos liability suits, and almost 3,000 other product liability suits were filed in the United States. In 1991 alone, 1,500 product
liability suits were brought in federal district courts against Fortune
1000 companies, 95% of which were personal injury cases. 54 The cost of
liability suits, says business, displaces funding for research and development, increases insurance costs, and ultimately raises the price of consumer products and services. 55 The costs of some notable lawsuits are
shown in Box 12.2.
Ominously, more class-action lawsuits are forecast. An insurance
publication writes, the next wave of mass tort cases threatens to engulf
the nations businesses and, in turn, their insurance carriers. 56
The
number of plaintiffs will grow and the legal issues will be complex and
wide in scope. Besides manufacturers and sellers, those affected will be
building
owners,
landlords,
contractors,
and
public
housing
authorities. Other battles include construction products defects, intellectual
Box 12.2 Notable Lawsuits
Lawsuits brought against some of the biggest U.S. corporations have
resulted in billion-dollar judgments against them. Manville Corporation
(formerly Johns-Manville) faced product liability suits stemming from
asbestos-related deaths and illnesses estimated to cost over $2.5 billion; A. H. Robins, maker of the Dalkon Shield, was ordered to set
aside $2.48 billion to pay claimants; Exxon was ordered to pay $5 billion to 34,000 fishermen and other Alaskans who said they were
harmed by the Exxon Valdez oil spill; and Dow Corning and other silicone breast implant makers proposed a $4.75 billion settlement to
handle the claims of thousands of lawsuits. A feature of these lawsuits
is that they started with individual claims but ended up as class actions, which some companies agree are the most efficient way to deal
with the thousands of suits.
321
property rights, and tobacco. In what could amount to Asbestos II,

building owners of about 14 million housing units face claims for injury
or damage caused not only by asbestos and lead but also by chemicals in
office furnishings and harmful vapors and gases in ventilation and
air-conditioning systems.57
Cost of Litigation
Lawsuits cost Americans $80 billion a year plus another $300 billion in
indirect costs, declares Peter Huber, an academician whose research is
used by some to buttress a claim that the U.S. legal system is making the
nation less competitive.58
Other estimates are as low as $29 billion to
$36 billion and as high as $117 billion. 59
A more recent study by
Tillinghast-Towers Perrin says that the overall tort system cost the
country $205 billion in 2001.60
Litigation costs to the nation, which already account for 2.3% of the
gross domestic product (up from 1.76% in 1984, 1.5% in 1970, and 0.6%
in 1950), will mount. 61 Furthermore, in studying the relationship between the prevalence of lawyers and economic growth in 28 countries, a
University of Texas economist, Stephen Magee, found that having more
lawyers is associated with less growth. Lawyers are engaged in transfer seeking, says one theory; that is, getting richer by acquiring someone elses wealth rather than producing more wealth themselves. The
number of lawyers over the past three decades has tripled, from
260,000 in 1960 to about 760,000 in 1992.62
U.S. businesses incur the highest liability costs in the world, said former vice president Dan Quayle when he announced the findings of the
Presidents Council on Competitiveness; they are 15 times higher than
Japans and 20 times higher than Europes. 63 In a speech about tort reform, William S. Stavroupoulos, CEO of Dow Chemical, said that in the
United States Dow spends a dollar on litigation expenses for roughly every $100,000 in sales, whereas in Europe it spends a dollar for every $40
million in sales.64
The Ill sue culture is spreading to Europe. Cases in Britains county
courts have risen by almost two thirds in the past 10 years and totaled
almost 114,000 in 1996. Several large class-action product liability
suits have been moving through the courts, including one against two
British tobacco companies.65 Lawsuits by the middle class are facilitated
by a no-win, no-fee system, a conditional fee system whereby the
lawyer s cut, should he or she win, is limited to double the basic fee and
to 25% of the award for the total bill.66
Class Action Suits Feed Lawyer Frenzy. Lawyers
motivated
by
self-gain are promoting class-action suits; this is one reason for the high
cost of product liability cases. Newspaper headlines, such as the Wall
Street Journals Widening Horizons: Lawyers Lead Hunt for New
322
CHAPTER 12
Groups of Asbestos Victims, reveal the new aggressiveness of lawyers.67 The Internet has made it easier for lawyers to broaden the base of
class-action suits, largely because it allows lawyers to establish a website and recruit additional litigants. Furthermore, the Internet makes
much more information and many more documents available, enabling
lawyers to press claims. It allows people to look for manufacturers vulnerabilities instead of reactively waiting for something to happen. 68
A BusinessWeek article, The Litigation Machine, outlines how the
Internet is giving plaintiffs lawyers a field day.69 It outlines five steps:
1. Find a victim. Dont wait for customers to come to you. Advertise
on television or use a national referral network, such as
USinjurylawyer.com. (See Box 12.3 for how one lawyer runs his
law business.)
2. Get a litigation packet. Generally costing less that $200, these
packets provide how-to guides for suits against a variety of industries: the Firestone tire tread separation, Lambert diabetes drug
Rezulin, and others such as handgun maker and tobacco companies.
3. Find an expert. They can be found on websites such as
DepoConnect.com, at attorneys conventions where professional
experts rent booths, or in advertisements in legal trade journals.
Chicagos Defense Research Institute, which is also used by corporate attorneys, offers an online library containing files on 50,000
expert witnesses.
4. Get money. Although cash advancesoften required because
courts move slowlycome at a high price, they are available from
litigation-finance specialists such as Expert Funding.com in exchange for a stake in litigation. In a 12-month period it made
about 500 advances, ranging in size from a few thousand dollars
to more than $500,000.
5. Obtain hot documents. To get the internal corporate documents
they need to win over a judge and jury, plaintiff lawyers can access
the Attorneys Information Exchange Group (AIEG) in Birmingham, Alabama) and ATLA Exchange, which serve as warehouses of
information. In 2001, the AIEG, a nonprofit group, which is an
arm of the American Trial Lawyers Association, served 600 members who paid a $1,000 initiation fee, plus annual dues of $500.
The AIEG had accumulated 400,000 pages of materials on the
Ford-Firestone suits.
Ever since the June 1977 U.S. Supreme Court decision permitting
lawyers to advertise, some lawyers have used their free-speech rights to
pitch their services in newspapers, on television and radio, and by direct
mail and other means.70 In 1982 an ad with the headline Did you use
this IUD? ran in Ohio newspapers. It was sponsored by Philip Q.
Zauderer and other lawyers who were offering to represent women trou-
323
bled by A. H. Robinss Dalkon Shield. Thus, as Chief Justice Warren E.

Burger derisively commented, lawyers sell their services in much the
way that automobiles, dog food, cosmetics, and hair tonic are touted. 71
Reflecting on the trend, George Beall, chairman of an American Bar Association
committee
on
professional
responsibility,
concluded,
Lawyers
are hucksters today.72 In hearing the Zauderer case in 1985, Associate
Justice Sandra Day OConnor opined that stricter limits on lawyer ads
should be upheld, saying that lawyers should live up to standards beyond those prevailing in the marketplace. 73
How one lawyer uses ads
and publicity to run his law business is described in Box 12.3.
The courts appear to be rethinking the whole idea of allowing big
class-action injury cases to go forward. A sign of this changed attitude is
the U.S. Supreme Courts rejection of a supposedly model asbestos deal
in the Amchem case, saying it ran roughshod over the rights of thousands of alleged victims.74
Box 12.3 How One Lawyer Runs His Law Business
Lawyer self-gain is evident in the standard contingency fee arrangement, whereby a lawyer typically gets at least one third of an award.
The impact of this kind of incentive is revealed by a seasoned plaintiffs lawyer, Paul Rheingold, in one of the diet pill lawsuits; he admitted, This just reflects the fact that we are in a business and this is just
another opportunity that comes along.75 To help the opportunity
come along, Rheingold scans medical journals for bad news. As observed by Richard B.
Schmitt, Over the years, Mr. Rheingold has shown a nose for emerging disasters, combining
intellectual curiosity with the hustle of a carnival barker.76
Rheingold uses advertising and networking to attract clients. He ran
ads in TV Guide, Newsday, and USA Today (paying $24,000 for a
quarter-page ad in that newspaper) and appeared on a cable television
segment hosted by O. J. Simpson lawyer Johnnie Cochran; his son
tends his law firms website, which features a diet pill litigation pitch.
He also activated a network of trial bar colleagues to share documents
and refer potential plaintiffs to one another. At a convention of the Association of Trial Lawyers of America, he printed signs calling for a
meeting on the diet pill situation, which resulted in the formation of
The Fen-Phen Litigation Group. Through the publicity that ensues
when he wins a case, and by writing scholarly legal articles, Rheingold
adds to his list of plaintiffs.
Rheingold, who prefers to handle each case separately, faces competition from large class-action law firms who have joined the feeding
frenzy. By October 1997, more than 20 diet pill suits had been filed by
class-action law firms. They hope that by playing a lead role they will
win a seat on a future court-appointed legal steering committee,
whose members are handsomely rewarded at settlement time. 77
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CHAPTER 12
Tort Reform
Incensed by the number and cost, as well as the outrageousness, of
some product liability lawsuits, business has lobbied for a national
tort reform law that would limit liability and preempt state product liability
laws.
Business formed a
Product
Liability Coordinating
Committee (PLCC) with a membership of 700,000 small and large
companies and organizations to support a reform movement. PLCC
advocated the following:
Raise the standard of evidence used for punitive damage awards to clear
and convincing; confine punitive damages to cases where the manufacturers showed conscious, flagrant indifference to public safety; have
each defendant in a multiple suit pay noneconomic damages (e.g., pain
and suffering) only in proportion to his or her responsibility; do not award
punitive
damages
if
the
manufacturer
gained
premarketing
approval
from the FDA or FAA in good faith; waive litigation for injuries involving
capital goods more than 25 years old; reduce damage awards when
product misuse or alteration causes the injury; and exempt manufacturers from paying damages for injuries resulting from a persons intoxication or use of illegal drugs.78
Over the past few years, tort reform efforts have been stepped up.
Tens of millions of dollars have poured into efforts by the Institute for
Legal Reform, an arm of the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, launched in
1997. In 2003 it planned to raise upward of $40 million from a broad
list of companies and trade groups, including Aetna, the American
Council of Life Insurers, the Business Roundtable, Ford, General Electric,
Johnson & Johnson, the National Association of Manufacturers (NAM),
and other members of the institutes class-action coalition. At least a
dozen companies gave a $1 million each. In 2002 it spent more than $23
million on its inside-the-Beltway lobbying and state political efforts to
elect business-friendly attorneys general in state elections and state Supreme Court justices. With the backing of senior presidential adviser
Karl Rove, chances were greatly improved for passage of a bill. 79
Outrageous Punitive Damages. Limits to punitive damages have been a major
target of tort reform legislation, as some outrageous lawsuits have illustrated. One is an
award of $4 million to a doctor in Birmingham, Alabama, who charged that BMW did
not tell him it had partly repainted his purchased sedan to touch up damage. The Supreme
Court, however, ultimately sent the case back to an Alabama court, which reduced the
award to $50,000.80
Another high-profile case was the jury award against McDonalds of
$2.7 million in punitive damages (and $160,000 in compensatory damages) to an 81-year-old woman from Albuquerque, New Mexico, who
was scalded by a cup of carry-out coffee she spilled on her lap. She suf-
325
fered third-degree burns of the groin, inner thighs, and buttocks. The
coffee was 180 to 190 degrees when it was poured. The McDonalds
training manual does state that its coffee must be brewed at 195 to 205
degrees and held at 180 to 190 degrees for optimal taste. A National Coffee Association spokesperson said McDonalds coffee conforms
to industry temperature standards. A state court later reduced the punitive
award to $480,000, which, together with the $160,000 award for compensatory damages, reduced the total award to $640,000. 81 During the
previous decade, McDonalds had received at least 700 reports of coffee
burns and had settled other claims arising from scalding injuries for
more than $500,000.82
Another case is the suit against the CSX Corporation (see Box 12.4),
which shows that plaintiff lawyers target those companies with deep
pockets rather than those most responsible for injuries and damage.
Reform Campaigns.
According to Ken Silverstein, two Washington
groups have been particularly active in waging lobbying campaigns in
support of product liability legislation. The leading group is the American Tort Reform Association (ATRA), which is supported by insurance
companies,
drug
manufacturers,
tobacco
companies,
and
pharmaceutical firms.83 Another is Citizens for a Sound Economy (CSE), described in
chapter 10. CSE used its resources to run television and radio advertisements supporting tort reform legislation in about 60 congressional districts.84 Its efforts have been supported by the Pharmaceutical Research
and Manufacturers of America, oil interests such as the American Petroleum Institute and Exxon, pesticide makers such as Dow, chemical companies such as Union Carbide, and insurers such as Allstate, all of which
have been at the forefront of the tort reform movement. 85
In 1996, Congress passed, but President Clinton vetoed, a product liability bill that was broadly supported by practically all of the nations
business establishment, the insurance industry, the medical profession
(concerned about malpractice judgments), and various groups of educators and public officials. Those opposed were personal injury lawyers,
labor unions, and consumer and environmental groups. Both sides lobbied strenuously and spent heavily on public relations and advertising.
The Insurance Information Institute wanted the bill framed as a lawsuit crisis because it was sensitive to the bills reference to an insurance crisis.86 The law would have capped damages at $250,000, even in
cases where a company had lied about the dangers posed by its product;
included a loser pays provision that would discourage plaintiffs from
initiating a case; and contained a statute of repose that would bar
lawsuits 15 years after the date of delivery of the product involved to
its first purchaser.87
Congress again attempted a limited product liability reform in 1998.
Among the provisions were a $250,000 cap on punitive damages, but
just for companies with less than $5 million in revenue and fewer than
25 employees; other provisions were a limited liability exposure for
Box 12.4 Deep Pockets: The CSX Case

That limits need to be place on punitive damages is illustrated by the
suit against CSX, a company targeted by plaintiff lawyers because it
has deep pockets. In a case that stemmed from a railroad car fire in
New Orleans 10 years ago, a jury awarded $2.5 billion in punitive
damages against CSX, and $1 million against other companies. A
tank car containing butadiene, a volatile compound used in making
synthetic rubber, leaked in a railyard and then burst into flames. Thousands of residents near the yard were evacuated as the fire, which
lasted about 36 hours, burned itself out. The National Transportation
Safety Board, which investigated the accident, found that CSX had
not caused the accident and no serious injuries had resulted. Nonetheless, a group of law firms brought a class-action suiteventually
involving about 8,000 people who filed claimsagainst CSX and
other companies, contending nearby residents had suffered various
kinds of physical and mental anguish as a result of the fire and evacuation. (They claimed to have been nervous since the fire and in one instance, to have been bereaved over the inability to find two dogs.)
CSX was the chief target of lawsuits, ostensibly because of its ownership of the interchange track where the fire occurred. However, it is
suspected that penalties were based on the depth of each companys
pockets rather than on its share of responsibility for the accident, according to Marshall S. Shapo, a professor at the Northwestern University School of Law. CSX was considered to have deep pockets
because of its $5 billion in annual revenue.
A spokesman for CSX Transportation said, We are very disappointed with a legal process that offers rewards where there has been
little harm. Advocates of tort reform said the case is a prime example
of the need to limit or abolish punitive damages and to discourage the
filing
of
class-action
claims.
A lawyer
defending
the
accused
companies called the verdict outrageous and said it was the result of a jurys
riding a runaway train. The jury had indeed used the companies financial
statements
to
determine
how
much
each
defendant
could
afford. Ron Gomez, who heads Louisiana Citizens Against Lawsuit
Abuse, said the civil-law system was totally out of control. Victor E. Schwartz, a Washington
liability lawyer, said, This case shows that our system has turned into the worlds richest
roulette wheel.
Public opinion was a major factor in this case, suggesting that CSX
failed to properly manage the crisis and neglected community relations. When the evacuation was ordered, CSX did nothing to help
those evacuated, and the mayors frantic request for help was initially
declined. In contrast, when 13,000 gallons of gasoline from an underground pipeline owned by Calnev Pipeline ignited and killed two residents and injured 31 others in a neighborhood in San Bernardino,
California, the company assumed responsibility. Calnev and Southern
326
327
Pacific immediately housed and fed the more than 200 families who
were evacuated. Company representatives met with the families and
participated in community meetings where safety concerns were
vented. The company placed an ad in the San Bernardino Sun headlined Our Deepest Sympathy to the People of San Bernardino.
CSXs community relations failure and previous unwillingness to listen
to community grievances led a juror to say, We just wanted to send
them a message that you just cant ignore people. We felt if we hit
them a good, big chop, theyll do somethingtheyll stop parking
those toxic chemical cars in the residential areas.
those who market defective goods and the barring of some product defect suits altogether. However, the bill was formally opposed by Fortune
100 companies and many considered the bill unnecessary and unhelpful.88 In 2002, the House passed a tort reform bill that would, among
other things, allow federal courts to hear more class-action suits. Federal courts are generally friendlier to business than state courts and
would hinder plaintiffs lawyers from shopping for state courts that
have track records of ruling against business. 89 The plaintiffs favorite
court is in Jefferson County, Mississippi, with a population of less than
10,000, but where from 1995 to 2000 more than 21,000 people filed
suit.90
This problem was remedied in February 2005 when Congress
passed the Class Action Fairness Act (CAFA) containing a key provision
that shifts most large, class-action suits from state courts to federal
courts. Other aspects of tort reform, however, have yet to be completed:
Asbestos litigation, medical malpractice, and fast-food liability, such as
obesity claims.91
As an alternative to major reconstruction of the civil justice system,
business lobbyists are now trying a new strategy of incremental successes. Among them are: (a) making political contributions, where state
laws allows, to business-friendly judges; (b) slipping targeted measures
into larger bills, as attempted with the controversial Eli Lilly rider on the
Homeland Security Act that would shield the company from liability for
a vaccine ingredient; (c) lobbying for restricted access to e-mail, which
has incriminated some companies; and (d) pushing to make jury duty
mandatory, so that well-heeled citizens more likely to be sympathetic to
business dont get out of serving.92
The Bush White House has placed a high priority on tort reform and
it has been receiving support from the NAM, the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, and others. The new chairman of the NAM, Archie Dunham,
stressed the problem: We have the most expensive tort system in the
worldmore than double the average cost of other industrialized nations. It drains billions of dollars from our productive capacity and does
not make us appreciably safer. Its time to do something about it. 93
328
CHAPTER 12
Pointing to asbestos litigation, he stated, To date, over 2,000 companies have been dragged
into asbestos litigation. More than 60 of these companies have been driven into bankruptcy.
Over 138,000 jobs have been lost as a consequence.
The U.S. Chamber of Commerces contribution to tort reform was the
launching
of a multimillion-dollar television advertising
campaign
against liability lawsuits, aimed at speeding a Senate vote on the Class
Action Fairness Act, passed by the House in 2001 but stalled in the Senate. Two 30-second spots, which ran in five states (Texas, Michigan, Alabama, South Carolina, and New Mexico), focused on hidden costs a
typical family pays to cover product lawsuits: $500 for a new car, $3.12
per week for groceries, and 70 cents on an average pair of blue jeans.94
Although success on the national level is still lacking, the ATRA has
scored victories in more than a dozen states. Along with its allies, which
include several tobacco companies such as Philip Morris, Brown & Williamson, and Universal Leaf & Tobacco, ATRA succeeded in pushing
through the Civil Liability Reform Act in California in 1987. The law immunizes products customers know to be unsafe. Tobacco companies,
whose product is deliberately not mentioned in the law, are major beneficiaries. As stated by Jim Fyock, a spokesman for R. J. Reynolds Co.,
When there are risks associated with the products and they are wellknown to the community, people who freely use these products should
not be able to collect money damages. 95
Consumer and several other advocacy groups oppose reform legislation, contending lawsuits are the most effective system of checks and
balances for safeguarding consumer welfare in an open market system.
They point out that some of the most infamous injuries have been exposed and remedied mainly through lawsuits, not regulatory action. 96
Some conservative voices believe that the right for consumers to sue ultimately helps business because it removes the need for much consumer
regulation.
SOME
PRINCIPLES
AND
OF LITIGATION PUBLIC RELATIONS
TECHNIQUES
The principles and techniques of litigation public relations combine those of issues
management and crisis management with those of law, as summarized here:
1. Recognize the legitimate function of our system of justice as administered by courts. A trial by jury is a constitutional right of citizens. Consisting of a group of laypersons, a jury hears witnesses and
decides the facts. The choice of jury members is obviously an important determinant of the verdict. In exercising their right to reject jurors for cause and the right to a number of peremptory challenges
that do not require a reason, lawyers for the plaintiff and defendant
increasingly use social science insights to select the most favorable ju-
329
rors. Some consultants help in searching jury background by examining occupations, other
demographic information, psychographics, and opinion surveys.
Jurors are ordered to decide only on the evidence and arguments
presented in court. However, news media reports about a case and its
participants may contaminate jury judgment. In criminal cases, the
First Amendment rights of the news media may be subordinated to
the Sixth Amendment rights of an individual to a fair trial. The Sixth
Amendment reads, In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall
enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of the
State and district wherein the crime shall have been committed. 97 To
assure such fairness, judges sometimes apply gag orders (which are,
however, typically overturned) and restrictions on media presence in
the courtroom.
Much of the controversy over pretrial publicity revolves around
the goal of assuring justice, not only in criminal cases, but also in civil
cases dealing with various rights. For this reason, Gorney worries
that trial lawyers and plaintiffs are pre-empting the role of the courts
and
seriously
undermining
due
process. 98
A
counterargument,
however, is that media and public viewing of the courts is necessary
to preserve public acceptance of the legal system.
2. Synchronize your strategy with lawyers and become an equal partner.99 At all times,
maintain an overview of legal cases before your organization or industry. Take initiative
with legal counsel in discussing those you believe may have major public relations
implications (e.g., AIDS, OSHA, equal pay, toxic waste). Do your homework on legal
language and procedures. Knowledge of law, lawyer behavior, and legal institutions is
important.
A study involving charges of sexual harassment indicates that although
a
legal
strategy
dominates
the
organizational
decision-making process, public implications of statements made during such a
crisis are of critical importance. A collaborative approach between legal and public relations professionals is recommended. 100
3. Recognize the differences in values, disclosure policies, and
ways of thinking between lawyers and public relations counselors. 101
Lawyers value winning a case in court. Although winning may not
be everything, it is especially important to outside law firms that are
trained in the adversarial mode and whose fees may depend on the
size of an award. To legal counsel, stakes may also include a winning reputation, which helps secure future cases.
Public
relations
is
concerned
with
company
reputation
and
relationships. As stated by Lloyd Newman, public relations counsel
brings long-term perspective to strategy decisions: What counts is
maintaining
successful
relationships
with
customers,
employees,
investors, and other important publicsand not only winning in
court. Senior public relations counselor John Budd states, PR has a
legitimate role in assessing the long-term impact of perceived guilt on
330
CHAPTER 12
the companysor the CEOscredibility and reputation and a responsibility for

adding this pivotal consideration to the decisionmaking process.. [For this reason,]
PR must be the architect of the communicationsin both content and context.102
The difference in values is revealed in cases such as Sears Automotives dispute with state attorneys general. When the latter accused
Sears of charging customers for unnecessary work, the company
hired a San Francisco law firm noted for its trial work. Aiming to win
in court, the firm accused the attorneys general of being politically
motivated. A better approach, which was later used, was to examine
consumer complaints and to change the system in the repair shops. 103
Similarly, with GMs threatened suit against NBC for its rigged
pickup truck explosion on television, GM lawyers were more interested in retaliation than they were in settling the dispute with their
customers.
With respect to disclosure policies, lawyers prefer secrecy and have
a proprietary attitude toward information. They fear the legal vulnerability of their clients, and recognizing the adversarial nature of
their craft, they do not want to show their hand to the opponent. One
reason that corporate attorneys often recommend the settlement of a
lawsuit is to have the opportunity to ask a judge to seal the record.
Public relations counselors, on the other hand, prefer openness
even though they are aware of the need for confidentiality on some
matters. They know that, in major cases, concealed information
eventually sees the light of day and such delayed disclosure harms
the clients credibility. The media, when serving as public watchdog
and protector of the public interest (as well as their own interests),
like to disclose the risks to which the public is exposed; for example,
the risks to women using silicone breast implants.
In their way of thinking, lawyers have a highly focused, systematic approach to a problem, says Lukaszewski. They ask sharp questions (many of them worded in a negative fashion; e.g., Tell us how
this wont work?), are more concerned about the client than about
various outside stakeholders and the media, and help the client select
the correct option from among alternatives. Being rooted in the realities of the law, lawyers are very slow to buy into any belief or strategy that seems to have as its basis emotional, intuitive, or unprovable
approaches.104
Moreover, they have a high degree of information
possessiveness and only reluctantly share information outside the
legal circle.105
Another characteristic is that lawyers prepare themselves for the
known and not, as public relations people do, for a wide variety of
scenarios. Lawyers believe a quick, competent response in the public
arena may be the most effective technique available to reduce or eliminate reputational and other kinds of damage to the organization.106
Public relations counselors tend to be more intuitive; they prefer to
deal with the court of public opinion, and focus on imageto present
331
an honest, unambiguous face, and build for tomorrow. They want to

make the transition from a faceless corporate response to a personalized
human
rebuttal.107 While
sensitizing
their
CEOs
and
top
executives to the reality of litigation journalism and the central role
played by the media, they must also introduce them to the nuances
of perceptions and the megaton impact they have versus facts. 108
Public relations counselors are trained to consider such broad consequences as the higher order impact of actions, and not only legal
victories or, as in the Ford Pinto case, cost-benefit calculations. 109
4. Be ready to respond immediately when an accusatory media
story or indictment looms. Philadelphia attorney Ralph G. Wellington
urged his colleagues: As in all crisis situations, be prepared immediately to say something without engaging in speculation. Try to nullify, as much as possible, the initial charges. Learn how to deal with the
press and use the media to neutralize harmful coverage. 110 Among the
suggestions of John Budd are to challenge the premise of the charges,
challenge the source, suggest a hidden agenda. 111 By all means, avoid
the no comment response. Examine cases in which an organization
has publicly discussed issues without damaging its case or reputation.
Also, remember that the media are most likely to cover an event when
it is sensational or shocking, involves a prominent person or wellknown corporation, and affects many people.
This advice is basically an application of media relations and crisis
communication
principles,
including
such
important
reminders
as
these:
A spokesperson must be available and authorized to be interviewed.
Third-party support of the companys position should be sought, especially with
health or scientific issues.
The effects of all communications on key stakeholders should
be anticipated, including those on regulators and legislators.
Communications should also be sent to a corporations overseas offices in case
developments affect their businesses. 112
5. Manage the public perception of an issue by establishing a favorable image and frame of reference. Better yet, instead of waiting
for the obligatory ambush phone call soliciting comment, take the
initiative. Once a story is written, harm is already done to the accused; reputations and careers may be harmed or made.
Some suggest that the public relations counselor consult with the
CEO and legal staff on the advisability of making a statement before
becoming the target of a district attorneys crusade. Sometimes it is
possible to negotiate with the prosecutor s office over the timing and
wording of a news release, as Dow did with the U.S. Attorneys office
over the Agent Orange crisis. Dow subsequently prepared a 20-page
document for press briefings.
The presence of cameras in the courtroom heightens the need to
use public relations, as several high-profile criminal cases have dem-
332
CHAPTER 12
onstrated. Unlike most lawyers who have no training in public relations, O. J. Simpsons
attorneys appeared to be well-schooled in its use. In dealing with television, not only
is the content critical, but how its said, where its said, and your appearance are equally
important, said defense attorney Robert Shapiro at a meeting of the National
Association of Criminal Defense Lawyers. Further revealing his sensitivity to public
relations, he elaborated:
There is no way to avoid having your clients picture on television.
Therefore, do everything you can to have yourself and your client appear in the most favorable light. I always instruct my clients upon arrival at the courthouse to get out in a normal manner; to walk next to
me in a slow and deliberate way; to have a look of confidence and acknowledge with a nod those who are familiar and supportive. Although the reporters will be shouting questions from all directions,
answer no questions at this time. I simply tell the press a statement will
be given at the end of the court day.113
In another criminal case, that of Amy Grossberg, who was accused

of killing her newborn baby, her attorney was suspected of encouraging his client to appear in a nationally televised interview on the ABC
program 20/20. The motive for her appearance was presumably to
capture the public relations high ground by humanizing the defendant
and allowing her to assert her innocence. Her attorney considered the
need for publicity so important he was apparently willing to risk being
taken off the case by the presiding judge, who then did remove him because the attorney had violated a court-imposed gag order.114
6. Insist on First Amendment rights. A California consumer activist named Marc
Kasky contends that Nike engaged in misleading speech when responding to public
criticism of its treatment of workers in third-world countries. Nike had issued press
releases, written letters to newspapers, and bought full-page ads in major newspapers to
defend its reputation. Referring to a California law designed to prevent deceptive
advertising, Kasky contends that Nike made inaccuracies and misstatements that violated
the law.
The U.S. Supreme Court has taken on the issue of whether Nikes
statements is political speech, which falls under the protection of the
First Amendment, or is commercial speech, which is unprotected by
the First Amendment and must comply with false-advertising criteria. The California Supreme Court ruled that Nikes campaign defending its reputation was commercial speech, not political speech.
The California court contended that the underlying purpose of Nikes
ads was to sell products. Kenneth A. Paulson, executive director of the
First Amendment Center, argues: In a society in which the marketplace of ideas and the marketplace are so often intermingled, the distinction between commercial and political speech may no longer be so
meaningful.115
7. Work from a timeline. As stated by Lukaszewski, Trials, litigation, events happen over time. Develop a timeline or calendar ap-
333
proach beginning with today and working through the various

milestone events and circumstances that can be forecast through the
resolution of the problem 116 He says it is 6 or 7 years for civil litigation; shorter
for
criminal cases
(grand
jury deliberations, development of evidence, trial conclusions, and appeal). Box 12.5 lists the
typical stages in the legal process. Media interest varies with different
stages of the legal process. In a product liability trial, interest is highest in the presentation of opening arguments and when the jury verdict is announced.117
OTHER CORPORATION STRATEGIES
In addition to seeking tort reform, corporations are using the strategies of
waging a campaign against restricting public information (e.g., by gagging the media), and seeking legal sanctions against defendant lawyers.
Junk Science Campaign
Junk science is akin to a junk bond: It is not assigned high value. Junk science lacks clear thinking and objective truth. In the court of law, judges
are debunking some expert testimony and dubbing it junk science.
Since the 1960s, experts have increasingly appeared in injury lawsuits and given them impetus. For a fee, they have identified flaws in gas
barbecue grills, diagnosed toxic side effects from industrial accidents,
and given opinions on tire defects. Until recently, it was very rare for a
judge to rule an experts testimony to be inadmissible, said Joseph
Sanders, a law professor at the University of Houston. Now federal
judges are moving away from relying on juries to evaluate the credibility of experts and asking lower court judges to serve as gatekeepers.
Box 12.5 Stages in the Legal Process

1. Pre-event: Troublesome reports, for example, of product deficiencies.
2. Event reported in the media: An accident, an announcement
government official that action is being considered.
3. Filing of lawsuit or criminal complaint.
4. Pretrial period, including discovery.
5. Jury selection.
6. Trial: Opening arguments, special witnesses, initial rebuttal/arguments, motions, summations, jury deliberation, the verdict, postverdict commentary.
7. Appeal.
8. Other posttrial matters.118
by
334
CHAPTER 12
Business rejoices at this tough new attitude and considers it a kind of

quiet overhaul of the justice system. 119 There was a kind of scandal of
junk science in the courts. It was tainting our system of justice, and we
needed to find an intelligent way of purging it, said John L. McGoldrick,
general counsel of Bristol-Myers Squibb, probably reflecting the views of
most corporate general counsels. 120
This view is supported by Robin S.
Conrad, an attorney for the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, who, in connection with General Electric Co. v Joiner (discussed later), said, The problem
has been that these so-called experts can march into court and testify to
just about anything. Often, these people have degrees that might impress a jury, but their conclusions are not based on scientific evidence. 121
This another case is further described in Box 12.6.
Box 12.6 GE v. Joiner Decision Helps Dow Chemical
The courts ruling in the Daubert case was further fortified in December 1997, in General
Electric Co. v. Joiner, by extending the power of federal trial judges to exclude expert
scientific testimony that the
judges believe to be faulty. An electrician, Robert K. Joiner, filed a lawsuit, asserting he had
been repeatedly exposed to highly toxic PCBs on the jobnot only at GE but also at
Westinghouse and Monsanto, companies that were also included in the suit.
Two medical experts were ready to testify that research involving infant mice and studies involving workers in Italy and Norway convinced
them that the electricians cancer was linked to his exposure to PCBs.
Writing for the court, Chief Justice William H. Rehnquist denied the appearance of the medical experts, saying that there is simply too great
an analytical gap between these seemingly far-removed animal studies
and the conclusion that PCBs cause lung cancer in humans.
The eight-to-one decision was widely seen as tilting the law in favor
of corporate defendants and against plaintiffs who are suing them.
This is very good news, said the Chicago attorney for Dow Chemical, fending off thousands of lawsuits filed on behalf of women who
claim illnesses after having a silicone breast implant. Several dozen silicone breast implant suits were thrown out by Federal Judge Robert E.
Jones in Portland, Oregon, in December 1996 after he determined
that the testimony from plaintiffs experts was not reliable. Since then
state and federal judges in six states have excluded scientific expert
testimony in breast implant cases. Furthermore, to examine the connection between silicone implants and disease, Federal Judge Sam C.
Pointer of the Northern District of Alabama formed a panel of scientific experts in June.
Jeffrey White of the Association of Trial Lawyers of America said, It is not great news for
plaintiffs. The court appears to be imposing an additional requirement, that there must be a
direct link that connects the studies to the injury of the plaintiff in the case.
335
As Fen-Phen and Redux diet class-action suits mount against American Home Products and its Wyeth-Ayerst division, the company is also
invoking junk science arguments. The company is claiming that allegations the drugs are linked to heart-valve damage and a rare, but fatal,
lung disease are unsupported by scientific proof. It is launching its own
studies and standing by its warnings to consumers of the risks of these
pills.122 Furthermore, American
Home
Products
is
resisting
massive
class-action deals.
Suppression of Public Information
The discovery process in judicial proceedings obliges plaintiffs and defendants to provide information to each other. Because some of the information provided by a corporation might damage its reputation and
make it more vulnerable to future lawsuits, a company is often willing
to settle a case out of court, provided the court records are sealed. As
some corporate lawyers have said, Opening up evidence discovered in
one case to everyone would allow plaintiffs lawyers to piggy-back lawsuit after lawsuit against corporations.123
Secrecy Clauses in Settlements.
Dow Corning, one of the silicone
gel manufacturers, agreed to a settlement in a 1984 case in which part
of a secrecy clause that sealed court files was a significant condition.
This occurred after the company appealed a San Francisco federal court
jury award of $1.7 million to Maria Stern ($1.5 million of which was in
punitive damages) for having committed fraud by marketing breast implants as safe. Not even the FDA could examine the evidence, and medical experts who had studied the companys data were prohibited from
discussing them publicly. Robert T. Rylee, Dow Cornings health care
general manager, defended his companys action, saying, Secrecy is
crucial to guard proprietary data that could benefit competitors. We
do not want to be overeducating plaintiffs lawyers. 124
How much information courts should keep secret has become a controversial public policy issue. In 1990 Florida and Texas enacted laws
barring secrecy in settlements that involve possible threats to public
health and safety. The New Jersey legislature also considered bills that
would bar confidentiality agreements that have the purpose or effect of
concealing a public hazard, defined as any device, instrument, procedure or product that has caused or is likely to cause injury. 125 On the
basis of this kind of thinking, federal district court judge H. Lee Sarokin,
who once routinely signed orders sealing documents when requested to
do so by both sides in a dispute, no longer does. He refused to seal information obtained through the discovery process in a case brought
against the tobacco industry accusing it of producing a cancer-causing
product. An appeals court subsequently modified his ruling, allowing
access to lawyers but not the press.126
336
CHAPTER 12
As might be expected, trial lawyers generally disagree with secrecy clauses. A lawyer
who represents plaintiffs in civil suits against corporations said that corporations payment
of settlements in return for secrecy is tantamount to hush money. 127
Gagging the Media.
Another litigation strategy is to obtain a court
gag order against the media, forbidding a newspaper, magazine, or
broadcaster to disseminate specified information. A judge issues a gag
order to prevent privileged information attorneys obtained during the
pretrial discovery period from being publicly disclosed. Gag orders protect litigants privacy rights to trade secrets, proprietary information,
or other information that might be damaging to them (see Box 12.7 for
two examples).
Box 12.7 Examples of Gag Orders
In the DuPont Benlate DF case, ornamental-plant growers blamed
DuPonts fungicide for killing or damaging their plants. DuPont extended the protective policy to keep internal documents from surfacing
and, when they were revealed in a lawsuit, to ask the judge to cover
them by a protective order to protect possible trade and other secrets.
The plaintiffs legal counsel accused DuPont of seeking privacy rights
for more than 1 million documents, including research journals, diaries,
lab notebooks, and computer tapes. Information was withheld from
customers and the government, namely, that its fungicide Benlate allegedly causes crop damage, particularly in ornamental plants.
After ornamental-plant growers filed more than 400 damage suits
against DuPont, a judge issued a gag order prohibiting both the plaintiff
and defendant from discussing matters publicly. When a gag order occurs, companies that eventually speak out often find the medias presentation of their views truncated, distorted, or weakly positioned.
Furthermore, scientific documentation by a faceless firm can hardly
compete with the emotional, sentimental story of a plaintiff. Thus, truthful or not, negative portrayals are used by juries to justify punitive damages or aid the plaintiffs in forcing lucrative out-of-court settlements
In another case, GM sought to extend information protection by
seeking to prevent a former disgruntled employee from helping plaintiffs. The employee, Ronald E. Elwell, spent 15 of his 30 years at GM
studying cars that were involved in product liability cases. As part of an
employment dispute settlement, he had agreed not to help plaintiffs
without GMs consent. The Supreme Court, however, decreed Elwell
could testify in courts other than those in Michigan. As a result, Elwell
served as a witness in a Missouri product liability lawsuit against GM in
which the jury returned an $11.3 million verdict. The federal appeals
court later, however, reversed the decision and ordered a new trial
without Elwells testimony.
337
Sometimes information that is prohibited by the court is deliberately

leaked to the mediawhich occurred when The New York Times received
and printed the Pentagon papersor inadvertently becomes available,
as happened when BusinessWeek obtained and printed information
about the Procter & Gamble v. Bankers Trust lawsuit. This case is instructive because it explains the rationale behind court gag orders that limit
public
communications
and
because
it
explains
why
BusinessWeek
sought exemption from the order.
In this case Procter & Gamble (P&G) alleged that Bankers Trust deliberately misled and deceived it about a financial instrument called derivatives and caused its finance costs to be $195.5 million higher than they
should have been. P&G asserted that the bank sold it speculative derivatives securities without explaining their risks, and blamed the banks
culture of greed and duplicity for the behavior. Unfortunately for
Bankers Trust, one of its own lawyers unknowingly provided the file to
an editor at BusinessWeek. Representatives for the publication, defending
its First Amendment right to publish an article about the case, argued
that a protective order entered between two parties should not be
binding on it.
When the employee is an attorney of a company he or she wishes to blow the whistle on,
various state laws vary widely on whether attorney-client confidentiality applies.128 Some
states allow disclosure only to prevent wrongdoing that will lead to death or serious
injury; other states require disclosure to prevent crime or fraud. 129
Controlling Research.
A Canadian research team found that many
scientists who had publicly supported calcium channel blockers, a class
of drugs that treats hypertension and angina, have undisclosed financial ties to the companies that make them. 130 The research team studied
70 published articles on the risks and benefits of the drugs and found that 96% of the
authors who supported them had financial relationships with the drugs makers. Among other
benefits provided were money to attend symposiums (67%), speaking honoraria (71%),
money for educational programs (46%), funding for research (79%), and employment or
consulting fees (21%).131 It is not known whether their financial interests corrupted their
research. Companies that control research are also able to control the disclosure of
research results.
Destroying Records.
The ultimate suppression of information is its
destruction. Harry W. ONeill, vice chairman of the Roper Organization,
reassures clients that once a survey is completed and validated by his organization,
all
respondent-identifiable
information
is
removed
and
destroyed immediately. ONeill advises others to keep lawyer-client
written documents and correspondence to an absolute minimum. He
quotes a lawyer as saying, The more that is in writingdrafts, correspondence, written documents, whateverthe more there is documen-
338
CHAPTER 12
tation for the other side to pick up and pick upon, the more you will have to explain.132
Seeking Sanctions Against Opponents
Corporations are fighting back in the courts against plaintiff lawyers
who file spurious class-action lawsuits. We want to send a message so
that lawyers will give pause before filing baseless claims, said Lewis
Goldfarb, Chrysler s assistant general counsel. 133 Accordingly, Chrysler
sought sanctions and other relief against five lawyers who brought
class actions against the company. In one instance a group headed by Seattle attorney Steve Berman, who won more than $1 billion in class-action settlements over the past decade, was accused of inventing the
lawsuit because Berman filed a case without obtaining the consent of
the named plaintiff in the case. Similarly, John Hancock Mutual Life Insurance sued two class-action lawyers who had filed a suit alleging deceptive sales practices and then withdrew it. John Hancock said its
purpose was to generate publicity for a future action. 134
Chrysler was successful in at least one case against lawyers. Two lawyers, John Carey and Joseph Danis (who operate as Carey & Danis), owe
Chrysler more than $850,000 because of a jury award that accused
them of legal malpractice for filing class-action suits against the automaker. Chrysler had sought that amount as damages for what it spent
defending class-action suitsalleging defects in Chrysler s antilock
brake systemfiled against them by Carey and Danis. However, Chrysler won the case on legal technicalities: Carey and Danis had confidential
information about the automaker s defense strategy that they failed to
disclose. U.S. District Judge Catherine D. Perry sided with the company
by throwing out the lawyers defense in Chrysler s suit against them. 135
CONCLUSIONS
Public relations involvement in court deliberations is likely to intensify
as the news media expand their coverage of big cases that involve public
health and safety or otherwise have emotional appeal. Many of the
techniques of proactive media relations are applicable, but their use
must be carefully coordinated with a corporations legal team and tempered by judicial gag orders.
Lawyers can learn some lessons from public relations practice. One is
that winning or losing in the courtroom is not everything. This shortterm result must be placed in the context of what happens to a companys reputation in the long run. General public opinion counts, especially when government considers actions against a corporation. More
important,
the
opinions
of
a
companys
various
stakeholdersespecially those of its customers, stockholders, employees, and community
citizensmust be taken into account.
339
A second public relations lesson is that corporate social responsibility

must prevail and its lack cannot be concealed for long by obtaining protective court orders. The public must demand that corporate actions
threatening public health and safety be revealed. The best current example is the disturbing behavior of the tobacco industry, which had still denied that smoking is addictive and that it deliberately seeks to recruit
youth smokers. Judges have begun to respond to public opinion.
As for trial lawyers, they have gone too far, and corporations should
seek modest tort reform, such as curbing the size of contingency fees.
However, tort reform should not go to the extreme of drastically weakening a powerful weapon that helps customers and others hold companies
accountable.
Many
products
have
been
withdrawn
from
the
market only after litigation; these products include asbestos, the Dalkon
Shield, Rely tampons, the Ford Pinto, phenylbutazone, and the
Bjork-Shiley heart valve.
Class-action suits are likely to increase as the Internet makes it easier
for aggrieved individuals and lawyers to identify problems and to organize. Just as people will look for manufacturers vulnerabilities instead
of reactively waiting for something to happen, companies, too, can
monitor the Internet and take corrective action before a problem escalates into a lawsuit. Among the possible preventive steps is to create a dialogue with critics and, when feasible, collaborate in problem solving.
ENDNOTES
1. Environmental and Public Health Groups Ask Court to Block EPAs Weakened
Dont Ask, Dont Tell Air Pollution Monitoring Rules, PR Newswire, March
18, 2004. The groups are the Environmental Integrity Project, Sierra Club,
Natural Resources Defense Council, Physicians for Social Responsibility,
Clean Air Council, Our Childrens Earth Foundation, and the Northwest Environmental Defense Center.
2. For a description of the Natural Resources Defense Council, see Public Interest
Profiles, 1988-1989 (Washington, D.C.: Foundation for Public Affairs, 1988),
pp. 313, 402.
3. Raymond P. Ewing recognizes this stage in Issues Management: Managing
Trends Through the Issues Life Cycle, in The Handbook of Strategic Public Relations & Integrated Communications, ed. Carke L. Caywood (New York: McGrawill, 1997), p. 183.
4. Mike France and Lorraine Woellert, The Battle Over the Courts: How Politics,
Ideology, and Special Interests Are Compromising the U.S. Justice System,
BusinessWeek, September 27, 2004, p. 38.
5. Ibid.
6. Sheil Kaplan, Justice for Sale, Common Cause Magazine, No. 13, May-June
1987, pp. 29-32.
7. France and Woellert, op. cit., pp. 39-40.
8. Ibid., p. 41.
9. Mentioned in Gary C. Woodward, Perspectives on American Political Media
(Boston: Allyn & Bacon, 1997), p. 35. Reference is to Darts and Laurels, Columbia Journalism Review, May-June 1995, pp. 23-24.
340
10.
CHAPTER 12
John J. Fialka, How Koch Industries Tries to Influence Judicial System,

Wall Street Journal, August 9, 1999, p. 20.
11. Dan Carney, Is the High Court Too High and Mighty? BusinessWeek, October
21, 2002, p. 26.
12. Edward Felsenthal, Legal Beat: In Blockbuster Cases, Justices Rule for Restraint, Wall Street Journal, June 30, 1997, p. B1.
13. Mike France, High Court Anxiety, BusinessWeek, July 7, 2003, pp. 28-31.
14. Christopher P. A. Komisarjevsky, Trial by Media, Business Horizons, Vol. 26,
January-February 1983, pp. 36-43.
15. Vanessa OConnell and Gregory Zuckerman, Altria Verdict Unleashes Worries, Wall Street Journal, April 1, 2003, pp. C1, C3.
16. Dan Carney, with Amy Borrus and Jay Greene, Microsofts All-Out Counterattack, BusinessWeek, May 15, 2000, p. 103.
17. Stanley Holmes, New Ads to Bolster Microsoft Image: Software Giant Tries
to Make Up for Lost Time on Lobbying Front, Ottawa Citizen, April 29,
2000, p. D3.
18. France, op. cit.
19. An Unsettling Settlement, Economist, November 10, 2001, p. 57.
20. John Wilke, Hard Drive: Negotiating All Night, Tenacious Microsoft Won
Many Loopholes, Wall Street Journal, November 9, 2001, p. A-1.
21. A Total War Against the Corporation, Corporate Legal Times, October 1997,
pp. 1ff.
22. Ibid.
23. Ibid.
24. GM and the Law, Economist, July 17, 1999, p. 16.
25. Ibid.
26. Ibid.
27. John F. Budd, Jr., GuiltyUntil Proven Innocent: Litigation Journalism
Tests Public Relations Acumen, Public Relations Quarterly, Vol. 39, Summer
1994, p. 12.
28. John Gibeaut, Fear and Loathing in Corporate America: Big Businesss Public Tribulations Have Led to Skeptical Juries, New Laws and In-House Lawyers Working to Tighten Compliance, ABA Journal, Vol. 89, January 2003,
pp. 50-56.
29. Harlan Loeb, Branding Possibilities Abound in the Litigation Process, PR
Week, January 20, 2003, p. 8.
30. Ibid.
31. Komisarjevsky, op. cit.
32. A book devoted to this subject is Susanne A. Roschwalb and Richard A. Stack,
editors, Litigation Public Relations: Courting Public Opinion (Littleton, Co.:
Fred B. Rothman, 1995).
33. This literature is listed in Melvin L. Schweitzer, In-House Counsel: A Matter
of Judgment; A Working Framework for making Judgments, New York Law
Journal, October 27, 2003, p. 26. Haggerty is published by Wiley, 2003.
34. Christine ODwyer, In The Court of Public Opinion; Winning Your Case With
Public Relations, ODwyers PR Services Reporter, September 2003, p. 31.
35. Schweitzer, op. cit.
36. W. John Moore, The Court of Public Opinion, National Journal, May 23,
1998, p. 1199.
37. Judy Leon of the Nations Leading Trial Consulting Firm, DecisionQuest,
Comments on the Media Influence in the Martha Stewart Case, Business
Wire, January 16, 2004.
341
38. Alan M. Dershowitz, With Lawyers Like These , Wall Street Journal,
March 8, 2004, p. A16.
39.
Carrick
Mollenkamp,
Scrushy
Team
to Argue Against
Gag
Order
in
HealthSouth Case, Wall Street Journal, April 9, 2004, p. C3.
40. Bloomberg News, Scrushy, U.S. Will Restrict Comments About Trial, Los
Angeles Trial, April 10, 2004, p. C3.
41. Betty Liu, From High-Flier to Humble Churchgoer , Financial Times, May
18, 2004, p. 26.
42. A Total War Against the Corporation, op. cit.
43. Ibid.
44. Dirk C. Gibson, Litigation Public Relations: Fundamental Assumptions,
Public Relations Quarterly, Vol. 43, Spring 1998, p. 19.
45. In Washington, DC, some legal firms are expanding into the field. One example is Weber/Ryan McGinn of Arlington, Virginia, which recently recruited
Regina Blakely, a former CBS News correspondent and a lawyer, to head up
its litigation PR efforts. Another is Cassidy Cos., Inc., which acquired Bork &
Associates Litigation Communications. Moore, op. cit. Also see Jodie Morse,
Media People, National Journal, Vol. 30, February 14, 1998, p. 360.
46. See James E. Lukaszewskis comprehensive chapter, The Newest Discipline:
Managing Legally-Driven Issues, in Practical Public Affairs in an Era of
ChangeA Communications Guide for Business, Government, and College, ed.
Lloyd Dennis (Lanham, Md.; University Press of America, 1996), pp.
371-393.
47. From a letter, dated July 16, 2003, to the author, which also presents the
opinion of Judge Lewis A. Kaplan. Nicolazzo & Associates is a strategic communications management firm located in Boston, Massachusetts.
48. Carole Gorney, Fatal Attraction: Journalists and Lawyers; Litigation Journalism, Current, July 1994, and MediaCritic, Vol. 1, No. 2, 1994. Also see
her The New Rules of Litigation Public Relations, The Public Relations Strategist, Vol. 1, Spring 1995, pp. 23-29.
49. See Wall Street Journal, May 5, 1995, p. A5.
50. Rick Wartzman and Kathleen A. Hughes, Northrops Image Ads, Televised
on Trials Eve, Spark U.S. Objection, But Appeals Court Lifts Ban, Wall
Street Journal, February 20, 1990, p. A26.
51. Ibid.
52. Cited in David W. Stewart and Ingrid M. Martin, Intended and Unintended
Consequences of Warning Messages: A Review and Synthesis of Empirical
Research, Journal of Public Policy and Marketing, Vol. 13, Spring 1994, pp. 1,
19.
53. William Fay, The Case for Products Liability Reform, Risk Management,
Vol. 39, July 1992, p. 26.
54. Mentioned in Lawrence Susskind and Patrick Field, Dealing With an Angry
Public: The Mutual Gains Approach to Resolving Disputes (New York: Free
Press, 1996), p. 3.
55. See Fay, op. cit.; also Robert Kuttner, Dont Make It Harder to Sue, Washington Post, June 24, 1994, p. A27.
56. Barbara Bowers, The Next Big Risks, Bests ReviewP/C, Vol. 99, May
1998, p. 36.
57. Ibid., pp. 37-40. For latex glove cases, also see Joseph Weber and Mike
France, The Gloves Come off Over Latex, BusinessWeek, June 16, 1997, pp.
85-86.
342
CHAPTER 12
58. Mil Geyelin, Tort Bar s Scourge: Star of Legal Reform Kindles Controversy
But Collects Critics, Wall Street Journal, October 16, 1992, p. A1. Peter
Huber has written two influential books on the subject: Liability: The Legal
Revolution and Its Consequences, and Galileos Revenge: Junk Science in the
Courtroom.
59. Estimates by the Rand Institute for Civil Justice and Tillinghast, an insurance industry and business consulting firm. Ibid., p. A6.
60. Peter H. Stone, Trial Lawyers on Trial, National Journal, July 12, 2003, p.
2250.
61. Ibid. Also see Stephen Wermiel, Courting Disaster: The Costs of Lawsuits,
Growing Ever Larger, Disrupt the Economy, Wall Street Journal, May 16,
1986, p. 1.
62. Jonathan Rauch, The Parasite Economy, National Journal, Vol. 24, April
25, 1992, pp. 980-985.
63. Fay, op. cit.
64. William S. Stavroupoulos, Tort Reform: Excessive Litigation by Trial Lawyers, Vital Speeches, Vol. 64, April 1, 1998, pp. 362-365.
65. In another industry, three English law firms, in the aftermath of the U.S.
McDonalds hot coffee suit, are readying lawsuits against McDonalds for
bloodcurdling burns suffered by around half a dozen customers. See Dissent Under the Golden Arches, Lawyer, February 24, 1998, p. 15.
66. Heidi Dawley, And Now, Mad Plaintiff Disease, BusinessWeek, November
10, 1997, pp. 66, E16.
67. Bill Richards and Barry Meier, Widening Horizons: Lawyers Lead Hunt for
New Groups of Asbestos Victims, Wall Street Journal, February 18, 1987, p.
1.
68. Bowers, op. cit.
69. Mike France, The Litigation Machine, BusinessWeek, January 29, 2001, pp.
115-123.
70. See Stuart Auerbach, Views of Lawyer Advertising Argued Before Md. High
Court, Washington Post, December 2, 1977, p. C1.
71. Daniel B. Moskowitz, Lawyers Learn the Hard Selland Companies Shudder, BusinessWeek, June 10, 1985, p. 70.
72. Ibid.
73. Ibid., p. 71.
74. Richard B. Schmitt, Thinning the Ranks: Diet-Pill Litigation Finds Courts
Frowning on Mass Settlements, Wall Street Journal, January 8, 1998, p.
A1.
75. Richard B. Schmitt, Feeding Frenzy: Trial Lawyers Rush to Turn Diet-Pill Ills
Into Money in the Bank, Wall Street Journal, October 24, 1997, p. A6.
76. Ibid.
77. Ibid.
78. Fay, op. cit.
79. Stone, op. cit., pp. 2250-2252.
80. Mentioned in Carol Marie Cropper, Jury in CSX Case Sent Angry Message
with a $3.4 Billion Stamp, New York Times, September 15, 1997, p. D1.
81. John M. Broder, Stares of Lawyerly Disbelief at a Huge Civil Award, New
York Times, September 10, 1997, p. 1.
82. See Andrea Gerlin, A Matter of Degree: How a Jury Decided That a Coffee
Spill Is Worth $2.9 Million, Wall Street Journal, September 1, 1994, p. A1.
Also, McDonalds Coffee Award Reduced 75% by Judge, Wall Street Journal, September 15, 1994, p. A4.
343
83. Ken Silverstein, Washington on $10 Million a Day (Monroe, Me: Common
84. Peter H. Stone, Grass-Roots Group Rakes in the Green, National Journal,
Vol. 27, March 11, 1995, p. 621.
85. Stone, op. cit. Also Silverstein, op. cit., pp. 103-126.
86. Brooks Jackson, Proposals to Curb Damage Awards in Lawsuits Lead to
Flood of Lobbying Efforts on Both Sides, Wall Street Journal, April 9, 1986,
p. 64.
87. Ibid., p. 113.
88. Thomas B. Edwsull, Unwise Product Liability Reform, Los Angeles Times,
July 7, 1998, p. B6.
89.
Jim
VandeHei,
Bushs
Cherished
Tort-Reform
Plans
Survive
Enron
Barely, Wall Street Journal, March 14, 2002, p. A20.
90. Tort Reform: A Little Here, A Little There, BusinessWeek, January 20, 2003,
p. 60.
91. Mike France, How to Fix the Tort System, BusinessWeek, March 14, 2005,
pp. 70-78.
92. Ibid.
93. Tort Reform, Impact, the newsletter of the Public Affairs Council, January
2003, p. 2.
94. Christine B. Whelan, U.S. Chamber of Commerce Takes Tort-Overhaul
Campaign to TV, Wall Street Journal, August 27, 2002, p. A4.
95. Gregory L. Burden, Up in Smoke, ABA Journal, June 1989, News Section,
n.p. Also see Silverstein, op. cit., p. 113.
96. Robert Kuttner, Phony Litigation Crisis Washington Post, June 24, 1994,
p. A27. Also see Robert Kuttner, Dont Make It Harder to Sue, Washington Post, June 24,
1994, p. A27. Nexis. The $4 billion figure includes all insurance premiums paid by business to
cover possible damages and actual damages collected by injured consumers and all legal fees.
97. See Press Coverage of the Administration of Justice in chapter 10, The First
Amendment and the Fourth Estate, 6th edition, by T. Barton Carter, Marc A.
Franklin, and Jay B. Wright (Westbury, N.Y.: The Foundation Press, 1994),
pp. 474-516.
98. Budd, op. cit.
99. This principle is emphatically stated by John Budd who says, There has to
be recognition of the absolute need for intimate synchronization with the
lawyers heretofore considered adversaries.
100. See Kathy R. Fitzpatrick and Maureen Shubow Rubin, Public Relations vs.
Legal Strategies in Organizational Crisis Decisions, Public Relations Review,
Vol. 21, Spring 1995, pp. 21-33.
101. Discussed in Lukaszewski, op. cit., pp. 371-393. 102. Budd, op. cit.
103. Lerbinger, op. cit., pp. 188-190.
104. Lukaszewski, op. cit., p. 381.
105. Ibid., p. 383.
106. Ibid., op. cit., pp. 380-384. 107. Budd, op. cit.
108. Ibid.
109. See Lerbinger, op. cit., p. 277.
110. A Total War Against the Corporation, op. cit. 111. Budd, op. cit.
112. These reminders are mentioned by Komisarjevsky, op. cit., pp. 38-39.
344
CHAPTER 12
Susanne Roschalb, Does Television Belong in the Courtroom? USA Today

Magazine, November 1994, p. 69.
114. Pat Dawson, Amy Grossberg, Woman Accused of Killing Newborn, Loses
Lawyer Because He Broke Courts Gag Order With Interviews, NBC News
Transcripts, July 4, 1997.
115. Free Speech Inc.: When Companies Defend Themselves, Impact, the newsletter of the Public Affairs Council, February 2003, p. 4.
116. Lukaszewski, op. cit., p. 389.
117. Komisarjevsky, op. cit., p. 41. 118. Ibid., p. 390.
119. Richard B. Schmitt, Witness Stand: Who Is an Expert? In Some Courtrooms, the Answer is Nobody, Wall Street Journal, June 17, 1997, p. A1. 120. Bruce
Rubenstein, Trend Toward Pre-trial Rejection of Evidence Emerges;
The Junk Science Debate Sharpens, Corporate Legal Times, June 1998, p.
34.
121. David G. Savage, High Court Limits Junk Science Claims, Los Angeles
Times, December 16, 1997, p. A29.
122. Ibid.
123. Joseph F. Sullivan, In Lawsuits, How Much Should the Courts Keep Secret?, New York Times, March 3, 1991, p. E6.
124. Lerbinger, op. cit., pp. 219-220.
125. Sullivan, op. cit., p. E6.
126. Ibid.
127. Ibid.
128. Paul M. Barrett, Silent Partners: When Lawyers See Fraud at a Company,
What Must They Do? Wall Street Journal, August 22, 1997, p. A1.
129. Ibid., p. A8.
130. Elyse Tanoute, Does Corporate Funding Influence Research? Wall Street
Journal, January 8, 1998, p. B1.
131. Ibid.
132. Harry W. ONeill, They Cant Subpoena What You Aint Got, AAPOR
News, Vol. 19, Winter 1992, p. 4.
133. Richard B. Schmitt, Chrysler Bites Back at Class Action Lawyers, Wall
Street Journal, March 27, 1996, p. B1.
134. Ibid.
135. Tim Bryant, Chrysler Wins Case Against 2 Lawyers; Clayton Pair Must
Pay Company $850,000, St. Louis Post-Dispatch, September 15, 1998, p.
B2.
113.
V
Dominance Versus
Competition
All the public affairs strategies to produce a favorable sociopolitical environment for business must be assessed from two perspectives: (a) Has
corporate power relative to government, interest groups, and the media
given corporations the upper hand? (b) Are there long-term unintended
consequences in the amassing of this power corporate power?
Chapter 13 examines corporate power strategies from the first perspective and asks such questions as these: Are corporations gaining
dominance over government? How much vitality do countervailing interest groups possess? Are the media still able to serve as societys
watchdog? The model of the economic marketplace is applied to the political arena by asking to what extent competition exists and whether
significant information is available to allow citizens to make rational
and wise decisions.
The inherent danger in the exercise of corporate public affairs campaigns is that victory is always sought. Every effort is made to win a
battle. Winning becomes an addiction, and, like all addictions, there is
blindness to long-term consequencesover whether the war is also
won. Grand strategies may be talked about, such as reducing the role of
government in the economy and society. However, the real war should
be to preserve a market economy and democratic society. People must
feel that their standard of living is rising and that freedom is promoted.
Talking about maximizing profits, increasing the rate of return on investments, and improving the price-earnings ratio is fine for investors
but doesnt inspire public support for our free enterprise system.
A survey of crises over the two decades shows an alarming rise in
crises of management failure. The number has risen so rapidly that a
345
346
PART V
book, The Crisis Manager, found it necessary to divide these crises into
three subcategories: crises of skewed values, crises of deception, and crises of misconduct.1 Enron and other corporate scandals illustrate each
of these types of scandals. They also demonstrate the need to distinguish
between a free market economy and laissez-faire. There must be a role
for government, as well as professional societies and the institutions of
society. The excesses of unbridled capitalism must be avoided
Chapter 14 ventures into the controversial question of how corporate
behavior can be modified to increase the chances for sustainable capitalism and the long-term viability of our economic and political system. Some answers are found by applying the economic model of
competition to the political marketplace. For example, it is argued that
the very interest groups that so often represent the opposition should,
with few exceptions, be kept alive.
Chapter 15 examines ways in which corporations can help to advance the public interest. By accepting corporate social responsibility
and moving up in the pyramid of social responsibility the new expectations of Americans and citizens all over the world can better be satisfied.
Making reforms in corporate governance structure and practices is another way to address the public interest; for example, by adding a concern for more stakeholders beyond the often singular concern with
investors.
Finally,
establishing
and
maintaining
healthy
stakeholder
relationships can further promote the formation of socially conscious organizations. Adopting these changes may restore public confidence in
business and enhance the reputation of business.
Renewed corporate concern for their reputations is a healthy trend
that shows promise. It extends thinking beyond the narrow bottom line
and considers the larger force of public opinion, which summarizes the
feelings and thoughts of corporate stakeholders and society at large.
Much of the focus is on the behavior of CEOs because their reputation
accounts for 50% of their corporations public standing.
ENDNOTE
NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 1997).
Chapter
13
Ascendancy of Corporate Power
The grand strategy of business has been to curb the growth in power of
three challenging forces: interest groups, media, and government. Foremost, business has sought to get government off our backs. To accomplish that paramount goal, business has also had to arrest the growth of
consumer, environmental,
and
other
interest
groups,
which
had
successfully achieved legislative gains, as the steep rise in regulations in the
1960s and 1970s shows. Because of the pervasive influence of the media
on public opinion and political decision makers, business has endeavored to tame the news media.
Corporate
executives
seek
stability
in
their
sociopolitical
environment so they can pursue their mission of producing products and services at a profit. They invoke the economists caterus paribuslet all
other things remain constantwhen they want to concentrate on
business problems and opportunities. However, during the turbulent
1960s and 1970s, these other things have moved dynamically, upsetting comfortable assumptions and routines. Some semblance of equilibrium had to be reestablished.
To accomplish this goal, top management assigned public affairs
managers the responsibility to regain control over the sociopolitical environment. To this end, public affairs managers designed new methodologies to scan and monitor the external environment. They formulated
the
process
of issues
management
that
extended
environmental
monitoring into issue analysis, strategy formulation, and issue implementation. They developed new ways of dealing with interest groups, the
media, and all three branches of government, especially legislative. This
book has catalogued the resultant strategies and tactics. However, the
impact of corporate success in achieving power must be assessed
whether public opinion is becoming more anxious about corporate
power and whether anger will lead to pressures for extreme reforms.
347
348
CHAPTER 13
CORPORATE GAINS IN POLITICAL POWER: THE BIG PICTURE

The results of the corporate public affairs counteroffensive have been
impressive. Big business, in league with small business, roundly defeated the public-interest coalition and organized labor in a series of
confrontations in the late 1970s, said Scott R. Bowman, author of The
Modern Corporation and American Political Thought. 1
Another scholar,
David Vogel, reported in his book Fluctuating Fortunes that by 1978
business had clearly regained the political initiative and defeated many
of the regulatory measures hard won by public interest activists. 2 Referring to corporate dealings with environmentalists, Sharon Beder in
Global Spin wrote that corporations, alarmed by the gains environmentalists made in the 1960s and 70s, are fighting back and winning
the public relations and policy wars. 3 She elaborated on how corporations have used their financial resources and power to counter gains
made by environmentalists, to reshape public opinion and to persuade
politicians against increased environmental regulation. 4
Business further advanced its grand design during the Reagan and
Bush administrations, both of which were lax in enforcing existing
laws. Furthermore, they discouraged new legislation by requiring proposals to pass rigorous economic tests. Even when Republicans lost the
presidency to the Democrats in 1992, their message was soon echoed by
the new president, Bill Clinton. Although during his first term of office
Clinton attempted to increase the role of government through his health
care reform proposals, he changed his tune at the beginning of his second term in 1996 when he grudgingly declared in his State of the Union
address that the era of big government was over.
With George W. Bushs victory in the 2000 presidential election, corporate influence in government reached its zenith. His vice president, Dick
Cheney, was the former CEO of the major energy corporation Haliburton,
and his appointment of many former corporate or probusiness executives
indicated that marketplace economics would prevail and the role of government would further be reduced. One indication of heightened corporate influence was Cheneys invitation to energy companies to help shape
the administrations energy policy. Their executives met more than 30
times with top officials. In contrast, environmental organizations were
relegated to hasty phone calls and two low-level meetings in 2001. Neither Cheney nor Energy Secretary Spencer Abraham granted the request
of the head of New York-based Environmental Defense, Fred Krupp, to
meet with the so-called Green Group, which represents 30 of the nations
largest environmental organizations. 5
Cheneys meetings with
the energy task force have become controversial. Both Judicial Watch, a public
interest law firm, and the Sierra Club have sued the energy task force, officially called the National Energy Policy Development Group, saying it is
obliged to disclose the role of energy corporations and lobbyists in developing its recommendations.6 However, the Court of Appeals for the Dis-
ASCENDANCY OF CORPORATE POWER
349
trict of Columbia Circuit unanimously rejected the suit and ordered a lower court to
dismiss the case.
The theme of excessive corporate power is increasingly reflected in recent literature. Atlantic Monthly senior editor Jack Beatty contends in
his Colossus: How the Corporation Changed America, that the corporation
has evolved into the dominant institution in the United States, arguing
that most scholars have vastly understated its role in shaping the economy and society.7 Another book, Kevin Danaher and Jason Marks Citizen Challenges to Corporate
Power,
ominously states: A new
rebelliousness haunts the world. With each day, more and more people
are challenging the institutions that exert control over our lives. The
new rebels have set their sights on that force which during the last generation has nearly supplanted the nation-state as the possessor of true
power: the transnational corporation.8
SCANDALS REVEAL EXTENT OF CORPORATE DOMINANCE
That corporate influence had gone too far was brought to public attention in December 2001 when the bankruptcy of Enron implicated the
Bush administration. Jonathan Chait wrote in The New Republic, Put
simply, the administration is subservient to economic pressure groups
to an extent that surpasses any administration in modern history. 9 Another critic of corporate power, Kevin Phillips, accused Republicans as
being too friendly to corporations, too inclined to give them a regulatory pass, too likely to be permissive to their misdeeds. 10
Four Dangers of Corporate Dominance Exposed by Scandals
Public disclosures about Enrons false financial reporting and executive
misdeeds were soon followed by a torrent of reports about other corporate scandals, all of which added to the impression that corporate dominance was becoming a reality. USA Today published a rogues gallery of
The 5 Biggest companies whose executives were facing or had settled
charges in financial scandals in 2001. Besides Enron, it listed Imclones
Samuel
Waksal,
Adelphia
Communications
John
Rigas,
Tyco
Internationals Dennis Kozlowski, and WorldComs Scott Sullivan. 11
The list
grew. In 2002, some 250 American public companies restated their
earnings, compared with only 92 in 1997 and 3 in 1981. 12
The growing number of corporations that were emboldened to engage in unethical and
often illegal conduct, exemplified by Enron, demonstrated the symptoms and dangers of
corporate dominance: (a) enormous political influence, (b) economic power to
manipulate some energy markets, and (c) control over financial disclosure, and (d)
selfenrichment by a small group of company insiders.
350
CHAPTER 13
Political Influence. Enron is a story about big dollars that influence

public decisions, said Representative Christopher Shays (R-Conn.). 13 Its
tremendous growth depended heavily on political influence. Its primary
objective was to break up monopoly control of energy markets by local
utilities and to change the rules so energy would be deregulated. The
company sought these changes on both the national and state levels.
Enrons former chief executives Kenneth L. Lay and Jeffrey Skilling frequently met with utilities commissions, testified before statehouse committees, and called on local politicians. To facilitate access and influence
on the national level, the corporation and its executives contributed almost $5.88 million to political war chests since 1989. 14
Enrons return on its political expenditures was highly favorable. As stated by Albert R.
Hunt in the Wall Street Journal, Few special interests got more access or results than
Enron: legislative favors, a lax oversight of its risky financial derivatives, tax breaks,
unsurpassed input into the Cheney energy legislation drafting process and most of what it
wanted, and reportedly even veto authority over regulatory appointees. 15 It also
escaped enforcement of existing laws, as demonstrated in its manipulation of energy
prices in California.
Market Power.
In one of the most brazen violations of social responsibility and blindness to inevitable public outrage, Enron, Duke, El Paso,
and other energy traders have been accused of blatantly manipulating
the market for electricity and natural gas in California and other western
states. Power prices in California rose tenfold in late 2000. During a
4-month period ending in February 2001, electricity sold on Californias
wholesale electric market cost $16.68 billionmore than double the cost
of electricity for all of 1999. The state spent nearly $20 billion to keep the
lights on before the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission (FERC) intervened to impose price caps on western power markets. 16
FERC was slow, however, in the early days of the energy crisis. When
complaints of manipulation were made in July 2000, 2 months after
the crisis began, it began a tepid investigation. Its staff report in November 2000, according to the Wall Street Journal, said investigators were
unconvinced that
sellers purposely were withholding
supply and pursuing
bidding
strategies
designed to exploit weaknesses in market
rules. Without actually analyzing power-plant outage data or bids, the
FERC blamed insufficient power supplies, poor market rules and weak
infrastructure for the peak prices. Later, however, it reported that it
found epidemic efforts by big power suppliers to manipulate electricity and natural gas markets (natural gas is an important fuel for power
plants) during Californias 18-month-long energy crisis in 2000-2001.
Corruption of Financial Information Infrastructure.
tion and fraud by corporate officers in Enron and other
corporations exposed how the exercise of corporate power both inter-
Blatant decepscandal-ridden
351
nally and externally corrupted the financial information infrastructure

on which the efficient and ethical functioning of the economic system
depends. Enron used all the tools of creative accounting to inflate
earnings and to conceal debt (e.g., the notorious off-books partnerships). Its exercise of internal authority was so strong that it was able to
muzzle its own employees, who were afraid of losing their jobs. All
seven of the components of this supposedly failsafe system were compromised:
corporate
accountants,
auditors
(e.g.,
Enrons
Arthur
Andersen),
lawyers,
boards
of directors,
security
analysts and
investment banks, the New York Stock Exchange, and the SEC (see chap. 14 for
discussion of the seven components).
Enron was aided by a mystique hyped by the business media. It was
portrayed as what a modern company should look like, stressing innovation, risk management, and intangibles. Smart employees were its
key assets. Its highly admired top executives, Kenneth Lay, Andrew
Fastow, and Jeffrey Skilling were filled with weening ambition. They
created a cowboy culture in which everything was pushed to the limits: business practices, laws, and personal behavior. They lived large,
drove fast cars, and spent big money at clubs. 17 The resulting portrayal
of its financial condition satisfied Wall Street and investors.
Self-Enrichment.
Instead of serving in their fiduciary responsibility
of benefitting stockholders, the new goal of Enrons top managersthe
CEO, CFO, and other insiderswas to enrich themselves through high
salaries, generous benefits, and, most of all, stock options. Kenneth Lay
received $152.7 million in payments and stock in the year leading up to
the companys collapse. His take in 2001 was more than 11,000 times
the maximum amount of severance paid to laid-off workers. 18 The ratio
of the pay of corporate CEOs to the hourly wages of production workers
rose to 419 in 1999 from 93 times in 1988. 19 Some top executives added
to their riches by accepting tempting initial public offerings from their
investment bankers in return for cooperation. Others continued to reap
rich rewards even after they were dismissed by their boards. After pleading guilty to criminal charges in connection with Enrons special-purpose entities, CFO Andrew Fastow admitted as part of his plea, I also
engaged in schemes to enrich myself and others at the expense of
Enrons shareholders and in violation of my duty of honest services to
those shareholders.20
Impact of Scandals
The steady flow of news about corporate and executive abuses resulted
in a major loss of public confidence in business and consequent passage
of the Sarbanes-Oxley corporate reform legislation to correct the failures of the system. Even though the Bush administration and Republican-controlled Congress were ideologically opposed to more
352
CHAPTER 13
government intervention, they had no choice because the public demanded action.
Public Opinion Sours.
Public opinion survey findings conducted in
July 2002, after disclosures of Enron and other corporate scandals,
show how seriously public confidence in business was shaken:
One third of Americans said they had hardly any confidence in
big-company executivesthe highest proportion in more than
three decades.21 This finding shows a decline from a June 1999
Gallup survey, which reported 74% of respondents as having confidence in business.22
57% said they dont trust corporate executives or brokerage firms
to give them honest information. 23
71% of Americans believe that profit-hungry businesses cut corners on service and overcharge customers, a finding that also affects faith in the marketplace.24 An earlier November1997 survey
showed the more positive view that 45% of Americans believed
business tries to strike a fair balance between profits and the interests of the public.25 At the time, this finding was a triumph for
business because in 1977 only 15% held this viewdown from a
high of 70% in 1968.
Two thirds think that big business has too much influence on the
Bush administration.26 In a further blow, pluralities of Americans
now disapproved of the presence of prominent former executives
in the administration.27
42% feel things are generally going in the wrong direction in this
country.28
These post-Enron surveys give credence to the significant and disturbing BusinessWeek/Harris poll finding, released in August 2000, that
74% of Americans believe big companies have too much political influence over government policy, politicians, and policymakers in Washington. Furthermore, 72% of Americans say business has too much power
over too many aspects of American life. 29
Rarely, said BusinessWeek,
have business and its leaders been held in such low esteem. 30 In answer
to its cover story title Too Much Corporate Power? in the September
11, 2000 issue, BusinessWeek appeared to answer yes. It is well to heed
its editorial commentthat although there has been the triumph of
the market over the state, there is an uneasiness with the powerful
institution of the corporation.
President Bush attempted to downplay the significance of the scandals by arguing that only a few bad apples were responsible for the
corporate crises. To dramatize this contention, the Justice Department
made a few high-profile arrests of top corporate executives. Television
viewers could see the 78-year-old former Adelphia CEO John Rigas es-
353
corted from his home in handcuffs at 6 a.m. A Wall Street Journal editorial called such scenes useful public theater. 31
However, Americans
were not necessarily buying the President Bushs few bad apples argument and instead were agreeing more with economist Paul Krugman of
Princeton University, who believes the problems in business were systemic: Executives seemed to have lost the sense that there are rules
that there are things you dont do. SEC settlements with offenders
havent even required an admission of guilt, a practice the SEC is reconsidering because it wants its settlements to include a degree of punishment serious enough to serve as a deterrent against future violations. 32
Public Tolerance.
Americans confidence in business has eroded,
but despite this attitude, Americans have been amazingly tolerant of
corporate abuses. One likely reason is that they, too, were caught in the
wave of get-rich mentality that pervaded the 1990s. Over 50 million
Americans were shareholders who saw the value of their securities, including 401(k) retirement funds, soar. High executive salaries were tolerated, if not condoned, because millions of people shared in high stock
values and someone was always known who became a millionaire.
The media seemed to cheer as the stock market reached new heights, and
they gave CEOs due credit, elevating some into celebrity status, which
seemingly entitled executives to high rewards similar to those accorded
to Hollywood stars and sports stars.
Another reason for public tolerance is that Americans are generally
satisfied with businesss economic performance: 68% of Americans rate
large U.S. companies favorably in making good products and competing in a global economy, 33 and the same percentage agree that American business should be given most of the credit for the prosperity that
has prevailed during most of the 1990s. 34 When the economy performs
well, positive attitudes dominate over the negative ones.
One critical test of whether the corporate scandals would affect the
course of political and economic events came in the November 2002
elections when Republicans won majorities in both houses of Congress.
Similarly, little reference to corporate scandals was made by the candidates in the Democratic primaries in 2004. Corporations must not become too sanguine, however, for a souring of the economy could erase
public tolerance and crystallize latent negative attitudes against them.
Big business must remind itself of BusinessWeeks conclusion that it
lacks deep public support and is vulnerable on a number of specific issues, as reflected in responses to a question about how well corporations
do in caring about their stakeholders.
When business overreaches in its quest to increase its political powerand,
perhaps, even achieve dominanceit generates opposing forces. Corporate power is
balanced or contained by government, as well as by the countervailing power of interest
groups and the watchdog function of the news media.
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GROWING CORPORATE INFLUENCE OVER GOVERNMENT

The campaign to get government off the backs of people created the political climate that enabled business to whittle away at the role of government. Reinforcing this mood was a December 1998 Gallup poll
showing that big government, not big business, was seen as the biggest
threat to the country in the future64% of U.S. adults named big government versus 24% for big business. 35 However, as strongly suggested
by a front-page Wall Street Journal story Rising Anxiety: What Could
Bring 1930s-Style Reform of U.S. Businesses?, public support for corporate America has seriously suffered because of corporate scandals and
the accompanying meltdown of stock values. 36
By more than two to
one, the polls respondents said the administration was more interested
in protecting the interests of large companies than those of ordinary
Americans.37
Nevertheless, business has been succeeding in two areas that could
move it closer to marketplace dominance of economic affairs: (a) deregulating more industries and relaxing antitrust laws to allow greater
concentration of business, and (b) pushing for greater privatization of
government enterprises and activities. Although there has been a pause
after the corporate scandals, business has succeeded in both areas.
More Deregulation and Lax Antitrust Laws
The move toward greater deregulation of business has been a major corporate objective, as demonstrated by Enrons successful deregulation of
the energy industry. However, the publicized excesses of Enron and others in causing the California energy crisis has convinced, if not forced,
Congress and the White House to support more regulation. Reform legislation was the answer to these doubts. First, the long awaited campaign finance reform bill (discussed in chap. 11) was passed, largely
because of disclosures of Enrons reckless wielding of political influence.
Evidence had mounted that corporate campaign contributions led to excessive deregulation in the energy and telecom industries. Second, the
Sarbanes-Oxley bill was passed to correct the systemic weaknesses exposed by the scandals. President Bush had no choice but to sign both
bills. At stake was public confidence in the American business system
and his administration. (Chapter 14 discusses the scope of these bills and
what business must do to reach a better balance of power with government so that public confidence in business will revive.) The big question
is whether this reform legislation will satisfy the public or whether a
fourth wave of antibusiness legislation is beginning, similar to several
previous waves since the end of the 19th century.
Lenient antitrust action has led to greater concentration of business.
With greater size, large corporations have been able to increase their political as well as economic power. As commented on by Robert Reich, for-
355
mer Labor Secretary in the Clinton administration, the real danger of

the new corporate giants is not their power to raise prices but to raise
political money.38 This power adds to the triple advantage of corporations of extraordinary sources of funds, organization at the ready, and
special access to government, said Scott Bowman. Corporate executives regularly exploit their privileged status and connections. They
out-organize, they out-spend, they out-lobby, and they out-maneuver
their opposition.39
The pace of economic concentration has been quickening. In 1998,
mergers and acquisitions in the United States reached a high of $1.613
trillion, a 78% increase from the previous year. Blockbuster mergers
punctuated
1998: Travelers
Group
and Citicorp ($70 billion), DaimlerBenz AG and Chrysler ($38.3 billion) , and Exxon and Mobil ($80 billion).40
The year 2000 started with the announcement of the biggest
merger of all: AOLs acquisition of Time Warner for $156.14 billion. 41
Government lawyers and economists at the FTC and the Justice Departments Antitrust Division were overwhelmed. Although between 1991
and 1999 the number of merger proposals to be reviewed tripledfrom
1,529 applications to 4,642the number of FTC staffers barely increased, from 313 to 347.42
As pointed out in chapter 1, the significance of rising economic concentration of business is that it enables corporations to increase their
political power. The income and wealth resulting from economic concentration has helped big business enormously by enabling it to convert
economic power into political power. Money allows corporations to buy
the best lobbyist available; to make large political campaign contributions; to aid philanthropic organizations and their causes; to hire the
most talented public relations and public affairs professional to implement their proactive media relations strategies and other means, such as
advocacy advertising, to win public support; and to hire organizations
that mobilize public support and thereby compensate for its relative
lack of people power.
Creeping PrivatizationIncluding the Military
The privatization movementthe selling of government assets and the transfer of some
traditionally government services to businessis a wholesale change that restructures
the relative strength of the public and private sectors of society. It is a long-term means of
shrinking government and growing the private sector. Privatization is a barometer of
corporate success in strengthening marketplace economics and, indirectly, a measure of
growth in corporate power.
In Britain, where a mixed economic system of free enterprise and socialistic industries existed after World War II, privatization led to the
growth of marketplace economics and strengthening of the private sector, especially after Margaret Thatcher became prime minister in 1979.
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CHAPTER 13
In the United States, there have been fewer government assets to transfer. One of the most prominent public corporations, created in 1933, is
the Tennessee Valley Authority (TVA). It was authorized to develop and
control the Tennessee River and its tributaries for several purposes: flood
control, the improvement of navigation, the generation of electric
power, and the creation of recreational opportunities. 43 Some members
of Congress would now like to see the TVA privatized. A more recent
candidate
for
privatization
is
the
governments
uranium-enrichment
operations. To facilitate this possibility, Congress turned the agency that
ran the operation into an independent government-owned corporation,
called U.S. Enrichment Corporation. 44
Another form of privatization is when government subcontracts government services to private companies. For example, in the United States
73% of local governments use private janitorial services and 54% use private garbage collectors. Prisons have been built and run by private companies; for example, in 1998 roughly 1 in 20 federal inmates was in a
for-profit prison.45
The Internal Revenue Service has also started to
outsource debt collection to private firms, which it is authorized to do under the American Jobs Creation Act passed in October 2004. When fully
running, private collectors will handle an estimated 2.6 million cases a
year. Critics foresee two problems: that call-center workers will not know
the law as well as IRS personnel and that they might overstep their
bounds by suggesting they have enforcement powers. 46
The subcontracting that has recently received the most attention is
the Pentagon policy of freeing troops for purely military missions,
which has triggered a boom in the outsourcing of work to private contractors. Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld argues that the Army
should focus on what it does best and contract out the rest. Private contractors have become a permanent part of the military machine, doing
everything from providing food services to guarding top U.S., Iraqi, and
Afghan officials.47
P. W. Singer, a fellow at the Brookings Institution and author of Corporate Warriors:
The Rise of the Privatized Military Industry, estimates that privatized military
services constitute a $100 billion industry with several hundred companies operating in
more than 100 countries. In the United States, the big five private military contractors
are Kellogg Brown & Root (Haliburton), Fluor, Parsons, WashingtonGroup International,
and Perini. The extent of privatization is difficult to assess because no central registry of
contracts exists.48
Singer estimates that private military contractors provide as much as
30% of the militarys services in Iraqincluding reconstruction. Besides
feeding and housing troops, to which there is little objection, they employ about 20,000 security workers; they train American troops; they
restore Iraqi policing; and they recruit police, pilots, and bodyguards for
overseas work funded by the U.S. government, including the guarding
of Afghan president Hamid Karzai. DynCorp International, a Texas
company with a $1 billion contract, is the largest security provider. The
357
contractors also maintain sophisticated weapons systems, because military technology is

changing so quickly that the armed forces have to call in technical support from civilians.
Furthermore, the sensitive task of interrogating prisoners at Abu
Ghraib prison was shared by military personnel and two private contractors: CACI International and Titan. Former Rear Admiral John D.
Hutson, now dean of the Franklin Pierce Law Center, expressed opposition, saying, I have a problem with people carrying weapons in an offensive way. And I have a serious problem with people in sensitive
positions, like interrogators.49 A special problem is that U.S. law and
international law have yet to catch up with the pervasive use of civilian
contracts supporting the military on the battlefield. 50 They arent subject to court martial under the Uniform Code of Military Justice because
they arent members of the uniform military. Furthermore, contractors
appear to be operating with little or no supervision.
Even as many military functions are being outsourced, there will be
continuing debate over which activities associated with national defense, considered a core government function in the U.S. Constitution,
are suitable for privatization. In the case of airport security, duties previously performed by the private sector were nationalized because of
national security considerations. The private sector had lost the confidence of Congress because the 9/11 terrorists managed to pass through
security gates without any difficulty. Apparently, one side effect of 9/11
is that government was again in favor with the public as it dealt with
terrorism.
Nevertheless, a special privatized feature may be added to airport security: a Registered Traveler program that gives select preregistered air
passengers access to special security lines. Although the Homeland Security
Departments
Transportation
Security
Administration
initiated
the idea, private interests such as Verified Identity Pass in partnership
with Lockheed Martin are interested in running and marketing the program. The select passengers would pay between $50 and $100 for membership. Privacy advocates fear that passenger privacy would be further
invaded and that although the program is voluntary, more harassed
passengers might feel compelled to join the program. 51
POWER OF INTEREST GROUPS FLUCTUATES BUT ENDURES
Activists and noncorporate groups in society typically fret about their
relative political weakness in comparison with corporations, but their
power remains formidable. Taking the dark view, Beder argues that big
business has taken control of the democratic process so that it is now
dominated by corporate power rather than public opinion. She describes how a unified business coalition defeated the Clinton administrations health care reform efforts and succeeded in the passage of the
North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA). An important factor
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CHAPTER 13
in both of these achievements was the high degree of cooperation

among different firms and industries, in small business as well as by
Fortune 500 companies.52
Business spent between $100 million and
$300 million opposing the health care reformsmore than total
spending by all the presidential candidates in 1992. 53 Obtaining approval for NAFTA cost business over $25 million in one of the largest
concerted PR and lobbying campaigns conducted by the Mexican government and U.S. business.54
Beders assessment, however, is overstated. Public membership in
various groups fluctuates, but they remain viable. Many public interest
organizations have faced a gradual decline in membership in the past 10
to 15 years. Common Cause, for example, shows a 7% drop in total revenue between 2000 and 2001, from $9 million to $8.4 million. However,
the group intends to continue to wage battles on such issues as whistle-blower protection and a push for free airtime for candidates. 55 Major
public interest groups are far from being powerless, as illustrated by
two groups: environmental and labor unions.
Environmental Groups
Major environmental groups have maintained their power and have
been able to influence both public policy and industry practices. At a
minimum they have been able to call public attention to attacks by both
government and corporations on existing environmental laws; more
ambitiously they have been able to make incremental improvements in
public policies when political conditions are favorable. Also important is
that
environmentalists
are
slowly
convincing
corporations
that
acceptance of sound policies like sustainable growth is good for both the environment and business. Collaborative efforts are producing results.
Those who had hoped the environmental movement would reach some
kind of maturity point and the end of its life cycle have been proven
wrong. Environmental disasters rekindle public interest in the environment and strengthen the movement.
Political Arena.
In the political arena, corporate successes have
largely depended on which political party is in power. Lobbying, along
with campaign contributions, play an important roleas they do for
environmental groups. Even when a Republican president, George Bush,
was in office, the auto industry suffered a resounding defeat when the
Clean Air Act Amendments were passed in 1990. These amendments
imposed strict deadlines on states and industry for compliance with national air quality standards. 56 Another failure was the inability of supporters of the Republican initiative, Contract With America, to rewrite
environmental laws. The continuing
policy dispute over global warming shows although the business view has thus far prevailed, environ-
359
mentalists are winning some arguments, even among some business executives.57
Environmentalists have also prevailed thus far in preventing drilling in the Arctic National
Wildlife Preserve.
Under
George
W.
Bushs
administration,
environmental
policies
became considerably more favorable to business. The aim has been to find
ways to ease what the administration considers excessive regulatory
burdens on business. Utilities, and their allies the coal producers, fared
exceedingly well. A Wall Street Journal article, Mercury Issue Takes
Wing, describes how the Clinton administrations costly directive to
sharply reduce mercury emissions by requiring expensive equipment at
each of the nations 1,100 largest power plants was replaced by a more
modest plan. Mercury would no longer be regulated as a hazardous pollutant. The plan would require smaller reductions in emissions over a
longer period of time. It would also call for a market-based system that
would allow dirtier utilities to buy pollution credits from cleaner ones.
New appointees, all of whom worked in cases defending business
against EPA regulations, helped produce this change. Jeffrey Holmstead,
who represented GE in its legal battle with the EPA on the cleanup of the
Hudson River, became the top official in the EPAs air-policy office. One
of his aides was James Connaughton, who headed the White House
Council on Environmental Quality under the first president Bush and
was on the legal staff of Latham & Watkins, a firm that represents corporations in environmental disputes.58
Environmentalists also lost out to other industries during the Bush
administration. In 2002, the automobile industry successfully fought
off the environmentalists objective of raising the Corporate Average
Fuel Economy standards (CAF). The timber industry also gained a victory when the Bush administration decided to widen its planned overhaul of a Clinton-era timber plan protecting millions of acres of Pacific
Northwest forests. No longer would federal land managers have to take
into account certain impacts on threatened fish habitat when they considered timber sales.59
In November 2003, BusinessWeek gave this scoreboard on the Bush administrations
environmental record:
Air quality: The Bush plan will result in cleaner airbut not as
clean as the greens would like.
Water: A big chunk of the nations wetlands, streams, and rivers
could be threatened. But little has happened yet.
Public lands: The cumulative impact will be much less land. It
could literally change the landscape.
Climate: Fred Krupp, president of Environmental Defense, is
quoted: Looking forward, whether or not the President remains
in denial on global warming will have a dramatic impact on health
of the planet, on how the world views America, and on how environmentalists view Bush.60
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CHAPTER 13
Environmental groups, especially large ones like Greenpeace and the Natural Resources
Defense Council, remain viable contestants in determining public policy in political arena.
Along with corporations, they remain active in lobbying and electoral activities.
Corporate Practices.
Equally important to political successes and
failures has been the growing influence of environmental groups on
business practices. One of the most remarkable changes in company attitude is by the countrys top coal-burning utility, American Electric
Power. Whereas it once fought the idea of combating climate change, in
the late 1990s, the then-CEO E. Linn Draper, Jr. convinced the company
that instead of denying that global warming existed, it would prepare
for limits. Besides trying to accumulate credits for cutting CO 2, it has
been exploring ways to burn coal more cleanly, investing in renewable
energy projects in Chile and retrofitting school buildings in Bulgaria for
greater efficiency. Scores of other companies have also been taking action and seeing big benefits. Among them are DuPont, which has cut its
greenhouse-gas emissions by 65% since the 1990s; Alcoa, which is aiming at a 25% cut by 2010; and GE, which is spending millions to develop
hydrogen-powered cars that dont emit. 61 GEs strategy is to dominate
the market for renewable-energy technologies. Its new $52 million research center near Munich, Germany, will work on hydrogen fuel cells,
wind turbines, biomass fuels, and photovoltaics based on polymers. 62
A PricewaterhouseCoopers survey of 140 large U.S. companies finds that the vast
majority are moving to adopt environmentally cleaner and sustainable business practices.
Box 13.1 describes some of them, even though 72% of the respondents say intentions are
not yet followed through in a systematic manner.63
These business initiatives show that the environmental message is
getting through. However, collaboration has its limits. GM, which cooperated with CERES in reducing pollution at some of its factoriesand
saved on energy costs and precluded expensive government-mandated
cleanupsnevertheless
opposed
environmentalists
on
the
CAF
standards that a Senate proposal sought to raise. Gas-guzzling SUVs and
pickups were simply too profitable to give up because of environmental
concerns. As Elizabeth Lowery, the companys vice president for environment and energy stated, We make cars and trucks, and we run a
business.64
Despite disagreements when economics and environment
clash,
some
companies
are
talking,
and
environmentalists
are
increasingly working directly with big corporations.
Conflicts
between
environmental
groups
and
corporations
will
undoubtedly continue in both the political arena and in confrontations or
collaboration between specific groups and specific industries and corporations. Some corporations may seek dominance over environmental
groups but there is a rising realization that the consequences of environmental decisions are too great to be left to any notion of victory over
opponents. Consensus is growing among scientists, government, and
Box
13.1 Examples
Practices
of
Improved
Corporate
Environmental
1. ForestEthics, a San Francisco environmental group, was active in a campaign to turn Home
Depot and Lowes into supporters for
so-called green forest practices. These lumber retailers had been carrying wood from
ecologically rich ancient forest.
Home Depot, the nations largest wood retailer, which sells more
than $5 billion of lumber, plywood, doors, and windows a year, vowed
to stop selling wood from environmentally sensitive forests by the end
of 2002. On January 2, 2003, it delivered a report to more than 20 environmental and government entities detailing its efforts. Rainforest
Action, a San Francisco-based group that led protests at Home Depot
stores 3 years previously, gave the company a solid B. The group
wants Home Depot to push their top suppliers out of the old-growth
wood trade.
ForestEthics next targeted paper retailers like Staples. One accomplishment: Staples distributed a letter to store customers that states,
We work closely with our vendors to insure they do not sell Staples any
products made from old-growth forest. The company, however, admits, we have to take on good faith from our suppliers that theyve responded accurately. ForestEthics contends that Staples will carry
papers that include wood fiber from three old-growth forest regions:
the Canadian boreal forest, the interior of British Columbia, and Indonesia. Paper firms are gearing up for a public relations battle as activists
continue to exert pressure to place certain areas off-limits to logging.
2. Business has warmed up to the idea that factory waste water can be
reduced and made clean enough to drink and that toxic-free products
can be manufactured. Ford CEO William Clay Ford, Jr. hired a leading
guru of green growth, Bill McDonough, to lead a $2 billion renovation
of its Ford Rouge plant outside Detroit. Ford looked at it as sound
business rather than environmental philanthropy. Another company, Steelcase, hired McDonough and his partner Michael Braungart,
a top European chemist and a founder of Germanys Green Party, to
make an ecologically safe fabric for its subsidiary Designtex. They
managed to create a fabric that is so free of toxins that you can eat it!
(But showing business reluctance to deviate from past practices, the
only chemical company out of 60 invited to join the project was
Ciba-Geigy.) Nike is another convert. It makes sneakers virtually free
of PVCs and is developing one that can biodegrade safely into soil,
reports BusinessWeek. McDonough believes companies can in such
ways innovate their way out of regulation. In their book, Cradle to Cradle, McDonough and Braungart say that their eco-effective strategies
can take the sting out of such new regulations as the European Unions end-of-life legislation, which requires auto makers to recycle or
reuse at least 80% of their old cars by 2006.
361
362
CHAPTER 13
business that action to combat climate change must be hastened. 65 The

basic emerging idea is to place mandatory reductions or taxes on carbon
emissions
together
with
a
worldwide
emissions-trading
program.
Another favorable sign that business attitudes are reflecting the environmental values is that the tide of collaborative efforts is rising and
environmental groups can be expected to play a large role. In sum, environmental groups continue to hold sway in the political arena and are
affecting business practices.
Labor Union Power Eroding But Still to Be Reckoned With
The power of big labor has been on the decline. Societys power structure no longer shows labor unions rivaling the power of big business, as
it did in the 1950s when labor unions represented 40% of the work
force.66 Only about 13% of the U.S. workforce were union members in
2004, marking a steady decline from 24% in 1973, 20% in 1983, and
16% in 1993.67
If only private-sector employees are counted, the percentage is even lower. Only 8.2% of them belonged to a union in 2001, a
decline from about 13% a decade earlier and 9% in 2001. 68 Even in the
historical
stronghold
of
manufacturing,
union
membership
declined
from 21% in 1992 to less than 16% in 2001. Labor experts conclude that
the balance of power has continued to shift toward managements favor. Some say that the very future of collective bargaining is in questionwhich is
reflected
in the
scant
media
coverage
of
collective
bargaining outcomes and events.69
Nevertheless, labor unions are still exerting power in collective bargaining in some sectors of industry. A prime example is the United Auto
Workers (UAW), one of the most powerful unions in the United States,
followed perhaps by the airline unions and the professional baseball and
football unions. However, the UAWs power is not secure because it now
needs new members to keep its strength. Over half of the 80,000 members who have joined since 1998 arent in the auto industry; for example, it represented about 20% of all parts workers. Assembly plants run
by foreign car makers remain mainly nonunion.70
Membership Decline.
Union membership has been declining for a
number of reasons. One is the increasing use of antiunion strategies by
employers, as discussed in chapter 2, along with improved corporate
human resources management, following the assumption that satisfied
workers dont join unions. Other reasons for declining union power are
increased competition from foreign labor because of globalization,
emerging technologies, the decline of the manufacturing sector, high job
turnover, disqualifying employees from the right to organize because
they have a managerial component in their job description, and the lack
of appeal of labor unions (e.g., for favoring seniority rights over merit).
Unions also have themselves to blame for their diminishing numbers
363
because
of
their
shortcomings: internal
union
corruption and
autocracy by top leaders, lack of a compelling social agenda, perception that
unions are a monopolistic special interest group, outmoded methods
and philosophies for todays new workforce and economy, and profound image problems.71
Some labor experts says that unless the labor movement is able to
transform itself, it will have to contend with a smaller role in society. As
stated by Thomas A. Kochan, codirector of the Institute for Work and
Employment Research at M.I.T.s Sloan School of Management, there is
a mismatch between todays workforce and workplace and the institutions and policies that support and govern them. 72 This view is endorsed
by Peter Hoier, a labor counselor at the Royal Danish Embassy, Washington, DC, who states, the national trade unions have not yet adapted
to the new global economy. He suggests that with the globalization of
the economy and still bigger and more powerful corporations there is an
increasing
demand
for
an
international
labor
movement.
Furthermore, he believes that the way the unions are run today probably needs
re-examination;
for
example,
fostering
education,
cooperating
with
coworkers, providing access to computer facilities, and introducing insurance schemes.73 By providing a wider range of services, unions hope to
attract more members.
Efforts to Revitalize Unions. When
the
current
president
of
the
AFL-CIO John J. Sweeney took office in 1995 he sought to revitalize a
fossilized bureaucracy with the aim of making the labor movement
more unified and focused. He filled key posts with reformers with a history of activism and he established several new offices: a department of
corporate affairs, a center for strategic research, and a center for worker
ownership and governance.74
Henceforth, the national office would
play a greater role in setting an agenda for all its state and local affiliates.75
Sweeney also opened the Organizing Institute with the aim of
training some 1,000 fresh union organizers in 2 years. 76 However, his
reorganization and rejuvenation efforts over 9 years largely failed, with
union membership falling 2% under his tenure, the same rate of decline
that occurred under the previous president, Lane Kirkland. 77
New union leadership offers some hope and a few unions have been
able to increase membership. Sweeney is being challenged by Andrew L.
Stern,
president
of
the
1.6-million-member
Service
Employees
International Union (SEIU). Stern charges that the AFL-CIO has become an antiquated structure that divides workers strength. He says that the
federations 60 unions are too many and proposes to replace them with
15 or 20 powerful mega-unions that would focus on building membership density, or share of the labor market, in specific industries. This
would give unions more clout to match heightened corporate power.
Stern, along with the heads of the carpenters, the laborers, the needletrades, and the hotel workers union merged in the summer of 2004 to
form the New Unity Partnership (NUP).78 Another merger was an-
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CHAPTER 13
nounced in January 2005: the United Steelworkers and the Paper, Allied Industrial, Chemical
and Energy Workers International Union (PACE). These two of North Americas largest
industrial unions will comprise an 850,000-member union. It will be the largest in the
manufacturing sector and the sixth largest within the AFL-CIO.79
The SEIU and a few other labor unions are among the few that have
succeeded in increasing membership. During Sweeneys tenure, SEIU
doubled its membership. Another union, the Union of Needletrades, Industrial, and Textile Employees (UNITE), which had lost more than
200,000 members through the late 1990s, largely because of offshore
competition, also increased its membership. J. Bruce Raynor, who became UNITEs president in 2001, concentrated his efforts on low-wage
industries such as retail distribution. Workers there are mostly nonwhite immigrants who earn $8 an hour. Raynor launched a major drive
in commercial laundry, knowing that it couldnt be moved offshore. 80
The UAW showed that even basic U.S. industries could be targets for
membership drives. It started to reunionize the U.S. auto parts industry
so that by mid-2004, 25% of the industrys 570,000 workers were union members, up from 23% in 1999. It achieved this result by using new
wholesale organizing methods. Instead of trying to organize workers
from the bottom up, which was costly and achieved poor results, it organized from the top down by organizing employers, not employees. 81
The union leaned on their Detroit car makers to persuade their parts
suppliers to remain neutral when UAW recruiters arrived. When a majority of a plants workers signed union-recognition cardsa process
known as card checkthe company voluntarily recognized the union.
The big three car makersGM, Ford, and DaimlerChryslerbenefitted
from labor peace and the parts makers benefitted by getting more work
from the car makers.82
Beyond the collective bargaining arena, unions are learning to exert
power over corporations through their huge $3-trillion-plus pension
assets. The key instrument is the right of stockholders meeting minimum ownership requirements to file shareholder proxies on a wide
range of issues, as long as they do not deal with ordinary business matters. Although they exclude all collective bargaining issues, certain social policy issues may be raised. These have included compliance with
CERES
principles
and
other
environmental
initiatives,
equal
opportunity, human rights, and maquiladoras.83 By getting together and saying
no to a particular company, unions have had a great impact on individual stock prices.84 In the 2002 proxy season, labor submitted 28% of all
shareholder resolutions versus 18% in 2001, which is more than any
other institutional investor.85 Even before the Enron debacle, big labor
led the charge for corporate governance reforms, such as auditor
independence.
In the political arena, Sweeney plunged the labor movement into
politics as never before. He pledged to spend $35 million educating vot-
365
ers and getting out the vote in the 2000 election. Changing its vocabulary and broadening its appeal, the AFL-CIO speaks about job safety
and raising wages for all working families, not just union members. 86
Steve Rosenthal became the unions new political director and architect
of the federations return to politics, which at times was highly successful. One of his most effective efforts was to switch from leaflets endorsing candidates to voter guides that compare the candidates
positions without endorsing anyone. 87 Together with Stern, Rosenthal
helped found the Democratic partys most successful 527 political
committee (see chap. 11), America Coming Together. In 2004, Stern
was building separate political muscle by allocating $65 million to
elect John Kerry with the aim of making the political atmosphere more
receptive to a labor comeback.88
The success of the labor movement depends heavily on which political party is in power. Democrats generally favor labor and Republicans
oppose labor. A watershed event was when President Ronald Reagan
fired more than 11,000 air traffic controllers who belonged to the Professional Air Traffic Controllers
Organization
(PATCO)
and
blacklisted
them from future federal employment. PATCO leadership had assumed
that no political authority could stand up to its power to call a strike.
Reagans bold move, although it slowed air traffic, heralded a new era
that seriously compromised labors main weapon of the strike. 89
Similarly, Bushs election in 2000 has been bad news for labor unions. A minor incident reflected the tenor of the new relationship.
When AFL-CIO president John J. Sweeney left a message congratulating George W. Bush on winning the presidency, he didnt get a return
call, because he was confused with another Sweeney of upstate New
York. In other words, the labor leader was barely recognized. Most of
the bad news, however, came during the first 2 months of the Bush administration, through a series of executive orders and legislative
blitzkriegs, all of which were aimed at defanging unions. In seeking a
compromise on campaign finance reform, it sought to force unions to
get members permission before spending dues on political activities. 90
Among other actions, Bush signed legislation that repealed workplace
ergonomics standards aimed at preventing repetitive motion injury
and took a tough line against labor amid contentious contract negotiations between several major airlines and their unions. 91 In the summer
of 2004, the administration announced new rules for overtime payment. The Republican dominated National Labor Relations Board is
also reviewing the legality of the card check system for union recognition, which would severely hamper union organizing drives.
Although union membership has seriously eroded over several decades and unions are
facing fierce resistance in organizing drives, business cannot dismiss the power of labor
unions. New leadership and new strategies may belatedly help unions to overcome their
weaknesses and convert themselves into a more viable force in society.
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GROWING CORPORATE MEDIA POWER

In his June 1999 PBS special, Free Speech for Sale, Bill Moyers presented the view that never before have so few owners controlled so
much media and exercised such extensive control over news and information. He said government cant keep you from getting your two
cents worth into the public debate. But what the framers of our government didnt reckon with is that two cents dont buy much free speech
these days. If you really want to be heard today, were talking big
money. The framers didnt reckon with the mass media. 92
A widespread contention among critics of corporate and media behavior is that
the mass media allow only a very narrow band of dissenting opinions to
enter political debates while allowing the rich and powerful to launch
propaganda campaigns in support of their objectives. 93
Dangers of Media Concentration
Media concentration translates into huge power of media corporations,
with attendant dangers. An extreme one is the medias power to influence political elections, as illustrated by the ability of Italys media mogul Berlusconi to win the election to become prime minister. In the U.S.,
Sinclair Broadcastings overt attempt to influence the 2004 election is a
sign that our media may become excessively politicized. A second danger is that the big media companies have the potential to influence the
course of political debate on specific issues, such as the debate over the
Telecommunications Act of 1996. A third, direct danger to society is the
loss of community-based journalism and diversity of views.
Italys Berlusconi. Italy provides a scenario of what can happen
when a media mogul enters politics and becomes the countrys prime
minister. Silvio Berlusconi, Italys richest man, owns three major private
TV networks, two national newspapers, 50 magazines, the countrys
biggest advertising agency, the biggest publishing company, the biggest
film distributor, and is an Internet service provider.94 As prime minister he
has indirect control over the countrys three state-run channels. As summarized by the
Financial
Times, Berlusconi familys media group,
Mediaset, and Rai, the Italian state broadcaster, attract about 90% of the
national TV audience as well almost all TV advertising. 95
Since he came to power, several journalists and talk-show hosts have
been kicked off the airwaves, seen by critics as a strategy of intimidation. As another indication of his power, the Italian senate approved a
decree allowing one of Berlusconis TV channels to continue terrestrial
broadcasting, contrary to a ruling by the constitutional court. Italys
president, Carolo Azeglio Ciampi, refused to sign the bill, and Reporters
Without Borders has accused the prime minister of taking a step that
was a flagrant and shocking example of conflict of interest in the me-
367
dia. The group relegated Italy to 53rd on world press freedom ranking
in 2003. The so-called Gasparri laws purpose was also to lift a ban on
cross-ownership of media and would allow one person to own more
than two national broadcasting stations, thus enabling Berlusconi to retain ownership of his three national channels. 96
On nonmedia issues,
Berlusconi has pushed laws through Parliament that are specifically designed to shield the prime minister from charges of corruption and to
favor his business interests. He had been indicted numerous times for
fraud and corruption, but most charges were dropped due to the statue
of limitations.97
The example of Italy raises the specter that excessive media concentration gives the media inordinate power, especially when used by powerful individuals or institutions. No media owner in the United States
has yet succeeded becoming president, but some have succeeded in running for state offices, or, like William Randolph Hearst, becoming a
House representative. However, there is a potential danger that as the
media become more politicized, they may unfairly seek to influence the
outcome of elections.
Sinclair Broadcasting Episode. The
danger
of
politicized
media
was illustrated by partisan actions by Sinclair Broadcasting Group, the
nations largest owner of television stations. It ordered its 62 television
stations nationwide to preempt regular programming days before the
November 2, 2004, election day to air Stolen Honor: Wounds That
Never Heal, a highly charged documentary critical of Senator John
Kerry, the democratic candidate. Six months previously, the right-wing
broadcaster took the extraordinary step of banning its ABC affiliates
from showing a special edition of Nightline in which anchor Ted Koppel
read the names of U.S. soldiers kill in Iraq. Its partisanship had already
been evidenced by its daily running of right-wing commentaries dubbed
The Point and delivered by Sinclair s vice president of corporate relations Mark Hyman.98
Fortunately for the preservation of a free press, the backlash to the
proposed showing of the Kerry documentary was intense. Michael
Copps, a Democratic FCC commission, blasted Sinclair, saying, This is
an abuse of the public trust, and it is proof positive of media consolidation run amok.99
Former Federal Communications Commission
chairman Reed Hundt called it ordering stations to carry propaganda
and said it was absolutely off the charts. He said, Sinclairs acting
more like a cable channel. Broadcasters are given spectrum for free
with a quid pro quo to serve the public interest. Bob Zelnick, chairman of the Department of Journalism at Boston University, calls
Sinclairs decision an unfortunate precedent that runs counter to
good journalism and is not what network news ought to be about.
He added, Whether youre liberal or conservative, if you have roots in
the journalism profession, there are core values that transcend and
need to survive election to election. You avoid airing, very close to elec-
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CHAPTER 13
tion, highly charged, partisan material that takes the guise of a documentary.100
Angry
democrats
contacted
Sinclairs
advertisers
urging
them to pull their business or face consumer boycotts. And most important
for
Sinclairs
commercial
interests,
its
stock,
already
underperforming (it had fallen 53% in 2004), declined even further.101
Bowing to pressure, Sinclair later announced that it would not broadcast the entire film and planned to use segments in a special news program, A POW Story,on 40 of its 62 stations.102
Telecommunications Act of 1996
The ability of the media to control public debate was illustrated in the
television coverage of the Telecommunications Act of 1996, which deregulated many parts of broadcasting. The stated purpose of this legislation was to enhance market competition among rival communication
firms which, in turn, would stimulate technological innovation and improve services and public access. One aspect of the bill was the handing
out of new channels for digital television, which was worth an estimated fair market auction price of $70 billion. Some observers consider
this act, which gave each existing broadcaster an additional six megahertz of spectrum, one of the greatest gifts of public property in history.103
Strenuous lobbying by the industry is credited for the acts
provision that the new channelsa piece of the digital spectrumbe
given to existing broadcasters. The decision-making process involved no
input from consumers, labor, or community groups. According to Patricia Aufderheides Communications Policy and the Public Interest, It
makes the American public, and public life itself, a derivative of the vigor
and appetites of large business. 104
Particularly significant is that the media did not want to discuss
what it was doing, according to Charles Lewis, director of the Center
for Public Integrity, who appeared in the Moyers program. The major
networks devoted a combined 19 minutes of coverage to 9 months of
congressional debate, suggesting the media conglomerates do indeed
control TV news concerning their own conduct. Moyers warned that
the treatment of the Telecommunications Act by the networks is only
the beginning when six corporations control everything on U.S. network television.105
The FCCs attempt at further deregulation of media-ownership rules
was restricted by Congress in December 2003 and then halted entirely
by the courts in June 2004. Despite his media-rules upset, Powell maintained that he was right but too early. 106 As new types of media, e.g.,
satellite radio and digital technology, proliferate, existing rules are
likely to be challenged in the future, increasing the prospects of further
media concentration.
Loss of News about Local Issues.
A study released by the Project
of Excellence in Journalism in February 2003 concluded that larger TV
369
station-owning companies used their market power to reduce their

commitment to local journalism. 107
Local broadcasters complain that
raising the cap would give the networks too much power over what
news
and
programs
are
broadcast
locally. These
absentee
corporations dont show much personal concern for the community. Affiliated
stations argue that independent stations are better able than networkowned stations to preempt the networks prime-time programs when a
major news story of local importance breaks. One example is that in
September 2002, CBS strong-armed a Florida affiliate into airing the
season premier of 48 Hours instead of an important gubernatorial debate (some affiliates refused). 108
Local issues like school board and
road-building decisions wont get covered, warns Mark Cooper of the
Consumer Federation of America. And if election coverage isnt balanced, fewer people will vote. This is about citizens and civic discourse,
not consumers and profits.109
Communities can actually be harmed when they lack local media. An
example is when in the small North Dakota city of Minot a 1 a.m. train
derailment released a toxic cloud of anhydrous ammonia. The local police tried to broadcast an alert by contacting the six local commercial radio stations, but they couldnt reach anyone fast enough. All the
stations were owned by radio giant Clear Channel Communications,
which was piping in music and newstalk from a remote location. Three
hundred people were hospitalized and some residents were left partially
blind.110
The
concentration
of
powerpolitical,
corporate,
media,
cultural
should be anathema to conservatives, said William Safire in an editorial, The Great Media Gulp. He argues that the diffusion of power
through local control, thereby encouraging individual participation, is
the essence of federalism and the greatest expression of democracy. 111
BusinessWeek agrees, saying, One of the central pillars of Americas democracy and market economy is an independent media with multiple
voices.112
Media Concentration Grows
The six giant media conglomeratesTime Warner, News Corporation
(Fox),
Viacom
(CBS),
Disney,
Vivendi,
and
Bertelsmannexert
enormous influence over film production, cable, television, radio, book publishing, and other forms of print journalism. For example, Rupert
Murdochs News Corporation owns, among other properties, Fox News,
the FX cable channel, Fox Sports, National Geographic, and the Speed
Channel, Sky News, 20th Century Fox, HarperCollins Publishers, and
several U.K., Australian, and Asian media. Some fear that their capacity to maintain ideological hegemony in and through the public sphere
has reached qualitatively new heights and results in a corporate stranglehold over political dialogue.113 This view, however, is held by only a
370
CHAPTER 13
few critics of corporations and is unlikely to take hold in the public mind
precisely because few programs like Moyerss are publicly disseminated.
Media Ownership Rule Changes.
Media concentration is likely to
grow in the future because Michael K. Powell, chairman of the FCC, is
seeking to remove restrictions on media ownership. 114 He has proposed to:
Raise cap on market share of TV stations any one company can

own to 45% of U.S. households, from the current 35%.
Ease rule to allow ownership of two stations in markets with five
or more, as long as only one is in top four in ratings.
Make it easier for companies to own both a newspaper and a TV
station in large and midsize markets.115
Chairman Powell argues that technological advances, such as the
Internet, cable TV, and direct broadcast satellites have made existing
limits on ownership less essential. It is often assumed by policymakers
that the Internet, radio and newspapers are substitutes for TV. Others,
like Philip Meyer, journalism professor at University of North Carolina,
disagree, arguing that the Internet is not an information solution. Its
just a vast distribution system, with too much information, much of
questionable quality.
A BusinessWeek editorial agrees, saying, Despite all the innovations
of recent years, the vast majority of Americans do not get their news
from l32 cable channels or news.bbc on the Web. 116 Furthermore, the
major Internet sites that people use for news are owned by big media;
their editorial content is indistinguishable from what those broadcasters and newspapers put out.117 Some of the debate centers around the
question of whether the Internet is a mass medium. As computer ownership grows, the answer will increasingly be yes, but the Columbia
Journalism Reviews editor-at-large states the Internet is not a mass
medium, no matter what you may have heard: little more than half of
U.S. households have Internet connections, and among the poor people
the figure is lot lower.118
Rule changes in media ownership are opposed by defenders of the
public interest, such as Consumers Union, Consumer Federation of
America, and the Center for Digital Democracy, who are concerned
about diversity of content and media consolidation. 119 This concern is
also shared by a few voices among newspaper proprietors and writers.
Frank Blethen, publisher of The Seattle Times, whose family has controlled the paper for generations, fears that the citizens of Seattle would
not benefit from greater concentration of ownership. Henry Holcomb, a
business writer at Knight Ridder s Philadelphia Inquirer worries about a
corporate mentality that may try to squeeze as many dollars as possible out of a newspaper-TV combination and blur all the distinctive
ways we try to stimulate and inform the public.120
371
Corporate Advertising and Public Relations. Corporate money

spent on advertising and public relations also indirectly helps maximize
corporate power because, over time, all the impressions made on the
public mind confirm the authority and legitimacy of a company and the
entire business system. As stated by Scott R. Bauman, Corporations
also have access to the hearts and minds of Americans through mass
media, especially television commercials that aim to shape public opinion on issues of corporation social responsibility. A systematic publicrelations campaign waged by leading corporations since the early 1970s
has gone a long way toward transforming a negative public image of
the large corporation.121
Part of the public relations campaign, says Bauman, is that power is
institutionalized by the ideological construct of the corporate citizen,
which serves to legitimize, but also to disguise, the power wielded by
large corporations. This ideological view is communicated daily to a
wider audience, through the artful use of mass media in various forms
and
forums,
including
political
advertising,
commercial
advertising,
and the incessant reproduction of popular culture. 122 Another type of
advertising, advocacy (or issue) advertising, permits corporations to engage in agenda settinginfluencing what people talk about and what
issues politicians may consider.123
The role played by public relations in the corporate quest to humanize the corporation and transform it into a venerable social institution is
reviewed by historian Roland Marchand in his recent book Creating the
Corporate Soul: The Rise of Public Relations and Corporate Imagery in American Big Business.124 When faced with a hostile New Deal government in
the 1930s, corporate executive after executive confessed that he and his
peers had unwisely ignored the need to explain and defend the greater
mission of his own company and of the capitalist system. 125 Business
leaders are portrayed as wanting their enterprises to be seen as something higher than money profits, even though GM CEO Alfred P. Sloan,
Jr., averred that the primary object of his company was not to make
cars but to make money.126
Through
a
variety
of
public
relations
programsinstitutional
advertising, radio programs (e.g., Du Ponts The Cavalcade of America), company exhibits (including the Worlds Fair of
1939), employee
magazinescorporations
trumpeted
their
contributions
as
patrons
of
the arts, beneficent providers of welfare for their employees, builders of
progress through civic leadership and creators of the inspirational cathedrals of commerce.127 Public relations became an accepted and essential
function of business, so much so that Paul Garrett, GM public relations
director, confidently said, the time will come when the big jobs in industry will be bossed not by the technicians of production, engineering or
merchandising but by the generalissimo of public relations. 128
Possible Backlash to Business Control and Influence Over the Media.
The danger facing business is that public fear of business control and in-
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fluence over the media may lead to a backlash. The public is already
leery about big business influence. In answer to the Roper Center question How much of the time do you think news reporting on television,
newspapers and radio is improperly influenced by big business, 49%
said often and an additional 38% said sometimes. (Only 10% said
rarely and 2% said never.) One of the experts presented in the Moyers
program thought that the relationship between big money and free
speech would be the top issue of the 21st century.129
Such attitudes could lead to future congressional action. A little over
20 years ago, two congressmen sought legislative action against business on grounds their communications threatened to deprive citizens of
full and accurate information about social and political issues. In 1978,
Representative
Benjamin
Rosenthal
(D-N.Y.)
and
Senator
James
Aborezk (D-S.D.) proposed an investigation into corporate advertising
practices, charging big business was brainwashing the American public.
The Association of National Advertisers took this charge so seriously it
responded by conducting a major study of corporate communications
on public issues. Its findings contradicted the charge. 130 This historical
attention by legislators to the perceived dangers of excessive business
control over the media should serve as a warning of possible future
legislative action.
In contrast to business, interest groups, except for large ones like the
Natural Resources Defense Council and AARP, receive little media coverage. AARPs position on an issue like Medicare drug benefits are reported
upon but receive considerably less attention compared to the Pharmaceutical Research & Manufacturers of America and its key members. The
media generally ignore labor union views on issues beyond strikes and
specifics like minimum wages.
The government is a major news source and enjoys more coverage
than business. However, it does not own media outlets, as is true in several European countries (e.g., Italy as described earlier). The press in the
United States enjoys the protection of the First Amendment free speech
rights. Broadcasters must conform to the
ownership restrictions imposed by the FCC but these may be further loosened. Content is not regulated except for decency standards, as illustrated by the Janet Jackson
exposure. The Fairness Doctrine that required broadcasters to air opposing views was rescinded in 1987 by the FCC. Furthermore, the governments use of advertising has been highly limited and its use of other
payments to the media and reporters has not been a significant problem.
A recent exception was the payment of $240,000 by the U.S. Department of Education to conservative columnist Armstrong Williams to
promote the administrations No Child Left Behind law. The Government Accountability Office criticized the administration for an illegal
covert propaganda campaign and congressional Democrats leapt on
the Williams incident as an abuse of White House power. 131
In some
other countries, such as Brazil, government advertising expenditures
are huge and the resulting media dependency on the government can be
373
construed as indirect government control. 132 A free press must guard against influence
based on government financial support.
Business Constraint Needed.
Since the muckraking period in the
late 19th century, corporations have complained about media bias
against them and hired public relations people, most of whom were
ex-journalists, to balance media treatment of them. As the chapters in
Part III indicated, the tools of proactive media relations, along with getting greater control over the media through broadcast appearances,
have enabled business to seize the initiative. Furthermore, by buying
media space in the form of advocacy advertising, business could use the
pages and broadcast time of the media to promote its agenda and views.
Advances have also been made in making the media more accountable
and, in extreme cases, to intimidate the media by suing objectionable
newspapers and broadcasters. As a final tool, business is increasingly
able to bypass the mass media and reach target audiences directly
through direct mail and a variety of private media, especially the
Internet.
Although tamed, and sometimes manipulated by business, the mass
media can act independently when it suits their own corporate interests.
Hence they remain a potential menace to the general corporate community. As PR Watch comments, the media have become so ratings-conscious and sensationalistic they are literally out of control and willing
to run stories with popular appeal, even when they present big business
interests in an unfavorable light. 133 This happens especially when crises
occur, as
Exxon, Dow-Corning,
Prudential,
and
Metropolitan
Life
Insurance can attest. Furthermore, business is not a monolithic entity. When
media conglomerates find it in their business self-interest to disclose
questionable
corporate
behaviornamely,
those
of
nonmedia
corporationsthey often do so. The media still have a penchant for sensationalizing
scandals
and
seeking
entertainment
value
at
the
expense
of
business. There is no unbreakable bond between media corporations
and nonmedia corporations, except when they are one and the same.
For this reason, the greatest potential danger of corporate dominance
of the media is the outright ownership of the news media by nonmedia
companies. GE and Disney have crossed that line, leading to accusations
of interference with editorial judgments. As an example given in the
Moyers program Free Speech for Sale, NBCs Saturday Night Live once
presented a cartoon sketch about the wide corporate interests of big media owners, including GE, and mentioned the increasing partnerships
between companies that ostensibly are competitors. The latter mention,
however, was missing in a repeat of the NBC program. 134 The increasing
concentration of ownership of newspapers and broadcasting stations
and their emphasis on profits over public service makes the media more
vulnerable to public criticism.
Part II presented and explained the strategies that corporations can
use to gain fair treatment by the media. Many of the same strategies are
374
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also used to win people over to their viewpoints. Richard Vigueri, co-author of Americas Right Turn: How Conservatives Use New and Alternative
Media to Take Power, boasts we won and sees nothing wrong when his
political view dominates the news media. He believes, journalism is all
opinion anyway, disagreeing with objective journalists who believe
that too many views masquerade as news. The liberal media had their
day and now the conservative media will have theirs. But concentration
of opinions is a serious threat to democracy and, potentially to business
and other interest groups. When a big media chain like Sinclair can determine that its viewers will be exposed to one particular political view,
those who agree with that viewpoint can feel victorious. But they have
to consider that at some future time an antithetical viewpoint may be
presented. Rather than play the win-lose game, all groups in society
must have confidence that the public will be exposed to a wide spectrum
of views, with none predominating.
Media concentration aggravates the danger of dominance by one
group in society. Those in control can exercise too much power, especially when the FCC is lax in demanding that broadcasters observe the
public interest in exchange for their license to broadcast. Journalists are
under increasing pressure to conform to the wishes of their managers.
When these wishes reflect commercial interest and promote a particular
point of view, this pressure undermines the concept of a free press that
serves as societys watchdog. Journalists cannot march lockstep with
whatever political view dominates at a particular time. They have become careless in checking out facts and asking tough questions at press
conferences, as The New York Times acknowledged when it admitted that
it let the Pentagon dominate its view about the Iraq war.
CONCLUSIONS
Corporations have had to enter politics and build up their power to
achieve a balance with government and opposing interest groups. However, by continuing to seek and exercise more power, some leading corporations engaged in unethical and illegal actions that fomented public
opposition. As a result, public attitudes toward corporate America have
worsened, causing a new round of government regulation. The BusinessWeek/Harris survey reinforces the need for business to change its beliefs
and behavior. A BusinessWeek editorial, recognizing the triumph of the
market over the state, warns that there is an uneasiness with the powerful institution of the corporation. Its advice to corporate America is threefold: Get out of politics by embracing the McCain-Feingold campaign
finance reform legislation; take responsibility for overseas factories; and
spread the wealth.135 Depending on public satisfaction with corporate reform and such other factors as economic recovery, corporations can either continue to become more powerful or face growing opposition from
government, interest groups, and the media.
375
ENDNOTES
1. Scott R. Bowman, The Modern Corporation and American Political Thought
(University Park, Penna.: The Pennsylvania State University Press, 1996), p.
276.
2. David Vogel, Fluctuating Fortunes (New York: Basic Books, 1989), p. 237. 3. Global Spin:
The Corporate Assault on Environmentalism, Publishers
Weekly, January 26, 1998, Vol. 245, No. 4, p. 82.
4. Sharon Beder, Global Spin: The Corporate Assault on Environmentalism (White
River Junction, Vt.: Green Books & Chelsea Green Publishing Company,
1997), p. 15.
5. John J. Fialka and Jeanne Cummings, Energy Documents Show Different
Levels of Access, Wall Street Journal, March 27, 2002, p. A4.
6. Robert S. Greenberger, Court to Rule on Energy Task Force, Wall Street Journal, December 16, 2003, p. A2. Cheney Energy Panel Wins Court Ruling,
Wall Street Journal, May 11, 2005, p. A4.
7. See book review by Christopher Farrell, A Nation Shaped in the Image of Big
Business, BusinessWeek, April 30, 2001, p. 20.
8. Robert Weissman, Insurrection: Taking on Corporate Power, a book review.
Multinational Monitor, Vol. 25, January-February 2004, pp. 40-41.
9. Special K: Why the Bush Administration Is Worse Than DiLulio Said, The
New Republic, December 30, 2002, p. 16.
10. Anthony Mason (anchor), Corporate Wrongdoing Can Have Widespread
Effect, Sunday Morning show, July 7, 2002, CBS News Transcript.
11. Funny Numbers, USA Today, October 21, 2002, p. 3B.
12. Corporate Americas Woes, Continued, Economist, November 30, 2002, p. 59.
13.
Richard S. Dunham, et al., The Fallout for Bush and Congress,
BusinessWeek, January 28, 2002, p. 43.
14. Carla Marinucci, Group Tallies Enrons Contributions, Lobbying, San
Francisco Chronicle, January 30, 2002, p. A10.
15. Albert R. Hunt, Enrons One Good Return: Political Investments, Wall
Street Journal, January 31, 2002, p. A19.
16. Rebecca Smith and Alexei Barrionuevo, Dynergy Ex-Trader Is Indicted on
Criminal-Fraud Charges, Wall Street Journal, January 28, 2003, p. A6.
17. Anita Raghavan, Kathryn Kranhold, and Alexei Barrionuevo, Full Speed
Ahead: How Enron Bosses Created a Culture of Pushing Limits, Wall Street
Journal, August 26, 2002, p. A1.
18. Brad Foss, The Year of the Corporate Scandal, Toronto Star, December 26,
2002, p. J02.
19. Kevin Phillips, Wealth and Democracy (New York: Broadway Books, 2002), p.
153.
20. Editorial: Enron Justice, Wall Street Journal, January 15, 2004, p. A14.
21. Gerald F. Seib and John Harwood, Rising Anxiety: What Could Bring
1930s-Style Reform of U.S. Business? Wall Street Journal, July 24, 2002,
pp. A1, A8.
22. Accession No. 0331489, Question No. 014, June 1999. Roper Center at University of Connecticut, Public Opinion Online.
23. John Harwood, Americans Distrust Institutions in Poll, Wall Street Journal, June 13, 2002, p. A4.
24. Seib and Harwood, op. cit., p. 8.
25. Roper Center at University of Connecticut, Public Opinion Online, Accession
No. 0335858, Question No. 010, November 1997.
376
CHAPTER 13
26. Seib and Harwood, op. cit., p. A1.

27. Tom Hamburger and Jeanne Cummings, Business Ties Now Bind Bush,
Wall Street Journal, July 24, 2002, p. A4.
28. Seib and Harwood, op. cit.
29. Ibid., pp. 145, 149.
30. John A. Byrne, Restoring Trust in Corporate America, BusinessWeek, June
24, 2002, p. 32.
31. CEOs in Handcuffs, Wall Street Journal, July 26, 2002, p. A10.
32. Deborah Solomon, SEC Considers Stronger Sanctions, Wall Street Journal,
June 16, 2003, p. A2.
33. Ibid., p. 149.
34. Ibid., p. 148.
35. Ibid. The Gallup survey was conducted between June 24 and June 27.
36. Seib and Harwood, op. cit.
37. Richard W. Stevenson and Janet Elder, Poll Finds Concerns That Bush Is
Overly Influenced by Business, New York Times, July 18, 2002, p. A1.
38. Robert B. Reich, Commentary; Perspective on Business; Democracy and
Megacorporations May Be Mutually Exclusive. Los Angeles Times, May 13,
1998, p. B-9.
39. Bowman, op. cit., p. 255.
40. Paul M. Sherer, The Lesson From Chrysler, Citicorp and Mobil: No Companies Nowadays Are Too Big to Merge, Wall Street Journal, January 4, 1999,
p. R8.
41. Martin Peers, Nick Wingfield, and Laura Landro, Media Blitz: AOL, Time
Warner Leap Borders to Plan a Mammoth Merger, Wall Street Journal, January 11, 2000, p. A1.
42. Kirk Victor and Michael Posner, Merger Mania: Federal Regulators and
Lawmakers Are Struggling to Stay on Top of the Surge in Mergers, National
Journal, Vol. 32, July 15, 2000, pp. 2280-2289.
43. Vernon A. Mund, Government and Business (New York: Harper & Brothers,
1950), p. 553.
44. David Wessel and John Harwood, Selling Entire Stock!: Capitalism Is Giddy
With Triumph; Is It Possible to Overdo It? Wall Street Journal, May 14,
1998, p. A10.
45. Ibid.
46. Rob Wells, IRS to Begin Outsourcing Debt Collection, Wall Street Journal,
November 24, 2004, p. D1.
47. Private Security Firms in Iraq: Dangerous Work, Economist, April 10,
2004, pp. 22-23.
48. Spencer E. Ante and Stan Crock, The Other U.S. Military, BusinessWeek,
May 31, 2004, pp. 76-78.
49. Economist, op. cit.
50. Greg Jaffe, David S. Cloud, and Gary Fields, Iraq Contractors Pose Problem, Wall Street Journal, May 4, 2004, p. A4.
51. Amy Schatz, Effort to Speed Airport Security Is Going Private, Wall Street
Journal, January 12, 2005, pp. D1, D3.
52. Vogel, op. cit., p. 12.
53. Beder, op. cit., p. 120.
54. Ibid.
55. Amy Keller, After Victory, Reformers Start to Face Hard Times, Roll Call,
January 27, 2003, Section: Welcome Congress.
56. Beder, op. cit., p. 144.
57.
377
See John J. Gialka, Global Warming Treaty Is Sparking Differing Views

From 2 Business Groups, Wall Street Journal, May 14, 1998, p. A8.
58. Greg Hitt, Mercury Issue Takes Wing, Wall Street Journal, June 9, 2004, p. A4.
59. Jim Carlton, Bush Administration Proposes Wider Overhaul of Forest
Plan, Wall Street Journal, November 26, 2002, p. A6.
60. John Carey, How Green Is the White House? BusinessWeek, November 3,
2003, pp. 96-98.
61. John Carey, Special Report: Global Warming, BusinessWeek, August 16,
2004, p. 62.
62. Tobias Huerter, GE: Green and European, Technology Review, Vol. 107, September 2004, p. 24.
63. Jim Carlton, U.S. Firms Are Getting Greener But They Fail to Codify Practices, Wall Street Journal, August 19, 2002, p. B2.
64. Jeffrey Ball, Rocky Road: After Long Detente, GM, Green Group Are at Odds
Again, Wall Street Journal, July 30, 2002, p. A1.
65. John Carey, Global Warming, BusinessWeek, August 16, 2004, pp. 60-69.
66. See a diagram of The Power Structuring of American Institutions in 1950
in Delbert C. Miller and William H. Form, Industrial Sociology (New York:
Harper & Brothers, 1951), p. 854.
67. Aaron Bernstein, Can This Man Save Labor?, BusinessWeek, September 13,
2004, p. 84.
68. Stated in a Wall Street Journal editorial, State of the Unions, January 23,
2004, p. A14.
69. Paul F. Clark, John T. Delaney, and Ann C. Frost, Private-Sector Collective
Bargaining: Is This the End or a New Beginning? Collective Bargaining in the
Private Sector, Industrial Relations Research Association Series (Champaign,
IL: Industrial Relations Research Association, 2002), pp. 2-5.
70. Joann Muller and David Welch, Can the UAW Stay in the Game?
BusinessWeek, June 10, 2002, p. 78.
71. Bruce E. Kaufman and David Lewin, Is the NLRA Still Relevant to Todays
Economy and Workplace?, in Paula B. Voos, ed., Labor Law Journal: Proceedings of the 50th Annual Meeting, Vol. 2 (Industrial Relations Research Association, 1998), p. 1124.
72. Thomas A. Kochan, Building a New Social Contract at Work: A Call to Action, Perspectives on Work, Vol. 4, No.1, p. 3.
73. Peter Hoier, The Obsolesence of Organized Labor? Perspectives on Work, Vol.
5, No. 1, p. 9.
74. Robert L. Rose, New AFL-CIO President Seeks to Revitalize Old Federation,
Wall Street Journal, October 29, 1996, p. B1.
75. Glenn Burkins, AFL-CIO Plans First Restructuring in 44 Years, Wall Street
Journal, October 6, 1999, p. A2.
76. Robert L. Rose, Love of Labor: Training the Newest Generation of AFL-CIO
Organizers, Wall Street Journal, October 26, 1995, p. B1.
77. Aaron Bernstein, Labor s New Organization Man, BusinessWeek, April 7,
2003, p. 86.
78. Ibid., p. 82.
79. Paul Glader and Kris Maher, Two Large Unions in Industrial Sector to
Merge, Wall Street Journal, January 12, 2005, p. A4.
80. Ibid., p. 80.
81. Jarol B. Manheim, The Death of a Thousand Cuts: Corporate Campaigns and the
Attack on the Corporation (Mahwah, N.J.: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates,
2001), pp. 37-38.
378
CHAPTER 13
David Welch, A Breakthrough for Labor, BusinessWeek, August 2, 2004, pp.

76-86.
83. Manheim, op. cit., p. 224.
84. Amy Borrus and Paul Dwyer, Governance: Getting the Boss to Behave,
85. Ibid.
86. Steven Greenhouse, Labor s Labors Not Lost, New York Times, May 12,
1996, p. E4.
87. Aaron Bernstein and Richard S. Dunham, Hes Got Washington Listening to
Labor Again, BusinessWeek, November 4, 1996, p. 89.
88. Bernstein, Can This Man Save Labor?, op. cit., p. 83.
89. Manheim, op. cit., pp. 34-36.
90. Paula Dwyer, Big Labor: So Out Its Off the Radar Screen, BusinessWeek,
March 26, 2001, p. 55.
91. Kathy Chen, Bush Halts Union-Friendly Rules; Carpenters Sever AFL-CIO
Link, Wall Street Journal, April 2, 2001, p. A24.
92. Tom Feran, Big Business Raises the Price of Free Speech; PBS Looks at Effects
of Consolidating Media Ownership, The Plain Dealer, June 8, 1999, p. 1E.
93. Charlotte Ryan, Prime Time Activism: Media Strategies for Grassroots Organizing (Boston, Mass.: South End Press, 1991), p. 14. A stronger view is voiced
by Edward Herman and Noam Chomsky in what they call the propaganda
model; it focuses on this inequality of wealth and power and its multilevel effects on mass-media interests and choices. It traces the routes by
which money and power are able to filter out the news fit to print, marginalize dissent, and allow the government and dominant private interests to
get their message across to the public. See their Manufacturing Consent: The
Political Economy of the Mass Media (New York: Pantheon, 1988), p. 2.
94. Sylvia Poggoli, Italian Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi Celebrates 10th Anniversary in Politics as Critics Decry His Control of the Media, National
Public Radio, January 27, 2004.
95. Tony Barber, Berlusconi Under Attack for Media Power, Financial Times,
April 23, 2004, Edition 2, p. 8.
96. Reporters Without BordersITALYSilvio Berlusconi Saves One of His TV
Channels by Decree in Flagrant Example of Conflict of Interest, Canada
NewsWire, January 30, 2004.
97. Poggoli, op. cit.
98. Eric Boehlert, Sinclair s Disgrace, Salon.com, October 14, 2004, feature.
99. Joe Flint, Sinclair Draws Partisan Scrutiny With Plans for Kerry Broadcast,
Wall Street Journal, October 2, 2004, p. B13.
100. Boehlert, op. cit.
101. Bill Carter et al., Risks Seen for TV Chain Showing Film About Kerry, New
York Times, October 18, 2004, p. C-1.
102. Bill Carter, Broadcaster s Stock Picks up After Change on Kerry Film, New
York Times, October 21, 2004, p. A-27; Joe Flint, Political Shows Prove
Costly to Sinclair CEO, Wall Street Journal, October 22, 2004, p. B1.
103. Kevin Phillips, Wealth and Democracy (New York: Broadway Books, 2002),
p. 248.
104. Patricia Aufderheide, Communications Policy and the Public Interest (New
York: Guilford, 1999), p. 62.
105. Ibid., Tom Feran, Media Access Examined [by] Bill Moyers Special, Columbus Dispatch, June 8, 1999, p. 7F. The number will be reduced to five if
Viacom succeeds in acquiring CBS.
82.
379
106. Face Value: Beyond Janet Jacksons Breast, Economist, January 22, 2005,
p. 64.
107. Robert W. McChesney, The Problem of the Media: U.S. Communication Politics
in the 21st Century (New York: Monthly Review Press, 2004), pp. 276-277.
He refers to Catherine Yang, The News Biz: Is Bigger Better? BusinessWeek,
March 3, 2003, p. 97.
108. Ibid.
109. David Lieberman, TVs New Look: All Business, All the Time, USA Today,
January 14, 2000, pp. 1A, 2A.
110. Will Harper, Rethinking the Media Monopoly, East Bay Express (California), July 7, 2004, in news and features section.
111. William Safire, The Great Media Gulp, New York Times, May 22, 2003, p.
A-33.
112. Editorial: Media: The Dangers of Concentration, BusinessWeek, July 8,
2002, p. 118.
113. Carl Boggs, The End of Politics: Corporate Power and the Decline of the Public
Sphere (New York: Guilford, 2000), p. 9.
114. Relaxing Rules Raises Concerns About Diverse Media Voices, USA Today,
January 16, 2003, p. 1B.
115. As summarized in Yochi J. Dreazen and Joe Flint, FCC Eases Media-Ownership Caps, Clearing Way for New Mergers, Wall Street Journal, June 3,
2002, p. A1.
116. Beware Media Consolidation, BusinessWeek, May 26, 2003, p. 126.
117. William Safire, Merged Media Giants Have Us at Their Mercy, The International Herald Tribune, January 22, 2003, p. 9.
118. Neil Hickey, Power Shift: As the FCC Prepares to Alter the Media Map, Battle
Lines Are Drawn, Columbia Journalism Review, March/April 2003, p. 26. 119. Yochi J.
Dreazen and Joe Flint, Court Rejects Curbs on Media Ownership,
Wall Street Journal, February 20, 2002, p. A3.
120. Hickey, op. cit.
121. Bauman states that positive corporation images can also be conveyed effectively on television through product endorsements. Smiling faces, high
production values, and a corporate logo can also shape attitudes, especially
those of a new generation. p. 150 Also: Bauman: Corporate individualism continues to be the most important ideological weapon in the arsenal
of corporate power. Through modern methods of advertisingespecially
television commercialsthe corporate persona regularly advises, entertains, and indoctrinates a captive audience. Bauman contends that The
selling of corporate America takes many forms in which commercial and
political advertising often become indistinguishable. This is witnessed
when the sales pitch fades into the background in what appears to be public-service announcements or self-congratulatory commercials lauding
corporate good deeds and praising the American way. Public responsibility becomes increasingly important as corporate power transforms social
relationships. To succeed in the long term, corporate leaders must take into
account social and political realities. See Bauman, op. cit., pp. 182-183. 122. Ibid., p. 33.
123. This criticism is similar to discussions about advertising as an unfair
method of competition. Vernon A. Mund states that this occurs when advertising is false and when used excessively. He states, The very fact of being able to employ large-scale advertising gives an advantage to a few
producers which is not equally available to smaller but perhaps just as effi-
380
CHAPTER 13
cient firms. See his Government and Business (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1950), p. 305.
124. Roland Marchand, Creating the Corporate Soul: The Rise of Public Relations
and Corporate Imagery in American Big Business (Berkeley, Calif.: University
of California Press, 1998).
125. Ibid., p. 204.
126. Ibid., p. 161.
127. See book review by Susan G. Davis, Corporate Affairs; Big Business Uses
PR as a Tool and a Club, The San Diego Union-Tribune, January 31, 1999, p.
Books-1.
128.
Marchand,
op.
cit.,
p.
357.
129. Ibid.
130. Press release dated October 27, 1978, from ANA, Public Issues & Corporate Constituents: Highlight of A.N.A.-Business Week Survey on Businesss Understanding of Public Issues.
131. Christopher Cooper and Brian Steinberg, Bush Draws Fire Over Fee Paid to
Columnist to Promote Policy, Wall Street Journal, January 10, 2005, p.
B3.
132. Melvin L. Sharpe and Roberto P. Simoes, Public Relations Performance in
South and Central America, in Hugh M. Culbertson and Ni Chen, editors,
International Public Relations: A Comparative Analysis (Mahwah, N.J.: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 1996), p. 287.
133. Theyre Rich, Theyre Powerful and Theyre Running Scared, PR Watch,
Vol. 4, First Quarter 1997, pp. 1-3.
134. Feran, op. cit.
135. Editorials: New Economy, New Social Contract, BusinessWeek, September
11, 2000, p. 182.
Chapter
14
Constructing a Competitive Political

Marketplace
Corporations can mitigate fears of excessive corporate power, if not outright dominance, by accepting the model of a political marketplace and
constructing ways to implement it. Its fundamental requirement is the
maintenance of competition among societys myriad of interests. Just
as the economic marketplace requires vigorous competition to work
properly and protect the public interest, so does the political marketplace.1 When competition exists everybody can pursue their economic
interests and express their personal viewpoints because, as Adam Smith
stated, the invisible hand of the marketplace allows people to work for
their own self-interest and still produce a desirable social outcome. 2 In
the economic marketplace, the existence of competition with many
buyers and sellers prevents the domination by any one of them because
the price is set by the market. Similarly, in the political marketplace
competition among a diversity of interest groups enables people to promote their position on issues and compete in influencing public policy.
Competition in the economic marketplace is protected by rules of the
game established by business and supplemented by laws that seek to
preserve a competitive structure. The most important laws are the
Sherman Antitrust Act of 1890 and the Clayton Act of 1914. Just as the
Sherman Act forbade the combination of economic entities that would
restrain commerce, the rules of the political marketplace would prevent
the excessive building up of power blocs. These understandings about
the requirements of competition are required in both marketplaces to
avoid, in the words of the Sherman Act, a ruthless, savage war to the
death, waged without rules of fairness or reasonableness, and legitimate as long as it promotes the interest of the person practicing it. 3 Just
as the Clayton Act curbed the use of unfair methods of competition, the
381
382
CHAPTER 14
political marketplace needs prohibitions against the use of unfair techniques.4

The
economic
and
political
marketplaces
are
basically
communication networks that bring together selected information from groups of
people. Consumers are said to have purchasing power and citizens
voting power. Businesses sell products and services in the economic
marketplace to buyers, the consumers. In the political marketplace, legislative regulatory bodies are the sellers of preferred public policies and a
variety of favors, such as subsidies, tax benefits, and tariff protection, to
a variety of buyers. This demand side of the market comprises citizens,
businesses, associations, and the many interest groups in our society.
They react to the political products proposed by lawmakers and regulators. They have the right to express their demands through the right to
petition government, sometimes backing up their demands with campaign contributions, which to some is tantamount to buying legislative votes.
This
analogy
between
the economic
and
political
marketplaces has one notable difference: Government can impose its
products on corporate and other citizens. However, if buyers are dissatisfied, they may engage in political campaigning to change the composition of the sellers; that is, the lawmakers and the president.
In economics, full and accurate information from both sellers and
buyers is an essential condition for a market to function efficiently. In
the simple world of the general store, a customer possesses what economists call full knowledgeof what products are available, what their
essential characteristics are, and what their prices are. Similarly, the local merchant is aware of his or her customers needs and the prices suppliers charge for their products. Price is the core information required in
the market.5 It is an incredibly efficient way to reflect the strength of demand for a product and the willingness of sellers to provide the product.
Nothing comparable to price exists in the political marketplace. 6 The
closest type of information is public opinion, which reports on the number of people and the intensity with which they support a particular
public policythe equivalent of quantity demanded in the economic
arena.7
Constant reference by lawmakers, public officials, and politicians to market research findings to determine what citizens want
and, therefore, what products they should provide, shows the importance politicians place on public opinion. Candidates running for office
play the game of product differentiation; that is, identifying themselves with selecting issues that resonate with voters.
In applying the economics model to the political marketplace, therefore, two features are
essential: maintaining competition and ensuring truthful and timely disclosure of
information.
MAINTAIN COMPETITION IN THE POLITICAL MARKETPLACE
Just as the public interest in the economic marketplace is
competition among large numbers of sellers and among buyers, so is
preserved
by
CONSTRUCTING A COMPETITIVE POLITICAL MARKETPLACE
383
the public interest in the political marketplace safeguarded by competition among citizens and a variety of interest groups. The model of a
pluralistic society represents this state of affairs where citizens are all
well informed, all share and treasure core public values, all care about
what their government does, and all participate in their collective governance through advocacy, voting, and the other avenues of the democratic process.8
However, population growth and the formation of a myriad of interest groups have required that this town hall model be replaced by a
more complex one: the pluralist democratic elite theory in which a diverse and competing group of elite leaders replace ordinary citizens.
Democratic ideals are thereby sacrificed because this system of elites
functions more like a protected market with high entry barriers than a
system of free and open competition. 9
Furthermore, it is likely that
some
groupslarger,
richer,
with
better
accesswill
have
disproportionate power. Andrew Hacker s metaphor is often cited: When General Electric, American Telephone and Telegraph, and Standard Oil of
New Jersey enter the pluralist arena we have elephants dancing among
the chickens.10 To avoid gross inequality of power and maintain a competitive political marketplace, attempts should be undertaken to provide
equivalent opportunities for all political participants. 11
Encourage Diversity of Interest Groups
To build and maintain competition in the political marketplace, the existence of a large number and wide assortment of interest groups to represent various businesses and social institutions is desirable. This feature
provides a large source and reservoir of political and social ideas. Some
of these ideas gradually work their way through the issues management process and result in changes in the political agendas of Democrats, Republicans, and, possibly, politicians of other parties. Corporate
policymakers also have the option of acting on some issues independently or resolving them with others in the private sector instead of waiting for ideas to percolate through government.
To maintain competition in the political marketplace it is important
that the voices of interest groups not be eliminated or muted, tempting
as this strategy is in short-term campaigns. Some controversial examples are as follows:
1. SLAPP suits, which intimidate individuals and small groups from speaking out
against some business interests. Speaking for consumer groups, Ralph Nader attacked
these suits as blatant attempts by corporations to bully citizens into silence.12
2. Questionable and sometimes outright illegal antiunion tactics
by employers. The Taft-Hartley Act corrected the prolabor bias of the
1935 Wagner Act by giving employers the right to tell their employ-
384
CHAPTER 14
ees why they should not join a union. However, when employers
threaten to close facilities if a union wins, that is a violation. Firing
union supporters during elections is also illegal, which, however, a
third of companies in an NLRB study admitted doing (up from 8% in
the 1960s). Requiring workers to meet one-on-one with supervisors
on a union issue is, at best, questionable. 13 George Schultz, the former
secretary of state who was also once an industrial relations expert,
believes a system of collective bargaining should survive. He fears we
are now looking at megacorporations and microlabor as we enter the
21st century.14
3. Seeking restrictions on political spending by unions. On this
highly partisan issue, business supported California Proposition 226,
which would require unions to obtain permission from individual
members to use dues in political campaigns. (As some legal experts
believe, such a prohibition might also require employers who take deductions on employees behalf to get annual permission from each
worker.)15 Serious consideration has to be given to the argument that
unions should be treated the same as other voluntary associations.
Members have the right to participate in the governance of that association, but the majority rules.16
4. Depriving legitimate groups of financial support when they
speak out against corporations. A distinction should be made between the so-called Packard Doctrine, which advises companies not
to give financial support to their critics, and efforts to disqualify
501(c) nonprofit groups from exercising their advocacy role.
5. Asking the courts to treat corporate free speech as commercial speech is equally
repressive to the expression of viewpoints, as argued in the Nike v. Kasky case.
It may appear unrealistic and self-defeating from a short-term viewpoint to ask corporations to mitigate or abandon these strategies, because doing so conflicts with the public affairs spirit of fighting to
win. However, in the long run the preservation of viable opposing interest groups is part of the system of checks and balances needed to preserve the democratic foundations of marketplace economics.
Recognize the Legitimate Function of Government
Ideological faith in free enterprise does not rule out a legitimate role of
government in making sure that at least the rules of the game in the
marketplace are observed. This requirement was the minimum prescription of Adam Smith, the ideological godfather of the free enterprise
system. The basic economic function of government is to create and operate a system of institutions that allows for the conduct of business activity. These include the right to private property, freedom of contract,
money and credit, weights and measures, and a system of civil law for
adjudicating the private disputes of individuals. 17
385
Other functions of government have been added that, to various degrees, are controversial: (a) to promote the maximum production of
goods and services in the conduct of business activitywhich would be
assured where freedom of competition existsand (b) to provide for a
determination of prices and incomes that are in harmony with the public welfare. Few would disagree that government must regulate prices
where monopoly exists, as has been done with public utilities. Greater
disagreement exists over government interference with income, such as
the setting of minimum wages or limiting executive salaries.
The underlying political issue in the United States is whether people
want more or less government. President Reagan believed that government is the root of social and economic evil, so that once government is
off the peoples backs, problems can more easily be solved through the
automatic functioning of the marketplace. Some measures, however,
like deregulation, have gone too far. If the Enron and other corporate
scandals have taught any lesson, it is that the unbridled pursuit of profit
results in periodical excesses that trigger public outrage and greater
government regulation.
Few would argue against the idea that government has a basic regulatory function to perform. This lesson was reinforced by the widespread U.S. power outage in the summer of 2003. Secretary of Energy
Spencer Abraham said that voluntary compliance with standards that
ensure reliability are inadequate and that enforceable standards are required to lessen the risk of further power failures. 18
A U.S.-Canadian
task force report warned that there was little reason to believe the electric system was hardier at the beginning of 2004 than it was in 2003. 19
A few conservatives have warned against demonizing government.
William J. Bennett and John J. Dilulio, Jr. note that some of their fellow
conservatives believe so strongly in antigovernment ideology, they
come perilously close to delegitimating the idea of government itself. 20
Furthermore, says Bennett, Unbridled capitalism is a problem for
that whole dimension of things we call the realm of values and human
relationships.21 If there are limits to capitalism, government must play
a role. Whether social justice and democratic ideals are thereby achieved
is a question that the competitive system can only partly answer.
Political parties provide voters with some choices about social ideals
in that they differ among themselves on the principles that guide their
interpretation of the national interest. As defined by Joseph A.
Schumpeter, members of political parties propose to act in concert in
the competitive struggle for political power. 22
When considering the
wide range of political ideologies that have existedranging from communism
and
socialism
to
conservatismthe
Democratic
and
Republican political parties are distinctly procorporate, believing in free
markets, free trade, deregulation, and welfare reform. Nevertheless,
they differ on some major issues of concern to environmental and labor
groups; for example, the extent to which oil and gas development
should be allowed in western wildlands, and whether to allow the card
386
CHAPTER 14
check system for recognizing a union. Other differences, however, revolve around such
narrow issues as the size of tax cuts, the degree of privatization of Social Security,
whether patient rights should include the right to sue, and new prescription drug benefits.
Avoid Gross Disparities in Political Purchasing Power
Laws governing the political marketplace barely exist. The Constitution
of the United States says nothing about political parties. Laws prohibit
only a few unfair practices by political parties. The most specific but
limited law is the Hatch Act (referring to two federal statutes, the 1939
act and the 1940 act), which restricts the permissible political activity of
most federal employees. More general and of broader impact are laws
about campaign fund raising that specify the size and type of contributions interest groups and citizens may make and how this money may
be used. Campaign financing thus essentially determines the existence
and manner of competition in the political marketplace.
As in the economic marketplace, money largely determines how
much purchasing power each group on the demand side of the political
marketplace
has.
Obviously,
corporations,
trade
organizations,
labor unions, and wealthy individuals have much more influence in the
political marketplace than do most other groups. To preserve democratic values, however, the gap between those with large political funds
and those with few or no funds must not become analogous to the
well-publicized inequality between the top 10% and bottom 10% of
peoples income and wealth.
Campaign Finance Laws. The
purpose
of
the
Federal
Election
Campaign Act amendments of 1974, as discussed in chapter 11, was to
curb the influence of big money by setting limits to allowable campaign contributions by individuals, labor unions, and corporations.
The overall objective of the act is congruent with the goal of increasing
political competitiveness, namely, to increase the competitiveness of
congressional elections so a greater number and variety of candidates
can run for office.23 However, by taking advantage of unlimited soft
money
contributions,
campaign
contributors
thwarted
the
acts
intention, with the result that money continued to play a much too significant role in elections.
Passage of the McCain-Feingold bill severely restricted soft money
contributions to national political parties, but it has not stemmed the
flow of money from the usual sources. A BusinessWeek article, The New
Fat Cats, reports record fund-raising and record-shattering influence
by the same special interests that the reforms sought to stifle. 24 It particularly refers to super fat cats like Peter B. Lewis and George Soros,
who write megamillion-dollar checks to liberal 527 groups like America
Coming Together and the Media Fund. Equally important are the bundlers, who are high-powered executives and lobbyists who open up the
387
taps at Wall Street firms, health care companies, manufacturers, and oil and gas companies.
President Bush, for example, has 188 Rangers who have brought in upwards of
$200,000 each, followed by 270 Pioneers who have raised at least $100,000.25 Thus the
impact of the law is limited because some of the new special interest groups, especially 527
groups, are new vehicles for political contributions and have simply become surrogates
for political parties.
As campaigning in the 2004 elections confirms, controversy over political money will continue and new campaign finance proposals will be
made, especially the controversial proposal to provide candidates with
broadcast opportunities. For example, Paul S. Herrnson proposed that
broadcasters be required to make free or discounted television time
available, using the argument that airwaves are a public resource. 26
Even the conservative magazine The Economist recommended reducing
the cost of television timethe most burdensome component of campaignsby requiring broadcasters to offer free time as a condition of
getting a license.27 Agreeing with these views, Senator John McCain,
speaking before the National Press Club in November 2002, said he
would require
radio and
television
broadcasters
to
provide
candidate-centered programs before elections, provide vouchers for free political advertising for political candidates, and ensure that air time is
available to candidates at a reasonable rate. 28 The powerful National
Association of Broadcasters, however, would never stand for it and,
even if passed, it is believed candidates would go on spending the same
amount of time raising the same amount of money they did before. 29
A more radical proposal is public financing of congressional candidates.30 In addition to broadcasting time, Herrnson proposes that government provide vouchers and free postage for candidates, or at least for
political
parties. These
measures
would
lessen
the
advantage
incumbents now enjoy of using franking privileges. Incumbents already have
the other advantages of inertia, seniority, name recognition, pork,
perks, and patronage.
Unless there are further major scandals or political upheavals, these
more radical campaign finance proposals are unlikely to gain acceptance. Differences in financial resources among political participants
will continue to give some voices advantage over others. However, competition can still flourish when interest groups mobilize people power
and use the power of the Internet to communicate with others and
mobilize for action.
TRANSPARENCY: REPAIR THE FINANCIAL INFORMATION
INFRASTRUCTURE
A
competitive
marketplacewhether
economic
or
politicaldepends
on the availability and accuracy of relevant information, known as
material facts in the world of finance. The availability and disclosure
388
CHAPTER 14
of full and timely information establishes the trust needed in our eco nomic transactions.
That trust was undermined by the corporate scandals and continuing news reports of
manipulation of accounting records to hide losses and inflate earnings.
Scandals Expose
Infrastructure
Fractures
in
the
Financial
Information
Cries for transparency have been loud and clear. Support has grown for
the SECs requirements for full and timely disclosure. On one level this
involves improved communications between a corporation and its investors. However, in todays complex financial
marketplace, many professional
groups
and
institutions
process,
interpret,
and
judge
information. Their role is reflected in what can be called the financial information infrastructure. It comprises seven components: (a) corporate
accountants, (b) auditors, (c) lawyers, (d) boards of directors, (e) security analysts and investment bankers, (f) stock exchanges, and (g) the
SEC. An examination of recent corporate scandals reveals how the failures of each component of the financial information infrastructure contributed to the corruption of information.
Corporate Accountants.
They record business transactions in corporate journals and ledgers and prepare periodic and annual financial
statements showing the health of the business. These accountants generally report to the chief financial officer (CFO). Together they start the
supply chain of financial information. Unfortunately, the CFOs in the
scandalized companies were more interested in strategic maneuvers to
give the impression of profitable operations and growth than in the accuracy of information. In fact, most CFOs have backgrounds in strategic
management rather than accountancy.
When accountants discover questionable entries, they are supposed
to bring them to the attention of higher management. However, out of
concern for keeping their jobs and being loyal to their employer, most
accountants often fail to follow up on discrepancies. Some have been coopted, as Enron demonstrated. Although Sherron Watkins, an Enron accountant, was chosen by Time Magazine as the Person of The Year, as
one of a trio of whistle-blowersalong with Coleen Rowley, an FBI staff
attorney, and Cynthia Cooper, an accountant at WorldComher actual
behavior was less heroic.31 Long before she wrote her now-famous letter
to Enron Chairman Kenneth Lay in 2001 warning him of the impending
scandal, she had observed questionable accounting and business ethics
but remained silent.32
Auditors.
Businesses are required by law to hire certified public accountants to certify that the information provided by company accountants is correct. The big five accounting firmsnow four with
389
the demise of Arthur Andersenrepresent most large corporations.

The practice of auditing was started by U.S. Steel in 1903 when it hired
Price, Waterhouse and has since become standard. However, over the
past two decades, the truthfulness of the audited reports has deteriorated. During the 1990s bubble, the incentives for corporate managers
to distort the information they provided investors grew. One incentive
is the benefit that accrues from the close tie of compensation to stock
prices; another is that the rewards through initial public offerings,
stock options, and takeovers are huge. As a result, Too many companies treat accounting rules the way they treat tax laws: If it isnt expressly forbidden, its OK.33
Arthur Andersen, which employed 85,000 people in 84 countries,
was Enrons auditing firm until its collapse. However, this auditor safeguard failed because, like many other auditing firms, Andersen became
more interested in making money by offering consulting services than
in performing its primary duty of checking and certifying the books. In
2001 it earned $27 million from Enron in consulting fees and other
work, more than the $25 million in audit fees. Arthur Andersen, among
others, allowed itself to be coopted by the companies it audited.
Andersen even proposed using its own employees to serve as regular
Enron accountants, seemingly oblivious to the basic idea of outside audits. The 340,000 member American Institute of Certified Public Accountants (AICPA), the purpose of which is to provide oversight and
discipline auditors, failed to defend the integrity of audits and financial
statements, the very underpinning of the profession, and has steadfastly opposed reform.34
Certified public accountants, and its professional association, the
340-member American Institute of Certified Public Accountants who
had steadfastly opposed reform, lost heavily with passage of the
Sarbanes-Oxley Act. By favoring consulting
and
other profitable services, the AICPA failed to defend the integrity of audits and financial
statements,
the
very underpinning
of
the
profession.
Stubbornly, accountants seem not to have caught the spirit of reforms of their profession. For example, they still wanted to use off-balance-sheet
entities to hide some assets and liabilities by exploiting a loophole in
the rules laid down by the FASB, a practice that would obviously hinder transparency.35
Some auditing firms have taken the high road and engaged in advertising campaigns to announce corrective moves. The outstanding example is PriceWaterhouseCoopers, which inaugurated a stand and be
counted advertising campaign on how to rebuild investor confidence
in Americas public companies. Some of its themes are the use of audits
to better detect fraud and misrepresentation, ways to improve internal
controls, and the Board of Directors role. Integrity was addressed in one
ad carrying the headline, Integrity 101, Education for the Public
Trust, which then discussed the importance of attracting new talent
to the accounting and tax professions. 36 Another auditing firm, KPMG,
390
CHAPTER 14
which was accused by the SEC of accounting fraud in connection with

Xerox, started an KPMG Discussion Series. In its Issue Five, it educates
companies about Section 404 of the Sarbanes-Oxley Act which adds the
responsibility to corporate managements to assess and report on the effectiveness of their internal control processes and their procedures for financial reporting.37
Lawyers.
At Enron, the CFO obtained advice from outside attorneys to approve of a particular accounting practice, such as special-purpose entities, which keep liabilities off the balance sheet. An
Andersen memo noted that two high-ranking partners from Vinson &
Elkins LLP concluded that the clients position on the Raptor (a special-purpose entity used to dress up the companys earnings) restructuring was acceptable.38
The order to the Houston office to shred
thousand of records and delete tens of thousands of e-mail messages
originated from Arthur Andersens professional standards group at the
firms Chicago headquarters, but was supported by Nancy Temple, a
lawyer with the firms legal department.39
Law firms implicated in the Enron and other financial manipulations
have generally denied wrongdoing. In contrast, after passage of the
Sarbanes-Oxley Act, corporate lawyers have seized the opportunity to
dwell on compliance. It was the buzz at the American Corporate Counsel
Associations October 2002 annual meeting, attended by a record 2,000
in-house lawyers. It released a survey of its 12,000 members (1,200 responded) showing that 57% believed in-house counsel should play just
as important a role as a companys top officers in preventing fraud and
other illegal or unethical behavior. Yet, 49% complained that they were
kept out of the loop on some important financial and accounting developments. In contrast, 85% said their companies general counsel had a
great deal of access to the CEO and slightly more thought they had access to the board of directors as well.40
Board of Directors.
The function and responsibilities of boards of
directors is to hold management accountable. As Charles Elson, director
of the Weinberg Center for Corporate Governance at the University of
Delaware, observed: Go back to all those corporate scandals, and it all
comes down to a board that missed warning signals. 41
There is no
quick fix. The relationship among a corporation, its stakeholders, and
society requires rethinking.
Boards of directors neglected their fiduciary responsibility through
negligence, or knowing connivance, as Arthur Andersens former CEO
Joe Berardino observed. He blamed board members for not serving as
watchdogs. He said they were too disengaged and failed to ask the right
questions. After making nearly 300 presentations to audit committees,
he got this impression: Nobody fell asleep, but many of them didnt
understand the business. They just sat there and received reports.
391
Some directors just dont want to know. They might have to do something about it.42
Corporate governance has become a major subject in the post-Enron era. It is discussed in
chapter 15.
Security Analysts and Investment Bankers. Working for brokerage firms and
other buyers and sellers of stocks and bonds, security analysts are supposed to provide
investors with impartial, objective advice about a company. Instead, they misled small
investors by hyping research on companies that were also investment banking clients. By
becoming allies of investment banks and promoters of securities, they subverted their
role in the financial infrastructure.
Jack Grubman, telecom expert at Salomon Smith Barneys, a unit of
Citibank, became Exhibit A. He gave the seal of approval to WorldCom
and, later, AT&T, whose stocks and bonds were being sold by the investment bank unit of Citibank. The fiction of firewallsthat analysts
would not talk to the investment bankers whose stock they were evaluatingwas exposed when Grubman became part of the team that
touted
stocks.
His
boosterism
statements
were
sometimes
inconsistent with his true views, as exposed by his e-mails. 43 He became an adjunct to marketing and by so doing allowed the investment bank to
make a mint while sacrificing the interests of ordinary investors. In response to this conflict of interest, Citibank proposed splitting research
and investment banking.44
Some investment banks share the blame for the corporate scandals.
For example, Citibank helped Enron disguise financing as trades to avoid
booking it as debt. This unusual financing technique enabled the company to appear rich in cash rather than saddled with debt. 45
Another
abuse associated with the investment companies, where many security
analysts work, has been the improper doling out of coveted shares in
initial public offerings to corporate executives to win their banking
business, a practice of Citigroups Salomon Smith Barney and Credit
Suisse Groups Credit Suisse First Boston. William Donaldson, chairman
of the SEC, commented, I am profoundly saddenedand angry
about the conduct thats alleged in our complaints. There is absolutely
no place for it in our marketplace and it cannot be tolerated. 46 He also
said, These cases reflect a sad chapter in the history of American businessa chapter in which those who reaped enormous benefits from the
trust of investors profoundly betrayed that trust. Reflecting this sentiment, Paul Sarbanes (D-Md.) wondered, How is it possible that the regulators could have missed for so long the supervisory problems at all ten
of the nations top investment firms?
Accordingly, it was not the SEC but New York Attorney General Eliot
Spitzer who has been the prime mover in exposing deception and other
abuses of investors by Wall Street firms. In May 2002, he obtained a
$100 million settlement from Merrill Lynch over conflicts of interest
that affected its research analysts. Without acknowledging guilt,
Merrill settled to place its operations above suspicion. 47 The following
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CHAPTER 14
year, the SEC and several Wall Street firms agreed on a broader settlement which the SEC
called a pact that could change the face of Wall Street. In it 10 of the nations largest
securities firms agreed to pay a record $1.4 billion to settle government charges involving
abuse of investors during the stock market boom of the 1990s.
The agreement sets new rules regarding the handling of research.
Some security analysts at investment banks had presented positive reports about certain companies to the public while privately thinking
otherwise. The purpose of issuing routine overly optimistic, if not deceptive, stock research to investors was to win investment bank business. The settlement now requires securities firms to have separate
reporting and supervisory structure for their research and banking operations. Analysts compensation is to be tied to the quality and accuracy of their research. Furthermore, analysts will no longer be allowed
to
accompany
investment
bankers
during
their
road-show
sales
pitches to clients.48
Stock Exchanges.
Attention focused on the New York Stock Exchange (NYSE) which handles the daily purchases and sales of major
companies securities. It is essentially a private club of members who hold
a seat on the exchange, but the SEC also allows it to regulate the behavior
of its floor traders and member firms, such as the specialists who manage
the trading of the exchanges listed stocks. Its board failed in the latter
duty, as the scandal of the exorbitant pay ($140 million) of its chairman
Richard A. Grasso and cozy relations with directors revealed. 49
The NYSE was insufficiently transparent and failed to act on phony
research. Its insensitivity to its public responsibility was evidenced
when it invited discredited Sanford I. Sandy Weill, chairman and CEO
of Citigroup, to represent the public on its board. 50 Its chairman, John S.
Reed, also a former Citigroup chairman, is undertaking a drastic overhaul of the governing structure, but critics, including the SEC, say more
is needed.51
His plan doesnt separate the Exchanges regulatory and
commercial functions, and it doesnt include a public pension fund (major users of the Exchange) representative on the board, nor does it consider replacing the specialist system in favor of an electronic trading
model embraced by most other exchanges. 52 Specialists are accused of
routinely placing their own trades ahead of those of customers. 53
A
member of CALpers, the countrys largest pension fund, says that the
Reed proposal merely reorganizes rather than truly reforms, the Big
Board.54
Securities & Exchange Commission.
The nations rule maker and
enforcer of securities and exchange regulations failed in its oversight
function. Even as corporate scandals unfolded, former SEC chairman
Harvey Pitt seemed more interested in protecting the interests of his
former law clients in the accounting field than regulating them. For
393
example, he held a private meeting with KPMG, his former law client,
which was under SEC investigation. 55 His insensitivity to the requirements of the SEC was further revealed when he proposed William Webster, former FBI director, to head the new Public Company Accounting
Oversight Board. Pitt failed to reveal that Webster had served on the
audit committee of a firm, U.S. Technologies, facing fraud charges. 56
Take on the Street, written by Arthur Levitt, Jr., former SEC chairman,
and Paula Dwyer describe how the accounting professions power in
Congress stymied his efforts at enforcement and reform. 57
Robert
Kuttner, who writes a column for BusinessWeek, observed that in the
past two decades, free-market ideologues and self-interested Wall
Street insiders had dismantled securities regulations. The nub of the
problem, he says, is that Wall Street and its regulators remain far too
clubby.58
Fortunately, new
SEC
chairman, William
H.
Donaldson, although a former Wall Streeter, has been getting high marks for reforming the SEC.
The Sarbanes-Oxley
Infrastructure
Act
Seeks
to
Repair
the
Information
The main effort to rid the financial system of unethical practices and repair the badly battered financial information infrastructure is the
wide-sweeping
corporate
oversight
bill,
the
Sarbanes-Oxley
Act,
officially called the Public Company Accounting Reform Investor Protection
Act of 2002. Recognizing that an economic system cannot survive when
people no longer trust basic information, Congress passed this reform
legislation on July 25, 2002, by an overwhelming majority (423-3 in
the House and 99-0 in the Senate). Although initially opposed by most
Republicans, fear of voter backlash in the coming November election left
no alternative. There was a rising tide of opinion that free markets and
property rights require the rule of law to function.
The act gets to the heart of the accuracy of financial reporting by establishing
new
accounting
regulations.
A
newly
established
independent five-member Public Company Accounting Oversight Board under
the jurisdiction of the SEC has the power to set auditing standards and to
investigate and discipline auditors. The act also addresses the conflict of
interest by an auditing firm that often makes more money providing
consulting than auditing services. CEOs and CFOs are given the responsibility of certifying the authenticity of financial statements. Adding to
safeguards, lawyers are required to report serious violations of securities laws. Box 14.1 outlines these and other provisions of the act.
Certified public accountants and their professional association, the AICPA, both of
whom had steadfastly opposed reform, lost heavily with passage of the Sarbanes-Oxley Act.
By favoring consulting and other services, the AICPA failed to defend the integrity of audits
and financial statements, the very underpinning of the profession. 59
Box 14.1 Main Provisions of the Sarbanes-Oxley Act

1. Establishes new accounting regulations. For example, it establishes
an independent five-member oversight board under the jurisdiction of
the SEC with investigative and disciplinary powers. The board has the
power to set auditing standards and to investigate and fine auditors.
2. Places limitations on the types of consulting an auditing firm can
do for a specific client so as to remove a major conflict of interest. Auditors will not be inhibited from honest reporting out of fear that the
client will severe more lucrative consulting services. The law prohibits
accounting firms from offering nine types of consulting services to
corporate clients, including building financial-information systems. It
also requires accounting firms to rotate lead or reviewing partners
from client assignments every 5 years and requires auditors to be
hired by and report to the audit committee of the board (not by the
company managers).
3. Stiffens criminal penalties. For example, it raises the maximum
penalty for securities fraud to 25 years and increases CEO and CFO
penalties for false statements to the SEC or failing to certify financial
reports; and establishes penalties of up to 10 years in jail for fraud and
obstruction of justice involving shredding of documents.
4. Increases corporate responsibility by requiring corporate CEOs and
CFOs to certify the authenticity of financial statementsor face criminal sanctions (prison terms of up to 20 years for willingly and knowingly
permitting
seriously
misleading
material
into
reports);
corporate
chieftains must forfeit profits and bonuses when earnings are restated
due to securities fraud; prohibits executives from selling company
stock during blackout periods and requires insiders to report all company stock trades within 2 days; prevents executives from receiving
company loans unavailable to outsiders; requires companies to immediately disclose in plain English material changes in their financial
conditions.
5. Creates new protections. For example, in a first-ever protection that applies to employees of
all public companies, it broadens ability of whistle-blowers to sue and prohibits investment firms
from retaliating against analysts who criticize clients of the firm.
6. Extends the amount of time investors have to file suits to 2 years from 1 after they have
discovered an alleged fraud, and to 5 years from 3 after it occurs.
7. Sets up a restitution fund for wronged shareholders, financed by fines from any ill-gotten
gains that securities regulators squeeze from wayward executives.
8. Requires lawyers for publicly traded companies to report material
violations of securities laws up the chain of command, all the way to
394
395
the board if necessary. A threat of financial harm or material violation

of SEC rules requires lawyers to report such matters to the SEC. Only
35% of lawyers in a survey support changing such client confidentiality
rules.
9. Requires auditing firms to rotate partners who manage audits for a company every 5
years.
10. Boosts SEC budget.
THE CULTURE OF WALL STREET CHANGES SLOWLY

What Wall Street really needs is a change in culture, starting at the very
top, says BusinessWeek.60
Real change may depend on taking action
against senior managers, including CEOs. As stated by New York States
Attorney General Eliot Spitzer, who has spearheaded the investigation
of Wall Street, If the responsibility for these improprieties is not directly
laid at the feet of senior management, then we will have failed to send a
message to the right people. Corporate leaders as well as Wall Street
players must be held accountable for corrupting the accuracy and availability of vital financial information and blocking reform efforts.
Corporate Leaders
The response of corporate leaders to the recent corporate scandals has
mostly been silence and, sometimes, opposition. Sadly, business lagged
for years in its understanding of the political effects of corporate governance despite the pleas of savvy CEOs and public affairs professionals
for corporate transparency and ethical orthodoxy, wrote Wes Pedersen,
editor of Public Affairs Review.61
One exception was billionaire Warren
Buffett, who advised corporate chieftains to reform. In his opening address to 120 executives attending The Forum for Corporate Conscience
in March 2003, he said that the need to restore corporate integrity was
vital to this country. He specifically criticized the high pay CEOs are
collecting, regardless of company performance, which, he said, was undermining corporate Americas image. What really gets to the public is
when CEOs get rich, really rich, and they get poorer, he said. I think
the acid test is going to be CEO compensation.62
Some business leaders who voiced opinions were either opposed to reforms or offered weaker remedies. For example, even before the NYSE
released its far-reaching proposals to upgrade corporate governance
standards, letters of protest started to pour in from at least a dozen
members of the Business Roundtable, including General Mills Chairman
Stephen W. Sanger.63
When the Business Roundtable as a body took a
stand, it issued a narrowly focused statement in a full-page ad that essentially said it supported: (a) totally open corporate financial state-
396
CHAPTER 14
mentsWhat you see is what you get; (b) independent corporate

boards of directors, especially in audit, compensation, or governance
committees; and (c) fairness; for example, shareholders must approve
all stock option plans.64 It didnt talk about greater responsibility of the
accounting profession or a government role in achieving greater transparency of financial information. In short, it really didnt support the
Sarbanes-Oxley reform bill. The Business Roundtable seems to believe
that corrections made by the free market would make regulation
unnecessary.
More candor by business executives would be a good place to start regaining public confidence and lessen the need for more legislative solutions. For their own sake, its time to break radio silence and declare
their positions on what practices are proper and how the improper ones
should be fixed, says Jerry Useem, a scholar of corporate governance.
He quotes Jeffrey Garten, dean of the Yale School of Management and
author of The Politics of Fortune: A New Agenda for Business Leaders, It
would take only a dozen major CEOs to give the business community a
good chance of rebuilding its reputation.. 65
Seymour Trachimovsky,
general counsel and corporate secretary of DuPont Canada, extends this
argument in support of free market capitalism. Speaking of the CEOs
role, he said, It will take the leadership and sound judgment of senior
corporate managements willing to accept accountability and willing to
confront their own narcissism and hubris. This is not a job for the legislature but for business leaders with maturity and intestinal fortitude. 66
When executives violate the law, they have to be held individually
accountable for specific crimes, argues a Wall Street Journal editorial.67
The deterrent effect on executive behavior of seeing their counterparts
punished is likely to be more powerful than prescriptions coming from
Congress or the SEC. However, few top-echelon executives have landed
in jail. It took 2 years before the prosecutors of Enrons CFO Andrew
Fastow collected enough evidence to persuade him to plead guilty. He
faces a 10-year prison term and forfeiture of more than $29 million,
which is unusual for a white-collar crime. Enrons former treasurer Ben
Glisan was also imprisoned after pleading guilty to criminal activity in
doctoring Enrons financial statements to make the company look far
healthier than it was.68 Although U.S. prosecutors filed an indictment
against Enrons former president and CEO Jeffrey Skilling, who arrived
at a Houston courthouse in handcuffs, he pleaded not guilty to all
counts.69 His lawyers are expected to argue that the charges are really
a general indictment of corporate business and an attempt to demonize some normal procedures of corporate activity. 70
It took over two-and-a-half years before Kenneth Lay, Enrons former chairman and CEO was indicted for massive conspiracy to deceive
and defraud investors. When he was led handcuffed into a Houston
courthouse in July 2004, he pleaded not guilty.71 His defense was that
his CFO, Andrew Fastow, was to blame. After having previously said I
and the board are also sure that Andy has operated in the most ethical
397
and appropriate manner possible, he changed his mind and said that
Fastow had betrayed his trust. He added that to the extent that I did
not know what he was doing then indeed, I cannot take responsibility.72 As John Budd, a veteran public relations counselor, noted, If an
executive hailed as a brilliant leader, with a PhD in economics can be so
easily duped what does it portend for mere mortal CEOs? 73 The plausible deniability defense has become routine among CEOs. Also calling
this legal tactic the 30,000 foot defense, the notion is that a chief executive cant possibly be held responsible for all the goings on so far below him.74
In other big scandal cases, indictments and imprisonments are moving
slowly. In March 2004, the federal government indited Bernard J. Ebbers,
WorldComs CEO, after Scott Sullivan, the companys former CFO,
pleaded
guilty;
Tycos
former
CFO
Mark
Swartz
and
CEO
Dennis
Kozlowski were on trial in a New York state court on charges of looting
the company of $600 million in unauthorized compensation and illicit
stock sales; and two HealthSouth executives agreed to plead guilty and
former CEO Richard Scrushy went on trial in August 2004. 75 In March
2004, a jury found Martha Stewart guilty on all counts facing her, but
after appealing the verdict, she decided to report to prison as soon as possible to reclaim her life.76 Remorse by corporate leaders appears to be absent or rare, which doesnt bode well for a change in corporate culture.
Wall Street
Lawmakers examining the settlement by the SEC and several Wall Street
firms alleged that the high-profile agreement with the SEC doesnt go
far enough to punish wrongdoers. They said the pact hasnt done anything to change the culture of Wall Street and prevent future abuses.
Without holding executives and CEOs personally accountable for the
wrongdoing that occurred under their watch, I do not believe that Wall
Street will change its ways or that investors confidence will be restored, said Richard Shelby (R-Ala.), chairman of the Senate Banking
Committee. Doubt was also expressed about the adequacy of the present
self-regulatory system to police the industry and enforce the new rules
of the settlement. The SECs regulatory commitment was weak, as was
Donaldsons statement that his agency was committed to vigilance in
enforcing the terms of the settlement and issuing new rules to prevent a
recurrence of the problems.77
The SEC, however, has been reluctant to regulate Wall Street. It was
only after an investigation by Spitzer that the SEC (along with the New
York Stock Exchange and the NASD) took action. As former SEC chairman Arthur Levitt reported in his memoir, Take the Street, the SEC was
often stymied by Wall Streets allies in Congress. Robert Kuttner, who
writes a column for Business Week, observed that in the past two decades, free-market ideologues and self-interested Wall Street insiders
398
CHAPTER 14
had dismantled securities regulations. The nub of the problem, he

says, is that Wall Street and its regulators remain far too clubby. 78
Showing how difficult it is to change organizational cultures, the les-sons of the
settlement were initially ignored by some Wall Street firms. Chairman Philip Purcell of
Morgan Stanley, one of the 10 companies in the $1.4 billion settlement, told a group of
institutional investors that he didnt see anything in the settlement that would concern the
retail in-vestor about Morgan Stanley. In response, Donaldson, in a strongly worded
letter, said, Your reported comments evidence a troubling lack of contrition and lead me to
wonder about Morgan Stanleys commit-ment to compliance with the letter and spirit of
the law. He also cau-tioned Purcell not to deny the SECs allegations. Purcell
subsequently replied, I deeply regret any public impression that the commissions
complaint was not a matter of concern to retail investorsa statement that falls far short of
an apology.79
Another firm, Bear Stearns, reverted to the practice of using an analyst to promote a new stock offering when one of the firms analysts,
James Kissane, appeared in one of its promotional webcasts. SEC enforcement chief Stephen Cutler said, Its just astonishing to me that a
firm could allow an analyst to participate in a roadshowand the fact
that the prohibition on such conduct isnt literally in effect yet doesnt
make me any less disappointed.80
Wall Street epitomizes the core ideology of capitalism, which is to
maximize profits for the benefit of shareholders. However, it is also
obliged to follow the rules of the marketplace as established by stock
exchanges and the SEC. Wall Street is also expected to act ethically and
be aware that violations of public trust inevitably lead to undesirable
consequences:
greater
government
regulation
and,
especially
important in the financial world, a loss of public confidence in financial institutions and business in general. In his speech on the outlook of the
economy in the late 1990s, Federal Reserve Chairman Alan Greenspan
recognized the seriousness of the crisis of confidence, saying that an
infectious greed had gripped business. He warned that breakdowns
in corporate governance could undermine the trust necessary for efficient markets.81
CONCLUSIONS
Corporations
must
voluntarily curb their short-term drive
for dominance in society and be willing to accept competition in the political
marketplace. In the long run the survival of marketplace economics and
the free enterprise system is at stake. Pushing back the extent of corporate influence is a never-ending effort, says the Economist in its 160-year
anniversary article A Survey of Capitalism and Democracy. This publication, which since its founding in 1843 by a Scottish businessman
named James Wilson, has stood for libertyespecially economic lib-
399
ertystates one antidote to corporate dominance: In democracies, governments have to

be the arbitrators, the counterweights to powerful private groups. But if they allow, or
even encourage, companies and wealthy individuals to manipulate them, they risk
stretching public faith in democracy to the breaking point.82
Business is urged to support a competitive political marketplace in
which political parties and interest groups, by competing with one another, seek to promote their individual interests in a way that does not
jeopardize the public interest. This model of competition, borrowed
from economics, requires a free flow of full and timely information so
that everyone can make efficient decisions. In addition to the news media, the entire financial information infrastructure must help produce
and distribute needed information. The failures exposed by the
Enron-era scandals can be corrected by improving on the rules of the
game,
changing
organizational
structures
and
cultures,
and
recognizing the needed function of government in enforcing the rules.
To mitigate public fears that corporations have too much power, corporations must show that they are willing to change their organizational cultures and comply with the rules of the financial marketplace.
However, as the experience of the almost-forgotten savings-and-loan
scandal in the early 1980s demonstrated, business sometimes seems incapable of reforming itself unless prodded by the government. This experience should convince businesspeople as well as the public that
laissez faire has its limitations. The self-correcting mechanisms of the
marketplace need prodding; market excesses dont necessarily correct
themselves. Government has the responsibility to assure the public that
companies do not take advantage of their market power.
ENDNOTES
1. Some theorists envision an organizational chart with two senior vice presidents: one in charge of operations (representing the economic marketplace),
and the other in charge of public policy. See chart in W. Howard Chase, Issue
Management: Origins of the Future (Stamford, Conn.: Issue Action Publications, Inc., 1984), pp. 36-37.
2. Robert D. McTeer, Jr., The Dismal Science? Hardly! Wall Street Journal, June
4, 2003, p. A16.
3. The Sherman Act is designed to preserve competition by declaring illegal any
contract, combination in the form of trust or otherwise, or conspiracy, in restraint of trade or commerce among the several states, or with foreign nations. Without this safeguard, profit maximization would inevitably lead to
cutthroat competition, defined by one economist as a ruthless, savage war
to the death, waged without rules of fairness or reasonableness, and legitimate as long as it promotes the interest of the person practicing it. When a
competitor is too successful in the economic marketplace and comes close to
achieving a monopoly, the government intervenes, sometimes by imposing
draconian solutions, as illustrated by the breakup of Standard Oil of New Jersey in 1911.
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CHAPTER 14
4. The Clayton Act reinforces the Sherman Act by curbing the use of unfair methods of competition: Competition must be made an orderly, regulated process,
conducted according to rules of fair play, for otherwise it will not perform its
social purpose of providing more and better goods at lower prices.
5. Alfred Marshall, the well-known classical economist, gives this definition of a
market: the whole of any region in which buyers and sellers are in such free
intercourse with one another that the price of the same goods tend to equality easily and quickly. See his Principles of Economics, 8th edition (London:
Macmillan, 1947), p. 324.
6. Unless one takes the cynical view that lawmakers extract a price for choosing and processing a public policy demanded by some voters and their interest groups, in which case those who propose a law would have to decide how
much they are willing to bid to obtain legislative action. The rise in soft
money contributions supports this view.
7. The intensity of public opinion can be seen as the equivalent of the elasticity of
demand; for example, people who feel strongly about an issue would be more
fervent supporters of a public policy.
8. Barry M. Mitnick, editor, Corporate Political Agency: The Construction of Competition in Public Affairs (Newbury Park, Calif.: Sage, 1993), p. 24.
9. Ibid., p. 25.
10. Ibid., p. 32. Quoted by Mitnick as appearing in Andrew Hacker, Introduction: Corporate America, in Andrew Hacker, editor, The Corporation
Take-Over (New York: Harper & Row, 1964), pp. 7-8.
11. Mitnick calls such a system one of contestable competitionwhereby all
participants have the resources that enable them to compete effectively in
the political process; op. cit., pp. 12, 24.
12. Stephanie Simon, Nader Suits up to Strike Back Against Slapps, Wall
Street Journal, July 9, 1991, p. B1.
13. Aaron Bernstein, Alls Not Fair in Labor War, BusinessWeek, July 19, 1999,
p. 43.
14. Harley Shaiken, Labor s Decline Has Meant Wages Decline, Los Angles
Times, March 8, 1998, p. M5.
15. Aaron Bernstein, A Shot in the Foot?, BusinessWeek, May 4, 1998, p. 52.
16. An argument made by Orrin Baird, Labor s Right to Speak Under Attack,
Legal Times, May 18, 1998, p. S34.
17. Vernon A. Mund, Government and Business (New York: Harper, 1950), p. 7.
18. Stated on Lehrer Newshour, November 19, 2003.
19. Rebecca Smith, Blackout Could Have Been Avoided, Wall Street Journal,
April 6, 2004, p. A6.
20. Arthur Schlesinger, Jr., Government Isnt the Root of All Evil, Wall Street
Journal, January 30, 1998, p. A14.
21. Paul Starobin, Rethinking Capitalism, National Journal, Vol. 29, January
18, 1997, p. 106.
22. Jay M. Shafritz, The Dorsey Dictionary of American Government and Politics
(Chicago: The Dorsey Press, 1988), p. 417.
23. Herrnson includes the further objectives of improving the accountability of
the electoral process, enhancing representation in Congress, and endeavoring to increase the legitimacy of the election system in the eyes of citizens;
op. cit., p. 234.
24. Paula Dwyer, Robert D. Hof, Jim Kerstetter, and Ronald Grover, The New Fat
Cats, BusinessWeek, April 12, 2004, p. 32.
25. Ibid., p. 34.
401
26. Paul S. Herrnson, Congressional Elections: Campaigning at Home and in Washington, 2nd edition (Washington, D.C.: Congressional Quarterly Press,
1998), pp. 190-195.
27. Goodbye, Soft Money, Economist, April 7, 2001, p. 22.
28. Campaign Finance Reform, Federal News Service, November 14, 2002.
29. Ellen Miller and Nick Penniman, The Road to Nowhere; Thirty Years of
Campaign-Finance Reform Yield Precious Little, The American Prospect, August 12, 2002, p. 14.
30. Eliza Newlin Carney, The Soft-Money Battle Turns Bitter, National Journal, Vol. 34, July 6, 2002, pp. 2028-2029.
31. Dan Ackman, Whistleblower? Wall Street Journal, December 24, 2002, p.
A10.
32. Wendy Zellner, An Insider s Tale of Enrons Toxic Culture, BusinessWeek,
March 31, 2003, p. 16.
33. David Wessel, Capital: When Standards Are Unacceptable, Wall Street Journal, February 7, 2002, p. A1.
34. David Henry and Mike McNamee, Bloodied and Bowed, BusinessWeek, January 20, 2003, pp. 56-57.
35. David Henry, Commentary: An End Run Around Accounting Reform,
BusinessWeek, April 28, 2003, p. 85.
36. Wall Street Journal, April 2, 2003, p. A5.
37. See ad, A mandate or a smart business practice, in Wall Street Journal, February 24, 2003, p. A15.
38. Enron: The Case Against Skilling, BusinessWeek, March 1, 2004, p. 35.
39. Kurt Eichenwald, Andersen Guilty in Effort to Block Inquiry on Enron, New
York Times, June 16, 2002, p. YNE-1; Michael Schroeder and Tom Hamburger, Congressional Panel Investigates Andersens, Wall Street Journal,
January 14, 2002, p. 3.
40. John Gibeaut, Fear and Loathing in Corporation America, ABA Journal,
January 2003.
41. Kurt Eichenwald, In String of Corporate Troubles, Critics Focus on Boards
Failings, New York Times, September 21, 2003, p. 1.
42. John A. Byrne, Fall from Grace, BusinessWeek, August 12, 2002, pp. 50-56.
43. Charles Gasparino, Analyst Pack Is Held up by Words, Wall Street Journal,
January 16, 2003, p. C1.
44. Charles Gasparino, Susan Pulliam and Randall Smith, Citigroup Proposes
Pact Splitting Research and Investment Banking, Wall Street Journal, September 27, 2002, p. A1.
45. Jathon Sapsford and Paul Beckett, Citigroup Deals Helped Enron Disguise
Its Debts as Trades, Wall Street Journal, July 22, 2002, p. A1.
46. Randall Smith, Susanne Craig, and Deborah Solomon, Wall Street Firms to
Pay $1.4 Billion to End Inquiry, Wall Street Journal, April 29, 2003, p. A1.
47. Wall Street: Merrill Settles, Economist, May 25, 2002, p. 72.
48. Smith, Craig, and Solomon, op. cit., p. A6.
49. See Gary Weiss, The $140,000,000 Man, BusinessWeek, September 15, 2003,
p. 84.
50.
Paula Dwyer, Commentary: Why the Market Cant Police Itself,
BusinessWeek, June 2, 2003, p. 84.
51. Gary Weiss, NYSE: How Deep Will Reform Run? BusinessWeek, November
10, 2003, p. 48. Also see Deborah Solomon and Susanne Craig, Market Discipline: SEC Blasts Big Board Oversight of Specialist Trading Firms, Wall
Street Journal, November 3, 2003, p. A1.
402
CHAPTER 14
52. Paula Dwyer, et al., The Big Boards Blueprint: Done Deal? BusinessWeek,
November 24, 2003, pp. 45-46.
53. Solomon and Craig, op. cit.
54. Susanne Craig and Ianthe Jeanne Dugan, NYSE Begins Its Huge Overhaul,
Wall Street Journal, November 9, 2003, p. C11.
55. Scot J. Paltrow, Concerns About SEC Chairman Mount, Wall Street Journal,
May 6, 2002, p. C1.
56. Michael Schroeder, Regulator Under Fire: As Pitt Launches SEC Probe of
Himself, Criticism Mounts, Wall Street Journal, November 1, 2002, p. A1.
57. See a book excerpt, Arthur Levitts Crusade, BusinessWeek, September 30,
2002, p. 74.
58. Robert Kuttner, Wake Up, Wall Street: Eliot Spitzer Is a Hero, BusinessWeek,
May 19, 2003, p. 24.
59. Henry and McNamee, op. cit.
60. Paul Dwyer, with Mike McNamee, Emily Thornton and Nanette Byrnes,
Will It Matter? Business Week, May 12, 2003, p. 31.
61. Wes Pedersen, As Election 04 Nears, New Calls for an Examination of the
Corporate Soul, Public Affairs Review, annual report, 2004, p. 4.
62. Paul Nowell, Execs Talk Corporate Integrity at Forum, Associated Press
Online, March 2003.
63. John A. Byrne, Restoring Trust in Corporate America, BusinessWeek, June
24, 2002, p. 31.
64. Ads in Wall Street Journal, July 8, 2002, p. A5, and July 9, 2002, p. A11.
65. Jerry Useem, From Heroes to Goats and Back Again? How Corporate Leaders Lost Our Trust, Fortune, November 18, 2002, p. 48.
66. Seymour Trachimovsky, Sarbanes Oxley and Canadian Counterparts: Any
Prospects for Improved Corporate Ethics, Management Ethics, Fall 2003, pp.
1-3.
67. Editorial, Enron Justice, Wall Street Journal, January 15, 2004, p. A14.
68. John R. Emshwiller, Ex-Treasurer Is First Enron Officer to Go to Prison,
Wall Street Journal, September 11, 2003, p. A3.
69. John R. Emshwiller and Alexei Barrionnevo, U.S. Prosecutors File Indictment Against Skilling, Wall Street Journal, February 20, 2004, p. A1.
70. Ibid., p. A13.
71. John R. Rmshwiller et al., Lay Strikes Back as Indictment Cites Narrow Role
in Enron Fraud, Wall Street Journal, July 9, 2004, p. A1.
72. Alan Murray, CEO Responsibility Might Be Right Cure for Corporate
World, Wall Street Journal, July 13, 2004, p. A4.
73. Lay Pleads Ignorance: CEOs Shudder, Observations, a news
74. Susan Pulliam, The It Wasnt Me Defense, Wall Street Journal, July 9,
2004, p. B1.
75. Susan Pulliam, Almar Latour and Ken Brown, Reaching the Top: U.S. Indicts WorldCom Chief Ebbers, Wall Street Journal, March 3, 2004, p. A1.
76. Keith Naughton and Barney Gimbel, Marthas Fall, Newsweek, March 15,
2004, pp. 28-37. James Bandler, Kara Scannell, and Suzanne Vranica,
Martha Opts for Jail Now, Wall Street Journal, September 16, 2004, p. B6.
77. Deborah Solomon and Randall Smith, Wall Streets Deal Comes Under
Fire, Wall Street Journal, May 8, 2003, p. C1.
78. Robert Kuttner, Wake up, Wall Street: Eliot Spitzer Is a Hero, BusinessWeek,
May 19, 2003, p. 24.
79. Deborah Solomon, Morgan Stanley Remarks Draw Criticism by SEC,
Wall Street Journal, May 2, 2003, p. C8; Amy Borrus and Mike McNamee,
403
Commentary: Go Ahead, Make the SECs Day, BusinessWeek, June 2, 2003, p. 27.
Ann Davis, Bear Stearns Used Analyst to Tout IPO Despite Pact With Regulators, Wall Street Journal, May 12, 2003, p. A1.
81. Greg Ip, Greenspan Issues Hopeful Outlook as Stocks Sink, Wall Street
82. A Survey of Capitalism and Democracy, Economist, June 28, 2003, p. 16.
80.
Chapter
15
Heed the Public Interest
The political marketplace is where public policy decisions are made.

These decisions
provide
the framework
within
which
individual businesses operate and determine in what activities government should or
should not engage. Government protects the liberty of its citizens, sets
the rules of the game that businesses must follow, and operates a system
of economic institutions, such as private property. It is also generally
agreed that so-called public goods and servicessuch as police protection and national security, city streets, roads, and other facilities that
cant be sold as individual unitsshould be provided by government. 1
Public policy decisions are guided by the criterion of what is in the
public interest. All participants in the public policy process, including
corporations and interest groups and not only government, claim that
what they seek is in the public interest. But what does that mean?
Henry Mintzberg in Power in and Around Organizations rightfully recognizes that even regulatory agencies typically lack an adequate definition of the public interest and are therefore unsure of what to do. 2
The public interest is simply defined as what is good for the public as a
whole. The ostensible concern is with broad societal interests rather
than private interests. Those representing the latter will, of course, argue that what they seek is in the public interest. The distinguishing
feature of the public interest from a corporate viewpoint is that the
frame of reference is not the individual organization but what is external to it: the physical environment, the local community, and the welfare of society as a whole.
A generation ago the leading CEOs were public-minded statesmen who were
comfortable addressing big public policy questions about businesss role in society.
Reginald Jones, former chairman and CEO of GE, was one of them, as his belief indicates:
404
HEED THE PUBLIC INTEREST
405
Public policy and social issues are no longer adjuncts to business planning and management.
They are in the mainstream of it. The concern must be pervasive in companies today, from
boardroom to factory floor. Management must be measured for performance in noneconomic and
economic areas alike. And top management must lead.
This statement was part of the Business Roundtables October 1981

Statement on Corporate Responsibility, which said: The Business
Roundtable issues this statement out of a strong conviction that the future of this nation depends upon the existence of strong and responsive
business enterprises and that, in turn, the long-term viability of the
business sector is linked to its responsibility to the society of which it is a
part.3 Reginald Jones was not blind to Wall Street pressures. Shortly after retiring in 1981, he told U.S. News & World Report, Too many managers feel under pressure to concentrate on the short term in order to
satisfy the financial community and the owners of the enterprisethe
stockholders. Boards of directors have to understand that they must
shelter management from these pressures. And he added, They should
do it in the interest of the nation.4
Before the 1980s, CEOs seemed to listen more closely to their public
relations advisors, many of whom held vice presidential status and had
the confidence of the CEO. These advisors paid close attention to public
opinion and subscribed to Abraham Lincolns famous statement: Public sentiment is everything. With public sentiment, nothing can fail;
without it, nothing can succeed. Public relations people spoke about
the importance of the intangible asset called goodwill, 5
which would
provide some respite from a bad press or a crisis. However, as Wall Street
pressures mounted, often accelerated by hostile takeovers of companies
that
didnt
maximize
profits
sufficiently, public
relations
was
challenged by marketing people and others whose focus was almost entirely
on the singular bottom line. It took at least another two decades for
companies to recognize the double bottom line, which added social responsibility.
Helping to raise corporate awareness of the importance of the public
interest is the Public Affairs Council, an outstanding professional organization that has recognized the necessity for greater corporate social
responsibility and
ethical behavior. Its 45th Anniversary Report
concludes with a section on Ethical Guidelines and ends with this admonition: The public affairs professional understands the interrelation of
business interests with the larger public interests, and therefore:
Endeavors to ensure that responsible and diverse external interests
and views concerning the need of society are considered within the
corporate decision-making process.
Bears the responsibility for management review of public
which may bring corporate interests into conflict with other interests.
policies
406
CHAPTER 15
Acknowledges dual obligationsto advocate the interests of his or

her employer, and to preserve the openness and integrity of the
democratic process.
Presents to his or her employer an accurate assessment
ical and social realities that may affect corporate operations. 6
of
the
polit-
In sum, the corporate attitude toward greater public responsibility

has changed. As stated by Lord John Browne, group chief of British Petroleum, Companies cant thrive in isolation. We are part of society and
we are dependent on its success. We have to invest in the development of
society if we want to ensure that we can do business successfully over
30 years or more.7
As such statements suggest, management is increasingly under pressure to heed the public interest. This chapter discusses three major strategies to achieve that goal: (a) embracing corporate social responsibility,
(b) engaging in stakeholder relationships, and (c) incorporating the public interest in
corporate governance.
EMBRACING CORPORATE SOCIAL RESPONSIBILITY
Definitions of corporate social responsibility (CSR) are often similar to
the concept of the public interest. Writing about business and society,
Keith Davis and Robert L. Blomstrom said, The idea of social responsibility is that decision-makers are obligated to take actions which protect
and improve the welfare of society as a whole along with their own interests.8 In one way or another, most definitions state that the objectives and values of society must be considered in conducting a
companys business.9
Unfortunately, however, CSR has largely been
viewed as an autonomous activity unrelated to business operations that
was associated with do good programs and philanthropy; for example, writing checks to worthy charitable organizations and their causes.
At best such gestures served to improve a companys and CEOs image,
which in turn was said to help sell products, recruit workers, and aid
lobbying.
During the 1980s, this mainly altruistic type of philanthropy was replaced by the new concept of strategic philanthropy. Every contribution
was measured against the test of whether it advanced corporate goals.
Mutual benefitnot only helping various beneficiaries but also the
companybecame
the
chief
justification
of
social
expenditures.
Whenever possible, a company would also seek to reap private benefits
rather than benefitting all companies, especially the free loaders.
However, to some managers and academics even this version of strategic
philanthropy
inadequately
addressed
corporate
self-interest
because its connection to a companys business was vague or tenuous.
Instead of talking about generating goodwill and positive publicity and
boosting employee morale, the goal of strategic philanthropy should instead be to enhance a companys ability to compete, declared Michael
407
Porter of the Harvard Business School. He says that true strategic giving
addresses
important
social
and
economic
goals
simultaneously,
targeting areas of competitive context where the company and society both
benefit because the firm brings unique assets and expertise. 10
Even
cause-related marketing lacks strategic intent, he says, because it is essentially a form of strategic philanthropy used to improve the reputation of a company by linking its identity with the admired qualities of a
chosen non-profit partner or a popular cause. 11 Porter s more focused
approach acknowledges the importance of CSR and anticipates some of
the criteria a company should use in applying it. The larger significance
of modern strategic philanthropy is that CSR has been reconnected to
overall management decision making.
Climbing the Pyramid of CSR
Many approaches have been taken to describe the specifics of CSR. For
example, in his Corporate Social Responsibility, Chris Marsden lists these
imperatives:
(a)
running
business
activity
safely, legally, and
effectively; (b) minimizing adverse impact on community and society (i.e.,
do no harm); and (c) do good by addressing those social issues that impact the corporations activity, are within the corporations competence
to influence, and offer opportunities for mutual benefit. 12 Expanding on
this scheme, the pyramid of CSR, as shown in Box 15.1, places the
meanings of CSR on five levels of corporate involvement, ranging from a
minimum level of simply performing its basic economic function to
heeding the public interest in the fullest sense.
Each step up the pyramid represents an advance in corporate social responsiveness to the surrounding environment. As Robert W. Ackerman
and Raymond A. Bauer recognized, it takes many years for management
to recognize a problem, formulate new policies, engage in specialized and
administrative learning, and, finally, change the organization. 13
Level 1: Perform Basic Economic Function. Forty years ago,
widely
respected
conservative
economist
Milton
Friedman
stated,
There is one and only one social responsibility of businessto use its
resources and engage in activities designed to increase its profits so long
as it stays within the rules of the game, which is to say, engages in open
and free competition, without deception or fraud. 14 Making as much
money for their stockholders was the sole objective of business; doing
more was a fundamental subversive doctrine. This exceedingly limited
view of social responsibility does not even recognize societys expectations of business, namely, to provide goods and services.
Perhaps his ideal model of a CEO would be Albert J. Dunlap, a former parachuter, who
symbolized the benefits and perils of a fixation on the bottom line and stockholder value
(see Box 15.2).
The 1980s mistakenly extended Friedmans singular corporate goal
of making money for stockholders into a greed is good ideology. For-
Box 15.1 The Pyramid of CSR

5. Support
public policies that
are in the public interest.
4. Make social investments to
strengthen societys infrastructure.
3. Help solve social problems.
2. Minimize the social costs imposed on society.
1.
Perform
basic
economic
function
of
producing
and services for society, and, thereby, also provide jobs.
Box 15.2 Chainsaw Al: A Narrow View of Social Responsibility
Albert Dunlap was known as Chainsaw Al because his prescription for
achieving results was to apply what The Economist called the patented
two-pronged strategy of firing half the workforce then berating the
other half. After taking over Scott Paper in 1994, he fired 11,200 employees, about a third of the workforce. But benefits abounded for
stockholders: In only 20 months, Dunlap sold Scott Paper to
Kimberly-Clark at a price that gave stockholders a 225% increase in the
value of their stock. His disdain of corporate responsibility was symbolized by his cancellation of a charitable gift to the Philadelphia Museum.
As Dunlap said, If you want a friend, get a dog. His view is reflected in
the title of his book, Mean Business. His approach was so highly regarded on Wall Street that when it was announced that Al Dunlap had
been hired as CEO of Sunbeam, the companys share rose by half.
Although some of this downsizing was necessary to make companies
more competitive in the global marketplace, it can be argued that managers were relying too heavily on the time-tested remedy of cost cutting
rather than inventing new remedies and attempting to transform their
companies. Even Wall Street retreated from the chainsaw approach as it
saw its limitations. At first Wall Streeters like billionaire financier Ronald
O. Perelman and influential mutual-fund manager Michael Price
cheered him on and placed him in charge of the underperforming Sunbeam. Here Dunlap repeated the old pattern. Stock prices immediately
jumped nearly 50%, from $12 to $18 5/8, and in about 8 months
reached a high of $52. After 2 years in office, the board fired him. Although he succeeded in slashing costeliminating about half of
12,000 jobshe wasnt able to deliver on his promise to transform the
company into a high-growth profit machine. Stock prices had tumbled
to $8 13/16 about a week after his departure, below the level when
Dunlap took over.
408
goods
409
gotten was Friedmans condition that the rules of the game be followed,
without deception or fraud. Freedom from moral constraints led to a
national scandal of the savings-and-loan industry in the mid-1980s,
causing the biggest financial mess in U.S. history. 15 Loose morality also
led to deceptive practices by some well-known companies, such as Prudential Insurance of America, the nations biggest insurer, and Metropolitan Life Insurance, the nations second biggest life insurer. These
insurance company scandals revealed how agents allegedly defrauded
their policyholders through a practice called churning, whereby agents
persuade customers who have old policies with built-up cash value to
take out new, bigger policies on the false promise that the added coverage will cost little, if anything. 16
One of the basic meanings of social
responsibility was violated: not doing harm to others.
Level 2: Minimize Social Costs.
Business can usually make higher
profits by ignoring the harm done to others and to the environment as it
obtains resources and engages in manufacturing. The concept of social
costs considers the social consequences of corporate products and actions, such as the impact of a product on the health of people or the impact of excessive sex and violence in movies and television on social
morality and stability. Mostly, however, the emphasis has been on environmental damage.
In the early days of the Industrial Revolution, plant location was often decided on the basis of cheap ways of disposing of the wastes of production and little if any thought was given to the depletion of natural
resources. As the authors of Natural Capitalism point out, Humankind
has inherited a 3.8-billion-year store of natural capital. At the present
rates of use and degradation, there will be little left by the end of the next
century.17 Their concept of natural capitalism states that the environment is not a minor factor of production but rather is an envelope containing, provisioning, and sustaining the entire economy. 18
A companys responsibility to address environmental damage was
recognized by British Petroleum group chief executive Lord John
Browne in a speech given at Stanford University on May 19, 1997. In
addressing the global warming issue, he remarked, It is a moment for
change
and
a
rethinking
of
corporation
responsibility. Although
acknowledging that the scientific evidence about the link between greenhouse gas emissions and an increase in temperature is inconclusive, he
said the risk was great enough to take precautionary action and that
under his watch, British Petroleum would help take responsibility for
the future of the planet.19
Level 3: Help Solve Social Problems.
Societys social problems are
numerous and tenacious. They include such problems as drug and alcohol
abuse,
illiteracy,
poverty,
unemployment,
employment
discrimination, inadequate housing, crime, poor transportation, and deficiencies
410
CHAPTER 15
in the educational system. One use of issues management is to identify urgent social
problems. Under the old division of labor in society, these problems were assigned to
government and nonprofit organizations. However, this approach is inadequate for three
reasons: (a) business is sometimes the cause of some social problems, (b) it is affected by
some of them, and (c) it can help address some of them.
A particular company must determine which problems to address alone and which
require a partnership with other companies and with government and nonprofits.
Companies have developed guidelines to help them choose the social problems that are
most relevant to them and thatby virtue of their line of business, resources, and
competenciesthey are best equipped to handle.
Level 4: Make Social Investments.
Social investments refer to programs that replenish and strengthen the communitys and societys infrastructure; that is, the external resources that business depends on to
conduct business. Included are physical resources like roads and other
transportation facilities, water and other utilities, a sound educational
system that provides a pool of labor, housing, medical facilities, and social services. The meaning of infrastructure has expanded over the
years, so that it includes such assets as cultural amenities that improve
the quality of life.
Responsibility for major infrastructure, such as roads, falls mainly
on government because of the huge funds required and the nature of
public goods; that is, they are available to all and would be difficult to
charge for. Oil and mining companies know, however, that when they
must locate in remote regions where resources are found, the responsibility for all infrastructure is theirs. In underdeveloped areas, companies may also bear some costs for infrastructure they need. After
discovering oil in the sub-Saharan country of Chad, an ExxonMobil-led
consortium spent $3.5 billion to build an entire community and a
663-mile pipeline from Kome, Chad, to a port in neighboring Cameroon.20 In China, a high-tech company agreed with a local mayor to pave
roads and build bridges because the community could not afford these
projects.21
Business can help build societys infrastructure. The life and health
insurance industry, for example, has for many years followed the social
policy of setting aside some funds to be used for what they explicitly call
social investments. These were defined as those which would not otherwise be made under the companys customary lending standards, or
those in which social considerations played a substantial part in the investment decisions. These funds were made available at lower than
market rates. Projects included an inner-city health center that provides
24-hour
emergency
service;
rehabilitation
of
several
hundred
vandalized
homes,
providing
housing
for
inflation-squeezed
middle-income
families; and preservation and restoration of a historic marketplace. 22
Other examples of social investments are described in Box 15.3.
411
Box 15.3 Examples of Company Social Investments

Cisco Systems invested in the Cisco Networking Academy, with the
objective of training computer network administrators. Michael Porter
says it exemplifies the powerful link between a companys philanthropic strategy, its competitive context, and social benefits. The program is relevant because Cisco, as the leading producer of networking
equipment and routers used to connect computers to the Internet,
was able to address a limiting factor to its growth, namely, the problem of a chronic shortage of qualified network administrators. After
working with a high school near its headquarters it developed a Webbased distance-learning curriculum to train and certify secondary and
postsecondary school students in network administration. It also
worked with the United Nations to expand the effort to developing
countries, adding to their infrastructure. With its obvious specialized
expertise, Cisco was able to create a high-quality curriculum rapidly
and cost-effectively. Several leading technology companies joined the
effort by donating or discounting products and services of their own,
such as Internet access and computer hardware and software. After 5
years, it operated 9,900 academies in secondary schools, community
colleges, and community-based organizations in all 50 states and in
147 countries.
Pfizer donated its cost-effective treatment for the prevention of trachoma, the leading cause of preventable blindness in developing
countries. Working with the Edna McConnell Clark Foundation and
world health organizations, it created the infrastructure needed to prescribe and distribute the treatment to previously relatively inaccessible
populations. The program was expanded when the Bill and Melinda
Gates Foundation and the British government joined as partners.
FleetBoston Financial launched its Community Renaissance Initiative to help in the inner-city economic revitalization, especially in its
major markets in older East Coast cities. It combined its philanthropic
contributions with its expertise in financial services, such as small
business services, inner-city lending, home mortgages, and venture
capital. The banks foundation chose six communities where the bank
had a presence and committed $725,000 to each and built a coalition
of local community, business, and government organizations to work
on issues identified by the community as central to its revitalization.
The foundation amplified its own $4.5 million investment by attracting
$6 million from private and municipal sources.
Level 5: Support Policies That Are in the Public Interest. A

company can support policies that are in the public interest and generally
agreed on in society, such as energy conservation and human rights.
Manufacturers of appliances, for example, would strive to achieve max-
412
CHAPTER 15
imum efficiency standards. In making building loans, insurance companies

would
mandate
certain
insulation
requirements
and
nondiscrimination in choosing tenants. When business doesnt strive to reach
such standards, these requirements are sometimes imposed by states
and localities. Some are passing stringent energy codes for new commercial buildings, which is causing designers to consider natural light
as a way to save electricity.23
Most nations of the world would include human rights as a high-priority public policy issue. Yet many business executives believe they have
no particular responsibility for human rights. When DuPont chairman
Edgar S. Woolard met with the Chinese president in the summer of
1994, he commented that it is inappropriate for business people to be
involved when governments are involved on this issue. 24
Deciding
what behaviors touch on human rights is itself a thorny issue. With reference to China, the American Chamber of Commerce in Hong Kong
(AmCham) believes in a strong and direct pledge to refuse to do business with firms which employ forced labor, or treat their workers in inhumane or unsafe ways. AmCham, Human Rights Watch, and others
propose that a corporation is responsible to:
Maintain acceptable working conditions in its own operations

uphold the rights of its employees to freedom of expression.
Take responsibility for the actions of its business partners in such
matters as employment practices, wages and benefits, working
hours, use of child labor, use of prison labor or forced labor, discrimination and disciplinary practices.
Resist pressure from the Chinese government to use the multinational corporation as a vehicle to abuse human rights, for example,
by not hiring (or rehiring ) employees who are punished by withholding jobs from them.25
and
The loftiest and most controversial view of this fifth level of social responsibility is that corporations should aspire to build a just society. It is
the societal equivalent of the highest level on Maslows hierarchy of needs,
namely, self-achievement. This view was expressed by well-known public
relations counselor David Finn in his The Corporate Oligarch:
But there is no reason why the primary goal of management cannot eventually be defined as the utilization of corporate resources for the service of
public interests in every way possible. This will require putting the old maxims of profit, growth and corporate benefit where they truly belong, in the
junkyard of outmoded symbols, and in their place, raising a new standard
which will make it clear that the corporate oligarchs mission is to build a
just society capable of fulfilling the potentialities of its citizens. 26
This noble and visionary statement should inspire business

far as they can on the pyramid of social responsibility. How far a corpora-
to
climb
as
413
tion can climb will depend not only on a corporations philosophy but on the sociopolitical, as
well as economic, pressures that surround it.
Growing Support for CSR and Ethics Programs
Some major public relations agencies and ethics centers are advising
corporate clients on CSR and the related subject of ethics. One of them is
Burson-Marsteller, which created a CSR unit in its London office with a
full-time
managing
director
of
corporate
responsibility,
Bennett
Freeman.27
Another public relations counselor is Robert L. Dilenschneider,
head of the Dilenschneider group and former head of the giant public relations firm of Hill & Knowlton. In writing about the challenges facing
business in the new millennium, he stated, But the bigger challenge will
be mustering the courage to insist that all organizations adopt a
broader, more
socially conscious view of their companys responsibilities to their employees, their customers, and the communities in which
they operate.28
Ethics programs in business are also enjoying a boom. The subject is
suddenly all the rage, reports the Economist.29 Aside from restoring public confidence, companies are motivated to act ethically for many reasons: ethical investors demand it; employees feel better working for
socially responsible companies; bad behavior might stir up a public fuss
and lead to unwanted legislation; and, finally, companies need to command a reputation for trust in dealing with customers and partners.
These pressures help explain why the Ethics Officer Association, formed
in the United States in 1992, today has 650 members and why more
books are being written about ethics. 30 One is Lynn W. Paines new book,
Value Shift, which argues that companies cant consider themselves
amoral or apart from society any more and that the relationship between companies and society at large necessitates bringing a moral dimension to decision making.31
Michael Hoffman, executive director of the Center for Business Ethics
at Bentley College, saw Enrons collapse as a success story for the importance of business ethics. He observed that Enrons four stated company
valuescommunication,
integrity,
respect,
and
excellenceand
code of ethics, were words, with no substance. 32 Nevertheless, business has crafted more words. In December 2002, leaders from about
two dozen U.S. companies announced the formation of a group to set
ethical guidelines for the American business world. Called The Open
Compliance and Ethics Group, the group will create a suggested blueprint
for
financial
employees
and
environmental
standards. 33
Hopefully, plans will be translated into action.
ENGAGING IN STAKEHOLDER RELATIONSHIPS
The need to develop and strengthen relationships with
tions primary stakeholdersinvestors, employees, community citi-
an
organiza-
414
CHAPTER 15
zens,
and
customersis
widely
recognized.
Excellent
stakeholder
relationships contribute to goodwill, that accounting term included under intangible assets in a firms balance sheet. In the new economy, these
assets are often more important than physical assets in determining a
companys market value. A 1997 study by Ernst & Young titled Measures That Matter found that up to 65% of the investment decisions made
by mutual fund managers were based on these intangible assets as compared to company financial information.
Corporations that build relationships are more likely to succeed.
Samuel B. Graves and Sandra A. Waddock call them visionary companies and built-to-last companies and say that they focus on more
than profits by treating their multiple stakeholders generously. They refer to a study that shows that these companies outperform others both
financially and in the ways they treat other primary stakeholdersemployees, customers, and community membersas well as showing a
concern for the environment.34 Graves and Waddock say that having an
immutable
core
ideology, while
also stimulating progress
with audacious goals that change over time, is the essence of a visionary company.
This core ideology consists of end values, such as integrity, service,
helping humanity, meritocracy, valuing people, improving the quality
of life, making contributions, and alleviating pain and disease. Additional core values are reflected in the description of 18 visionary companies listed in the study (e.g, 3Ms innovation and integrity, Johnson and
Johnsons hierarchy of responsibilities to a range of stakeholders, and
Mercks preserving and improving human life.
The claim that stakeholder relations results in better financial performance in terms of return on equity, return on assets, and return on sales
can be extended to include an increase in the intangible asset of goodwill.
A firms public standingits reputationis enhanced when it is perceived as operating in the interests of multiple stakeholders, and not
only its investors.
Subscribing to the Managerial Creed
The idea of balancing the interests of a wide range of stakeholders is a
business ideology called the managerial creed, which asks that management serve as a trustee for all of a corporations stakeholders. This creed
differs from the opposing classical creed, which states that managements responsibility is solely to investors; that is, to maximize shareholder value. This was the prevailing creed during the ebullient 1990s.
Although supporters of the classical creed conveniently assume that the
interests of other stakeholders are automatically satisfied by the marketplace, this has not happened. The extreme example is Chainsaw Al,
previously described in Box 15.2.
Acceptance of the managerial creed is likely to grow because public
opinion surveys show that Americans do not support the classical creed.
415
They reject the notion that U.S. corporations should have only one
purposeto make the most profit for their shareholdersand their
pursuit of that goal will be best for America in the long run. Only 4% of
Americans subscribe to this ideology. What the overwhelming 95% say
is: U.S. corporations should have more than one purpose. They also
owe something to their workers and the communities in which they operate, and they should sometimes sacrifice some profit for the sake of
making things better for their workers and communities. 35
The deluge of corporate scandals has shown that CEOs and other corporate insiders didnt even subscribe to the classical creed of raising
shareholder value; their concern was self-enrichment. The public interest was in no way heeded. Support for the free enterprise system cannot
endure if the public sees corporate leaders as selfish and exploitive in
their relationship with others in society. The lesson learned from corporate scandals is that trust in the political as well as economic marketplace will erode unless corporate managers consciously incorporate
concern for the public interest in their decision making.
When an organization applies the managerial creed and achieves mutually satisfying relationships with its stakeholders, it is likely advancing the public interest. Thus employees feel they are paid fair wages and
benefits and that other personal needs are cared for; investors feel that
the dividends or interest received is satisfactory; the community is satisfied with the jobs provided, taxes paid, and other benefits received from
an organization; and customers are pleased with the variety, quality,
and price of products and services purchased. The aggregate of these
satisfied stakeholders can be summed up by saying that the public interest has been served. As suggested by the managerial creed, however, a
balancing of different stakeholder interests is needed because their interests are not necessarily compatible. For example, paying high wages to
employees may lead to higher prices, and satisfying investors desire for
higher returns may lead to smaller philanthropic contributions to the
community or recklessness with environmental goals. The concept of
the public interest requires that all stakeholders recognize the need for
compromises among them.
An expression of the managerial creed is the willingness of corporations
to
collaborate
with
opposing groups.
For
example, Jerry
D.
Choate, recently retired chairman and CEO of Allstate Insurance, 36 said
the need to engage employees has become more important in light of the
recent increase in mergers and acquisitions. Business has gone too far in
absolving itself of social responsibility. It should at least attempt to provide employment security. To this end, the Collective Bargaining Forum,
a group of key U.S. business and labor leaders, agreed on this principle:
acceptance by corporations of employment security, the continuity of
employment for its workforce, as a major policy objective that will figure as importantly in the planning process as product development,
marketing, and capital requirements. 37 Labor was also assigned responsibilities. In a related statement, the Forum states, All parties to an en-
416
CHAPTER 15
terprise should support strategies and practices necessary to secure and maintain a
competitive market position while enhancing the employment security and marketability
of the workforce.38
Identifying Stakeholders
A corporation is more than what appears on a formal organizational
chart, with the board of directors on the top and its chain of command
headed by the CEO. As Chester Barnard observed in his classic Functions
of the Executive, outside groups like customers are essential parts of an
organization and form the extended organizational chart. The field of
public relations is based on the recognition that an organization must
identify all of the publics that can affect an organizations welfare.
This requirement is well-stated by James E. Grunig, a professor at the
University of Maryland and editor of the influential book Excellence in
Public Relations and Communication Management: The first step in
strategic management of public relations, therefore, is to make a list of
the people who are linked to or have a stake in the organization. 39
These people are called publics, stakeholders, or constituents, terms
that are often used interchangeably. Several authors classify and describe an organizations strategic stakeholders. In their Managing Public Relations, Grunig and co-author Todd Hunt, list and describe some
of them in the context of four key linkages that are critical for an organization to survive:
Functional linkages: Inputs from employees, unions, and suppliers, and outputs to consumers, industrial purchasers, users of services, and employers of graduates.
Enabling
linkages:
Stockholders,
Congress,
state
legislators,
government regulators, boards of directors, and community leaders.
Normative
linkages:
Associations,
political
groups,
and
professional societies.
Diffused
linkages:
Environmentalists,
community
residents,
students, voters, minorities, women, media, and other publics. 40
The same idea of identifying and categorizing an organizations strategic publics appears
in the management literature. James E. Post, Lee E. Preston, and Sybille Sachs list three
components of what they call the extended enterprise in the framework of three
dimensions:
1.
Resources
(investors,
shareowners,
and
lenders;
employees;
customers, and users).
2.
Industry
structure
(supply
chain
associates,
regulatory
authorities, unions, and joint venture partners and alliances).
3.
Social-political
setting
(governments,
private
organizations,
local
communities, and citizens).41
417
Another contribution to stakeholder management is described by

James R. Emshoff and R. Edward Freeman. 42 Its two basic principles are
that (a) the central goal is to achieve maximum overall cooperation between the entire system of stakeholder groups and the objectives of the
corporation, and (b) the most efficient and effective strategies for managing stakeholder relations involve efforts to deal simultaneously with
issues affecting several stakeholders. These are the same principles followed by public relations, although initially Freeman relegated public
relations to serving as a buffer between an organization and society,
whereas stakeholder management was credited with focus on negotiations. As chapter 3 indicates, negotiations are used in public affairs and
public relations in dealing with interest groups.
A Relationship Model
Public relations scholars have added important ideas to the concept of
stakeholder relationships. The basic contention is that the primary goal
of public relations is to build effective relationships with various constituencies. Reflecting the managerial creed, another principle is that
effective organizations are able to achieve their goals because they
choose goals that are valued both by management and by strategic constituencies, both inside and outside the organizations. 43 The joint endeavor of management and its constituencies is to cultivate and
maintain long-term relationships. It is important to measure the outcome
of
relationship-building
activities.
Four
measures
have
been
proposed: (a) mutual
satisfaction,
(b) trust, (c) commitment, and (d)
control mutuality.44
When an organization and a stakeholder group fulfill the expectations of the other, mutual satisfaction results. The aggregate of all the
mutual satisfactions is one way of assessing whether an organization is
advancing the public interest. When mutual satisfaction is achieved,
trust, a second dimension of a relationship, is more likely to be achieved.
The trust of stakeholders is won when they believe that the corporation
is acting in their interests as well as its own. This state of affairs is more
likely when some degree of control mutualitythe degree to which
parties agree on who has the rightful power to influence one anotheris achieved.45 In the context of the public interest, the most relevant aspect of control mutuality is whether management recognizes the
value of inputs from its stakeholders and listens to them. 46 A popular
name for this kind of decision making is participatory management.
This form of management, along with mutual satisfaction and trust, is
likely to lead both parties to want to continue the relationships (i.e.,
commitment is achieved).
Betrayal of Trust.
One outcome of a relationship, trust, has been
severely damaged during the last decade. 47 Since the Enron and other
418
CHAPTER 15
corporate scandals, Wall Street has recognized that it faces a crisis of

confidence. Trust is a component of public confidence in business,
which, in turn, is affected by the presence or absence of transparency.
Transparency, a topic discussed in chapter 14, is one of the prerequisites
for establishing trust and a solid, long-term relationship. When people
do not trust the information they are given, they lose confidence. Corporations and financial institutions are consequently engaging in confidence-building campaigns in the hope that trust will be restored.
Former American Airlines CEO Donald J. Carty provides a glaring example of how trust can be betrayed. After the union membership had
narrowly voted to accept $1.62 billion worth of annual concessions in the
name of shared sacrifice to avoid bankruptcy, Carty admitted that he
and six other executives still benefitted from executive-retention bonuses
and pension protections. BusinessWeek called this lack of timely disclosure
a megablunder.48 Carty was seen as trying to pull a fast one on the unions. Later he and the other executives agreed to give up their retention
bonuses, which would have paid them twice their base salary.49
Restoring trust was the theme of the Public Relations Coalition, a
partnership
of
19
major
U.S.-based
organizations
representing
corporate public relations, investor relations, public affairs, and related communications disciplines. They have challenged corporate America to do
three things: adopt ethical principles, pursue transparency and disclosure in everything they do, and make trust a fundamental precept of
corporate governance. Its first report, Restoring Trust in Business:
Models for Action, contains several worthy ideas. 50 A basic one, credited to Arthur W. Page, who is recognized as the first corporate public relations vice president in the history of public relations, is the view that
real success, both for big business and the public, lies in a large enterprise conducting itself in the public interest and in such a way that the
public will give it sufficient freedom to serve effectively. 51 To this end
ethical behavior must be encouraged and promoted.
In discussing disclosure and transparency, the report emphasizes the importance of
creating an open company and lists nine steps, among which are these:
Be willing to disclose all of your business, social, and political activities, as long as doing so does not raise legal issues or jeopardize
your competitive position in the marketplace.
When addressing issues of public concern, localize the message by
involving company employees in affected communities and enlisting the help of independent, objective third parties.
Proactively engage your stakeholders in dialogue, with
emphasis on employees and middle management. 52
particular
The report reflects the application of the relationship model, especially the importance
of making trust a board-level precept. This is in keeping with new corporate governance
guidelines.
INCORPORATING
THE
PUBLIC
IN CORPORATE GOVERNANCE
419
INTEREST
A potent way to incorporate the public interest into corporate

policymaking and decision making is to link it to corporate governance.
Even before recent developments in corporate governance reforms, Peter
Drucker, the management guru, wrote in a well-known Wall Street
Journal editorial, The Real Duties of a Director : The board is responsible for making sure that a company has adequate policies for its key
outside relationshipswith government, with the labor union, with
the public in general; and that it have adequate policies with respect to
its legal and regulatory responsibilities. 53
Druckers ideas were reflected at the 54th American Assembly on
Corporate Governance in America held in the late 1970s when business leaders recognized that Boards of directors have a primary role
in
interpreting
societys
expectations
and
standards
for
management.54 These leaders recognized that boards of directors were indeed the key organ by which the corporation interfaces with
societyand not only with the economic marketplace. This was a
major theme in the 1970s in response to consumer, environmental,
and other social movements. They concluded that corporations can
and should improve their responsiveness to emerging social and ethical questions. One suggestion was to hold open regional meetings
with public groups to discuss social issues and related corporate actions. The assembly stressed the importance of disclosure, recognizing the value of a well-informed public. For this reason they
recommended giving the press access to responsible and well-informed corporate officers. These and other policies and procedures
pertaining to corporate governance deserve to be revisited in the
wake of todays loss of public confidence in corporations.
Signs are appearing that corporations are reforming their corporate
governance structures, not only in the traditional operational and financial areas but also in the social and public responsibility areas. Responding to this interest, management consultants, law firms, and
public relations firms offer a variety of services in advising on corporate
governance.55 Moreover, some companies and professional groups are
making efforts to comply with the spirit of reform. GE, for example,
made the following changes, some of which exceed Sarbanes-Oxley and
the NYSE proposals:
Two-thirds of GEs board members must be independenta matter not addressed by the Sarbanes-Oxley Act, and the NYSE requires only a majority to be independent. All members of the audit
committee are independent.
Directors not employed by GE must meet at least three times a
year without management present, a requirement only in the
NYSE proposals.
420
CHAPTER 15
Each director must visit two GE businesses a year without representatives of corporate management, which is not required by federal law or the NYSE.
GE senior managers must hold a specified amount of company
stock as part of their salaries and hold for at least a year any GE
shares they acquire through stock options, neither of which is required by federal law or the NYSE.56
Most of the post-Enron discussions about corporate governance have
focused on the need for greater transparency, greater responsibility by
boards, and their restructuring (e.g., more independent directors). With
all the attention going to financial reforms, little has been said about the
broader issue of improving corporate responsibility to society and acting in the public interest. These are concerns of public affairs and public
relations. As stated by Douglas A. Pinkham, president of the Public Affairs Council, Many business leaders claim to understand how their
business
environment
affects
long-term
profitability,
but
remarkably
few embrace all of the public relations and public affairs tools available
to them.57 Wes Pederson, editor of the Public Affairs Review, reinforces
this view by reminding business executives, Sadly, business lagged for
years in its understanding of the political effects of corporate governance despite the pleas of savvy CEOs and public affairs professionals
for corporate transparency and ethical orthodoxy. 58
To integrate public interest considerations in corporate governance, three promising
approaches have been discussed: (a) forming a public interest committee, (b) expanding the
composition of the board, and (c) conducting social audits and publishing social reports
Form a Public Interest Committee
The formation of a public interest committeealso labeled public policy, corporate responsibility, or social responsibility committeeis a
useful structural addition to corporate governance. Such a group could
educate board members on significant happenings in the larger society
and introduce new ideas on how to relate to this larger world. An excellent example is Dow Chemical, whose corporate governance structure
includes a Public Interest Committee:
The Public Interest Committee shall have oversight responsibility and shall
advise the Board on matters impacting corporate social responsibility and
the Companys public reputation. The Committees focus includes the
Companys
public
policy
management,
philanthropic
contributions,
international
codes
of
business
conduct,
and
corporate
reputation
management. Recognizing that positive perceptions of the Companys policies
and practices are valuable assets, the Committee will monitor these perceptions and will make recommendations to the Board and management
to continually enhance the Companys public standing. 59
421
Such board committees are reminiscent of the 1970s when they were
seen as a response to the social issues and concurrent public pressures
that arose in the 1960s. Top management recognized that a full board
often cannot devote enough time and consideration to social issues. Nor
do board members feel they have sufficient specialization in this area, a
fact recognized by Milton Friedman. One of the first companies to establish a public policy committee was GM in 1970 as a response to Ralph
Nader s proxy resolution, Campaign GM. The then GM chairman,
Richard C. Gerstenberg, described its purpose as follows:
The purpose of the Committee is to give matters of broad national concern a permanent and
prominent place at the highest level of management and I emphasize at the highest level of
managementon the board of directors which ought to be the first to perceive change and the
first to grasp the opportunity of responding to it.
The Committees mandate is to inquire into every phase of the corporations business activities that relates to matters of public policy, and to
recommend any changes it feels appropriate to management or the full
board of directors. The Public Policy Committee assures us that broad
national concerns are considered in the major policy decisions of the corporation.60
As of early 1979, the Conference Board identified 103 companies

with public policy committees. A notable one was GE, whose function
corporate strategist Ian Wilson described as providing an independent
checkpoint on the issuespresent or potentialthat affect General Electric; and to appraise the effectiveness of managements response. 61 A
Harvard Business Review article listed 35 companies with public responsibility committees, including Aetna Life and Casualty Company, AT&T,
Citicorp, International Paper, Philip Morris, and Sears, Roebuck. 62
Members of a public interest committee should represent diverse
backgrounds, including experience outside the world of business. A survey showed that their number was somewhat larger than that of most
other board committees, ranging from 3 to 14 members, with the median size of 5 to 6. Most of them were outsiders, although 55% of the
committees included some insider directors (e.g., retired CEOs). Most
committees included more women, minorities, and academics than are
typically on corporate boards of directors. As a university president on
one committee reported, managing conflicting interest groups can be a
challenge.63
The charter of a public interest committee might include the following activities:
Identify major constituencies, both internal and external, and examine what each expects of the corporations performance socially
and environmentally.
422
CHAPTER 15
Recommend specific issues for board and management consideration.

Recommend corporate policy to respond to the priority issues.
Consider and recommend potential new areas of social
ity and involvement.
Examine and report to the full board on corporate attitudes toward the needs and concerns of the major constituencies of the corporation.64
responsibil-
These are typical concerns of public affairs and public relations specialists who can provide staff support to public interest committees.
Every large public corporation should have an office that represents
the interests and concerns of its extended organization, which includes
all of its stakeholders. Public affairs and public relations professionals
can identify issues and trends affecting the corporation, analyze them,
and
recommend
appropriate
management
responses.
This
broader
function exceeds the stereotypical PR function of serving as unthinking conduit to the media, and of being responsible for polishing the
corporate image.65
Some
senior
public
relations
counselors
recommend
that
corporations consider such broad-scope executive vice president titles as public
diplomacy, corporate public policy, or advisor to the CEO on public policy.66 In revamping its corporate governance, Tyco, which suffered
through a scandal, created another kind of position: that of a corporate
ombudsman. This person, along with the companys senior vice president of corporate governance and the vice president, corporate audit, reports directly to the board of directors. At least some of the information
a public interest committee would normally report directly to the board
could be conveyed by the ombudsman.67
Expand Composition of Board Membership
Another way to introduce social and political considerations into board
deliberations is to expand the composition of board membership. More
is required than including more women on the board. Catalyst, the organization that advances women in business, reported in its 2003 annual census that women held 13.6% of all board seats in the Fortune 500
companies, an increase from 12.4% in 2001. The top 100 companies
have at least one woman director and have the highest percentage of
women directors, at 16.0%. Women of color hold 3.0% of board seats in
415 companies for which Catalyst has data. 68 From the perspective of
reflecting the public interest, however, consideration must be given to
special interest directors beyond the question of gender or race.
The proposal that boards should include public directors is highly
controversial and presents practical problems of implementation. 69 One
problem is knowing where to draw the line on what interests should be
represented and whether their loyalty would be to the corporation or
their interest group. The dominant view is that the basic legal responsi-
423
bility of the board is to manage the company in the interests of the stockholders.70
Special interest directors, therefore, have appeared only under special
conditions. A BusinessWeek editorial in 1987 stated that it would be a
good idea for unionsand employees generallyto be represented on
boards
of
directors,
particularly
where workers own
a
significant
amount of stock.71 When employees represent a major cost factor or
their unions are deemed to have significant political influence, boards
may be motivated to include labor representatives. A notable past example is Chrysler, which during its effort to obtain a government bailout
invited the president of the United Auto Workers to join the board. 72
Other examples of a labor voice on boards are United Steel Workers retired chief economist at CF&I Steel, retired president of Flight Engineers
at Pan American Airlines, a Massachusetts Institute of Technology professor of industrial relations at PIE Nationwide, and former NLRB chairman and former director of the Federal Mediation Service at Transcon. 73
In Germany the concept of worker representative democracy has a
long history and has taken the form of codetermination. A 1951 law
gave workers and union leaders in the larger mining and steel companies almost equal representation (5 of 11 members) with shareholders
on corporate boards. A law passed in 1976 applies codetermination to
most large German corporations. 74
In practice, a study by A. E.
Bergmann
concludes that
in
general
workers representatives
have really been interested only in decisions that affect workers directly, such
as personnel and welfare.75
Some corporations have nominated special interest directors in response to proxy resolutions. An early example is GMs appointment in
1971 of Reverend Leon Sullivan, a black urban affairs leader, in response
to Ralph Nader s Campaign GM proxy resolution. The resolution demanded the inclusion of three public directors. Illustrating the problem of conflict of interest, Sullivan claimed he represented the interests
of blacks, not stockholders. He was able to increase advertising in black
publications and increase the purchase of parts and supplies from black
manufacturers.76 Another example, is Exxons appointment of Dr. John
M. Steel, a scientist from the Woodshole Oceanographic Institute, to represent
environmental interests.
The idea of public directors was pursued by Robert Townsend, former
head of Avis Corporation, who in 1973 made the extreme proposal that
all manufacturing companies with more than $1 billion in assets should
be required to have public directors. This idea raises many basic questions. The major one is how such an individual would be selected and to
what extent government would become involved. The meaning of the
free enterprise system would be undermined. Would this be a role of
members of corporate accountability groups, such as the Committee for
Economic
Development,
Council
on
Economic
Priorities,
the
Independent Sector, or the Interfaith Center on Corporate Responsibility? One of
the duties of such a director would be to call at least two press confer-
424
CHAPTER 15
ences a year to report on the companys progress or lack thereof on issues of public
relevance.77
There is no indication that corporations will institute public directorships, but their
purpose can to at least a small degree be achieved through social audits and social
reports.
Conduct Social Audit and Publish Social Report
In 1953, Howard R. Bowen, an economist, made a bold proposal that
Just as businesses subject themselves to audits of their accounts by independent public account firms, they might also subject themselves to
periodic examination by independent outside
experts
who would evaluate the performance of the business from the social point of view. 78 The
resulting social audit can thus be seen as performing part of the function of a public director. Although one consulting firm, Abt Associates,
experimented with the idea of a social audit, and even publishing a social
balance sheet, corporations rejected the idea. As one vice president of
public relations of a large firm said, there are two problems with the
concept: The word social connotes socialism and the word audit conjures up government intrusion.
The stated purpose of a social reportalso called public report,
sustainability report, and corporate citizenship reportis to inform
stakeholders and the general public about a companys social performance in selected areas, such as its handling of environmental issues,
health
and
safety,
community
investment
and
philanthropy,
governance, workplace issues, and ethics. The need to regain public confidence after disclosures of corporate deception and wrongdoing have
made an increasing number of corporations eager to provide greater
transparency in the social as well as financial arena, according to a
study by the Public Relations Society of America and Business for Social
Responsibility.79 Supporting this finding, the Public Affairs Council reports that more than 200 CSR practitioners and communication professionals signed in to express their opinions when an online discussion of
CSR reports was held by the London-based Institute of Public Relations
and the British version of PR Week.80
These discussions recommended that social reports should go beyond
journalistic efforts to describe laudable corporate programs in a seeming effort to demonstrate compliance with the increasing public demands and government regulations. Because the gap between what
companies do and what they say remains wide, the opportunity
should be seized for corporations to be open and honest with themselves, their employees, their customers, and the community about
what they are doing.81 Some suggestions:
A company
achieve them.
should
state
its
social
objectives
and
how
it
plans
to
425
A two-way dialogue should be developed with stakeholders, giving them an opportunity to influence corporate decisions.
Standardssuch as ISO 14000, CERES, or the Sullivan Principles
should be employed.
Ultimately reports should be verified by an external reviewer,
which 35% of the companies in the PRSA study did (30% used an
NGO, 30% a consultant, and 20% a for-profit accounting or auditing firm).
These aspects of social reports suggest that they should primarily be
associated
with
business
strategy
rather
than
communications.
Business strategy increasingly recognizes the value investors and others
place on a companys intangible assets, including human capital and
social capital. To be recognized as the other part of the double bottom
line, social responsibility must be integrated into a companys policies
and actions. Social reports can help communicate this information.
UPHOLDING A CORPORATIONS REPUTATION:
THE CEOS ROLE
Corporate
governance
changes
that
incorporate
public
interest
considerations in deliberations will go a long way to reestablish public confidence in business. This will be reflected in improved corporate
reputations, which is a major concern of corporate CEOs. They know
that it matters whenever people can punish a company by buying products elsewhere, working elsewhere, and filing lawsuits. Whenever the
option of not dealing with a company exists, or just the opposite, attacking a company through social activism or lobbying government for
regulations,
company
reputation
counts.
The
PRWeek/BursonMarsteller CEO Survey 2003 shows that 81% of CEOs are concerned
about their companys reputation, with 34% very concerned and 47%
somewhat concerned.82
Views
differ, however, about what
constitutes s
companys reputation and how it is measured. The Concise Oxford Dictionary of Current
English provides a good beginning by defining reputation as what is
generally said or believed about a persons or things character. When
Harris Interactive and the Reputation Institute, a New York-based research firm, report the reputation of many of the best known companies, they ask people to name the companies they currently believe have
the best and the worst reputations. This is followed up by a second survey of 22,000 online respondents that asks them about 20 attributes of
the most nominated companies. An overall rating of each company is
then made.83
Fortunes Americas Most Admired Companies is probably the longest running and most highly visible of all reputation studies.
Its typical sample of about 5,000 comprises industry insiders: financial analysts, senior executives, and outside directors of the industries
426
CHAPTER 15
being evaluated. Each company is rated on eight attributes: quality of

management; quality of products and services offered; innovativeness;
value as a long-term investment; soundness of financial position; ability to attract, develop, and keep talented people; responsibility to community and/or environment; and wise use of corporate assets. To obtain
the overall reputation score, ratings on the eight attributes are simply
averaged.84
When overall measures of a companys reputation are based on what
the general public thinks and says about an organization, they are of
limited value. Such public opinion may be important in an antitrust decision involving a well-known company like Microsoft. More important
and relevant are the impressions and attitudes of specific constituent
groups,
like
investors,
customers,
or employees,
because
these stakeholders
affect
investment,
purchasing,
or
employment
decisions
pertaining to a company. These are groups that likely have direct
experience in dealing with a company and therefore have formed attitudes that represent their evaluation of the quality of relationships established.
Perceptions
among
these
groups
may
greatly
differ,
influenced by the segment of the company to which they are exposed.
People with no connection with a company would at best have an
impression, not an evaluation, of a company based on media reports or
hearsay.
Judgments about the CEO play an important role in determining the quality of
management. According to Leslie Gaines-Ross, chief knowledge and research officer at
Burson-Marsteller, 50% of a companys reputation is determined by the CEO. She builds on
this fact in her aptly titled book, CEO Capital: A Guide to Building CEO Reputation
and Company Success. She defines CEO capital as:
the asset created by a CEOs reputation (not mere public acclaim) when it
is harnessed to advance a companys success. It is the collective esteem
that significant others, inside and outside a company, hold for the companys chief executive officer and, as a consequence, for the company.
CEO capital is the composite of perceptions about a CEO that a companys stakeholders hold, whether these constituents are employees, Wall
Street
analysts
or
investors,
customers,
the
media,
government
regulators, community leaders, or other business influentials. 85
When corporations face serious crises of management deception or

misconduct, CEOs are the ones who are blamed and replaced by new
CEOs with untarnished reputations. An example is the replacement of
WorldComs defamed Bernard J. Ebbers with Michael D. Capellas, former CEO of Compaq and a recent president of Hewlett-Packard. 86 The
turnover rate of CEOs reflects their vulnerability as well as a judgment
of corporate performance. Half of all current CEOs have held their jobs
for less than 3 years, according to a survey of 476 global corporations in
2000 by the outplacement firm Drake Beam Morin.87 Leslie Gaines-Ross
427
found that Close to two-thirds of all major companies replaced their

CEOs in the past five years. 88
As the fallout from corporate scandals
continued, USA Today reported on June 10, 2002, that CEO job losses
were running two a day in 2002 thus far.89
In May 2002 alone there
were 80 CEO departures, according to outplacement firm Challenger
Gray & Christmas. Apparently boards of directors agree with the admonition of Warren Buffet: If you lose dollars for the firm by bad decisions, I will be understanding. If you lose reputation for the firm, I will
be ruthless.90
This concern about corporate reputation has elevated the role of public relations counsel. Compared to other professionals, they are at the
forefront
of
managing
a
companys reputation.
Julia
Hood,
editor-inchief of PRWeek, comments, It is clear that public relations has grown in
stature among Americas CEOs as they begin to understand its role in
shaping their companies reputations. In fact, the survey reports that
75% of CEOs mention the contribution of internal PR counsel and 35%
mention external PR counsel. CEOs also turn to their board of directors
29% of the time and their internal legal staff or attorney 25% of the time
(which is up from 9% last year). Chris Komisarjevsky, former president
and CEO of Burson-Marsteller Worldwide, notes that reputation and litigation threats are considered in tandem far more often: Now the lawyers and PR professionals sit at the same table. 91
Whether a companys reputation can be managed, however, is questionable.92 Publicity efforts that put a positive spin on all that a company does may result in improving a companys image, as would
various forms of image advertising. Although such efforts might influence a general public that has little or no direct experience with a company, they are unlikely to affect a companys important stakeholders.
Customers, investors, and employees in particular would base their impressions and attitudes on their experience with a companys actual behavior; that is, on their relationship with the company. The
fundamental purpose of public relations is to help an organization improve
these
relationships.
Communication
contributes
because
better
two-way communications, combined with efforts to collaborate with
stakeholders, help to achieve this goal. Communications are also needed
to assure that a companys positive performance is known by its
constituents.
The CEO, as the chief communicator and ultimate spokesperson for a
company, plays a vital communication role and, therefore, affects the
companys reputation. Ideally, the CEO possesses good communication
skills. Public relations assistance in speech writing and dealing with the
media, as well as media training sessions, can help. Modern public relations practice, however, goes far beyond media relations and communications.
It
includes
monitoring
the
sociopolitical
environment
and
analyzing issues, preparing crisis contingency plans, planning and executing public affairs campaigns, and, in general, engaging in problemsolving about matters involving public opinion and the public interest.
428
CHAPTER 15
As recognized by Komisarjevsky: We are the ones who devote our careers to studying human behavior, anticipating reactions and, in some
cases, knowing better than anyone else what the implications will be. 93
Komisarjevsky also believes that public relations managers are the
guardians of integrity by identifying issues during their earliest stages
and before they grow into a crisis. We play a very important role in
shaping organizational values and behavior. One of these is in the establishment and expression of CSR as described earlier in this chapter. He
says, The covenants between the individual and the community, the
employee and company, and the company and its unions are unalterably
changed.
He
quotes
Harold
Burson,
chairman
of
BursonMarsteller, on the relationship between public relations and CSR: I do
not believe there is a relationship between the two. They are not cousins
or even siblings. They are even closer than identical twins. They are one
and the same.94
CSR in the broad sense of managing a company for the benefit of all of its stakeholders is
one way to sustain a companys reputation and public confidence in business. Improving
transparency and reforming corporate governance are other essential measures.
CONCLUSIONS
The growing disquietude of the public with corporate behavior reflects
the need to place economic activity in the framework of society. From
this perspective, the basic purpose of the economic system is to provide
the goods and services wanted by consumers and the public goods required by society. A chart of this relationship would show these major
outputs of the economy balanced by societys inputs of capital, labor,
and other factors of production. The implication is that the economic
system does not exist for the sole purpose of allowing managers and entrepreneurs to make money, even though profit maximization is the
guiding motivator of every business.
Corporations must stay attuned to changing public standards of CSR.
By achieving the double bottom line of profits and social responsibility,
corporations have less to fear from government and social action
groups.95 Corporations have learned that they can reduce the extent of
government involvement by looking beyond the bottom line and considering their relationship to society. To reflect the added corporate goal,
some corporations have examined and even practiced the changes in
corporate governance discussed earlier.
By adopting the broader managerial creed in preference to the narrowly focused classical creed and by accepting the goal of a double bottom line, corporations become better integrated with society. Changing
the composition of boards of directors and adding the public interest to
their concerns helps to institutionalize the enlightened approach to societal expectations. Furthermore, new approaches in stakeholder man-
429
agement are likely to improve relationships with an organizations

strategic stakeholders and advance the public interest. These efforts, together with the major theme of this book of promoting a pluralistic society in the political marketplace, enable corporations to maintain
public confidence. By demonstrating that they use their power not only
for self-gain but also to address larger societal issues, corporations allay
public fears of corporate power and assure a system of sustainable
capitalism.
ENDNOTES
1. This concept is explained by Rogene A. Buchholz, Business Environment and
Public Policy: Implications for Management (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.:
2. Henry Mintzberg, Power in and Around Organizations (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.:
3. The Business Roundtable, Statement of Corporate Responsibility, October
1981, p. 1.
4. Jerry Useem, From Heroes to Goats and Back Again? Fortune, November
18, 2002, p. 43.
5. Accountants use one word for goodwill; public relations people usually use
two words: good will.
6. Public Affairs Council 45! Sapphire Anniversary Report (Washington, D.C.: Public Affairs Council, 1999), p. 31.
7. Leslie Gaines-Ross, CEO Capital: A Guide to Building CEO Reptuation and Company Success (New York: Wiley, 2003), p. 220.
8. Keith Davis and Robert L. Blomstrom, Business and Society, 3rd edition (New
York: McGraw-Hill, 1975), pp. 6-7.
9. Howard Bowen, Social Responsibilities of the Businessman (New York: Harper
& Row, 1953), p. 155.
10. Michael E. Porter and Mark R. Kramer, The Competitive Advantage of Corporate Philanthropy, Harvard Business Review, Vol. 80, December 2002, p. 58.
11. Ibid.
12. Archie B. Carroll used this term but listed different tiers. See his The Pyramid of Corporate Social Responsibility: Toward the Moral Management of
Organizational Stakeholders, Business Horizons, Vol. 34, July-August
1991, pp. 39-48. These levels agree with a host of descriptions of CSR.
13. Robert W. Ackerman and Raymond A. Bauer, Corporate Social Responsiveness:
The Modern Dilemma (Reston, Va.: Reston, 1976).
14. Business Ethics: Doing Well by Doing Good, Economist, April 22, 2000, p.
65. Friedman did, however, acknowledge, It is entirely appropriate ethat
men make sacrifices to advocate causes in which they deeply believe. Indeed, it is important to preserve freedom only for people who are willing to
practice self-denial, for otherwise freedom degenerates into license and irresponsibility.
Arthur
Sharplin,
A Challenge
to
Shareholder
Supremacy
in the Public Firm, Business and Society Review, Vol. 108, Summer 2000,
No. 2, p. 232.
15. See Otto Lerbinger, The Crisis Manager: Facing Risk and Responsibility
(Mahwah, N.J.: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 1997), p. 252.
16. Leslie Scism, Florida Regulators Investigate Met Life, Wall Street Journal,
November 6, 1997, p. A3.
430
CHAPTER 15
Paul Hawken, Amory Lovins, and L. Hunter Lovins, Natural Capitalism: Creating the Next Industrial Revolution (Boston: Little, Brown, 1999), p. 3.
18. Ibid., p. 9.
19. Gaines-Ross, op. cit., p. 180.
20. Roger Thurow and Susan Warren, Pump Priming: In War on Poverty, Chads
Pipeline Plays Unusual Role, Wall Street Journal, June 24, 2003, p. A1.
21. Chun-ju Flora Hung, The Interplays of Relationship Types, Relationship Cultivation, and Relationship Outcomes (Doctoral dissertation, University of
Maryland, 2002).
22. See Response, a publication of the Center for Corporate Public Involvement,
for examples.
23. Alex Frangos, Here Comes the Sun, Wall Street Journal, November 12,
2003, p. B1.
24. Michael A. Santoro, Engagement With Integrity: What We Should Expect
Multinational Firms to Do About Human Rights in China, Business & the
Contemporary World, Vol. X, No. 1, 1998, p. 30.
25. Ibid., pp. 34-45.
26. David Finn, The Corporate Oligarch (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1969), p.
250.
27. Erin White, PR Firms Advise Corporations on Social-Responsibility Issues,
Wall Street Journal, November 13, 2002, p. B10.
28. Robert L. Dilenschneider, Public Relations for the New Millennium: Back to
Social Responsibility, Public Relations Strategist, Vol. 5, Spring 1999, p. 12.
29. Ibid.
30. Ibid.
31. Lynn W. Paine, Value Shift: Why Companies Must Merge Social and Financial
Imperatives to Achieve Superior Performance (New York: McGraw Hill, 2002).
32. Companys Collapse Shows System Works, CBS News, Vol. 10, Issue 1,
2002, p. 6.
33. USA Today, December 10, 2002, p. 1B.
34. B. Graves and Sandra A. Waddock, Beyond Built to Last Stakeholder Relations in Built-to-Last Companies, Business and Society Review, Vol. 105,
No. 4, 2001, pp. 393-418.
35. Aaron Bernstein, Too Much Corporate Power? BusinessWeek, September
11, 2000, p. 149.
36. Melissa Berman, Research Roundup: Boss Issues, Across the Board, Vol. 36,
July-August 1999, pp. 55-56.
37. Principles for New Employment Relationships: The Collective Bargaining
Forum, Perspectives on Work, Vol. 3, No. 1, 1999, p. 33.
38. Ibid., p. 34.
39. James E. Grunig and Fred C. Repper, Strategic Management, Publics, and Issues, in James E. Grunig, editor, Excellence in Public Relations and Communication Management (Hillsdale, N.J.: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 1992), p.
126.
40. James E. Grunig and Todd Hunt, Managing Public Relations (New York: Holt,
Rinehart & Winston, l984); see chart on p. 141.
41. James E. Post, Lee E. Preston, and Sybille Sachs, Managing the Extended Enterprise: The New Stakeholder View, California Management Review, Vol. 45,
Fall 2002, p. 10.
42. A brief summary is James R. Emshoff and R. Edward Freeman, Whos Butting Into Your Business? Wharton Magazine, Vol. 4, Fall 1979, pp. 44-59.
17.
431
Also see R. E. Freeman,

Strategic Management: A Stakeholder Approach
(Marshfield, Mass.: Pitman, 1984).
43. Linda Childers Hon and James E. Grunig, Guidelines for Measuring Relationships in Public Relations (Gainesville, Fla.: University of Florida, The Institute
for Public Relations, 1999), p. 6.
44. Ibid., pp. 16-17, for a definitions of these outcomes.
45. Ibid., p. 1.
46. Control mutuality is expressed by sentiments like the management of this
organization gives people like me enough say in the decision-making process and that generally speaking, the organization and we are both satisfied with the decision-making process. Ibid., p. 2.
47. Trust consists of three components: (a) integritythe belief that an organization is fair and just; (b) dependabilityan organization will do what it
says it will do; and (c) competencethe ability to do what it says it will do.
Some typical expressions of trust or the lack of it in research on trust are:
Generally speaking, I dont trust the organization, Members of the organization are truthful with us, and The organization treats me fairly and
justly, compared to other organizations. Ibid., pp. 1-2.
48.
Wendy Zellner, Commentary: What Was Don Carty Thinking?
BusinessWeek, May 5, 2003, p. 32.
49. Scott McCartney, Unions Weigh Options at American, Wall Street Journal,
April 21, 2003, p. A3; AMRs Decision to Keep Quiet About Perks Could
Undo Pacts, Wall Street Journal, April 22, 2003, p. A3.
50. John Elsasser, From the Editor: The Public Relations Coalition Addresses the
Crisis of Trust, The Public Relations Strategist, Vol. 9, Fall 2003, p. 1.
51. Ibid., p. 4.
52. PR Coalition, Restoring Trust in Business: Models for Action, Supplement
to The Public Relations Strategist, Vol. 9, Fall 2003.
53. Peter Drucker, The Real Duties of a Director, Wall Street Journal, June 1,
1978, p. 20.
54.
Leonard
Silk,
American
Assembly
Consensus
About
Corporate
governance, New York Times, April 18, 1978, p. 66.
55. Vanessa OConnell and Stephanie Paterik, PR Firms Get Into Advising on
Governance, Wall Street Journal, July 22, 2002, p. B1.
56. Ibid.
57. Douglas G. Pinkham, Reforming the Corporation: What Role for Public Affairs Public Affairs Review, Annual Report 2003, p. 7.
58. Wes Pederson, As Election 04 Nears, New Calls for an Examination of the
Corporate Soul, Public Affairs Review, Annual Report 2003, p. 4.
59. See http://www.dow.com/corpgov/bylaws/comm.htm.
60. Phyllis S. McGrath, Corporate Directorship Practices, Report No. 775 (New
York: The Conference Board), 1980, pp. 1-2.
61. Ian Wilson, One Companys Experience With Restructuring the Governing
Board, Journal of Contemporary Business, Vol. 8, First Quarter, 1979, pp.
71-81.
62. Michael L. Lovdal, Raymond A. Bauer, and Nancy H. Treverton, Public Responsibility Committees of the Board, Harvard Business Review, Vol. 55,
May-June 1977, p. 60.
63. Ibid., p. 42.
64. Michael L. Lovdal, Raymond A. Bauer, and Nancy H. Treverton, From the
Boardroom: New Standing Committee Plays Active Policy Role in Initiating
432
CHAPTER 15
Corporate Responses to Public and Social Pressures, Harvard Business Review, Vol. 55,
May-June 1977, pp. 40-41.
65. James Lichtenberg, Corporate Governance: Can the Firm Reach Its Public?
Journal of Contemporary Business, Vol. 8, No. 1, 1979, p. 119.
66. John F. Budd, Jr., Public Relations Is the Architect of Its Future: Counsel or
Courtier? Pros Offer Opinions, Public Relations Review, Vol. 29, November
2003, p. 382.
67. Eric M. Pillmore, How Were Fixing Up Tyco, Harvard Business Review, Vol.
81, December 2003, p. 101.
68. Catalyst, Perspective, January 2004. See www.catalystwomen.org.
69. Buchholz, op. cit., pp. 116-117.
70. Mintzberg, op cit., p. 68.
71. Editorial, Why Workers Belong in the Boardroom, BusinessWeek, December 14, 1987, p. 146.
72. The bailout is described in Buchholz, op. cit., pp. 134-137.
73. Move Over Boone, Carl, and IrvHere Comes Labor, BusinessWeek, December 14, 1987, p. 128.
74. Mintzberg, op. cit., p. 553.
75. A. E. Bergmann, Industrial Democracy in GermanyThe Battle for Power,
Journal of General Management, Summer 1975, pp. 20-29.
76. Buchholz, op. cit., p. 116.
77. Robert Townsend, A Modest Proposal: The Public Direct, in Corporate Power
in America, Ralph Nader and Mark J. Greens, editors (New York: Grossman
Publishers, 1973), pp. 157-259. Mentioned and discussed in Buchwald, op.
cit., and Mintzberg, op. cit., p. 550.
78. Bowen, op cit., p. 155.
79. pr reporter, Vol. 47, January 5, 2004, p. 1.
80. Alastair Ray, CSR: Altruistic Policy or Cover for Corporate Gaffes? Join the
Debate, Impact, January 2004, p. 1.
81. Ibid., p. 4.
82. PRWeek/Burson-Marsteller CEO Survey 2003, Wrestling With Rules and
Reputations, PR Week, November 10, 2003, p. 17. The survey was based on
a national study of nearly 200 American CEOs, conducted in October 2003
by Impulse Research. Written questionnaire were sent to CEOs at Fortune
1000 companies and their subsidiaries. See www.prweek.com for complete
survey results.
83. Ronald Alsop, Corporate Scandals Hit Home, Wall Street Journal, February
19, 2004, p. B1.
84. Jeffries-Fox Associates, Toward a Shared Understanding of Corporate Reputation and Related Concepts; Phase II: Measurement Systems Analysis, prepared
for The Council of Public Relations Firms, March 24, 2000, Appendix B, pp.
25-30.
85. Gaines-Ross, op. cit., pp. 11-12.
86. Announced in WorldComs full-page ad, Wall Street Journal, December 6,
2002, p. A7.
87. Shane McLaughlin, A New Era: Managing CEO Successions in Tumultuous
Times, The Strategist, Vol. 7, 2001, p. 9.
88. Leslie Gaines-Ross, CEOs Stranded in Wonderland, Journal of Business
Strategy, Vol. 23, March-April 2002, p. 18.
89. Del Jones and Gary Strauss, CEOs Are Going, Going, Gone, USA Today,
June 10, 2002, p. 1B.
90. Quoted in CEO Reputation 2003, a brochure published by Burson-Marsteller.

91. Julia Hood, Wrestling With Rules and Reputations, PR Week, November
2003, p. 17.
92. James G. Hutton, Michael B. Goodman, Jill B. Alexander, and Christina M.
Genest, Reputation Management: The New Face of Corporate Public Relations?, Public Relations Review, Vol. 27, Fall 2001, p. 256.
93. Chris Komisarjevsky, A Perspective on the Role of the Public Relations Professional, Remarks before the ICCO International Summit, Berlin, October
15-17, 2003.
94. Ibid.
95. This view is in accord with Bowman who says, In the decades to come, one
can expect that corporate power, as a socially comprehensive force, will be
exercised with broad social objectives in mind, objectives that have traditionally been associated with the political governance of nations and empires, objectives that transcend mere economic interest. Scott R. Bowman,
The Modern Corporation and American Political Thought (University Park,
Penn.: The Pennsylvania State University Press, 1996), p. 282.
433
10,
Author Index
A
Abramson, J., 304, 307 Ackerman, R.
W., 407, 429 Ackman, D., 401
Adams, A. J., 246, 294, 308 Adkins, L.,
169
Agee, W. K., 69
Alexander, J. B., 433 Alicia, M.,
100
Alinsky, S., 38, 68 Alsop, R.,
432
Altman, E., 194
Altman, L. K., 130
Andron, S., 197
Angwin, J., 309
Ante, S. E., 376
Aubry, J., 88
Auerbach, S., 342
Aufderheide, P., 368, 378 Ault, P. H.,
69
B
Bakahian, A., 65
Baker, B., 103, 127, 135 Baker, R.,
133
Baker, S., 221, 303, 308, 309 Bace, J. W.,
148
Bagdikian, B., 206 Baird, O.,
69
Baldwin, D. K., 194
Ball, J., 377

Bandler, J, 194, 403 Bank, D.,
309
Banks, L., 93, 94, 97 Bannon,
L., 220
Barber, T., 378
Barnard, C., 409, 416 Barnes, B.,
194
Barnes,
J.
A.,
170
Barrett,
P.
M.,
344
Barro, R. J., 219
Barrionnuevo, A., 375, 402 Bartels, J.,
244
Bartha, P. F., 20, 26
Bauer, R. A., 407, 429, 431 Bauman,
S. R., 371, 379 Beall, G., 323, 323
Beamish, R., 219 Beard, E. P.,
22, 113 Beatty, J., 349
Beatty, S. G., 220, 271 Beauclair,
R., 70
Beck, D., 54
Beckett, P., 401
Beder, S., 44, 68, 348, 358, 375, 376 Beiler, D.,
303, 307
Bennett,
W.
J.,
385
Benoit, W., 288, 306
Berardino, J., 301, 390 Berenson,
A., 197
Berg, S., 219
Bergmann, A. E., 432
435
436
AUTHOR INDEX
Berkowitz, H. G., l35

Berman, M., 430
Bernays, E. L., 225, 227
Bernstein, A., 69, 377, 378, 400, 430
Berry, J. M., 27, 34
Bertrand, Claude-Jean, 171
Birnbaum, J. H., 237, 248, 270,
272, 307
Bivings, W., 253
Black, E., 313
Blomquist, D., 196
Blomstron, R. L. 406
Blount, D., 134
Boehlert, E., 378
Bogart, L., 225, 227
Boggs, C., 31, 35, 379
Bork, R. H., 12
Borrus, A., 304, 309, 378, 403
Bouchard, S., 272
Bowen, H. R., 424, 429, 432
Bowers, B., 341, 342
Bowman, S. R., 348, 355, 348, 375,
376, 433
Bradley, J. F., 248
Bradshaw, J., 70
Brady, J., 305
Braungart, M., 361
Brayman, H., 6
Brennan, T. A., 101
Broder, J. M., 305, 342
Broom, G. M., 18
Brow, C. J., 194
Brown, K., 402
Brown, T. R., 194
Browne, J., 406, 409
Brull, S. V., 69
Bryant, T., 344
Buchholz, R. E., 26, 227, 429, 432
Budd, J., 329, 331, 340, 343, 398,
432
Budzik, R., 427
Buffett, W., 395
Bumiller, E., 136
Burden, G. L., 343
Burger, W. E., 323
Burkins, G., 169, 308, 377
Byrne, J. A., 376, 401, 402
C
Callison, C. 135
Cameron, G., 134
Canan, P., 68
Cappella, J. N., 92, 97
Carey, J., 377
Carley, W. M., 196
Carlson, R. O., 225, 227
Carlton, J., 377
Carney, D., 25, 195, 340
Carney, E. N., 401
Carney, K., 149
Caroline, G., 270
Carroll, A. B., 429
Carson, R., 28
Carter, B., 343
Carter, B., 130, 196, 197, 378
Casey, C., 212, 220, 221, 270
Cavanaugh, H. A., 68
Center, A. H., 18, 131
Chait, J., 194, 350
Chapel, G. W., 70
Chase, R., 271
Chase, W. H., 399
Chen, K., 195, 378
Chomsky, N., 378
Chung, J., 305
Clark, P. F., 377
Clear, R. 141
Clinton, W., 263
Cloud, D. S., 307, 376
Cobb, R. W., 24
Coakley, D., 170
Coe, B. J., 169, 170
Coe, S., 134
Cohen, D., 302
Coile, Z. 307
Conason, J., 149
Conte, C., 196
Conrad, R. S., 312, 334
Conway, M., 32
Contiguglia, F., 247
Cooper, M., 370
Cordasco, P., 270
Cormick, G. W., 79, 80, 87
Craig, S., 401
Cranberg, G., 191,197, 228
Creighton, J., 54
Crescenzo, S., 99, 130
Crock, S., 376
Crosland, M., 53, 326
Crossen, C., 70
Csikszentmihalyi, M., 148
Cummings, J., 303, 304, 305, 306,
308, 375, 376
AUTHOR INDEX
Cutlip, S. M., 18
D
Daft, R. L., 9, 17
Danaher, K., 35, 349
Davis, A., 86, 403
Davis, B., 194
Davis, G., 290, 299
Davis, K., 406, 429
Dawlely, H., 342
Dawson, P., 344
Delaney, J. T., 377
Dennis, L. B., 248, 271
Dershowitz, A. M., 317, 341
Deutsch, K., 221, 259, 271
Diazi, J. A., 168
Dilenschneider, R. L., 17, 100, 130,
413, 430
Dodd, C., 68
Draper, E. L., Jr., 360
Drreeazen, Y. J., 379
Drucker, P., 419, 431
Duffy, J., 83
Dugan, J., 402
Dunham, R. S., 131, 305, 309, 375,
378
Dunn, M. E., 270, 271
Dunwoody, S., 134
Dwyer, P., 378, 400, 402
E
Edsall, T. B., 303
Edwsull, T. B., 343
Eells, R., 11, 25
Egan, T., 148, 149
Eichenwald, K., 401
Eilperin, J., 247, 303
Elder, C. E., 24
Elder, J., 376
Elliott, L. A., 308
Elliott, M., 219
Elliott, S., 167, 170
Ellis, M., 102
Elsasser, J., 431
Elson, C., 390
Emanuel, M., 308
Emshoff, J. R., 417, 430
Emshwiller, J. R., 402
Engardio, P., 36, 252, 270, 271, 426
Englander, E. J., 26
Eolfson, A., 169

Epstein, E., 8, 11, 25, 226, 237,
248, 301
Erlichman, J., 68
Esrock, S. L.,267, 272
Evans, K., 197
Ewing, R. P., 170, 227, 339
F
Fallows, J., 202, 206, 219
Fanelli, J. J., 289, 307
Faucheux, R., 260, 270, 271
Farrell, C., 375
Fay, W., 341, 342
Feldmann, L., 130
Felsenthal, E., 340
Fengler, S., 194
Fenn, D. H., 249
Feran, T., 378, 380
Feulner, E. J., Jr., 127, 135
Fialka, J. J., 340, 375
Field, M. D., 123, 134
Field, P., 78, 86, 88, 341
Fields, G., 376
Fineman, H., 149
Finn, D., 412, 430
Fisher, R., 73, 80, 86, 87
Fitzpatrick, K. R., 343
Flint, J., 194, 378, 379
Flynn, L. J., 221
Form, W. H., 377
Foss, B., 375
Foster, P., 133
France, M., 25, 314, 339, 340, 342,
343
Frankgos, A., 430
Frank, R., 96
Franklin, M. A., 343
Freeman, R. E., 417
Friedman, E., 130, 430
Friedman, M., 407, 409, 421
Friesel, J., 275
Frost, A. C., 377
Fursich, E., 96, 97
G
Gaines-Ross, L., 426, 429, 430, 432
Galbraith, J. K., 8, 25
Gandy, O. H., Jr., 118, 133, 134
Gannon, E., 220
437
438
AUTHOR INDEX
Garrett,
P.,
372
Garten,
J.,
396
Gartner, M., 200
Gasparino,
C.,
401
Gejdenson,
S.,
252
Genest, C. M., 433
Genova, M. J., 66, 71 Gerlin, A.,
342
Gershenfeld,
W.
J.,
86
Gerstenberg, R. C., 421
Geyelin, M., 133, 196, 342 Gialka, J.
J., 377
Gianelli, L. J., 271 Gibeaut, J.,
340, 401 Gibson, R., 132
Gildea,
J.,
308
Gimbel,
B.,
403
Glader,
P.,
377
Golden, P., 70
Gollner, A. B., 69
Goodman, M. B., 433 Goodwin, R.
K., 211, 220 Goozner, M., 285
Gordon, M. R., l35
Gorney, C., 319, 329, 341 Graham,
K., 195
Graves, S. B., 414, 430
Green, J., 288, 306, 307
Greenberger, R. S., 305, 375 Greenfield,
S. W., 247
Greenhouse, S., 378 Greens,
M., 432
Grefe, E. A., 253, 269, 270 Greg, I.,
403
Gregory, J. R., 166
Griffin, J. J., 26
Griffin, R. J., 134
Griffith, T., 194
Grogan,
J.,
297,
309
Groseclose, T., 303
Grossman, L., 180, 195 Grover, R.,
400
Grunig, J. E., 3, 4, 6, 24, 69, 148,
416, 430, 431
Grunig, L. A., 69
H
Hacker,
A.,
383,
Haggerty, J. F., 316
Halbfinger, D. M., 307
400
Hall, J., 219

Hamburger, R., 169, 303, 305, 307,
376
Hamburger, T., 401
Hannaford, P., 145, 149, 150 Harbrecht,
D., 220
Harper, J., 168
Harper, W., 379
Harris, E., 35
Harris, G., 303
Hartley, E. L., 148 Harwood, J.,
375, 376 Hay, R. A., 308
Heath, R. L., 26, 70 Helliker,
K., 196
Henderson,
H.,
67
Hendrix, J. A., 270
Hennessy, B. C., 5, 24 Henry, D.,
401, 402 Henry, R. A., 148
Herman, E., 378
Herrnson, P. S., 279, 302, 307, 387,
400
Hickey, N., 379
Hill, J. W., 6, 24
Hirsch, J. S., 133
Hitchings, B., 149
Hitt, G., 194, 303, 305, 306, 309, 377
Hoeffelman, E., 169
Hoewing, R., 253, 308 Hof, R. D.,
400
Hoffman,
M.,
413
Hoier,
P.,
363,
377
Holbert, R. L., 306
Holcomb, J. M., 35, 36 Holmes,
S., 25, 340
Holmstead, J., 359
Holtz, S., 131, 135, 212 , 220, 221 Hon, L. C.,
431
Hood,
J.,
433
Hook, J., 307
Hosenball,
M.,
304
Howard,
C.
M.,
133
Huber,
P.,
321,
342
Huerter, T., 377
Huffington, A., 237 Hughes, K.
A., 341 Hull, B., 277
Hung, C. F., 430
Hunt, A. R., 300, 301, 309, 351, 375 Hunt, T.,
69, 148, 416, 430
AUTHOR INDEX
Hutton,
J.
G.,
Hwang, S. L., 25
433
I
Ide, R. W., III, 314 Ives, N.,
168
J
Jacobs,
D.
L.,
86
Jackson,
B.,
343
Jaffe, G., 376
Jalonick, M. C., 271
Jamieson, K. H., 92, 93, 97,
138-139, 148, 158
Janal,
D.
W.,
220
Jarvis, C. W., 285
Jensen, E., 195, 196, 197, 198 Jereski, L.,
197
Johnson, H., 270 Johnson, P.,
197 Jones, C., 146, 149 Jones,
D., 432
Jowers, K. L., 305
K
Kaminski, K., 306 Kaplan, L.
A., 318 Kaplan, S., 339
Karlin, B., 68
Karrh, J. A., l34
Kaufman, A. M., 26
Kaufman, B. E., 377
Kearn, K. D., 75
Kearns, K. D., 75, 87
Keim, G., 270
Keller, A., 376
Kelly, K., 132, 133
Kemper, V., 304
Kendall, R., 26
Kennerdel, P., 293, 294, 308 Kent, M.
L., 71
Kearns, K. D., 75
Kennerdell, P., 293, 308 Kerstetter,
J., 400
Key, V. O., Jr., 229, 247, 256 Kilian, M.,
230, 247, 248
Kimball, K. O., 74
King,
L.,
l48,
220
King, T. R., 195
439
Kintner, R. E., 106

Klapper, J., 165, 170
Klepper, M. M., 147
Knect, G. B., 133, 195, 196 Knight, P.
H., 52
Kochan, T. A., 363, 377
Kohut, A., 32, 127, 203
Komisarjevsky, C., 316, 340, 344,
427, 428, 433
Kozlowski, D., 350, 398 Kramer,
M., 429
Kramer, T., 269, 270 Kranhold,
K., 375 Kraus, M., 248, 272
Kristol, I., 88
Krueger, A. B., 303 Krugman,
H. E., 148 Kubrey, R., 148
Kuntz, P., 302, 305
Kurtz, H., 107, 130, 172 Kurtz, L.,
113
Kuttner, R., 341, 343, 397, 402
L
Lalli, F., 116
Landro, L., 195, 376 Latouor,
A., 402
Lavin, D., 197, 198 Lawrence,
A. T., 69 Lee, J., 70
Leichty, G. B., 267, 272 Leland, J.,
130
Lerbinger, O., 68, 70, 130, 343, 346,
429
Lesher, S., 91, 93, 131, 132 Lesly, P.,
33, 240, 296, 308 Levitt, A., Jr., 301,
309, 402 Levitt, T., 29, 34
Lewin, D., 377
Lewis, N. A., 247, 248
Lichtenberg, J., 432 Lichter, S. R.,
219
Lichter, L., 219
Lieberman, D., 96, 379 Linke, C.,
110
Liu, Y., 215, 341 Lizza, R.,
309
Lo, Y., 35
Loeb, H., 340
Lord, M. D., 270
440
AUTHOR INDEX
Lowery,
E.,
361
Lovdal,
M.
L.,
431
Lovins, A., 430
Lovins,
L.
H.,
430
Lublin, J. S., 168
Lukaszewski, J. E., 318,
344
Lundberg,
G.,
101
Lunsford, J. L., 248
330,
343,
M
Mach, C. W., 273, 301 MacLeish, R.
L., 132 Magnusson, P., 305 Maher,
K., 377
Mahon, J. F., 7, 10, 21, 25, 26, 106
Manheim, J. R., 5, 34, 39, 40, 68,
377, 378
Marcus, A. A., 26
Marchand, R., 371, 380 Mark, J.,
349
Marinucci, C., 309, 375 Mark, J. 349
Marshall,
A.,
400
Marshall,,
R.
318
Marsden, C., 407
Marston, J. E., 18, 26 Martin, I.
M., 341
Marton,
K.,
l34,
135
Mason, R. S., 64, 70
Mastenbroek, W. F. G., 82, 87 Mathews, J.,
160
Matthews, D. W., Jr., 317 Matthews, D.
W., Jr., 314 Matthews, W. K., 133
McCain, J., 304
McCaul, M., 277
McCartney, S., 431
McChesney, R. W., 379 McCombs, M.
E., 92, 97 McCoy, K., 309
McDonough, B., 361
McGinley, L., 169, 307
McGrath, P. S., 308, 431 McLaughlin,
S., 432
McLuhan, M., 145, 149
McNamee, M., 401, 402, 403 McQuaid, K.,
235, 248
McTeer, R. D., Jr., 399
Meisler, A., 220
Meyer, P., 124, 135
Meier, B., 196, 197, 342 Miller, D.

C., 377
Miller, E., 302, 400 Miller, G.
R., 87
Miller, L. 97
Miller, M., 28, 34 Milyo, J.,
303
Mintz, M., 181, 195
Mintzberg, H., 404, 429, 432 Miofsky, W.,
123, 134
Mitchener, B., 221
Mitnick, B. M., 22, 26, 400
Mollenkamp, C., 341
Moore,
W.
J.,
340
Morris,
M.,
272
Mosher, L., 86
Moskal, B., 97
Moskowitz, D. B., 342 Moses, L.,
168
Moss, M., 133
Mossberg., W. S., 216, 221 Moyers, B.,
367, 370
Moyes, N. B., 133 Mulkern, A.
C., 248 Muller, J., 377
Mullins, B., 248
Mund, V. A., 376, 379 Mundy, A., 100,
130, 131 Murray, A., 304, 308, 402
Myerson, A. R., 149
N
Nader, R., 28, 232, 383, 421, 432 Naughton,
K., 403
Nelson, R. A., 271, 272 Nicolazzo,
R. E., 318
Nierenberg, G. I., 79, 87 Noble, L.,
303
Nolte, L. W., 133
Novak, W., 131, 132, 149 Nowell, P.,
402
Noah,
T.,
306
Nurse, D., 335
Nussbaum, B., 203, 219
O
OBrien, C., 307
OConnell, V., 340
ODwyer, C., 340
ONeill, H. W. W., 337
AUTHOR INDEX
Orwall, B., 195

Owen, A. R., l34
P
Paine, L. S., 413, 430
Pakuszek, J. L., 227
Paltrow, S. J., 402
Parenti, M., 195
Pataki, G., 263
Patterson, J. L., 277
Patton, B., 86
Patton, B., 233
Pakerik, S., 431
Paterno, S., 196
Pavlik, J. F., l35, 220
Paxon, B., 231
Pear, R., 168
Pearl, D., 197
Pearlstine, N., 117
Pedersen, W., 270, 271,395, 395,
402, 420, 431
Peers, M., 195, 376
Penniman, N., 302, 401
Peterson, C., 47
Pfau, M., 306
Phillips, D., 133
Phillips, K., 52, 274, 349, 375, 378
Pilletts, J., 289
Pinkham, D. G., 7, 9, 25, 420, 431
Pins, K., 272
Pires, M. A., 63, 70
Pillimore, E. M., 432
Pinkham, D. A., 7, 420, 431
Pires, M. A., 63
Pirto, R., 148
Pitchford, G., 53
Plissner, M., 134
Papadopoulos, M., 221
Poggoli, S., 378
Pope, C., 247
Pope, K., 196
Porter, M., 406, 407, 429
Posner, M., 376
Post, J., 25, 26, 69, 416, 430
Potter, T., 305
Preston, L., 416, 430
Preston, M., 149
Price, T., 270, 271
Primo, D., 303
Pring, G. W., 68
Pulliam, S., 401, 402
R
Rabinowitz, D., 196
Ragan, B., 279, 304
Raghavan, A., 375
Raine, H., 174
Ramsey, S. M., 271
Randolph, A., 131
Rapaport, R., 221
Rauch, J., 225, 227
Ray, A., 432
Read, R., 200
Regan, M. B., 220, 304, 305
Reich, R., 354, 376
Reilly, M., 259, 271
Reno, J., 130
Rensi, E., 427
Repper, F. C., 430
Rhody, R., 108
Rich, A., 242, 249
Richards, B., 342
Rivers, W. L., 194
Robinson, C. 127
Robinson, D., 127
Robertson, L., 123, 134, 149
Rodman, T., 133
Roff, P., 168
Rogers, R., 40
Roloff, M. E., 87
Rogers, D., 305
Roop, J., 91
Roper, J. E., 196
Roschwalb, S. A., 316, 340, 344
Rose, R. L., 34, 377
Rosenberg. K., 308
Rosenberg, M., 151, 167, 169
Rosenfeld, P., 87
Ross, I., 168
Rothman, S., 219
Rubenstein, B., 344
Rubin, B., 133
Rubin, M. S., 343
Ryan, C., 30, 35, 92, 96, 378
Rylee, R. T., 335
Rymer, P., 319
S
Sabato, L., 283, 292, 307
Sachs, S., 416
Safire, W., 369, 379
Salmon, C. T., 170
441
442
AUTHOR INDEX
Santoro, M. A., 51, 69, 430 Sapsford, J.,

401
Sarbanes,
P.,
391
Savage, D. G., 344
Sawislak, A., 230 236, 247, 248 Salzman, J.,
35
Scannell,
K.,
403
Schatz, A., 376
Schlesinger, A., Jr., 400
Schmertz, H., 107, 131, 132, 149,
166, 167, 143, 157, 168
Schmitt, R. B., 323, 342, 344 Schnaars, S.,
26
Schorr, D., 222
Schroeder, M., 309, 401, 402 Schulz, E.,
141
Schultz, G., 109, 384 Schwartz, V.
D., 326 Schweitzer, M. L., 340
Scism, L., 429
Scudder, V., 142, 149 Sears, M.,
238
Seellye, K. Q., 130 Seib, G. F.,
375, 376 Seipp, C., 309
Senge, P. M., 61, 70
Sethi, P., 151, 167, 168, 170 Shafritz, J.
M., 70, 400
Shaiken, H., 400
Shales,
T.,
195
Shapiro,
E,
169
Sharkey,
J.,
219
Sharon, A., 224
Sharpe,
M.
L.,
380
Sharplin,
A.,
429
Shaw, D. L.,92, 96
Shepard, A. C., 131, 194, 195 Sherer, P. M.,
376
Siegel,
A.,
170
Siegel,
E.,
219
Silk, L., 431
Silverstein, K., 230, 270, 271, 325,
343
Simmons, R. E., 26 Simoes, R. P.,
380 Simon, R., 133
Simon, W., 400
Simons, L. M., 96
Simpson, G. R., 248, 303, 304, 305 Singer, S.,
133
Sitrick,
M.,
102
Smiley, T., 248
Smith, H., 130, 226, 227 Smith, R., 375,

400, 401, 402 Smolla, R. A., 196
Snodgras, C. L., 308
Snyder, B., 130, 248, 277
Solomon, D., 376, 401, 402, 403 Solomon,
G., 274
Sonnenfeld, S., 68 Spaeth, T.,
170
Spencer, A., 349, 385 Sperber, N.
H., 70
Spitzer, C., 62, 70, 114 Squeo, A.
M., 248
Stacey, J. E., 68
Stack, R. A., 316, 340 Starobin, P.,
400
Stavroupoulos, W. S., 342 Steinberg,
B., 380
Steiner,
G.
A.,
68
Steiner, J. F., 68
Stempel, G. H., III, 135, 183, 196,
227
Stencel, M., 148, 220 Stepanek,
M., 131
Stephens, L. R., 134, 135, 309 Stewart, D.
W., 341
Stevenson, R. W., 376 Stoddard,
R., 240
Stolberg, S. G., 303
Stone, P. H., 272, 342, 343 Strauss, G.,
432
Stroetzel, D. S., 158, 168 Stuart, R.,
219
Sturdivant,
F.
D.,
68
Sullivan, J. F., 344
Susskind, L., 70, 78, 87, 88, 341,
350
Synhorst,
T.,
280
Szabo, E. R., 306
T
Tanoute, E., 344
Taylor, J., 168
Taylor, M., 71
Tedesco, R., 305
Tedeschi, J. T., 87 Templin, N.,
17 Terry, E., 149
Theimer,
S.
,
247
Thompson, K., 60
Thompson, M. J., 104
AUTHOR INDEX
Thurow,
R.,
430
Tifft,
S.
E.,
194
Tolchin,
M.,
248
Toner, R., 305
Townsend, R., 423, 432 Trachimovsky,
S., 396, 402 Treece, J. B., 198
Treverton, N. H., 431 Truman,
D., 70
Turner, R., 130
U
Ulfelder, S., 104, 131 Ulman, N.,
86
Ullmann, O., 308 Unz, R.,
305
Ury, W., 73, 80, 87, 157
Useem, J., 396, 402, 429
V
Vacheron, D., 155
VanBruggen, G. H., 169 VandeHei, J.,
169, 247, 343 Van der Pool, L., 168
Vanderwicken, P., 202, 219 VanOrnum,
C., 168
VanRiel, C. B. M., 169 Victor, K.,
376
Vlasic, B., 220
Vogel, D., 348, 375, 376 Vranica, S.,
403
W
Waddock, S. A., 414, 430 Wager, R.,
291, 307
Wagoner,
R.,
257
Walczak, L., 304
Wallace,
M.,
195,
200,
228
Wallingford, R., 314
Wanniski, J., 174, 194 Walsh, E.,
31
Walsh, F. E., 131
Ware, J. P., 87
Warren, S., 430
Wartzman, R., 341 Wasserman,
N., 65, 71 Watt, J. C., 285
Wayne, L., 309
Weber, J., 69, 195
443
Webster,
W.,
393
Weiner, R., 134
Weidenbaum, M. L., 224, 227, 248 Weinstein,
A., 80, 87
Weisman, J., 167, 308 Weissman,
R., 375
Weiss,
G.,
401
Weiss, S., 303
Welch, D., 377, 378 Wellington,
R. G., 331 Wells, R., 376
Welsh, E. J., 256, 270 Werle, C.,
115
Wermiel, S., 342
Wertheimer, F., 278, 280, 285, 304 Wessel, D.,
376, 401
West, D. M., 279, 304 West, A.
L., 75, 87
Westmoreland, W. C., 200, 224 Whelan, C.
B., 343
White, E., 430
White, J, B., 133, 334 White, W.
J., 71
Wicker, T., 211
Wilcox, D. L., 69, 133 Wilke, J.
R., 219, 340 Wilkins, E., 68
Williams,
A.,
373
Williams,
M.,
87
Wilson, I., 431
Wilson, J., 398, 403 Wingfield, N.,
195, 376 Wittenburg, B., 114
Woellert, L., 221, 304, 339 Woolard,
E. S., 412
Woodward, G. C., 131, 133, 195,
204, 339
Wright,
J.
B.,
343
Wuerthner,
J.
J.,
7
Wylie, F. W., 133
Y
Yang, C., 195
Young, P., 264, 279
Z
Zagaroli, L., 304
Zauderer, P. W., 322
Zellner, W., 69, 401, 431 Zelnick, B.,
368
444
AUTHOR INDEX
Ziamou, P., 26
Zimmerman, A., 69
Zucchino, D., 197
Zuckerman, G., 340

Zuckman, J., 305
Zukin, C., 196
Subject Index
A
AARP, 250
receives
slight
media
coverage,
372
uses issue ads, 285
Abbott Laboratories, 73
ABC, 106, 139, 203, 205, 210
Sinclair
affiliate
bans
a
Nightline episode, 368
ABC News, 121
alleged
coverup
of
sexual
harassment story,207
lawyer appearance on 20/20, 332 sued by
Florida banker, 216
Aborezk, James, 372
Abraham, Spencer, 348
on 2003 power outage, 385 Abu
Ghraib, 357
Access
key lobbying resource, 237
Accountants (see also Corporate accountants), 397
Accounting
industry,
236,
302
lobbying
tactics
used,
302
Accuracy in Media, 174
Ackerman, Robert W., 407 ACORN, 44
ACTION, 44 Activists
five categories, 33
supported by websites, 32
Ad hoc strategy for selecting constituencies, 254
Adelphia Communications, 350 Adidas
labor practices in Pakistan, 143
Advertising (see also Advocacy advertising)
below-the-belt, 155
by
Communications
Workers
of
America, 154
by
Evangelical
Environmental
Network, 154
by
corporations,
165
by
lawyers, 323
by People for the Ethical Treatment
of Animals (PETA), 153
image,
165
issue, 160
Mobils Hatchet Job, 156
restrictions imposed by reform
bill, 282
Advisory councils, 55
Advocacy advertising, 41, 108, 151,
156, 157
agenda setting, 372
applying
lessons
from
product
advertising, 163
Business Roundtable ad, 395
conditions that enhance effectiveness, 164
445
446
SUBJECT INDEX
dangers of abbreviated
soundbites, 139
distinguished
from
political
advertising, 152
dropping, 115
effectiveness, 160
evaluation by Jamison, 158
factors affecting effectiveness,162 HydroQuebec, 85
influencing
government
action,
159
objectives,156
PriceWaterhouseCoopers ad, 389 Print media
more hospitable, 155 use grows, 152
Aetna, 324
public
responsibility
committee,
421
AFL-CIO, 46, 159, 250
expenditures in 1996 elections, 46 issue ad
sponsor, 286
sponsor of issue ad, 286
TV and radio campaign, 278
Agenda setting
function of news media, 92 Agent
Orange crisis, 331
A. H. Robins
Dalkon Shield, 320, 323
American
Institute
of
Certified
Public Accountants
failed to defend integrity of
audits, 389
Akin, Gump, Strauss, Hauer & Feld,
231
Alaska
National
Wildlife
Refuge
(ANWR)
ad
campaign
by
pro-business
group, 160
Alaskan Airlines, 215 Albright,
Madeline, 102 Alinsky, Saul, 38
Alliance for Energy and Economic
Growth, 153
Allstate, 164, 325, 415 Alta Vista,
126
Alternative
Dispute
Resolution
(ADR), 73
Alternative media
use by politicians, 208
Altria, 166, 313
Amalgamated
Clothing
Workers
of
America (ACWA)
attempt
to organize Farah Mfg.,

39
Ambassador
and
envoy
programs,
55
Ambush interviews, 143
America Coming Together, 386 America
Online (AOL), 207
American
Association
of
Advertising
Agencies
Washington media market, 153 American
Bakers Association, 291 American Bankers
Association
(ABA), 255, 257
recognizes
importance
of
grassroots lobbying, 251
American Bar Association
committee on professional responsibility, 323
lawyers as hucksters, 323
American Business Conference, 234 American
Cancer Society, 164
American Chamber of Commerce
(Hong Kong)
on human rights, 51, 412
American Chemical Society, 15
American Chemistry Council (see
also
Chemical
Manufacturers Association), 55
American
Corporate
Counsel
Association, 390
American Council of Life Insurance,
268
supports tort reform, 324
American Crop Protection Association, 266
American Electric Power
stops denying global warming,
360
American Enterprise Institute, 12, 242 American
Express, 141
American Home Productst, 335
American Hospital Association, 251
American Institute of Certified public
Accountants
(AICPA),
389,
393
American
Israel
Public
Affairs
Committee, 250
American Jobs Creation Act, 357
American Journalism Review, 176
American Management Association,
226
American Medical Association, 250
SUBJECT INDEX
American
Petroleum
Institute,
153,
268, 325
American
Society
of
Association
Executives, 234
American Society of Magazine Editors
on requiring advance notice, 116
American Society of Newspaper Editors, 200
American
Tort
Reform
Association
(ATRA), 325, 328
American Trial Lawyers Assn., 322
American Trucking Associations,
318
Americans
Coming
Together,
298,
386
Americans
for
Computer
Privacy,
234
Americans for Job Security, 286 Americans for
Lawsuit Reform, 268 Americans for Tax
Reform, 47 Amoco Foam Products, 75
Amway, 212
And Thats the Way It Isnt: A Reference Guide to Media Bias,
174
Anheuser-Busch, 265 Animal
rights, 78
Annenberg School
breakdown
of
advocacy
adverting
expenditures, 153
Anti-business biases, 315
Anticorporate campaigns, 40
AOL (see also America Online)
merger with Time Warner, 220,
355
AOL Time Warner
lobbying expenditures, 229 Associated
Press, 110
APCO Associates, 302
Apparel Industry Partnership, 46 Arbiter
function of media, 93
Archer Daniels Midland (ADM), 114,
292
ARCO, 62
Arctic
National
Wildlife
Preserve
(ANWR), 359
issue ad on ANWR by National
Audubon Society, 153
Arctic Power
ad campaign on ANWR, 160 Arizona
Republic, 181
Argonne National Laboratory, 53
447
Arledge, Roone, 205

Army Corps of Engineers
Snoqualmie River dam dispute, 74 Arthur
Andersen, 300, 389
Artzt, Edwin L., 117 Asbestos
Asbestos II lawsuits, 321
litigation leads to withdrawal of
product, 339
Associated Press, 181
Association
of
National
Advertisers
(ANA), 151, 166, 372
Association
of
Trail
Lawyers
Cybersettle.com tool, 73
Association of Trial Lawyers of
America,
250,
276,
323
scientific expert testimony in
courts, 334
Astroturf, 256, 261 AT&T, 276
public
responsibility
committee,
421
ATLA
Exchange
(legal
information
source), 322
Atlantic Monthly, 158, 202
Attorneys Information Exchange
Group (AIEG), 322 Auditing
firms, 389
Auditors
part
of
financial
information
infrastructure, 388
Audubon Society, 160 Auto
makers, 256
Avon, 267
B
B-2 Stealth bomber campaign, 260 BackWeb
Technologies, 216
Bagdikian, Ben, 206
commercial trend of media, 208 Bakahian,
Aram
Nixon speechwriter, 65 Baker,
Brent
computer tracking of issues, 103 new media
environment, 127
Balanced Energy Choices, 153 Ballmer,
Steve, 12
Bank of America, 73
Bargaining range in negotiations, 80 Barnicle,
Mike, 174
Bartels, John, 244
448
Baruch
SUBJECT INDEX
College of Business and Public Administration

assists in Leadership Series for
LTV, 295
Beall,
George,
323
Bear Stearns, 399
Behavior Research Institute, 112 Bender,
Paul, 146
Benlate fungicide, 336 Benoit,
William, 288 Bensinger, Richard
criticizes anti-union strategies, 47 Benson,
Matthew, 253
Berardino, Joseph
Andersens failed CEO, 301
comment on corporate boards,
390
lobbying activities, 301 Berlusconi,
Silvio, 367
Berman,
Steve,
338
Bernstein,
Carl,
89
Bertelsmann, 179
Bertrand, Claude-Jean
Media
Ethics
&
Accountability
Systems, 173
Bing, Stephen, 280 BIPAC, 295
Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act of
2002 (see McCain-Feingold
bill)
Bjork-Shiley,
339
Black,
Creed,
200
Black, Ed, 313
Blair, Jason, 174
Blethen, Frank, 371
BMW
outrageous suit, 324 Board of
directors
expand composition of, 422
part of financial information infrastructure, 390 Boeing,
116
Bonner & Associates
uses patch-through technique, 260 Bonner,
Jack, 253
Bork, Robert H., 12
Boston Globe, 83, 104, 200
careless in publishing of astroturf letter, 257
Patricia Smith affair, 174 Boycotts,
39, 108
national boycott of J.P. Stevens, 40
Boyd, Gerald M., 174 BP Amoco,

40
Bradley, Bill, 275 Branding,
166
Braungart, Michael
works
on
environment-safe
fabric, 361
Brazil, 373
Breaking the News, 204 Breaux,
John, 238
Brennan & Brennan
uses database in PR, 212
Brennan Center for Justice, 284, 311 Brigham
Young University, 284
Bristol-Myers Squibb
junk science, 334
senator owns stock in co., 241 uses ADR,
73
Britain
conditional
fee
system,
321
county
court
system,
321
British Petroleum, 153
global warming, 409
Broad-based
strategy
for
selecting
constituencies, 255
Broadcast
appearances,
137,
140
handling trick questions, 145
how to handle tv interviews, 144 increased
corporate use of, 141 risks, 137
setting up conditions for, 109 Broadcast
networks
restrict advocacy advertising, 154 Broadcast
shows, 140
Brookes, Nicks, 157
Brookhaven National Laboratory
demonstrates value of public participation, 56
Brookings Institution, 242 Brouillard,
142
Browing-Ferris, 314
Brown & Williamson, 328
attacked by Jeffrey Wigand, 157 BrowningFerris Industries
bet-your-company
litigation,
314
Buckley v. Valeo, 278 Budzik,
Ronald, 253 Buffet, Warren
importance of reputation, 427 urges
CEOs to reform, 395
Bureau of Advertising, 225
SUBJECT INDEX
Burger, Warren E., 323 Burkett,

Bill, 176
Burson,
Harold
on CSR, 428
Burson-Marsteller,
153
e-fluentials, 212
litigation PR services, 318 London
CSR unit, 413
VNR for FDA, 121 Bush,
George
use of Willie Horton ad, 139 Bush,
George W.
2000 election, 348
appeared in Runners World, 128
few bad apples argument, 352
contributors
expect
payouts,
291
corporate influence reaches zenith, 348
fundraising
on
Internet,
275
GeorgeWBush.com, 298
Internet used in fundraising, 275
laxity in law enforcement, 348
pro-business environmental policies, 359
Business
economic
performance
rated
high, 353
lacks deep public support, 353 Business
ethics
sudden popularity, 413 Business
executives
fear of news media, 94
Business
for
Social
Responsibility
support greater transparency,
424
Business
Industry
Political
Action
Committee (Bipac), 277
Business Roundtable, 234, 235, 395
defeat of Consumer Product
Safety Commission, 119 recent loss
of effectiveness, 234 sponsor of issue ad,
286
Statement
on
Corporate
Responsibility, 405
urges employee political education, 295
BusinessWeek
comment
about
Internet,
371
editorial advice to Corporate
America, 374
favors independent media, 369
449
seeks
exemption from court gag

order, 337
Too Much Corporate Power article, 353
BusinessWeek/Harris
Poll
2000 survey, 353
reasons
companies
make
political
contributions, 291
on soft money, 279 Business
Wire, 199
Business-Industry PAC, 273, 289 Bypass
gatekeepers, 253
C
C-SPAN, 208
Cable channels, 209 Cable
news, 128
news
networks,121
CACI
International
interrogated prisoners, 357 CAFE
standards, 360
California
energy
price
manipulation,
350
Proposition 13, 140
Proposition 226, 47, 384
California
Poultry
Industry
Association, 159
Calio, Nicholas E., 128 Callahan,
Deb
League of Conservative voters
shift from PAC contributions, 285-286
Calnev Pipeline, 326
Cambridge
Reports/Research
International
survey on EMFs, 103 Camisea
website, 212 Campaign
assistance
via
grassroots
and
other forms, 293
1999-2000 election cycle, 273 laws
governing financing, 386 management,
17-18
Campaign Finance Laws, 281, 386
McCain-Feingold bill, 281
some
unintended
consequences,
283
Campaign financing
2004 election expenditures, 273 big picture
in 2004, 274
candidate self-financing, 277
450
favors
SUBJECT INDEX
expected
from
contributions, 291
individual contributions, 275
most expensive campaigns, 273
proposal for free or discounted
TV time, 387
public financing, 387 Campaign
GM, 421
Campaign Media Analysis Group
tracks TV political ads, 288
Canadian Bar Association, 73
Canadian government, 241 Capellas,
Michael D., 426 Capital Cities/ABC,
182
Car dealers, 115
CARE
value of mass media, 91 Carey,
John, 338
Carma International, 114 Carter,
Hodding III
panel criticizes press, 203 Carter,
Jimmy, 145
Carty, Donald J.
American
Airlines
CEOs
betrayal
of confidence, 418
Case, Steve
pledge of diversity of content, 182 Casey,
Greg, 277
Cassidy & Associates, 233, 236 Catalyst,
422
Caterpillar, 212
Cato Institute, 242
Cause-related marketing, 407 Cavalcade
of America, 371
CBS, 106, 139, 200, 203, 204, 368
sloppy reporting, 173
CBS News uses in-house polls, 123 CBS This
Morning, 140
news program airs child labor in
Pakistan, 51
Celanese, 109
Celebrity
CEOs,
141
Cellular phone, 141
Center for American Progress, 298 Center for
Business Ethics, 413
Center
for
Digital
Democracy, 370
Center for Media and Public Affairs,
90, 174
Center for Politics, 283
Center for Public Integrity, 290, 368 Center for
Public Resources., 73
Center for Resource Economics, 213
Center for Responsive Politics

candidate self-financing, 277
data on soft money, 278
former
congressmen
become
lobbyists, 238
identifies
lobbyists,
231
growth of lobbying, 230
media company lobbies Center
for
Responsive
Politics,
229
Centers for Disease Control (CDC), 121
Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 218
Central Michigan University
dispute with Dow Chemical, 46
CEO
as chief communicator, 427
compensation as vital issue, 395
excesses hurt corporate image,
395
high salaries, 353
involved in direct lobbying, 234 speech
preparation, 65
CERES
GM cooperates, 360
unions push for compliance, 364 Chainsaw
Al (Al Dunlap), 414
Challenger Gray & Christmas
(outplacement firm), 427 Chambers,
Wickes, 60
Chandler, Robert
advice on appearances on 60 Minutes, 110
Charitable
giving
by
Gates
Foundation, 12
Chase Manhattan, 181
Chat groups and rooms, 66, 106 Checchi,
Al, 290
Chemical
Manufacturers
Association, 15
community
advisory
panels,
55
Responsible
Care
program,
15
Cheney, Dick
refuses to meet with Green
Group, 349
seeks
further
reduction
in
government, 348
Cheong Am America Inc., 278 Cherry
Communications, 264 Chevron, 54
Chevron Texaco, 153
Chicago Daily Bulletin, 42
SUBJECT INDEX
CHICARE, 42
Chief financial officer, 388 Child Play
ad, 154
Chiquita, 186
voice mail invaded by reporter,
188
Choate, Jerry D.
comments on need to engage employees, 415
Christian Coalition, 253
pioneer of issue ads, 286
Chrysler, 107, 116
bailout, 257
merger with Daimler-Benz AG, 355 Plymouth
Horizon crisis, 107
suing
plaintiff
lawyers,
338
UAW
board
member,
423
Chung, Connie, 112, 202,
Ciampi, Carolo Azeglio, 367 CIGNA,
73, 268
Cincinnati
Bell,
117
Cincinnati Enquirer
reporter invades voice mail of
Chiquita, 188
violates
state
wiretapping
laws,
188
Cisco Systems, 411 Citibank,
181
helped
Enron
disguise
financing,
391
Citicorp, 355
public
responsibility
committee,
421
Citigroup, 231
Citizen
participation
in
government,
53
Citizens for a Sound Economy
integrated lobbying campaign,
268
product liability legislation, 325 reducing
govt. interference, 48 supports tort reform,
325
Citizens for Better Medicare, 284, 286 Citizens for
Reform, 285
Citizens for the Republic Education
Fund
Civil Action (A)
film popularizes role of lawyers,
306
Civic Action Network, 292
Civic journalism, 183 (see also Public
journalism)
451
Civil justice system, 327

Civil Liability Reform Act, 328 Civil
Rights movement, 28
Civil society, 55
Claritas, 266
Clark, Johnt, 55
Clarke & Company, 104 Class
action suits
lawyer
frenzy,
321
more
forecast,
320
Clean Air Act 358
Classical creed, 414
Clayton Act, 381-382
Clear Channel Communications
ignores train derailment story, 369
lobbying activities 229 Clear,
Richard, 141
Clear Skies, 267
Clerk of the House, 244 Clinton,
Bill, 102
appeared on Arsenio Hall Show,
208
end of era of big government,
348
fundraising tactic, 279
Lewinsky sex scandal, 89
used alternative media, 129
vetoes product liability bill, 325
Clinton, Hillary, 200
Clinton Group, 263 Clinton,
Wally
telephone as medium of dialogue,
263
Closed
systems,
16
Club for Growth
ad to promote Bush tax plan, 160 recipient
of 527 funds, 280
CNN, 105, 127, 141, 176, 200
nerve gas story, 172
refuses
controversial
Jewish
ads,
154
reporters use deception, 186 Coalition
building, 262
strategy option, 18
Coalition
to
Protect
Americas
Healthcare, 286
Coalition for Safe Power, 15, 76 Code of
Conduct, Nike, 52
Codetermination, 423
Cognitive psychologists, 138
Collaborative approach
between law & PR, 329
452
SUBJECT INDEX
by
environmental
groups,
358
need to engage employees, 415
Collaborative Planning, 75, 83
five steps in process, 76
Collective Bargaining, 415
Collective
Bargaining
Forum,
415
Columbia/HCA, 241
Comcast, 231
Commercial
values
intrude
news
media, 204
Commission on the Future of
Worker-Management Relations
Dunlop
Commission,
74
Commitment
outcome
of
relationship
building,
417
Committee
for
Economic
Development
public director role, 423 Common
Cause, 358
Communication
broad meaning in public affairs, 6
elements of communication campaign, 18
strategy
in
perception
management, 50
theory explains role of opinion
leaders, 58
Communications
Workers
of
America, 154
Community advisory council (see
Advisory council)
Community
involvement
programs,
54
Community
Services
Administration
booklet on public participation,
53
Computer
Communication
Industry
Association, 313
Computer scanners used to identify
constituents, 260
Computer technology,
enhances
grassroots
effectiveness,
265
helps inform citizens, 266
helps mobilize immediate support, 267
used to classify and sort constituents, 265
uses in grassroots lobbying, 265 Conason,
Joe, 141
Concentration of ownership, 179 (see

also Media conglomerates
Condensing messages on TV, 146 Conference
Board
identifies
companies
with
public
policy committees, 421
Conflict resolution, 58, 72, 73 Congress
reorganization in 1970s, 252
survey on most effective constituent
communications,
260
Congressional committee
how to establish contact, 244
Congressional District and State District
Identifier
System,
265
Congressional
Staff
Directory,
237
Congressional Yellow Book, 238
Connaughton, James
White
House
Council
on
Environmental Quality, 359
Conoco, 167
targeted
by
Rainforest
Action
Network, 40
Conrad, Robin S.
National Litigation Center, 312 on expert
witnesses, 334
Consensus building, 72, 82-83
distinguished
from
policy
dialogues, 79
Consensus-seeking
different
from
conflict
resolution,
54
Conservation Foundation
encourages mediation, 74
Constituents
activation
methods,
259
communication, 258
communication with stakeholders, 209
key categories, 257
selection of constituents, 254
sorted by activism and political
connection, 266
sorted
by
congressional
districts,
265
sorted by Zip codes, 266
Constituency building, 254
use
of
information
technology,
256
membership
selection,
254
Constituency relations
SUBJECT INDEX
at Texaco, 63
principles
suggested
by
Mary
Ann Pires, 63
Consumer advocacy groups
opposition to product liability reform, 328
Consumer
Alliance
for
Electric
Choice, 263
Consumer Federation of America
loss of local news coverage, 369
opposes
media
rule
changes,
370
Consumerism
gave rise to public affairs, 28
Consumer Product Safety Commission, 119
Consumer roundtable, 62 Consumers
Union
on safety of Plymouth Horizon,
107
opposes
media
rule
changes,
370
Containment strategies, 41
three
strategies,
43
Contingency, 41
Contract with America, 358 Control
mutuality
outcome
of
relationship
building,
417
Conventions
and
inaugurals
financing, 281
Conway, Margaret, 32 Cooper,
Mark, 370
Coors, 145
Coping, as public affairs strategy, 22 Copps,
Michael
blasts Sinclair, 367 Core
values
businesss lack of, 32
Corporate
accountability
groups,
423
Corporate accountants
part
of
financial
information
infrastructure, 388
Corporate advertising, 165
helps maximize corporate power,
371
Corporate
Average
Fuel
Economy
Standards (CAFE), 359
Corporate branding, 166 Corporate
campaign
by labor unions, 28
new labor union strategy, 38 Corporate
directors, 40
453
Corporate
DC offices, 233
four dangers of dominance, 349
leaders silent about scandals, 395
ombudsman position established
by Tyco, 422
reputationCEOs role, 425
response preferences: interactive
and proactive, 16
social
and
public
responsibility
areas, 419
stakeholders, 48
websites used by journalists, 125,
215
Corporate governance
54th
American
Assembly
on
Corporate Governance, 491
incorporating public interest, 419 unions
push for reforms, 364
Corporate Responsibility Division
established by Nike, 52 corporate
scandals
increase
vulnerability
to
litigation, 315
loss of public confidence, 351
Corporate social responsibility
(CSR), 118, 406
pyramid, 407-408
Corporations
as initiators of issues, 38
lagged in use of Internet, 253
Corps of Engineers
errs in North Dakota, 74
failed to listen to citizens, 74
Corzine, Jon S.
big self-financier, 277
biggest spender in 2000 Senate
races, 289
Cosmopolitans, 116
Council
on
Economic
Priorities
public director role, 423
Courtroom, 331
Covington & Burling, comment on
litigation, 314
Cowboy culture at Enron, 351
Cravath, Swaine & Moore, 212
Creative confrontation with media,
107
Creativity in negotiations, 82 Credibility
affects
effectiveness
of
advocacy
ads, 165
454
SUBJECT INDEX
in negotiations, 82
Credit
Suisse
First
Boston
doles out IPOs, 391
settlement
with
SEC,
391
Crises
hurt
business
reputation,
373
response to accusatory media
story, 331
rise in crises of management failure, 345
use of websites, 219
Crisis communication, 331 Crisis of
confidence
caused by corporate scandals, 418
Crisis Preparation & Response (CPR),
218
Cromer Group
survey
on
political
advertising
media, 284
Cronin-Harris, Catherine, 73 Cronkite,
Walter, 123
Crosland,
Martha,
describes
public
participation, 53
CSX, 326
Culture of Wall Street, 395 Customer
Respect.com, 213 Cutler, Stephen, 398
Cyber$ettle.com, 73 Cyberpolitics,
293, 297 Cybersleuth, 104
D
Daewoo Corporation, 239 Daily
News, 156
Daimler-Benz AG, 92, 355 Dal Col,
Bill, 160
Dalkon Shield, 320, 323 Danis,
Joseph, 338
Dart Industries
economic
education
program,
296
Dart, Justin, 274
Daschle, Linda, 237
Daschle, Thomas A., 291 Databases,
265
Database Marketing, 213
allow s bypassing of media,
210-211
Dateline NBC, 192
Daubert v. Merrill, 334
Davis, Gray, 290, 299
Day (The), 113

Dean, Howard, 275, 297
Deaver, Michael K., 238, 239
Canadian government client, 241 media
strategy, 100
use
of
niche
magazines,
129
DecisionQuest, 315
Deer River reservoir, 74 Deerfield
Project, 74
DeLay, Tom, 277
Delegitimating government, 385 Delta
company, 159
Demand-Side
Management
subgroup, 77
Democracy Radio, 141
Democratic
National
Committee,278
Deregulation
in
energy
industry,
38
slowed
by
scandals,
354
Dershowitz, Alan M., 317 Des Moines
Register, 114 Detroit Free Press
first to use in-house poll, 122 Detroit
News, 176
Deutsch, Peter, 301 DeVos,
Richard M, 210 Dialogic features,
267 Dialogue, 61, 79
structure of meetings, 63 Daiz,
Arnold
Metabolife
story,
102
Dilulio, John J., Jr., 385
Direct Communication
bypassing the news media, 199 methods,
208
Direct
Communications
Corporation
hired by CSE, 302
Direct lobbying, 229, 251 Disclosure
by
researchers
of
funding
sources, 101
in
economic
and
political
markets, 387
penalties
in
reform
bill
provisions, 283
Discussion
groups,
216
Disney, 206, 370, 374
ad attacks its family values, 174
fear of exclusion on Time Warner
cable, 182
lobbying expenditures, 229
low profile approach to media, 99
SUBJECT INDEX
ownership of ABC, 181 Dodd,

Christopher, 300
Dominance vs. competition
outcome
of
public
affairs
strategies, 345
Donaldson, Sam, 106
Donaldson, William, 391
rebukes
Morgan
Stanley
chairman, 399
SEC committed to vigilance, 398 Dont
Waste Oregon, 15, 76
Dow Chemical, 54, 325
Agent Orange crisis, 331
booklet on evaluating a candidate, 295
cost of litigation, 321
controversial
statement
by
chairman, 46
helped by GE v. Joiner decision, 334 Public
Interest Committee, 420 reaches out to
retirees, 293
silicone breast implant suits, 334 Dow
Corning, 373
at mercy of news media, 201 silicone breast
implant case, 335 harmed by media, 94
secrecy clause in settlement, 335 silicone
breast implant suit, 320 Washington PR
office, 253
Drake Beam Morin
survey on CEO turnover, 426 Draper, E.
Linn, Jr., 360
Druyun, Darleent, 238 Duffy,
George, 87
Dukakis, Michael S.
declines
Donahue
show
invitation, 210
Willie Horton ad, 139 Duke, 350
Dunham, Archie, 327 Dunlap,
Albert J.
legacy of, 408
Chainsaw Al, 407
narrow
view
of
social
responsibility, 407
DuPont, 165, 215
Benlate case, 336
Cavalcade of America, 371
CEO meets with House Speaker,
235
cuts
greenhouse-gas
emissions,
360
455
media take plantiffs side, 319 targeted by

Greenpeace, 40
Duquesne Light Company, 297 DAmato,
Alfonse M., 290
E
e-advocates, Cyberlobby firm, 259 efluentials, 212
E-mail,
60,
215
E-The People, 32
Eastman Kodak, 41
Ebbers, Bernard J.,397, 426
Economic marketplace, 381
Economics Institutes for State
Judges
seminar
for
judges,
312
Economist (The), 126, 158
Edelman Interactive Solutions, 104 Edelman
PR Worldwide, 236
hired by Microsoft, 232
hires corporate governance expert, 419
Edelman
Public
Relations,
153
helps in Odwalla crisis, 220
Crisis
Preparation
&
Response,220
Edison Electric Institute, 103, 266 Edmonds,
Tom, 212
Edna
McConnell
Clark
Foundation,
411
Effectiveness of campaign ads, 288 Eisendrath,
Charles, 176
Eisner, Michaels, 100 El Paso,
351
Electoral activities, 273
Electric Consumer Power Act, 74
Electric and magnetic fields (EMFs),
103
Electronic Activist website, 32 Eli Lilly,
163, 327
Elliot, Tims, 160
Elliott, Stephen,164
Ellis, Michael, 102
Elson, Charles, 390
Emergency
Planning
and
Community Right-to-Know Act,
Title III, 54
Emerging issue life cycle stage, 19,
37, 58
Emilys List, 286
Emory, Young & Associates, 264
456
SUBJECT INDEX
Employee
economic
and
political
education programs, 297
Employees
a natural constituency, 48 e-mail
exposed, 104
Encyclopedia of Associations, 28 Energy,
147
Engagement strategies, 139
as two-way, symmetrical process,
53
in interacting with interest groups,
48
unilateral strategies, 49 Engler,
Paul, 224
Enlarged media menu, 126 (see also
Alternative media)
Enquirer, 188 Enron
bankruptcy, 349
Calif.
energy
price
manipulation,
350
case study of lobbying support,
299
collected visible people, 300 corporate
scandal, 315
corrupts
financial
information
infrastructure, 351
easy
access
to
Bush
administration, 279
growth, 350
its stated company values were a
sham, 413
lobbied for deregulation, 38 mystique
created by media, 351 political influence,
350
Entertainment
values,
206
Environment
disputes
solved
through
conflict
resolution, 74
examples
of
improved
corporate
practices, 361
groups
have
maintained
power,
358
issue gave rise to public affairs, 28 news
coverage of, 119
Environmental
Defense
Fund,
46,
54, 75
Environmental
Protection
Agency,
119, 235, 312
Environmental Working Group, 266 Erin
Brockovich, 306
Ernst & Young
Measures that Matter,413

used by Nike for social audit, 52
Esrock, S. L., 267
Ethanol tax break, 292 Ethics, 413
Ethics Officer Association, 413
Evangelical Environmental Network,
154
eWatch, 104
Executive
Communications,
256
Expectations
strategy of lowering, 50 Extended
constituencies, 257 Extended enterprise,
416
Exxon, 194, 374
appoints
environmentalist
to
board, 423
bet-your-company
litigation,
314
complains
to
National
News
Council, 175
Exxon Valdez spill, 320
general
counsel
works
with
media relations, 317
harmed by media, 94
journalists
commentaries,
175
support of CSE, 325
supports tort reform, 325 general
counsel, 314
litigation woes, 314
merger with Mobil, 355
reliance on public affairs group in
lawsuits, 317
Exxon Valdez, 78, 320
Eye to Eye with Connie Chung, 112
F
FACE
Formula,
146
Face the Nation, 109
Face-to-face communication, 60 Factors of
production
depicted
on
organizational
chart,
10
Fair Labor Association, 46 Fair share
theory
in dealing with human rights, 51 Fairness &
Accuracy in Reporting,
174
Fairness Doctrine, 154, 373
False Disparagement of Perishable
Food Products Act, 189
SUBJECT INDEX
Fanelli,
Joseph
J.,
289
Farah Manufacturing
ACWAs organizing campaign, 39 Fastow,
Andrew
filled with weening ambition, 351 Lay blames
CFO, 396
Faucheux, Ron, 260
FDA
Export
Reform
and
Enhancement Act of 1995, 241
Federal
Communications
Commission
Kaiser files complaints, 108 media
ownership, 229
members receive travel gifts, 240 seeks
further media consolidation, 179
Federal
Election
Campaign
Practices
Act, 281, 386
1974 amendments, 276
Federal
Election
Commission
(FEC)
fails to act on 527 groups, 280
PAC giving, 277
Federal
Energy
Regulatory
Commission, 74
Federal Regulation of Lobbying Act
of 1946, 230
Federal Staff Directory, 238
Federal Trade Commission, 44
approves AOL purchase of Time
Warner, 180
Federal Yellow Book, 238 Fen-Phen
junk science arguments, 335 litigation
group, 323
Field Research Corp., 123 Fielding,
Pam, 259
FIGHT, 41
Financial
Accounting
Standards
Board, 389
Financial
information
infrastructure
corrupted by Enron, 350
seven components of, 388 Financial
misstatements
by
250
American
public
companies, 349
Finley, James, 40
First Amendment, 90, 205, 229 First
Amendment Center, 332 First Chicago, 212
First Nations Assembly, 85 Fish and
Wildlife, 218
Fitzgerald, Scott, 278
457
Fitzsimmon, Mike, 141

FleetBoston
Financial
launches
Community Renaissance Initiative, 411
Fleischer, Ari, 128
Fleishman-Hillard, 153, 236, 302 Florida
Bank Atlantic, 185,
Florida Power & Light., 200 Fluor, 356
Fogelson, Dave, 143 Foley,
Thomas S, 141 Fonda, Jane, 46
Food and Drug Administration, 121,
183, 212, 218, 268
Food Lion
aggressive
damage
control,
102
investigated by ABC News, 186 suit against
ABC, 187
Forbes MediaCritic, 161 Forbes,
Steve, 278
Ford
Pinto case, 331, 339
smeared on Internet, 105
uses Prizm Cluster System, 266
Ford Foundation
meeting to revive National News
Council, 200
Ford, Clay, Jr., 361
Foreign representatives in the U.S.,
238
ForestEthics,
supports greenforest practices, 361 Fortune,
117, 175, 250
Americas
Most
Admired
Companies, 425
survey
on
corporate
TV
appearances, 141
Fortune 500
stories
business
wants
journalists
to cover, 118
overuse
of
good
corporate
citizen copy, 162
Fortune 1000 companies
on product liability suits, 316
Forums, 61
Forum for Corporate Conscience, 395 Foundation
for Public Affairs, 7
1999-2000 survey, 13
publisher
of
Public
Interest
Profiles, 28
report on impact of Internet, 253
458
SUBJECT INDEX
Fox News, 127

Frame mapping, 103 Framing,
92
Free enterprise system, 296 Free
speech, 104
Freedom
Forum
Media
Studies
Center, 202
Freedom of Information Act, 211 Freeman,
Bennett, 413
Freeport-McMoRan,
40
Freeze Out, 112, 114
Friends of the Earth, 40, 46 Friesel,
Jay, 275
Frist, Bill, 241
Front organizations, 48, 285
Fund for the Feminist Majority, 40 Funding of
interest groups, 44
Fundraising, 102
Fyock, Jim, 328
G
Gagging
the
media,
336
Gallagher,
Douglas,
277
Gallagher,
Michael,
222
Gallup
big government, 226
conservative
political
actions
by
Americans, 33
survey
of
congressional
members, 260
trust in government, 54 Ganske,
Greg, 266
Gap
analysis,
49
Garrett, Paul, 371
Gartner, Michael, 200 Gasparri
law, 367
Gatekeeping,
137,
208
Gates
Foundation,
12
Gates, Bill, 12, 232
GCI/APCO,
236
GE v. Joiner, 334
General Dynamics, 112, 113 General
Electric, 370
compliance
with
reforms,
398
hires former govt officials, 231
leader in corporate governance
changes, 419
ownership of NBC, 181
ownership of news media, 374
General Electric v Joiners, 334
General Mills, 73
General Motors, 116, 141, 266
appoints black urban affairs
leader to board, 423
cooperates with CERES, 360
established public policy committee, 421
fuel tank explosion suit, 177,
192, 314, 330
seeks to muzzle former employee,
336
threatened
suit
against
NBC,
330
Gerstenberg, Richard C.
describes
GMs
public
policy
committee, 421
Get-rich mentality of 1990s, 353
Getting Out the Vote programs
(GOTV), 264, 295 Glass,
Stephen, 172
Glaxo Wellcome, 292
Glazer, George, on body language,
143
Glisan,
Ben,
396
Global 2000, 40
Global Business Network, 20 Global Fox
News Channel, 127 Global warming, 409
Goldfarb, Lewis, 338 Gomez,
Ron, 326
Good Morning America, 140 Goodwill,
405
GoodWorks
Intl.,
52
Goozner,
Merrill,
285
Gopnik,
Adam,
202
Gore, Al,
TV camera like X-ray, 137 GormanGraul, Faye, 253
Gottschall,
Mary,
317
Government, 223
advertising by, 372
basic economic function, 384 big govt
biggest threat, 354 enforces rules of the
game, 384 judicial branch, 226
more or less of it as basic issue,
385
public
policies
re
social
responsibility, 411
regulations, 224
support of as 5th level of social
responsibility, 411
Governmental strategies, 223
SUBJECT INDEX
Government relations, 13-14 Grace, W.

R., 164, 170
Grassroots lobbying
campaign, 84
constituency
activation,
building
and
communication,
265
defined, 250
elements of, 253
factors affecting use of, 251 Microsoft,
12
three steps, 254 tools of,
261
Grassroots
organization
of
workers,
295
Grasstops, 256
Gray & Company, 236 Gray, Bob,
108
Great
Whale
project
of
HydroQuebec, 84
Greenewalt,
Crawford
H.,
235
Greenpeace, 85
e-mail list of activists, 32
remains viable environmental
group, 360
Greenspan, Alan, 399 Gregg,
Dorothy, 109 Gregg, Judd, 241
Greider, William, 173
Greyser, Stephen, 42
Groseclose, T., 202
Grossberg, Amy, 332
Group Attitudes, 124
Grubman, Jack, 391
Grunwald, Mandy, 209 Guzzelli,
David, 54
H
Hanna,
Mark,
273
Hannity, Sean, 141
Hansbrough, Mac, 263
Hard money, 276, 281 (see also PACs)
reform bill provisions, 282
Harman,
Jane,
252
Harris, Jay T., 204
Harris Interactive, 425
Harry and Louise TV ads, 158, 162,
165
Hart, Gary, 139
Hart, Peter D., 232
Hartford Courant, 115
Harvard Business Review, 41, 202
459
Harvard School of Public Health, 101 Harvard

University, 46
Hatch Act, 386
Hatchi, Anthony, 62 HBO, 180
Health Association of America, 159 Health
Insurance Association of
America,165
Health
Insurance
Industry
of
America, 258-259
HealthSouth
CEO on trial, 398
CEO uses litigation PR, 317 Heaney,
Michael T., 250
Hearst, 229
Hearst, William Randolph
becomes House representative, 367
Heminway Media Group
media
training
firm,
142
Hennequin, Denis
book
by
McDonalds
France
president, 50
Henshaw-Plath, Evan, 32 Heritage
Foundation, 242 Hewitt, Don, 204,
206 Hewlett-Packard, 46
Hicks,
Coleman
S.,
314
High-tech
industry,
234
Higgins, John A., 142
Hill & Knowlton, 84, 101, 143, 236,
413
comment by Bob Gray, 108
controversial publicity of survey
results, 124
Kuwait involvement, 101
litigation PR services, 315, 318
statement by senior vp, 313
telecommunications training program, 143
Hill
&
Knowlton/Opinion
Research
survey on corporate defendants,
315
Hill, Stephen L., Jr., 315 Hoechst,
109, 183
Hoechst/Rhone Poulenc, 40 Hoffman,
Michael, 413
Holcomb, Henry, 370 Hollywood
Reporter, 116 Holmstead, Jeffrey,
359 Home Depot, 361
Home pages, 214
House of Representatives
460
SUBJECT INDEX
most expensive House races, 273 Hull, Blair,

277
Humanist (The), 181 Human
needs, 80
Human resources, 11
Human Rights Campaign, 32
Human Rights Watch in China, 412 Hundt,
Reed, 367
Hutson, John D., 357 Hydro-Quebec,
73, 78, 84 Hyman, Mark, 367
I
IBM, 183, 212
Ide, R. William III, 314 Identity
distinguished from branding, 166 Illinois
Commerce Committee, 110 Illinois Power, 110111
Imclone scandal, 349
Implementation
step
in
issues
management, 22
Impressions
importance on TV, 145 Integrity,
428
Interest groups
campaigns
targeting
corporations, 38
encouraging
diversity
among,
383
fostering probusiness groups, 48 incubators
for new ideas, 28
role in policymaking process, 27 In These
Times, 174
Incestuous
media
process,
206
Incumbents, 289
Independent
Insurance
Agents
of
America, 259
Independent Sector, 423 Infinity
Broadcasting, 240 Inform, 119
Information
dilemma, 82
disclosure in negotiation, 80 lobbying
resource, 240
seeking,
active
learning,
138
Information technologies
helpful
in
international
relations,
87
infrastructure,
411
Inside Congress, 207
Insider (The), 157

Institute
for
Environmental
Mediation, 83
Institute for Legal Reform, 331
Institute for Media Analysis, 174
Institute of Public Relations, 426
Insurance Information Institute, 332 Interaction
on websites, 302
Interactive shows, 208
Intercept grassroots technique, 262 Interest
groups
corporate
strategies
in
dealing
with, 22, 43
corporate
tactic
of
fostering
probusiness groups, 48
diversity of, 383
exercise pivotal control, 226
provide competition in political
marketplace, 383
Interfaith
Center
on
Corporate
Responsibility, 426
Internal Revenue Service, 356
International Association for Public
Participation, 55
International
Association
of
Business Communicators
(IABC), 211
International Paper, 423
International public affairs, 14 Internet,
73, 102
aids PAC fundraising, 281 attacks in,
104
corporations lagging in use of, 255
helps organize class action suits,
328
helps ADR, 77
helps exert pressure on
policymakers, 27
increases
effectiveness
of
grassroots lobbying, 254
integrates
two-way
communication features, 74
means of bypassing news media,
212
new
source
of
political
fundraising, 279, 302
provider
subpoenaed
for
e-mail
sender, 105
rules
for
handling
misinformation, 105
rules to follow when attacked, 106 site set up
by Metabolife, 102
SUBJECT INDEX
usage by American households, 96 use by

reporters, 126
use in class action suits, 328
use in constituency communication, 261
used by Howard Dean for fundraising, 280
use in interacting with interest
groups, 73
used
in
recruitment
and
organizing, 28
useful to lobbyists, 252
Internet
Tax
Fairness
Coalition,
239
Interpersonal communication
dominates
in
grassroots
lobbying,
263
necessary skill in opinion leader
communication, 60
Interpublic Group of Companies, 239 Interstate
Commerce Commission, 38 Interviews, 147
Investment bankers
part
of
financial
information
infrastructure, 391
roadshows, 392
Investors Business Daily, 42
Iowa Libel Research Project, 191 IPOs, 351
Issue
advocacy, 47, 288 analysis,
21
emerging, 36
initiated by corporations, 37 life cycle
of, 36, 61
typology, 21
Issue advocacy advertising, 288 (see
also Advocacy advertising)
effectiveness, 292
rise in expenditures, 288 Issue
Dynamics, 261
Issue
identification,
20
Issue
prioritization,
21
Issues management, 1
as public affairs function, 14
five steps in process, 19-20
Issues Management Center, 160 IUD,
lawyers ad, 322
Iwerson-Niemann, Jullianne C., 113
J
J. P. Morgan, 181
461
Jack Bonner and Associates, 262 Jack-in-the

Box, 218
Jackson, Jessie, 27
Jackson, Thomas Penfield, 12, 319 Jarvis,
Charles W., 289
Jefferson County, Mississippi
favorite plaintiff location, 334
Jennings, Peter, 176
John Adams and Associates, 250
John Hancock Mutual Life Insurance, 338
John M. Olin Foundation, 310 JohnsManville, 109
Johnson & Johnson, 212, 324, 414 Johnson,
Lyndon, 106
Jones, Reginald, 405
Jones, Robert E., 334
Jones-Lee, Pamela, 258
Journal of the American Medical Association, 101
Journalism
2004 annual report, 89
journalists use of Internet, 126
ways in which journalists corrupt
media,
201
Judgeships, 316
Judicial branch of government
traditionally off limits to publicity efforts, 323 Judicial
Watch, 348
Judicial Yellow Book, 241 Jump start
news, 100
Junk science, 333
Justice at Stake Campaign, 317 Justice
Department, 320
Justice system
Sixth Amendment rights, 336 trail by
jury, 335
K
K Street Project, 281 Kaid, Lynda
Lee, 293 Kaiser Aluminum, 108
Kalb, Marvin
60 Minutes tobacco report, 228 comments
on GM pickup truck
story, 200
Kaplan, Lewis A.
judge sides with PR consultant, 324 Kaplan,
Madge, 42
Karzai, Hamid, 357
462
SUBJECT INDEX
Kasky, Marc, 339

Katzenback, Nicholas, 212 Kearns &
West, 15
Kelley, Jack, 174
Kellogg Brown & Root, 356 Kelly,
Charles, 235
Kenkel, Mary, 311
Kennedy, Edward R., 245 KerrMcGee, 320
Kerry, John F., 303, 368 Kessler,
Ronald, 205
Ketchum, 236
Key-contact, 256
Kimball, Kenneth O., 74 KimberlyClark, 408
Kingdon,
John,
242
Kinter,
Robert
E.,
106
Kissane, James, 399
Klepper, Michael M., 147 Knight,
Philip H., 42, 46 Koch Industries,
312
Kohut, Andrew, 32
cable as top news source, 127
survey on medias watachdog
role, 203
Komisarjevsky,
Christopher
P.
A.
media coverage of court battle,
313
PR and lawyers, 427
PR a guardians of integrity, 428
working closely with legal staff,
316
Koppel, Ted, 368
Kornegay, Thomas, 75
Kozlowski, Dennis, 349, 397 KPMG, 389
Kristol, William, 300 Krugman,
Paul, 353 Krumholtz, Jake, 313
Krupp, Fred, 348
Kuwait, 101
L
Los Angeles Times, 110 Labor
unions
attempt
to
restrict
political
expenditures, 47
community
organizing,
28
loss of public appeal, 362
membership decline, 28, 362 power
eroding, 362
responsibility
to
maintain
competitive market position, 415
seldom consulted by media, 372
union
avoidance
programs,
47
Lalli, Frank, 116
Larry King, 137, 140, 141, 208,
316,
Lasch,
Christopher,
203
Lasswell, Harold, 242
Late Show With David Letterman,
140
Law
firms,
236
Lawmakers 259 Lawsuits
cost of, 321
discovery process, 335 notable
ones, 320
total
war
against
corporations,
314
Lawyers
called hucksters, 323
corporations
fight
plaintiff
lawyers, 338
difference in values from PR, 320 trial
lawyers talk too much,317 number in U.S.,
321
part
of
financial
information
infrastructure, 390
plaintiff
lawyers
sued
by
Chrysler, 338
PR as equal partner, 329
right to advertise, 322
systematic approach, 330 Lay,
Kenneth
contributes to Bush campaign, 300 filled with
weening ambition, 351 indicted, 397
meets
with
state
utilities
commissions, 350
political contributions, 279 selfenrichment, 352
Leadership directories, 238
League of Conservation Voters, 285,
286
Leahy, Patrick J., 232 Leaves of
absence, 293 Legal PR, 318
Legal process, 333
Legal talent employed by Microsoft,
12
Legislative
communication
activities of, 226
SUBJECT INDEX
begins
at end of public involvement stage, 223

features, 23
part of government arena, 223
used in legislative life cycle stage,
22
Legislative Demographic Services, 253 Legislative
stage, 19
Lehrer News Hour, 139 Leon, Judy,
316
Level of aspiration in negotiation, 82 Levin,
Gerald, 182
Lewis, Charles, 368 Lewis,
Peter, 280
Levy, Ronald N., 120
Libel Defense Resource Center, 185
Libel Prosecution Resource Center,
183
Libel Research Project, 228 Libel suits,
190, 185
Liberal bias of news media, 202 Lichter,
Robert, 90
Life cycle of an issue
four stages, 19
media used at different stages, 22
shown in build-up of social energy, 37
Lillanthal, Deborah A., 316 Limbaugh,
Rush, 141
Lincoln, Abraham, 405 Linke,
Curtis, 110
Listening skills, 60 Litigation,
81
as total war against corporate
America, 314
cost of, 321
life cycle stage, 19, 226, 306 machine,
322
Litigation
communication,
23,
223,
310
Litigation PR
as a professional service, 318 growth of,
313
principles and techniques, 328 Litigious
society, 306
Liu, Yu-Chun Regine, 215 Liz
Claiborne, 15
Lobbying, 47, 230
belonging to a politicians family
helps, 237
by Microsoft, 12 direct, 229
463
First Amendment right, 229 grassroots,

165, 22, 250
some helpful skills,243
top corporate spenders, 230 two types,
226
Lobbying Disclosure Act of 1995,
230
Lobbying industry
number
of
registered
lobbyists,
230
Washingtons top firms, 233 Local 26,
92
Local
emergency
planning
committees (LEPCs), 54
Local issues
loss of news about, 368 Lockheed
Martin, 277 Loeb, Harlan, 315
Lorillard, 182
Los Angeles Times, 122, 159, 208 Lott, Chet,
237
Louisiana
Citizens
Against
Lawsuit
Abuse, 326
Louisville
Courier-Journal,
176
Low profile media relations approach, 99
Lowery, Elizabeth, 361 LTV, 295
Lundberg, George, 101 Luntz
Research, 268 Lynch, Marge, 56
M
M-3, 104
Mack, Charles S., 273
Magazine Publishers of America and
American Society of Magazine, 116
Magee, Stephen, 321 Mailing
lists, 106
Making news irresistible, 117
Management by objectives (MBO),
64
Managerial creed, 414-415
Managing the Business-Employee
PAC, 293
Manassas National Battlefield, 99 Manville,
109, 320
Mapes, Mary, 176
Marburger, John, 56
Marchand, Roland, 372
464
SUBJECT INDEX
Market power
danger
of
corporate
dominance,
351
Marketplace of ideas, 93 Marshall,
Rose, 318
Martha
Stewart
Living
Omnimedia,
316
Mashe, Carol, 129
Mason, Ken, 246
Mass media, 371
Mathews, Dan, 153
Matthews, Charles W., Jr., 314, 317 MBNA, 291
McCain, John
campaign
financing
reform,
281
free political advertising for candidates, 387
fundraising on Internet, 275
vouchers for free political advertising, 387
wary of 527 groups, 280
McCain-Feingold
Campaign
Finance
Reform Bill
evaluation, 283
history and main provisions, 282 limited
effect, 386
spawns
new
tax-exempt
groups,
287
McCaul, Michael, 277
McConnell, Mitch, 152, 283
McCormack, John W., 235 McDonalds,
166
conducts social audit, 52 files libel suit
in London, 44 foam packaging decision,
75 hot coffee suit, 324
plastic-foam food containers, 41 protest in
France, 50
strategy of setting the record
straight, 50
McDonough, Bill, 361
McGoldrick, John L., 334
Mead government affairs, 253 Mederios,
Cardinal
Farah boycott, 39
right to scrutinize internal affairs
of business, 39
Media, 41, 65
accountability, 174
arbiter
function, 93 bias, 202-203
blitz, 173, 202
boards of directors, 173

cable
surpasses
network
news,
127
conglomerates, 370
criticism, 172
court gag orders, 336
decency
standards,
Janet
Jackson
exposure, 372
distribution
services,
119
growth in corporate media
power, 366
manipulation
by
PR
firms,
101
monitoring, 173
ownership as means of media accountability, 178
power of, 366
training, 142, 144
Media concentration
Congress halts changes in media
ownership rules, 368
danger to business, 180
media ownership rules sought by
Powell, 370
six media giants, 206
Media Fund, 280, 386
Media Guide, 174, 175,
Media relations, 82, 107
applying
crisis
communications
principles, 331
arranging
for
coverage
at
hearings, 246
as public affairs function, 14 Disneys
low profile, 99
necessity for quick response in
lawsuits, 330
policy issues in Naturewise case
study, 42
proactive, 99, 107, 165
requiring advance notice, 116
tough media stance strategy, 107
Media Research Center, 176, 177,
203-204
Media strategies, 89 Media
Watchdogs, 174 Medialink, 120
MediaMap, 115
Mediation,
58,
72,
79
MediaWatch, 174
Medicare prescription drug law of
2003, 152
Merck, 414
Mercury emissions by power plants,
359
SUBJECT INDEX
Mercury News, 183

Mergers and acquisitions, 355 Merriam,
Charles, 242
Merrill Lynch, 210, 391 Metabolife,
102
Metropolitan Life, 182l, 409 Metzger,
Sidney M., 39
Meyerhoff, Al, 44
Michigan
Journalism
Fellows
program, 200
Microsoft
big soft money contributor, 278 campaign
contributions, 231
entry into Beltway, 232
importance of public opinion in
antitrust suit, 426 political
resources, 12
settles with Justice Dept., 314
Middleberg Interactive Communications, 104
Middleberg/Ross Survey of Media in
the Wired World, 90, 125
Migid, Larry, 126 Military,
356
Millner, Guy loses election, 290 Milyo, Jeff,
202
Minnesota News Council, 177 Minot, N.
D., 370
Mobil, 143, 156-157, 355
imposes news boycott on Wall
Street Journal, 113
Mobilize
support
with
computers,
267
Modes in strategic decision making,
21
Mondale, Walter, 139, 208 Money,
273, 289
Monsanto
general
counsel
speaks
on
litigation, 314
represented by legal PR, 318
targeted
by
Greenpeace,
40
Morgan Stanley, 399
Moskowitz, Laurence, 121 Mother
Jones, 175
Motorola, 141, 210
MoveOn.org 527 group, 280
held contest on best anti-Bush
ads, 288
used to organize rally, 298 Moyers,
Bill, 366, 370
MSNBC, 127
465
Municipal Yellow Book, 238 Murdoch,

Rupert, 370
Muris, Timothy, 205
Mutual gains approach, 78 Mutual
satisfaction
outcome
of
relationship
building,
417
Mutually
beneficial
relationship,
16,
406
N
New York Times, 110
Nader, Ralph, 28, 32, 232
Campaign GM, 421 SLAPP
suits, 383
NADIA, 213
National
Association
of
Broadcasters
opposes free political advertising,
387
provide travel gifts to govt officials, 240
National
Association
of
Criminal
Defense Lawyers, 332
National
Association
of
Life
Underwriters, 265
National
Association
of
Manufacturers (NAM), 324
National Association of Radio Talk
Show Hosts, 129
National business groups, 234
National Cable & Telecommunications Association, 240
National
Cattlemens
Association,
115
National
Education
Association,
259
National Federation of Independent
Business,
234,
250,
268
identifies audiences by activism
and
political
connection,
266
National
Grassroots
&
Communications, 266
National
Highway
Traffic
Safety
Administration, 192
National Institute on Money in State
Policies, 299
National Journal, 161
National Labor Relations Act, 199
National Labor Relations Board, 368
National News Council, 113, 176
sides with Shell and Exxon, 194 The Day
files complaint, 113
466
SUBJECT INDEX
National Public Radio, 188

National Republican Congressional
Committee, 231
National
Resources
Defense
Council,
46
National Rifle Association
recruiting and managing volunteers, 254-255
National Speakers Forum, 106
National Telecommunications Services, 263
National Transportation Safety, 326 National
Wildlife Federation, 54, 263 Natural capitalism,
409
Natural constituencies, 257
Natural Resources Defense Council
Alar campaign, 32
effective
litigation
groups,
306
fights McDonalds foam food
containers, 41 on SLAPP
suits, 44
remain
viable
environmental
group, 360
slight media coverage, 373 Naturewise
Apparel, 42
NBC, 106, 139, 154, 176, 193, 194,
200, 205
owned by GE, 181
Saturday
Night
Live,
374
suit threatened by GM, 330
Negotiations, 58
consensus building, 81
Fisher & Urys list of four features, 80
importance
in
conflict
resolution,
72
necessary conditions and limits, 80 Neighbor
to Neighbor, 155
Neutral zone, 62
netiquette, 213
New
Bedford
Harbor
Superfund
Forum, 78
New Democratic Network, 280
New England Electric System, 74
New England Journal of Medicine,
101
New Republic, 158, 174
New York Power Authority, 258 New York
Stock Exchange, 395 New York Sun, 117
New York Times, 85, 105, 156, 176,
200, 203
Jason Blair affair, 172

leader in use of in-house polls, 122 Newman,
Lloyd, 329
News
as a commodity, 204 boycott,
112
conference, 41, 199
consumption trends, 128
strategy of correcting, 104
News & Record, 187
News Corp, 179, 193, 206, 368 News
Councils, 175, 193
News creation process
intervention in, 100 jump start,
100
News Hour with Jim Lehrer, 143 News
media
basic function, 90
disenchantment
with,
200
entertainment values, 206
First Amendment rights subordinated
to
Sixth
Amendment, 329
News release, 41, 199, 218 Newsgathering
deceptive
or
careless
instances,
218
Newsgroups,
105
Newsletters, 66
Newspaper advisory boards, 11
Newspaper Association of America,
205
survey on trust of political ads,
284
Newspaper publishers
screening Astroturf letters, 257 Newsweek,
203, 239
Newsworthiness
basic
requirement
in
media
relations, 117
stories
business
wants
journalists
to cover, 118
NGOs,
28,
30,
57
Niche magazines
use by Bush administration, 128 Nicolazzo,
Richard E.
speaks
out
on
equal
attorney-client protection, 318
Nickles, Don, 238
Nielsen Media Research Survey, 120 Nike, 15
boycott by PUSH, 41
SUBJECT INDEX
conducts social audit, 52

human rights in Asian plants, 51 marketing
research study re
Asian practices, 52 sweatshop
issue, 15
targeted by activists, 51 Nike v
Krasky, 384
Noble, Larry, 238
Nonprofits, 30, 284
Norquist, Grover, 232, 277
North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), 358
North
American
Precis
Syndicate,
65, 119
North, Oliver, 213 Northrop,
319
Northwest Airlines, 155
investigates
employee
e-mail,
104
Minnesota News Council case, 177
Novak, Robert, 205
Nuclear Energy Institute, 158, 165
O
O. J. Simpson case, 332 OConnor,
Sandra Day, 323 ONeill, Harry W., 337
Oak Industries, 314
Occupational
Safety
and
Health
Administration
ineffective rules, 312
new type of social legislation, 235 Odwalla,
218
Ogilvy PR Worldwide, 236 Olin, 267
Olson, Mancur, 225
Omnicom Group Inc., 236
One-way, asymmetrical approach
a communications strategy, 52 Online
Systems, 212-214
spamming, 214 sysop, 214
Op-eds, 158
Open Compliance & Ethics Group, 413 Open
system, 16
Opinion
leader
communication,
22,
58
Opinion leaders, 37, 74
important target audience for
corporations, 58
link
with
interest
group
members, 34
467
Opinion
Research
Corporation
(ORC)
study, 163
Opperman,
Vance,
285
Organizational chart
extended version, 10
Organizational communication, 48 Outside
constituencies, 257, 258 OConnor, Sandra
Day, 312
Overholser, Geneva, 204
P
PACs, 165, 243, 273, 292, 294, 295 PAC
newsletters, 294
Pachman, Ruth
handling of Internet rumor, 105 Packard
Doctrine, 46, 384
Packwood, Bob, 238 PACs, 276
contribution limits, 275
favorable
conditions
for
effectiveness, 292
money raised in 2000 election
cycle, 276
Page, Arthur W., 418 Pakistan
child labor involving Nike, 51 Panel
discussions, 200
Paramount Pictures, 240 Parsons,
356
Partisan communications, 297 Pataki,
George, 263
Patch-throughs
on
telephone,
260,
268
Patterson, Jeanne L., 277 Patton,
Boggs, 233
Paul, William G., 317 Paulson,
Kenneth A, 332 Paxon, Bill, 231
Pearce, Harold J.,177, 193, 279 Pennzoil
Co., 311
Pentagon
nerve gas story by CNN, 174 papers,
337
People for the Ethical Treatment of
Animals (PETA) adopts corp.
advertising. techniques, 153 People
powers, 31
Pepsi, 164
Pepsi Cola, 121
syringe crisis, 91
Perception management, 50
468
SUBJECT INDEX
Perelman, Ronald O., 408 Perenchio,

Jerry, 280
Performance strategy, 51 Perini, 357
Perot, Rossr, 278
Perry, Catherine D., 338
Personal communication, 60
Personal interests of legislators
overlap
with
legislative
interests,
240
Perspectives
on
American
Political
Media, 204
Persuasion, 66
Persuasion call, 264
Pertschuk, Michael, 44
Peter D. Hart Research Associates
survey on employee voting for
unions, 47
Peterson, Coleman, 47
Pew Charitable Trusts, 183
Pew Research Center for the People &
The Press, 200
Biennial news survey, 127
bonding of people in communities, 32
Pfizer, 152, 411
Pharmaceutical industry
expect return on contributions,
291
pre-election advertising blitz, 286 spared by
media, 183
Pharmaceutical
Research
&
Manufacturers of America, 268, 325
Medicare drug issue., 373
supported United Seniors Assn.,
285
Phelps, Ken, 277
Phenylbutazone, 339
Philip Morris, 161, 213,
big soft money contributor, 278 name
change, 166
offers catalog to consumers, 258
public responsibility committee,
421
publishes magazine, 213, 258
supported Californias Civil Liability Reform Act, 328
Philip Morris USA faced litigation,
313
Philips Petroleum
bet-your-company
litigation,
314
general counsel, 314

PR and law working together, 317 Phone
banks, 264, 268
Physicians
for
Social
Responsibility,
15, 76
Pickens, T. Boone, 280 Pilletts,
Jeffs, 289
Pires
Group,
63
Pires, Mary Ann
established
constituency
relations
program, 63
Pitchford, Gary
organizes
public
participation
conference, 53
Pitt, Harvey, 392
Plausible
deniability,
legal
argument, 397
Pluralistic society, 383
needed
in
political
marketplace,
383
Podesta,
John,
298
PointCast
Inc.,
218
Policy
dialogues,
79
Political
assistance by corporations, 293 campaign
contributions by
Microsoft, 12
campaign costs, 273
criteria for judging political ads,
139
environment
changes
lobbying,
252
generation
of
political
power,
10
marketplace, 381-383
resources, 12, 239
structure
affects
grassroots
lobbying, 252
Political influence
danger
of
corporate
dominance,
350
Political parties
help preserve competition, 383
nothing in Constitution, 386
stabilizing role undermined by
527s, 281
weakened
by
campaign
finance
restrictions, 281
weakened control over
congresspeople, 252
PoliticalMoneyLine
corporate PAC contributions, 276 Porter
Novelli, 236
SUBJECT INDEX
Popular Hot Rodding, 193

Portland General Electric, 15, 76, 77 POW Story
(A)
shown by Sinclair, 368 Powell,
Michael K.
seeks media rule changes, 370 Powell
Tate, 236, 316
Power 25 interest groups, 250
Poynter Institute for Media Studies,
186
PR Newswire, seller of Cybersleuth,
104
Predictive-dialing technology, 263 Preemptive
media relations
use by Metabolife, 102
Presidents
Council
on
Competitiveness
on liability costs, 321
Presidents
Council
on
Sustainable
Development, 54
Press kits, 118-119
Price as core market information, 382 Price,
Michael, 408
PriceWaterhouseCoopers
ads to increase investor confidence, 389
on
businesss
environmental
practices, 361
technicians-for-hire, 237 Primacy,
law of, 43
Priming,
a
communications
technique, 92
Princess
Diana,
206-207
Princeton University, 121
Private
communication
systems,
209
Privatization, 356
Prizm Cluster System, 266 Proactive
media relations, 99 Problem-solving
process
aspect
of
strategic
campaign
management, 18
Procter & Gamble
Bankers Trust lawsuit, 337
hunts down source of leak, 117
offensive ad by activist group, 155
Product differentiation, 382
Product liability, 320
Product
Liability
Advisory
Council,
318
Product liability bill, 325
Product
Liability
Coordinating
Committee, 324
Product
469
Liability
Coordinating
Committee, 324
Program on Negotiation at the Harvard Law School, 72, 320
Progress for America, 280
Project of Excellence in Journalism
comment
on
local
journalism,
368
foreign
news
bureaus,
127
Proposition 226, 47
Prudential Insurance Co. of America,
374, 409
PR Watch, 373
PRWeek/Burson-Marsteller
CEO
survey 2003, 425
Pryce, Deborah, 274 Public
affairs
basing campaign on issue life
cycle, 22
list of stakeholders, 8 defined, 7
function, 347 hiring,
348
list of 25 functions, 13 modern
function, 7
overview, 17
staff support to public interest
committees, 422
Public affairs communication, 17 Public
Affairs Council, 7
45th
Anniversary
Report
(1999),
405
defines grassroots lobbying, 253 importance
of ethical guidelines,405
survey of 200 CSR practitioners,
424
Public
affairs
department
list of 25 functions, 13
Public Affairs Foundation
forms of political assistance, 293 Public
affairs strategies, 21
Public agenda, 41
Public Broadcast System (PBS), 116,
143, 174, 203
corporate underwriters, 212 Public
communication, 23
used in public involvement life
cycle stage, 22
Public
Company
Accounting
Oversight Board established by
Sarbanes-Oxley Act, 393
470
Public
SUBJECT INDEX
Company
Accounting
Reform
Investor Protection Act of
2002 (see also
Sarbanes-Oxley Act), 393 Public
confidence in business
eroded by corporate scandals, 351 Public
goods, 405
Public interest
attempts to define, 404 groups,
306
related to CSR, 411
Public interest committee of board
of directors, 420
membership criteria, 421 Public
Interest Profiles, 28 Public involvement,
41
life cycle stage, 19
media strategies, 89
Public issues agenda, 99
Public journalism, 176, 213-214 Public
Policy Group, 77, 517
Public policy polls, 122 Public
opinion
about Microsoft, 232
advice in reporting on, 124
public support lessened by scandals, 352, 354
factor in CSX suit, 326
function of surveys, 226
importance in ligitation, 316
importance in public affairs, 225
government is biggest threat, 354
likened to role of price in marketplace, 382
need for lawyers to sway, 316 negative views
toward media, 202 on profits, 414
part
of
sociopolitical
environment, 5
polls and surveys, 202
polls funded by Microsoft, 12 public
opinion survey
public policy polls, 118 Public
participation, 59
an engagement strategy, 53
as shift from wholesale to retail,
54
core values and practices, 57 in
government, 53
mechanism used, 55
Public
Participation
Benchmarking
Conference, 53
Public perception
importance in litigation PR, 331 Public
policy decisions
guided by public interest, 405 Public
policy group relations
as public affairs function, 14 Public
policy process, 14, 59
corporations
preempt
government action, 15
related to public affairs, 14, 17 role of
interest groups, 59
Public policy publicity, 120 Public
relations
advice
to
grassroots
letter
writers, 257
assistance in speech writing and
media relations, 427
dealing with an angry public, 78 differing
values from lawyers, 329 had ear of CEOs,
405
helps
maximize
corporate
power,
371
importance of negotiation skills, 72 listing of
publics, 8
reliance on mass media, 91
staff support to public interest
committees, 422
urged to take initiative with legal
counsel, 329
uses relationship model, 417 Public
Relations Coalition
Restoring Trust in Business, 418
Public relations firms in D.C., 236
Public Relations Society of America
(PRSA)
negotiation
program,
72
Silver Anvil Awards, 91
supports greater transparency, 424 Public
Response Group, 263
Publics, 6, 8
Purcell, Philip, 399
PUSH (People United to Save Humanity), 41
Push technology, 2215
Pulic relations firms in D.C., 236 Public
Response Group, 263
Publicity to improve company reputation, 427 Publics, 6,
8
Purcell, Philip, 399
PUSH (People United to Save Humanity) boycott of Nike, 41
SUBJECT INDEX
Push technology, 215
Q
Quaker Oats Company, 246 Quayle,
Dan, 321
Qwest Communications Intl., 399
R
RACE formula in PR, 18 Radio, 140
Raine, Howell, 174
Rainforest Action Network, 40 Rainmaker
(The), film, 306
Rand Corporation
Institute for Civil Justice survey,
320
Raptor
special purpose entity of Enron,
390
Rating of reporters, 114 Rather,
Dan
Bush national guard story, 173
comments on media activists,
1748
Raynor, J. Bruce, 364 RCA, 210
Read, Robert
GM pickup truck story, 193 Readership,
decline of, 129
Reagan administration, 348 Reagan,
Ronald, 106
debate with Carter, 145
impression management, 145
the camera doesnt lie, 137
getting government off peoples
backs, 385
Rebuttal
time,
108
Recency,
law
of,
43
Record
(The),
184
Redux, 335
Reebok, 15
Reed, John S., 392
Reed, Ralph, 12, 253
Registered Traveler program, 358 Regulations
rise in 1960s and 1970s, 224
sometimes sought by business, 38
Rehnquist, William H., 312
denies
appearance
of
medical
experts, 334
471
Relationship model used in public

relations, 417
Relationships
importance in lawsuits, 329 Rely
tampons, 339
Rensi, Ed, 75
Reputation, 427
Reputation Institute, 425 Resolving
issues, 59
Responsible
Care
program
of
Chemical Manufacturers Association, 15
Restoring trust in business, 418
Retirees as a political asset, 293
Revolving door of lawmakers and
administrators, 238 Rexnord,
244
Rheingold, Paul, 323 Rhody,
Ron, 108
Rice, Condoleezza
appeared in Vogue, 128 Richard,
Shirley, 145
Rigas,
John,
350,
352
Risks
application
of
mutual
gains
approach, 78
R. J. Reynolds, 160-161, 328, 268 Roadshow
restriction
on
security
analysts,
392
Robinson,
Christa,
CNN
spokeswoman, 127
Robinson, Pat, 210
Rockwell International, 239 Rocliff
Associates, 265
Rogers, Roy
develops
concept
of
corporate
campaign, 40
Roll
Call,
161
Roop, Jim, 91
Roper Center for Opinion Research
business influence on mass media, 372
on polling by TV stations, 122
survey on liberal bias of news
media, 202
Roper Organization, 337 Rosen, Jay
promotes public journalism, 183 Rosenstiel,
Tom, 127
Rosenthal, Benjamin, 372 Rosenthal,
Steve, 280
472
SUBJECT INDEX
Rothwax, Harold J., 315 Rove, Karl,

324
Rowan & Blewitt, 142 Rowe,
Howard, 110 Rumors, 41, 62
Rumsfeld, Donald, 357 Ryan, Jack,
277
Ryan,
Karen,
120
Rylee, Robert T.
guarding secrecy, 335 Rymer,
Pamela
judge objects to use of image
319
sets
ads,
S
Sacher, Dana,
on advance notice, 116 Safe Drinking
Water Act, 266 Salant, Richard, 176
Salomon Smith Barney, 391 Sanders,
Joseph, 333
Sandstrom, Karl, 285, 288 Sanger,
Stephen W., 395
Sarah Scaife Foundation, 268 Sarbanes,
Paul
on lax regulators, 391
Sarbanes-Oxley
Act,
351,
354
Congressional passage, 393
main provisions, 394 Sarokin, H.
Lee, 335
Sauer, Elizabeth, 302
Save Our Environment, 153
Saving and loan industry scandal,
399
Scalia, Antonin, 313
Scandals reveal extent of corporate
dominance, 350
Scenario planning, 20, 330 Schmertz,
Herb
advice on TV appearances, 143
interview with Bill Moyers, 167
rejects fourth-estate status of
media, 107
public
seeks
more
information
about a company, 166
strategy
of
advocacy
advertising,
157
Schorr, Daniel, 188 Schultz,
George
belief
in
collective
bargaining,
384
up conditions for broadcast

appearance, 109
Schulz, Ed, 141
Schumer, Charles E., 290
Schumpeter, Joseph A., 385
Schwartz, Victor E., 326
Schwartzman, Andrew Jay, 181 Science,
161
Scientists
financial
relationship
with
drug
makers, 337
Scott Paper, 408
Scrushy, Richard M.
HealthSouth exec. on trial, 397 uses
litigation PR, 317
Sears Automotive, 330 Sears,
Michael, 238
Sears, Roebuck, 421
Seastrand, Andrea, 252
Secrecy clauses in legal settlements,
335
Secrecy, 285
Securities
&
Exchange
Commission,
393
part
of
financial
information
infrastructure, 392
Security analysts
conflict of interest, 392
part
of
financial
information
infrastructure, 391
promoting stocks, 398 Selfenrichment, 351
Semi-controlled media, 137, 140 Senate most
expensive races, 273 Services Buyers Guide,
262
Shandwick Public affairs, 236
Shaping, as a public affairs strategy,
21
Shapiro, Robert
importance
of
appearance
in
courtroom, 332
Shapo, Marshall S.
on
deep
pocket
lawsuits,
326
Shareholders, 12, 353
Sharon, Ariel, 189
Shays, Christopher, 350
Shelby, Richard, 397
Shell
complains
to
National
News
Council, 175
response to attack on Internet,
106
SUBJECT INDEX
targeted
by
Project
Underground,
40
Sherman Antitrust Act, 381 Showtime,
240
Siebel, Thomas, 274
Sierra Club, 30, 46, 54, 263, 348
membership growth, 28
used 527 loophole, 284 Simon,
Donald J., 278
Simpson,
O.
J.,
332
Sinclair Broadcasting
attempts
to
influence
2004
election, 366
orders
showing
of
anti-Kerry
film, 367
Singer, P. W., 356
Sitrick, Michael, 102
Sixth Amendment, 329
Skilling, Jeffrey, 350
filled with weening ambition, 351 pleaded
guilty, 396, 397
testifies on deregulation, 299 Skip,
Andrew, 211
SLAPP
suits,
43,
383
Sloan, Alfred P., Jr.
goal of GM is to make money,
372
Small group meetings, 61 Small
publications, 66
Smith Kline, 183
Smith, Adam, 381, 384 Smith,
Patricia, 172
Smith, Randy, 102
Snoqualmie River, 74
Snyder, James M., Jr., 277 Social
action groups, 31 Social audit, 52
defined, 424
used by Nike, McDonalds & The
Body Shop, 52
Social costs
2nd level of social responsibility
pyramid, 409
applied to CSR, 409 Social
energy
stages in build-up, 37 Social
investments
4th level of social responsibility,
410
by Cisco Systems and Pfizer, 411 Social
problems
related to CSR, 409
473
Social report, 52, 424 (see also Social

audit)
Social responsibility, 16, 413 Social
status of CEOs, 11
Society
of
Professional
Journalists,
186
Sociopolitical
environment,
74
books about, 7
forces in, 5
mapping of, 8
SOCO
defined, 145
Soft
money,
283
backlash, 279
intended purpose, 278
reform bill provisions, 282
through 527 groups, 278
Software Export Equity Act, 232
Solomon, Gerald, 274
Sony, 166
Soros,
George,
275,
280
super fat cat, 386
supports ACT, 298
Southern
Utah
Wilderness
Alliance
hires National Telecommunications Services, 263 SouthWest
Airlines, 215
Spamming, 216
Spanos, Alex, 280
Speakers fees, 106, 205 Speeches
strategic use of, 64
stump speech length, 139 used to
make news, 65
used to create new policies, 65
Speechwriter, 65
Spin
CycleInside
the
Clinton
Propaganda Machine, 107
Spitzer, Eliot, 391, 397
Stakeholder relationships, 413
Stakeholder symmetry, 16
Stakeholders, 8
as
corporate
allies,
48
identification of, 416
Standard Oil of California, 296 Standard Oil
of New Jersey, 381 Staples, 363
Star Tribune, 155
Starr, Kenneth W., 312
State Yellow Book, 238
Stavroupoulos, William S., 321 Steel, John
M., 423
474
SUBJECT INDEX
Steelcase, 361
Stern, Andrew, 363 Stevens, J.
P., 39
Stevens, John Paul, 312
Stewart, Martha, 316, 397
Stimulating
news
coverage
as
objective of advocacy advertising, 158
Stock exchanges
part
of
financial
information
infrastructure, 392
Stoddard, Rob, 240
Stolen Honor: Wounds That Never
Heal, 368
Stories neglected by news media. 118 Strategic
campaign management,
17, 22
Strategic philanthropy, 406 Strategy
formulation, 21 Streep, Meryl, 32
Streusand, Benjamin Earl, 277 Stroetzel,
Donald S., 158
Subcontracting of government
svces., 356
Subsidies to media, 118
Successful Marketing Strategists, 103 Suing the
media, 185
Sullivan, Leon, 423 Sullivan,
Scott, 349 Sun (The), 207
Sun Oil, 257
Sunday
Today,
140
Supermarkets
power
over
magazine
distribution, 116
Suppression
of
information
destroying records, 337
in judicial proceedings, 335 Supreme
Court
upholds
McCain-Feingold
bill,
283
Survival International, 154 Sustainable
capitalism, 428 Swartz, Mark, 397
Swasy, Alecia
implicated in P&G probe, 117 Sweeney,
John, 28, 47
Swift Boat Veterans and POWs for
Truth
recipient of 527 funds, 280 SWOT
analysis, 17
Synhorst, Tom, 280
T
Tabloid laundering, 205
Taft-Hartley Act, 199, 383
section 8 (c), 47
Talk show hosts, 129 Tamraz,
Roger, 291 Tate, Sheila
litigation
strategy,
316
Tax Relief Coalition, 160
Technical Advisory Group, 77 Technology
computers
enhance
grassroots
effectiveness, 265
technology summit set up by
President Clinton, 12
Teeter, Robert M., 232
Telecommunications
Act
of
1996
intense lobbying for, 368
Telecommunications
training
programs, 142
TeleMark, 263 Telephones
use in grassroots lobbying, 262 surveys, 43
Television
ads featuring Bill Gates, 12
gets largest chunk of political advertising, 284
how to speak TV, 146
helping rules in interviews, 145 looking
ones best, 147
like drug habit, 138
major source of news, 138
power illustrated by politics, 138 stations
engage in polling, 122 viewership, 138
Tennessee Valley Authority, 42, 356 TermRights,
42
Testifying
before
a
Congressional
committee, 244
Texaco, 63, 311
Thatcher, Margaret, 356
Think tanks, 12, 48, 174, 242 Third
parties
jump-starting news, 101 Thirdparty advocacy
programs, 262
strategy
for
selecting
constituencies, 256
support in crises, 331 Third
sector, 29, 37
SUBJECT INDEX
Thomas, Clarence, 313 Thompson,

Andrea, 127 Thompson, Kathy
listening skills, 60
Thompson, Melvin J., 104 Thought
leaders, 27
Three-Mile Island nuclear accident, 78 Tilley, N.
Carlton, Jr., 188
Tillinghast-Towers,Perrin, 321 Time, 117,
181, 203, 207
Time Warner, 121, 370
cancels publication of book, 208 example of
concentration of
media, 208
merger with AOL, 187, 207, 220,
355
Tmeline in litigation, 332
Times Mirror Center for People and
the Press
report on cause organizations, 33 Tisch,
Laurence, 182, 204
Titan, 357
Tobacco industry
ads oppose antismoking bill, 152 sample of
ads, 161
seek product liability reform, 328 Tommy
Hilfiger, 105
Tort cases expected, 320 Tort
reform, 324
2002 bill fails, 327
business lobbies for it, 324
town hall model of govt., 383
Trachimovsky, Seymour, 396 Trade
associations, 234
Transparency,
387
Travel gifts, 240
Travelers Group, merger, 355
Triad Management Services, 286
Tribune Co. acquires Times-Mirror
Co., 206
Trojan
Nuclear
Plant,
15
Trust
damaged by corporate scandals, 417
outcome of relationship building,
417
restoring,
418
Tsongas, Paul, 208
Two-step
flow
of
mass
communication, 58
Tyco, 349
establishes
corporate
ombudsman
position, 422
475
U
Understanding Media, 145
Union Carbide, 54, 324, 325
Union of Concerned Scientists, 44 United
Auto Workers, 363
United Nations
recognizes NGOs, 30
United Parcel Service, 276
United Seniors Association, 284 Universal
Leaf & Tobacco, 325 University of Oregon,
46
Univision, 280
Unlimited, 258
Unlimited:
Action,
Adventure,
Good
Times, 211
USA Today, 121, 161, 207, 426
Jack Kelley affair, 174
U.S. Chamber of Commerce, 234, 251
ad campaign for tort reform, 328
Americans
Working
for
Real
Change, 287
Computer-driven phone banks, 268 junk
science in courts, 334
member of Alliance for Energy
and Econ. Growth, 153 seeks
lawsuit reform, 268
U.S. Department of Education
hires Armstrong Williams, 372
U.S. Department of Energy, 54, 114
Public Participation
Benchmarking Conference, 53
U.S. Department of Health and Human Services
controversial VNR, 120
U.S.
Department
of
Transportation
enrichment Corporation, 356
lobbied by Ford and GM, 266
U.S. Environmental Protection
Agency (EPA), 306
U.S. Information Agency, 83
U.S. News & World Report, 106, 203 Usenet,
105
Utne Reader, 194
V
Vacheron, Davidon ad re
155
Value conflicts, 78 Verizon,
154
El
Salvador,
476
SUBJECT INDEX
Verner, Liipfert, Bernhard,

McPherson & Hand, 233
Viacom, 206, 240, 369
Vibe, 116
Videotapes,
246
Vigueri, Richard
defends
conservative
domination
of news media, 374
Vinson & Elkins, 390
Virgil Scudder & Associates, 142 Vivendi,
179
VNRs, 120-121
Volunteers, 254, 255
in grassroots lobbying,254
use by NRA, 255
Voter Education Programs
urged by Business Roundtable,
295
Voter participation decline, 252
W
Wager, Robert J., 291
Wagoner, Rick, 257
Waksal, Samuel, 350
Wal-Mart, 116, 276
union avoidance, 47-48
Wall Street firms slow in changing
culture, 395, 397-398
Wall Street Journal, 74, 156, 205
Mobil imposes news boycott, 113
Wallace, Mike, 176-177, 191
rekindles
National
News
Council
idea, 200
Wallingford, Rufus, 314 Walsh, Ed
fragility of corporate power, 31 Walt
Disney, 10, 181
Warner, Mark, 290
Washington
Journalism
Review,
205
Washington Post, 107, 115, 158,
200, 203, 212
Washington Window, 294
WashingtonGroup International
military contractor, 357 Washingtonian
Magazine, 100 Watkins, Sherron, 388
Watt, J. C., 285
Weaken antagonists
a containment strategy, 44
Websites, 106
establishing
opportunity
for
interaction, 267
Microsofts
Freedom
to
Innovate
network, 12
most popular items on corporate
sites, 126
Webster, William, 393
weening ambition of Lay and
Skilling, 351
Weill, Sanford I., 392
Weinberg
Center
for
Corporate
Governance, 390
Wellington, Ralph G., 331 Welsh,
Elizabeth J., 256 Werle, Chuck, 115
Werle+Brimm
Ltd.,
115
Wertheimer, Fred, 285
criticizes 527 groups, 285 criticism of
soft money, 278 on impact of 527s, 280
West,
Anna
L.,
75
West Publishing,
dealings with Justice Dept., 285
sponsors trips for Supreme Court
Justices, 312
uses advocacy ad to influence
Justice Dept, 159
Westin, David, 205
Westmoreland,
William
C.,176,
189
White
House,
media
relations
strategy, 100
White,
Jeffrey,
334
Wicker, Tom, 209
Wigand, Jeffrey, 157 Will,
George, 106
Williams, Armstrong, 373 Willie
Horton ad, 139
Wilson, Pete, 47
Winfrey, Oprah, 224
Winn-Dixie supermarkets, 116 Wisconsin
Advertising Project, 285 Wolfensohn, James,
55
Woods, Mike, 42
Woodward, Bob, 89
Woolard, Edgar S., 412
Word
choice
influences
public
reactions, 93
Worker Rights Consortium, 46 World
Bank, 55
SUBJECT INDEX
477
WorldCom scandal, 349

Worldwide Association of NT Users
Groups, 232
Worldwide Fund for Nature, 28
WPP consolidates firms in influence
business, 236
Y
Yahoo, 126
Young, Andrew, 52
Young, Peck, 264
Z
Zauderer, Phililp Q., Dalkon Shield
lawyer, 322
Zelnick, Bob
declares Sinclair decision unfortunate, 368

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CORPORATE PUBLIC AFFAIRS

LEAs COMMUNICATION SERIES

Grunig/Grunig/Dozier Excellent Public Relations and Effective

Lerbinger The Crisis Manager: Facing Risk and Responsibility

Spicer Organizational Public Relations: A Political Perspective

CORPORATE PUBLIC AFFAIRS

LAWRENCE ERLBAUM ASSOCIATES, PUBLISHERS

This edition published in the Taylor & Francis e-Library, 2008.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

1 An Overview of Corporate Public Affairs

II: Interest Group Strategies

2 Interest Group Strategies and Forms of Opinion

3 Conflict Resolution: Mediation and Negotiation

III: Media Strategies

4 Proactive Media Relations

5 Gaining Semicontrol Over the Media: Broadcast

6 Gaining Complete Control Over the Media: Advocacy

7 Holding the Media Accountable and Suing

8 Bypassing the News Media: Direct Communication

IV: Governmental Strategies

V: Dominance Versus Competition

13 Ascendancy of Corporate Power

14 Constructing a Competitive Political Marketplace

15 Heeding the Public Interest

1 An Overview of Corporate Public Affairs

II: Interest Group Strategies

2 Interest Group Strategies and Forms of Opinion

Interest Groups Develop Campaigns Targeting

3 Conflict Resolution: Mediation and Negotiation

III: Media Strategies

4 Proactive Media Relations

Intervene in the News Creation Process 100

5 Gaining Semicontrol Over the Media: Broadcast

Politics Illustrates the Power of Television

Looking Your Best on TV

6 Gaining Complete Control Over the Media: Advocacy

Use of Advocacy Ads Grows 152

7 Holding the Media Accountable and Suing

Using Media Monitoring and Oversight Groups

8 Bypassing the News Media: Direct Communication

Disenchantment With the News Media

IV: Governmental Strategies

The Lobbying Business 230

Constituency Activation and Methods of Pressuring

Litigation Public Relations Gains Recognition 316

V: Dominance Versus Competition

13 Ascendancy of Corporate Power

Corporate Gains in Political Power: The Big Picture

14 Constructing a Competitive Political Marketplace

Recognize the Legitimate Function of Government

15 Heeding the Public Interest

Embracing Corporate Social Responsibility

A corporations sociopolitical environment can affect its profitability,

Part IIon interest group strategiesdeals with the myriad interest

agement, which is a major tool discussed in chapter 1; the downward

FIG. I.1. Public affairs functions and levels.

ply to programs in investor relations, employee relations, community relations, customer

The purpose of corporate public affairs is to attain sufficient power to

government.3 In a democracy, public opinion links individuals with