The Sword of Saint Michael

THE SWORD
OF
SAINT MICHAEL
S A I N T PIUS V
1504-1572
LILLIAN BROWNE-OLF
T ra d itio S p ir itu a ls
S a c r i O rd in is P r a e d ic a t o r m
www.traditio-op.org
T H E B R U C E P U B L IS H IN G C O M P A N Y
M IL W A U K E E
ST. PIUS V
Copyright, 1943
T he Bruce Publishing Company
Printed in the U. S. A.
(Second P rintin g 1945)
This book is complete and unabridged and is reprinted in full

accord with the rules and regulations of the W ar Production
Board for the conservation of paper and other materials.
THE
SCIENCE
REV. JOSEPH
m
AND
CULTURE
SERIES
HUSSLEIN, S.J., EDITOR
THE SWORD OF SAINT MICHAEL
T O T H E SON S A N D D A U G H T E R S
O F S T . D O M IN IC
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
T o Sister Reparata, O.P., able librarian of Rosary C ol
lege, R iver Forest, Illinois, I wish to express my heartfelt
gratitude for assisting in my research; to Father Joseph
Schroeder, O.P., librarian of the Dominican House of
Studies at R iver Forest, lately deceased, whose carefully
annotated references are preserved as treasured mementoes
of a fine scholar and a whimsical personality; to my dear
friend Grace Welsh who first introduced me to the gracious
Dominican Sisters at Rosary College, R iver Forest, and
at Edgewood College of the Sacred Heart in Madison,
Wisconsin, whose acquaintance is such an inspiration;
and finally, to the husband and son without whose patient
cooperation this book would never have seen the light
to all these, my humble thanks!
L. B-O.
CONTENTS
P r e f a c e b y t h e G e n e r a l E d ito r
In tr o d u c tio n
1. T
he
E l e c t io n
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
13
Candidates for the Papacy; The Conclave; Borromeos Influence; Cardinal Alessandrinos Election
2. M
ic h e l e
h is l ie r i
..............................................................19
His Antecedents and Humble Home; Early Domin

ican Influence; Sword of Saint Michael: Dominican
Inquisitor; Consistent Character As Dominican,
Cardinal, Pontiff
3. T
he
uler
of
h r is t e n d o m
44
The Pope Continues His Monastic Habits; The

Reforms of Pius V; His Threefold Program;
Estimates of the New Pontiff; Salutary Results of
Papal Reforms
4. L
uth er
and H
is
o r k s
................................................. 5 5
Personality of Luther His Doctrine of justifica

tion ; The Mnster Madness; The Peasants Re
volt; Religious Wars in Germany; The Peace of
Augsburg; Commendone: The Ideal Papal Legate;
The Diet of Augsburg Reconvened; The Jesuits
Come to Commendones Assistance; Maximilians
Army Against the Turks; Suleymans Death; Biglia
As Papal Nuncio; Commendone Is Recalled to
Vienna; Papal Concessions to Germany; Catholic
Restoration in Germany; Canisius Labors and His
Devotion to Catholic Unity
5. C
a e s a r s
o n f l ic t s
it h
h r is t s
ic a r
The Spanish King, Philip II; Strained Relations

Between Pius V and Philip II; The Carranza Affair;
The Papal Bull: In Coena Domini; The Monarchia
Sicula; Character of Philip II: His Dynastic Ambivii
93
C O N TEN TS
V ili
tions; Papal Concessions to Spain; Papal Problems

Regarding Borromeos Reforms in Milan; Bor
romeo Is Attacked by the Umiliati; Zuniga Succeeds
de Requesens As Philips Ambassador in Rome;
Arrest and Death of Don Carlos; Pius Continues
to Urge Catholic Unity; Further Concessions to the
Spanish King
6.
e b e l l io n
in t h e
ow lands
Seeds of Dissension Planted at Louvain: Baianism;

Pius Cross: The Gueux; Pius Pleadings With
Philip II; Alba Is Sent to Quell the Revolt; W il
liam of Oranges Allies: Lutherans, Huguenots,
Calvinists; Albas Victory Over William of Orange
and Louis of Nassau; The Bishops Plea for Leni
ency; The Papal Dilemma
7. Pius V W r e s tle s W ith R e c a lc it r a n t F ran ce
The Huguenot Intrigue; The Tumult of Amboise;
The Edict of Toleration; The Huguenot Move
ment Is Political; The Pope Sends Della Torre to
the French Court; Pius Letters to Catherine,
Charles, and the Bishops; The Huguenots Turn to
England and the Prince of Orange; The Peace of
Longjumeau; Catherine and Charles Shift Their A l
legiance; The Religious War Is Renewed With
Fury; The Victory of Jarnac; Pius Urges Charles
Not to Lose the Fruits of Victory; The Shameful
Peace of St. Germain; Dynastic Ambitions Con
tinue to Guide French Royal Policy; The Catholics
of France Are Aroused; The Mighty Labor of
French Jesuits; The Catholic Revival in France
8 . Pius
C
E x a m in e s
a l v in is t
Sc
postate
o t l a n d
ngland
and
..................................................
Brief Review of Catholic England; Results of

Henry V IIIs Divorce From Katherine; Edwards
Brief Reign Under Lord Seymours Regency; Mary
Tudors Succession; The Restoration of Catholic
Worship; Results of Marys Marriage to Philip II;
Marys Death and Elizabeths Accession; Elizabeth
Shows Her True Colors to the Pope; The Thistle
of Scotland: Mary Stuart; Her Defiance of the
Treaty of Edinburgh; Mary Stuart and Tudor
C O N TE N TS
IX
Elizabeth; Marys Checkered Career; Pius V Ap

peals to the Scottish Queen; Marys Catholic
Loyalty Under Persecution; Elizabeths Treachery
and Marys Ruin; Catholic Persecution; Papal Con
fidence in Mary Restored; The Northern Uprising;
Pius V Excommunicates the Queen of England;
Effects of His Bull: Regnans in Excelsis
9. Pius V s P o l i c i e s i n P o l a n d
.
.
.
-215
Condition of Poland in the Sixteenth Century; The
Diet of Lubin; Labors of the Dominicans and
Jesuits in Poland; Cardinal Hosiuss Untiring
Catholic Efforts; Commendone Is Sent to Poland
by Pius V; The Queens Death Settles the King's
Divorce; Polands Refusal to Join the League
Against the Turks; T he Death of Sigismund
Augustus
10. Pius V s M i s s i o n a r y L a b o r s
.
.
.
.226
Pius V s Practical Grasp of the Missionary Field;
The Jesuits Are Sent to South America; Azavedos
Report to Francis Borgia Concerning Brazil; Pius
V Anticipates Pius XI; Cooperation of Sebastian
and of Philip in the New World; Pius V s Careful
Instructions to the Missioners; His Exhortation to
the Spanish and Portuguese Rulers; Jesuit Achieve
ments in the New World; Pius V Institutes the First
Propagation of the Faith
11.
i u s V As C r u s a d e r A g a i n s t t h e I n f i d e l s
.
The Moors in Spain; Christian Slaves; The Island
of Malta: Outpost of Catholic Europe; Philip II
Grooms Don Juan for the Christian Crusade; The
Papal Task in Urging the Rulers to Join the
League; The Turks Raze Chios and Murder Its In
habitants; Suleymans Death and the Accession of
Selim II; Pius Answers Venices Appeal for Help;
The Pope Sends de Torres to Madrid; The Ter
rible Fate of Cyprus and Its Cities; The Cause of
the Failure of the Initial Crusade; The Valiant
Pope Fights On!
12.
240
................................................ 261
The Battle of Lepanto; Preparation for the Battle;
Pius Sends Granvelle to Present the Papal Banner;
ic t o r y a n d
e a t h
CO N TE N TS
Don Juan Is Universally Acclaimed As Generalis

simo; Precise Alignment of the Vessels; The
Moslem Fleet Is Formidable; The Desperate Con
flict; Maneuvers of the Galleys; The Tide of
Battle Wavers; Victory! for the Christians; The
Price of Victory; The Popes Vision; Te Deum
Laudamus; The Papal Vision Confirmed!; Pius
Admonition to Give the Glory to God; Pius V s
Achievements; The Warrior-Pontiffs Dream of a
Crusade to Rescue Jerusalem; Pius V s Lingering
Illness; Journeys End; Pius V s Death Is the
Worlds Loss; His Canonization
B
ib l io g r a p h y

T h y thousand thousand hosts are spread
Embattled oer the azure sky;
But M ichael bears T h y standard dread
A nd lifts the mighty Cross on high.
from Dedication Hym n to Saint M ichael.
PREFACE BY THE GENERAL EDITOR

W hy, we may have wondered, did so many of the long
succession of m ilitant modern popes choose for themselves
the name of Pius ? It is a drift which began with the
bitterly harassed Pius V I, at the close of the eighteenth
century, and stretches on to the noble-minded Pius X II
in the twentieth. Perhaps the absorbing story of Pope
Saint Pius V, as here cast in popular form, may help to
answer the question.
But first, to understand in fu ll the implications involved
in the title of this book, we should know that as a humble
novice, in a Dominican cloister, the future Saint and
Pontiff had selected for his patron in R eligion the great
Archangel Saint Michael, leader of the hosts of heaven
and defender of Christs Church on earth.
Fitting, indeed, and prophetic of events to come, that
choice must appear to us now. N or is it a mere idle figure
of speech when the author presents the consecrated hero
of this book under the bold image of T h e Sword of
Saint M ichael, that fiery weapon forged in the armory
of God. In Italy, Spain, the Lowlands; in Germany, France,
and England; in Poland, Scotland, and elsewhere, there
was seething unrest involving the Church and leaving her
no peace. Across the stage of history moved challenging
personalities: Mary of Scotland, Elizabeth of England,
Catherine de M edici, Cardinal Borromeo, Philip II of
Spain, Suleyman the T u rk , and Don John of Austria!
These, and hosts of others, were friends or foes to be
taken into account.
1
T H E SWORD O F SAIN T M IC H A E L
But to picture comprehensively the scenes presented

to us here we best can describe them as a gigantic en
counter on three fronts.
T h e first front, then, was no other than Reform from
within.
As we must understand from Christs infallible promise,
error could never take possession of the Church He was
to build on Peter, for the gates of hell were never to pre
vail against her. But it is quite another thing to say that
iniquity and unworthiness could never be found in her.
W e have definitely Christs own parables of the cockle
growing up with the wheat and the bad fish taken to
gether with the good in one single net. T h e day of judg
ment w ill set all things right. Yet holiness must always
remain a mark of G ods Church, and always she has had
her legions of saints.
N ot unto death but unto life was the Sword of Saint
Michael raised up here by the hand of God. Already the
great Catholic Reform was under way. T h e vast move
ment for Christian enlightenm ent and high personal sanc
tification, of which the Pope set the supreme example,
was fast helping to renew the world through the divinely
instituted means which the Church alone possessed in all
their plenitude. T hrough her members throbbed a new
vitality, and not satisfied with spiritual conquests at home,
she now bravely carried the Gospel to the distant mission
fields.
T h a t brings us to the second front, the Lutheran Revolt.
If now over Europe and beyond the bruit of discord
rose bitter and unintermittent, the cause, as we well
know and as all have reason deeply to deplore, was no
other than the baneful division caused by the apostate
German monk, false to his most sacredly pledged vows,
but backed in his fatal step by temporal princes eager for
PREFACE BY THE GENERAL EDITOR
the loot of churches and of monasteries. T h e cruelties

practised against Catholics, where their adversaries pre
vailed, made clear the seriousness of the conflict and its
terrible social and civic consequences. In judging the de
fensive actions taken against like evils and for the pres
ervation of the Faith, we must be careful not to project
our twentieth century back into the sixteenth. It was
the ardent and heroic zeal of Pius V, aided by the steady
advance of Catholic Reformation, that stayed the course
of destruction.
But Christs promise held true. His Church remained
one in creed and principles, as she had always been; while
the groups separated from her forthwith showed their
inherent human weakness. Feuds and divisions m ultiplied,
until in our day sects are numbered by the hundreds.
Most disillusioned of all was the arch-fomenter of dis
union, Luther himself, whose novelty of private inter
pretation merely meant that thenceforth every man was
free privately to interpret the Scriptures precisely in his
own sense alone. He had broken the dykes and the floods
w ould follow. Forgotten was the inspired warning, lest
men wrest the Scriptures to their own destruction.
But worst of all in this tragic wreck of Christian unity
outside the one only Church that Christ had built on
Peter, was the constant attenuation and steady loss of
fundamental truths and Christian principles. T his, in
direct course, led to agnosticism, deism, and ultimate
atheism, and thence on to all the aberrations of modern
ideologies that have ended in global murder, carnage,
and hatred.
Yet there was still a third front, the menace of the
Moslem.
T h is was the most sinister of all. Crusade was a
thought uppermost in the Pontiffs mind, and here now
th e
SWORD O F SAIN T M IC H A E L
was the opportunity forced upon him. A ll Western civili

zation was in imminent and most deadly danger. A ll efforts
of appeasement could only end in still more tragic results.
It was not long before the infidel was battering at the
defenses of Europe, while his galleys, propelled by Chris
tian slaves under the Mohammedan lash, were proudly
riding the high seas. Victory followed the crescent, as
later it perched on the swastika banners at the outset of
the Nazi invasion. Yet the complete defeat of the Moor,
through the Pontiffs supreme effort and the benign aid
of Mary, H elp of Christians, to whom the people cried
for succor, was to be the trium phant event that climaxed
the heroic career of Pope Saint Pius V.
Graphically, in all its main details, the author describes
the vast battle at sea in which Christendom was finally
saved from butchery and slavery under the fanatic Moor.
But enough has been said to make plain the magnitude
and importance of the subject presented in this volume,
and expressed in a popular and attractive way. T h e new
study complements the authors work, T heir Name Is
Pius. A m id the existing crisis of the nations it may stim u
late in us something of that apostolic zeal with which
the saintly Pontiff Pius V labored and prayed for Chris
tian unity, so greatly needed in our day that unity for
which our Divine Lord earnestly implored the Heavenly
Father: that they may be one, as we also are one (John
17:22).
Joseph Husslein, S.J., Ph.D.,
General Editor, Science and Culture Series
St. Louis University,
March 22, 1943
INTRODUCTION
In these dark days of bitter trial and cruel persecution,
in the midst of total war and world revolution, the
Catholic Church seems to men of little faith to stand with
back to the wall, and her saintly Pontiff, Pius X II, to
be held at bay. Unbelievers, who in the halcyon days
never gave a thought to the H oly Father, are now fran
tically asking why his every effort to save European
civilization from suicide and the Christian religion from
destruction by pagan forces all over the world has proven
futile.
In answer to these questions it is wise to call to mind
other periods of history when the Church and Christian
civilization were threatened with extinction . . . when the
world suffered like disasters from the depredations of
untamed human forces which almost eclipsed the beaconlight of Peters Rock and caused the faith of her tor
mented children to be tested as in a crucible. T h en , as
now, the faithful cried up to God in anguish: H ow long,
O Lord, how long?
.
It sounds trite and of little comfort, perhaps, to remind
the skeptics and even the sorely-tried faithful that Christ
w ill not forsake His Church, nor abandon His children.
For did Fie not warn them they must expect persecution
and martyrdom when H e bade His disciples a sublime
farewell? H e did not promise them ease and comfort, but
the joy and peace of His A bidin g Presence and the as
surance of immortal life.
But for His Church, definitely and unequivocably, He
did assure survival on this earth until the consumma

tion of all days. In studying the history of the Catholic
Church, writers (like Macaulay) who are without the
Faith, must always hnd her survival amazing. H er inher
ent vitality which Providence vouchsafed can be under
stood only by those who believe in her supernatural
nature. Her trium ph over the persecutions of her long
martyrdom under the Roman emperors, when her pontiffs
knew their election to the Chair of Peter meant death by
violence; her survival of the barbarian invasions when
Christian culture was kept alive by her cloistered sons;
and much later her renascence after the havoc wrought
by the subversive forces of the French Revolution are
paralleled during the sixteenth century by a similar re
birth, through the agency of the Counter-Reformation,
the Council of T rent, and the flowering of a galaxy of
saints such as this world had rarely beheld.1
T h e forty-odd years after Luther openly defied the
authority and doctrine of the Church had been devastating
years for the unity of the Faith in Europe. Strictly speak
ing, Luther himself had been a Catholic reformer before
he became a Protestant. 2 His utter and final repudiation
of the dogmas of Catholicism retarded a reformation
within the Church but did not stop it. T h e Reform ation
of Luther was in reality a revolt against established author
ity. T h e Counter-Reformation, so called, did not derive
its motive force from Luthers movement, but rather from
1 T h e Spanish saints alone present a formidable list: St. Ignatius, St.
Teresa of Avila, St. Francis Borgia, St. John of the Cross, St. John of God,
St. Peter of Alcantara, St. Francis of Solano and St. John of Avila. Add to
these such men as Maldonado, Navarro, Salmeron, Toledo, Gregory of
Valencia, Sanchez, Suarez, Juan of Santo Tomaso, Ripaldo, Barbosa, etc.
2T h e protestation of a minority of Lutherans at the Diet of Spires in
1529 against toleration of the Zwinglian sect first gave rise to the term.
See p. 64.
IN TRO D U CTIO N
a need w ithin the Church itself, recognized by Catholic

leaders and already begun by them.
T h e Reform ation of Luther led to enormous evils
from which the world is still suffering grievously; i.e.,
the founding of sectarian churches in various countries
of Europe and the new world, the monstrous growth of
nationalism, the subservience of the Church to the State
resulting in the disunity of the Christian commonwealth
and reaching its logical culm ination in our own day in
the totalitarian ideology, characterized by a reversion to
paganism, and the repudiation of all divine authority.
Abuses which they pretended to correct were, in reality,
perpetuated and exaggerated under Lutheranism and its
numerous off-shoots.
T hough some of the leaders of the Catholic Reform a
tion were doubtless influenced, and their zeal whetted,
by Luthers Revolt, this is not true of the more repre
sentative leaders of the movement, like St. Ignatius, and
(later) St. Vincent de Paul and St. Philip N eri, to mention
only a few. In a certain very accurate sense the Church
has continuously combated heresy, and the labor of the
leaders of the so-called Counter-Reform ation during the
sixteenth century was merely a further continuance of a
struggle that had never abated. Nevertheless, for conveni
ence and historic clarity, Catholic scholars concede the
interpretation of non-Catholic writers: that the term
Counter-Reform ation covers the period of Catholic
revival which, roughly speaking, dates from the pontifi
cate of Pope Pius IV in 1560 to the close of the T h irty
Years W ar in 1648.
W hen Paul IV lay on his deathbed in 1559 he said to
Father Laynez, his confessor: From the time of St. Peter
there has not been a pontificate so unfortunate as mine.
How I regret the past! Pray for me. It was indeed a
dark period in papal history! Paul IV s appraisal of his

own time was confirmed by the Venetian ambassador at
Rome, L uigi Mocenigo. In his report to the Seignory he
sums up the European situation in bitter words:
In many countries obedience to the Pope has almost
ceased; and matters are becoming so critical that, if God
does not interfere, they w ill soon be desperate . . . G er
many leaves little hope of being cured. Poland is in al
most as helpless a state. T h e disorders which have lately
taken place in France and Spain are too well known for
me to speak of them; and the Kingdom of England . . .
after returning a short time since to her old obedience,
has again fallen into heresy. T h u s the spiritual power of
the Pope is so straightened that the only remedy is a
council summoned by the common consent of all princes.
Unless this reduces the affairs of religion to order, a grave
calamity is to be feared.
In a spirit of utter pessimism Cardinal Morone, when
he was leaving for the Council of T ren t, is reported to
have declared to the Venetian ambassador: T here is no
hope. 3 A lthough his pessimism was not warranted, his
words reveal how the best informed men of the day re
garded the European outlook.
But already the remedy was at hand! T h e Council of
T ren t, the nineteenth ecumenical council to be held,
lasted over a period of eighteen years,4 under five pontiffs.
It was convened in 1545 by Paul III5 and was continued
through the pontificates of Julius III, Marcellus II (who
reigned only a few days), Paul IV (the vigorous and
brooding Carafa), and Pius IV (the amiable and politi
2A lberi, Relatione degli ambasciatori Veneti, 1859, II, iv, 22-82.
4 1545-1563. It was twice suspended, then renewed again.
s Paul III had approved the Society of Jesus five years earlier. In 1538 he
had issued a bull of excommunication and deposition against Henry VIII,
and in 1542 had revived the Inquisition to combat the Lutheran heresy.
IN TRO D U CTIO N
cally-minded Medicean uncle of S. Carlo Borromeo). It

was the last named who brought the Council to a success
ful term ination three years before his death and the
election of Pius V. During these pontificates the Emperors
Charles V and Ferdinand I reigned.
T h e purpose of the C ouncil was to examine and con
demn the errors of Luther and his co- Reform ers, and
truly to reform and discipline the Catholic Church. O f
all the twenty great councils6 in Church history the
T rentine lasted longest, issued the largest num ber of de
crees, both dogmatic and reformatory, and undoubtedly
produced the most beneficent results.
W hen the Council of T re n t was convened, Michele
Ghislieri was a man of forty-one years, and had already
been made Commissary of the Inquisition. It ended when
he was fifty-nine, three years before he ascended the
T hron e of Peter as Pius V. D uring all these eighteen years
he collaborated in the work of reform as Inquisitor. For
this task, which never abated during the six years of his
pontificate, he had prepared himself by unwearied loving
prayer, by utter devotion to duty as a Dominican friar,
and no less by the strictest self-discipline such as only
the saints impose upon themselves to atone for the sins
of their times.
T h e attempt to interpret such a man to the average
modern individual is a bold and audacious undertaking.
For he can be understood only as viewed in the white
light of sanctity and seen against a background of the
times in which he was destined to labor and of the evils
which he fought to extirpate. T o reconstruct those times
it is useful and illum inating to draw parallels, but in this
delicate task of reassessing a bygone age we must be wary,
" T h e Vatican Council, convened in 1869 by Pius IX, was not called into
being until three hundred years after the Council of Trent had terminated.
10
TH E SWORD O F SAIN T M IC H A E L
not only of resemblances, but also of differences in the

temper of the times between our own and a remote period.
A certain sensitiveness to impressions must be weighed
in the balance of factual truth in order properly to com
prehend the m ilieu of Europe as it appeared to men of
good w ill four centuries ago.
So it is not enough to bring to the task the conscientious
application of the impartial researcher and the cool
scrutiny of the dispassionate scientist; the historical stu
dent must augment this necessary equipm ent with the
warm sense of human sympathy and the alert imagina
tion of the poet. Only by such means can the biographer
hope to recreate a bygone age and revitalize the stage on
which the actors of a distant drama played their exciting
roles. T h e author must discover the norm of the social
and moral atmosphere in which his characters lived and
moved; and against that background he must attempt to
reveal the actors in their true perspective and vivid like
ness. O nly thus can the writer faithfully depict a far-away
period and infuse into his characters the breath of life.
T his requirem ent is peculiarly applicable to the out
standing players on the stage of sixteenth century Europe
who, because of the m ultitudinous and varied events
amidst which they moved, enacted a drama as fascinating
as it was baffling and involved.
T h e chief character among them all, whom we have
here chosen for our subject, must not be judged by mod
ern standards which evolved long after he had left the
scene of action. H e can be truly appraised, both as a man
of his day and in the role of his high pontifical office,
only if he is seen in the white light of a Dominican R eli
gious and as a zealous reformer dedicated to the stupendous
task of rescuing Europe from a disastrous loss of Christian
faith, as this faith had been accepted and practised
IN TRO D UCTIO N
throughout the centuries and had found its most glorious

expression in the M iddle Ages that apogee of Christian
unity and Catholic culture.
T h e Lutherans, Calvinists, and Huguenots were the
heretics against whom Pius V wielded unrem itting war
fare. T h e T u rks were a formidable foe of the papacy and
of all that Catholic Christianity stood for and the Holy
See jealously guarded. Elizabeth of England had been a
thorn in the papal flesh for eight years when Pius V came
to Peters throne. Y et he postponed her excommunication
for four years longer, until, as some Catholic writers aver,
it was too late to be effective; while Protestants criticized
the papal Bull, Regnans in Excelsis, as outmoded and
an arrogant assumption of papal authority.
T h e chessboard of European politics at which the canny
Elizabeth loved to play, now with the cautious, slow-mov
ing Philip II of Spain; now with Francis, Duke of Alen^on,
and H enry of Anjou, the French sons of Catherine deM edici of insensate ambition; and now with her own
ministers, deserves special attention. T ru e, it has been
charted by modern writers, but always through the eyes
of the rulers themselves, or from the viewpoint of their
acts and adherents. W e shall reverse this method and
focus the telescope from the angle of the Vatican, after
carefully wiping the lens. W e shall inquire: H ow did
sixteenth century Europe appear through the eyes of the
H oly See? W hat did Pius V behold from his watchtower on Vatican H ill as his eager vision swept over the
European scene of his day?
L. B-O.
THE ELECTION
D U R IN G mid-December, 1565, while the body of the
late Medicean Pontiff, Pius IV, lay at rest in the Pauline
Chapel awaiting interment in St. Peters,1 Rome was
outwardly quiet. T h e streets were undisturbed. No pas
quinades defaced the lampposts. N o popular demonstra
tions gave any hint of the tremendous significance of the
im pending conclave. T h e Eternal City seemed scarcely
to realize there was a vacancy in the papacy. T ru e, due
precautions had been taken by ecclesiastical authorities
that nothing unseemly should disturb the solemnity of
the occasion. For public outbreaks were not unknown in
Rome during some papal interregna. Popular disturbance
after Pius IV s predecessors departure from the papal
scene, less than six years earlier,2 was not forgotten by
those who were responsible for the citys tranquillity; but
now their vigilance seemed uncalled for and quite
unnecessary.
Due to the portentous events which had shaken Europe
1 Under Gregory X III, in 1583, Pius IV s remains were removed to the
Church of Santa Maria degli Angeli, which he had founded and conse
crated, and which Michelangelo had formed out of one of the immense
halls of the Baths of Diocletian.
2T h e statue of Paul IV on the Campidoglio was decapitated and the
severed head rolled into the Tiber, his armorial bearings were demolished,
as were all the memorials of his family, the Carafa.
13
14
the
for the past forty-five years, ever since Luther had written
his treatise On the Babylonish Captivity of the Church,
in which he attacked not only the abuses of the papacy,
but even the doctrinal system of the Church, Christianity
was in a tragic plight on the Continent and in England.
For Luthers defection had resulted in ever new divisions
in Germany, such as the Sacramentarians and the Anabap
tists; while in neighboring Switzerland, Calvin and Zwingli
founded new schisms until the cantons were settling their
differences in bloodshed. In Geneva, Calvin, the Protes
tant Pope, attended in person the burning at the stake
of his rival, M ichael Servetus, whose escape to Italy he
is said to have thwarted, and whose execution he is said
to have sanctioned. In England, the defiance of Henry
V III to papal authority had culminated under his bas
tard daughter Elizabeth (as he himself had named her
and as Cranmer had proclaimed her just before her
mothers execution) into a settled policy, warily achieved
by those consummate politicians, the V irgin Queen her
self, and her able, conscienceless minister, Cecil. In France
the Huguenots3 had arisen, and soon numbered in their
ranks many noble families, like the Conde and the Coligny,
who were to plunge France into fratricidal strife for over
a generation in no less than eight religious wars.
So threatening was the T urkish menace that, before the
conclave convened, Count Broccardo begged the College
of Cardinals not to delay in allocating the ten thousand
ducats promised by the late Pontiff for the relief of Malta.4
3T h e origin of the name is said by some authorities to be derived from
the name of a gate at Tours Ugon where the Calvinists met. It is
claimed that King Ugon, for whom the gate was called, was used by
mothers of naughty children to scare them as we use the term bugaboo,
and was applied to the Calvinists because of their meetings in the shadow
of the gate under cover of night.
4See p. 245.
T H E E L E C T IO N
15
T h is was done after Cardinal d Este, who represented the

Knights of Malta, himself guaranteed to make good the
deficit in the depleted treasury, in case the newly elected
Pontiif should not confirm the donation.
Many cardinals were considered plausible papabili, and
each had his backing of influential supporters, so that the
conclave promised to be a long drawn-out one. From
Rome, Caligari5 wrote in a letter to Cardinal Commendone in Mantua, declaring it would probably last six
months, because of the various blocs. Fearing this dan
gerous policy would prevail, the Venetians urged that the
election be speeded both because of the Turkish menace
and the im pending Diet in Germany.
On the evening of the nineteenth of December, 1565,
at the conclusion of the obsequies for Pius IV, the cardi
nals went into conclave. O n the following day, after High
Mass in St. Peters, the Conclave Bull of Pius IV was
sworn to by the cardinals who had been absent when, im
mediately after the Popes death, it had been solemnly
assented to by all present. A t m idnight the conclave was
closed, and the forty-eight cardinals were virtually walled
in.
Under Pius IV, French influence had been considerably
increased; so much so that de Requesens, Spanish ambas
sador under Philip II, had been recalled to Spain. It
was known that the queen-regent, Catherine deMedici,
hoped for the election of Cardinal Ippolito d Este. Her
hopes were vain, however; for the only French cardinal to
take part in the conclave was Cardinal Reumano, the
others not having arrived in Rome. Because of the insist
ence of Cardinal Borromeo, who demanded the conclave
should be called (according to the recent confirmation of
5 Andrea, auditor of Commendone.
l6
TH E SWORD O F SA IN T M IC H A E L
the ancient custom) ten days after the death of a pontiff,

the French cardinals who had not come to Rome were
denied admittance, so that their influence was nil. Pius
IV, whose own election was the result of interference by
foreign powers through their ambassadors at the H oly See,
had created by his Bull an almost air-tight isolation from
the outside world. Anyone who should try to circumvent
the strictures of the Bull was threatened with the penalty
of excommunication!
It was no secret that Cosimo deMedici, who naturally
exerted an influence upon his own son, Ferdinando de
Medici, wanted the election to result in a Pope who
would not come from a princely family, whose inclina
tion would be to enhance the fortunes of his own
relatives.
P hilip II steadfastly refused to exercise his influence
over the conclave, although it was recognized that his
prestige with the Sacred College was greater than that
of any other monarch in Europe, since his Catholicity was
never questioned. T h e king of Spain instructed his am
bassador, de Requesens, that only one requirem ent was
necessary; i.e., to elect a Pope who was pious and a
lover of peace. He wanted a pontiff who had the reform
of the Church at heart. Requesens wrote to Philip of the
qualities of several of the cardinals, and of none did he
speak more highly than of Cardinal Michele Ghislieri, or
Alessandrino, as he was called in Rome. Ghislieri
would make a Pope called for by the times, wrote the
ambassador to his king in Spain.
But the leading influence in his ultimate election was
to be Carlo Borromeo. N o cardinals prestige at the con
clave was greater than that of this saintly prelate against
whom (although a nephew of Pius IV, from whom he had
received many favors) no jealous accusation of nepotism
T H E E L E C T IO N
*7
was ever leveled. Borrom eos intrinsic worth, his integ

rity, and innate abilities overcame the charge of a practice
which was no longer condoned. A fter a delay of fifteen
days from the twenty-second of December to the fifth
of January the election of the Dominican Ghislieri was
assured, with the aid of so powerful a supporter.6
It was eventide when the cardinals7 proceeded to Ghis
lieris cell. T h e y led the reluctant Dominican to the
Pauline Chapel. W hen all were seated in their stalls the
cardinal dean arose and proclaimed: I, Cardinal Fran
cesco Pisano, dean of the Sacred College, elect as Pope
my most reverend Lord Michele, known as Cardinal Ales
sandrino. A fter this proclamation had been confirmed
individually by the several cardinals, there was a long
silence until the terrified cardinal, completely overcome,
was able to whisper M i contento su (I am willing).
Cardinal Pacheco wrote to Philip II: T h e election was
evidently the work of the H oly Ghost, since many who,
at their entry into the conclave, would have cut off their
feet rather than support Ghislieri had been the first to
"Saint Charles Borromeo, as in our tongue we know him, was at the
time only twenty-seven years old. Many years later he wrote to the King
of Portugal: Believing as I did that were he elected he would govern the
Church gloriously, I employed my whole influence to elect him to St.
Peters Chair. T h e Holy Spirit visibly favored my hopes by miraculously
uniting on him the votes of the cardinals. (Cardinals Morone and Sirtelo
had been leading in the scrutinies.) San Carlo was the product of the
Oratory of Divine Love, founded at Genoa at the end of the fifteenth
century.
T h e cardinals who were present at the conclave were men of excep
tional ability and character. T hey were filled with the true spirit of reform
and zealous for Catholic Restoration. T h e fact that such able and power
ful candidates as Cardinal Farnese, nephew of Paul III and founder of the
Gesu in Rome, and Cardinal Morone, who had distinguished himself as
Bishop of Modena and Bologna, as Nuncio to Germany, and as presiding
Legate at the Council of Trent and who with St. Ignatius had founded
the German-Hungarian College, were passed over in favor of the Domin
ican friar Ghislieri, is proof positive how devoted to the best interests of
the Church the College of Cardinals were.
l8
agree to his election. T h is opinion seemed to be sub

stantiated by the fact that Borromeo (whose uncle, Pius
IV, had never looked favorably upon the stern D om ini
can) supported the candidate wholeheartedly. Borromeo
was one of those saints who could combine shrewd strategy
with profound conviction. His delay in openly supporting
Ghislieri was due to the fact that, if he had done so at
the opening of the conclave, his support would have
proved a doubtful service to the candidate. He had awaited
the propitious moment when the other candidates were
eliminated; then he threw the whole weight of his in
fluence to G hislieri and openly espoused his cause.
T h e Romans were divided as to their reaction to the
election of so strict a pontiff who, out of consideration
for Borromeo, took the title of Pius V , after the late
pontiff. Many of the Roman citizens were delighted
that so saintly a Pope was to take the helm of the Ship
of Peter, which, in the troublous times when schism and
heresy were rampant, and so many abuses within the
Church needed correction, had suffered so tragically. Men
of good w ill everywhere felt that the election was for
the greater glory of God and the purification of Christs
Church. T h e others: the timid, the sinful, the politically
minded, and the adherents of the new sects, were frankly
alarmed. A n d well they m ight be, for his past history
had shown Ghislieri to be a man of adamant w ill when
he was convinced he was right, and right for him meant
right for the Church of Christ. Nevertheless, he was
a man not devoid of sensitiveness and kindliness in his
desire to administer his terrifying office wisely and well.
H e declared upon accepting the tiara which was to weigh
so heavily upon his brow, I hope to govern in such a
way that the grief felt at my death w ill be greater than
that which is felt at my election.
2
MICHELE GHISLIERI
I T IS not difficult to portray the early years of Michele
Ghislieri. It is a simple tale simply told. Like his famous
compatriot, Giotto, who had initiated a new spirit in the
glorious history of Italian art, he was a shepherd; and
like his namesake and successor to the Chair of Peter,
Pius X , he was born in the humblest surroundings, in an
environment of poverty and obscurity. T h e dingy house
in Bosco in which the future Pope first saw the light of
day is still intact. T h e passing traveler would not bestow
upon it a second glance were he not told that within
these bleak walls once dwelt a future great pontiff whom
the Church was to elevate to her altars as a saint of God.
Bosco is near Alessandria in Piedmont, in what was
then the duchy of Savoy, where the ancestors of his par
ents, Paolo and Dominica Augeria, had lived since 1336.1
T here he was baptized and received the name of Antony,
1 It is a pity that the story related by his earlier biographers, so colorful
and attractive, of how the exiled Ghislieri family came to Bosco from
Bologna, is given no credence by Pastor who claims that the tale orig
inated only after Michele became Pope and that the Bologna family
sought honor and fame by claiming Pius V a descendant of their branch
of the exiled family which took the name of Consiglieri in Rome.
This version of the forebears of Pius V is related at length in the Acta
Sanctorum, in Die Quarta Maji, p. 623, and is repeated by the Comte de
Falloux in his Histoire de Saint Pie V.
19
20
because he was born on that saints day2 (January 17), in

the year 1504, during the pontificate of the great hu
manist Pope, Julius II, and under the reign of M axim ilian
I, emperor of the H oly Roman Empire.
T h e shepherds life, led in his boyhood by the future
Pope, is conducive to reflection and meditation upon the
wonders of G ods creation. H e scanned the heavens for
the first threatening signs of storm from which he must
protect his flock and recognized G ods handiwork in the
tiniest leaf and blade and flower amid whose clumps his
head was buried to doze under a noon-day sun. In the
soul of this sensitive growing lad God indeed seemed very
near and the desire to dedicate his life to His service
found early expression. T h is grew ever stronger with the
passing years. In the secret of his heart the Divine Master
spoke to him and claimed him for His own. A nd the
child responded as the little Samuel had done when he
answered, Here am I! In his unsullied mind Antony in
terpreted the summons as a command to be about his
Fathers business.
But his parents were too poor to listen to the voice of
their sons yearning to enter a monastery and become a
monk. H elp came, however, through a more prosperous
neighbor who was placing his own son, Francesco, under
the tutelage of the Dominican friars at Bosco and gen
erously made provision for Antony to accompany him.
Signor Bastone was to Antony a messenger of God.
Together the two boys entered the school of friars to
receive instruction. Here for two years Antony lived
happily. From the meager descriptions extant of this
silent other-worldly boy we gather that at the time he
2 St. Antony, first of Abbots. He instituted monastic life in common. He
was a friend of St. Athanasius, and like him defended the dogma of the
Divinity of Christ against Arianism. He died in 356 at the age of 105.
M IC H E L E GHISLIERI
21
was tall for his age, slight of build, with clear-cut refined
features and a frank countenance with luminous eyes
from which shone native intelligence and an ardent
nature. W hen he was fourteen his teachers, convinced of
his vocation, sincere dedication, and native abilities, sent
him on to the Dominican Convent of Voghera.
Here he laid the foundation of that habit of devotion
and study which never forsook him. A t this tender age
piety and learning had become the ruling passions of his
life. For the greater glory of God he applied himself to
a l'igorous routine with a fervor in his conventual exer
cises amazing even to his teachers. Study to this young
brother was never an end in itself. It was a means to an
end, a tool to be used in the service of the Most High.
From Voghera Antony went to the Convent of V ige
vano to begin his novitiate. It was here in May of 1520
that he received his Dominican habit. T h e next year,
when he was seventeen,3 the Fathers permitted him to
make his Profession.4 T h is was the occasion when he as
sumed his religious name and he chose that of the Arch
angel M ichael.5
By what name w ill you be called? he was asked.
M ichele del Bosco, was his prompt reply. But as the
town of his birth was so little known, the provincial de
cided that he should be named Fra Michele
dellAlessandria.
Although young in years, it was not long before he
3T h e Council of Trent, which was to decree against such an early pro
fession, had not as yet convened.
4In his Convent of Vigevano this item can be found in the Professionbook: Frater Michael Ghislierius, Alesandrinus, de terra Bosco, die 18,
Maii, 1521 fecit Solemnem Professionem in manibus P. Fr. Jocobini de
Viglevano nomine conventus Vogheriensis.
6Throughout his life his allegiance to Saint Michael, whom he had
taken as his patron, was the object of his especial devotion.
22
came to be looked up to by his elders as their model. His

excellence in philosophy brought a demand that he teach,
and this he did with such clarity and inspiration that his
classes became crowded. In prayer he saw a powerful
means of acquiring knowledge and always urged his pupils
never to omit their pious devotions. T h e more the spirit
unites itself with God in divine intercourse, he insisted,
the more it becomes capable of enriching itself and the
more it illuminates learning.
Fra M icheles success as an instructor of philosophy re
sulted in the further demand for a course in theology
taught by him. His meekness and modesty, his utter self
forgetfulness and enthusiasm for his subject gave him a
fame for sanctity which in those days was esteemed in a
teacher as highly as the imparting of informative knowl
edge and the gift of pedagogy. Scholars came from far and
wide to attend his lectures, crowding his classroom, and
counting themselves privileged to be under this master
who as yet was scarcely twenty years of age!
After a period of scientific training at Bologna, Fra
M ichele went to Genoa, where the order of the priesthood
was to be conferred upon him. For this he devoutly pre
pared himself by an extended retreat spent in recollec
tion and ardent dedication. He was twenty-four when
raised to the sacred priesthood.
D uring all the years since his departure from Bosco,
at the age of fourteen, he had not seen his parents nor
his childhood home. Now, at the insistence of his supe
riors, the young priest returned to visit his family. His
absolute severance of all human relationships, and the
lack of communications in those remote days had left him
in total ignorance of what awaited him upon his return
to his native town.
Approaching the village afoot, he looked in vain for
23
the little spire of the ancient church. In place of the edi

fice where his baby lips had first lisped the prayer to the
V irgin which his mother had taught him he now found a
mass of ruins. O nly in recent months war and its attendant
devastation had destroyed the building, while the villagers
themselves had fled in terror before the troops of Francis I
as they marched through Bosco on their way to Pavia.6
His own parents, he learned, had joined the refugees.
A fter listening to the tale of their exodus, related by some
straggler who had remained behind, Fra M ichele con
tinued on his journey until he arrived at the little town7
where his parents had taken refuge. Here he offered the
H oly Sacrifice and gave the Consecrated Host to his father
and mother in the village church. T h is sacred reunion
may have been the last contact he ever had with his dear
parents in this world. A t least no further records are
preserved upon this intimate subject.
T h ere followed a long period of seven years when Fra
M ichele of Alessandria lectured in philosophy and the
ology in the Dominican convents of Fermo, Pavia, Raven
na, and Raggio. He was successively elected prior of the
convents of Vigevano, Soncino, and A lba.8 W h ile he wTas
prior he used to warn his Religious in frequent confer
ences to preserve their religious spirit intact when they
must m ix in the world for the salvation of souls. You
are the salt of the earth, he would remind them. See to
it that when you return to the world amid the whirlpools
6T h e sack of Rome by the Imperial troops had taken place in the
previous year, 1527. T h e Battle of Pavia preceded Micheles return by a
few weeks. T en thousand dead were left on the field of Pavia, including
half the fighting nobility of France who perished or were taken prisoner
together with Francis I, by the Imperial army. T h e battle occurred on
Charles V s twenty-fifth birthday.
1 Variously spelled Sesodia, Sessadia, Sezza, Sezze.
8 Ghislieri was an excellent business manager. Most of the convents he
freed from debt.
24
of sin and temptation that you do not lose the savor of

righteousness, or words to that effect.
Fra M icheles charity became a by-word in the neigh
borhood of the convents where he lived. He was ever
ready at a moments notice to assuage pain, to give advice,
and to enter into every trial of those who applied for
assistance at the convent gate. His hospitality was some
times grossly abused and his patience sorely tried, but
he met these trials with the prudence and charity and
courage of a true son of Saint Dominic. Once, when he
was prior of Alba, a band of marauding soldiers who were
ravaging the countryside, pillaging and stealing food
wherever they could find it, came to the convent gate
threatening to batter down the doors. T h e brave prior
came out to face the desperate, unpaid, hungry men, care
fully locking the door behind him. His protestations
shamed the lawless men who slunk away. T h e other in
stance was at his monastery gate when three hundred
French soldiers came to demand food. His heart was so
moved by their condition that he invited the pillagers
to enter and become his guests. Sit with us in the refec
tory; we w ill share with you what we ourselves have. W alk
with us in the cloister. Accept the hospitality which a
poor monastery can give, and save your souls from the
guilt of murder and theft. T h e poor hardened creatures
let fall their arms and followed this white-robbed friar
into the cloister in submissive silence.
It was while he was at Pavia in 1543 that he was sum
moned to the Provincial Chapter of Parma to refute
Lutheran heresies. His defense of the authority of the
H oly See in a masterly thesis was so vigorous and able
that his reputation went far beyond convent walls. He
was sought after as confessor by notable personages
among others by the governor of Milan. T h is appointment
25
with his distinguished penitent meant a twenty-mile jour

ney back and forth which he always made on foot. N orth
ern Italy is cold and rainy in winter, yet this never de
terred the good prior in what he deemed the performance
of a duty.
In his arguments, Father Ghislieri had refuted thirty
propositions of the Lutheran heresy which was spreading
and was threatening to undermine the faith of even so
unperverted a region as Catholic Italy. So skillful an ad
versary did he prove that, like Saint Basil, he m ight have
earned the same proud title of A m bidexter Armatus,
wielding as he did the sword of Saint M ichael with both
hands in defense of the Faith. T h e Lutherans found in
him an antagonist thoroughly grounded in positive theol
ogy and a formidable foe who seemed to possess the
strength of ten.
O w ing to his renown as a champion of the Faith, he was
made commissary of the Inquisition in the diocese of
Pavia. T o this responsible office he was appointed by Paul
III in 1543, the year following the Popes reconstitution
of the Roman Inquisition. In a spirit of hum ble submis
sion he accepted the office, prepared at all times to sacri
fice his life in defense of the Faith, armed with the sword
of the spirit and shielded in danger by the breastplate
of righteousness.
In the capacity of commissary of the Inquisition, his
zeal, tempered by circumspection and prudence when
dealing with heretics, won him the title of a second Saint
Bernardine. His worst enemies never accused him of self
interest or of bigotry. His shining purity of motive, un
rem itting labor and devotion in the cause of preserving
the Faith in Italy, and his personal hum ility and austerity,
made him an ideal example to his brother Dominicans,
over whom he had reluctantly accepted the dignity of
26
prior. More unw illingly still, he undertook the responsi

bilities of Definitor over the provincial chapter of Lom
bardy, an office second only to that of Provincial.
Even on his longest journeys, Fra Michele made it a
practice to travel afoot, a habit not relinquished by him
when he became Supreme Pontiff. Like Saint Francis, he
was wedded to Lady Poverty. His fam iliar saying was
that he loved poverty, but never dirt. Yet his love of
cleanliness never interfered with his travel-stained mis
sions. His favorite reading during this period was the
lives of the saints, particularly the life of his spiritual
Father and ideal, Saint Dominic, Fra M icheles model
and exemplar. Never taking advantage of the dispensa
tions granted to professors, he was scrupulously punctual
in the chanting of his office, practising self-mortification
most rigorously. So, too, he lent dignity to manual labor
by conscientious application to domestic duties. Often
he m ight be seen sweeping and mopping up the dormi
tories and perform ing the most menial tasks.
A lthough he would have greatly preferred to remain
in his beloved convent, he undertook in the spirit of
penance any post of danger to which he might be assigned
as Inquisitor. T h u s he was sent by the College of Cardi
nals to Como, a city in danger of becoming infected with
Calvinistic doctrines because of its proxim ity to Switzer
land. It was a thankless task, and one of extreme peril;
for the office of Inquisitor was hated and feared like
poison by the heretics. Yet those who came in contact
with this particular inquisitor must doubtless have been
amazed by his gentle hum ility, his prayerful patience, his
fairness and native kindness which tempered, but did not
blunt, his apostolic firmness. T h e wealth or influence of
his opponents never swerved this servant of God from
his duty, as he was above threats or bribes. H e was in
27
G ods hands. W hatever his Master willed was the w ill

of this saintly Dominican. T hus, when prior of Alba, he
was opposed by a certain Count della T rinit, who de
clared he would throw the prior down a well.
W hatever God pleases w ill be done, was the placid
response reported to have been given by him.
T h e many miles he traversed on his arduous journeys
as Inquisitor, from town to town, from city to city, from
province to province, exam ining relapsed Catholics who
had become intrigued with the new-fangled doctrines,
pleading and reproving, testing and exhorting, w ill prob
ably never be known. His coming and going was without
fanfare and in secret. H e was just another mendicant,
indistinguishable under his cowl from other traveling
friars along the dusty roadside. L ittle did he know what
his errands would portend.
His experience at Como in the year 1550 was a case
in point. G hislieri was then a mature man of forty-six,
disciplined by years of austere living, tested as in a crucible
of fire. Acting in the spirit of St. Paul at Ephesus, when
the great Apostle admonished the people against the wor
ship of the goddess Diana; and, like St. Benedict, when he
demolished the shrines of Apollo at Monte Cassino, this
Dominican friar confiscated twelve bales of heretical books.
L ike the vendors of the statues of the goddess in Ephesus,
whose lucrative trade was threatened by the preaching of
Christianity, the booksellers of Como found themselves
in danger of losing their income. But one book merchant
in particular, whose property had been confiscated, ap
pealed to the vicar capitular who was a friend of his and
who evidently was more politician than saint. In con
sequence the vicar lent his ear to the merchant. Undeterred
by this, Ghislieri, as Inquisitor, referred the case to the
Roman Inquisition with the result that all parties in
28
T H E SWORD O F SA IN T M IC H A E L
volved were excommunicated. T h is served as an example

and a warning to the faithful to put them on guard
against disseminators of poisonous propaganda.
Undoubtedly, to modern minds, such a procedure
seems high-handed and oppressive.9 But, in passing judg
ment upon such drastic measures, we must bear in mind
the temper and spirit of the times. W e must remember
that most of the countries of Europe were still preponder
a te^ Catholic. A n y offense against the Church was ac
knowledged by Catholics as an offense against the State.
T h e mediaeval conception which held that whatever
tended to undermine authority in the Church, threatened
likewise the peace and prosperity of the State,10 still pre
vailed in Europe among Catholic rulers.
If there had been a popular slogan in those days, it
might have taken the form, T o make Europe safe for
Christianity. W hen the Inquisitor denounced a person
as a heretic, according to the Churchs interpretation of
the term, the accused was given an exhaustive trial, with
every chance to repent. If now he continued recalcitrant
he was handed over to the State, which imposed the pen
alty for violation of the laws of the State. W e must re
member, too, that the age of which we are dealing was
9 It is no more and no less tolerant for an Inquisitor to suppress purely
theoretical pamphlets against the Faith, than it is intolerant to suppress
picture post cards that are thought injurious to morals. Robert Hugh
Benson in his Preface to St. Pius V by C. M. Antony.
If our modern methods of government are right, on our modern
premises that society must be protected even to the pain of the individual,
sixteenth century methods of government also are right, on the same
premises. . . . It was as a careful and conscientious administrator of this
system that Michele Ghislieri held the Office of Inquisitor. Ibid.
10This mediaeval conception, carried into the sixteenth century, is ably
presented by A. L. Maycock in his book, The Inquisition, when he says
to attack the Church was to attack the European commonwealth, to strike
at the very foundation of society, and to strike at the Church was to
strike at the hub of everything.
29
an age of force and violence. Modern historians, many

of them non-Catholic,11 are making a saner and more
trustworthy appraisal of the Inquisition than was made
in the days when accounts of lurid tortures were too
often invented by biased writers who did not scruple to
lay on with heavy brush the weirdest and most fantastic
creations of their own imaginations as authentic historical
data.
T his, however, is not a justification of the state pro
cedure which, from our more humane point of view,12
was often cruel and un-Christian. But it is an attempt to
form a sane and just judgm ent of an institution which
in spirit was not unlike our own defense organizations
in dealing with enemy aliens and Fifth Columnists and
spies in wartime. Intelligent Catholic rulers, like Em
peror Charles V with his clear, far-reaching vision, were
aware not only of the constant threat of war to their own
states, but were armed also against the disunity of the
Faith13 which portended the destruction of the civiliza
tion their fathers had builded and which they themselves
Like H. Nickerson in The Inquisition, and A. S. Turberville in
Mediaeval Heresy and the Inquisition.
12 Are we really so much more humane? In England, during the eigh
teenth century, burning alive was the punishment inflicted by the law of
the land on a wife guilty of the murder of her husband. Clipping of the
Kings coin was punishable by boiling in oil in Charles IIs time. Charles
Dickens has immortalized the horrors of the debtors prisons in Little
Dorrit; and even within the memory of living men, the tortures inflicted
upon an Irish Republican lad, Kevin Barry by name, by pulling out his
finger and toenails, then breaking his fingers one by one, before he was
hanged, seem incredible if they were not vouched for by those who prayed
on their knees in the public square of Dublin in front of Mount Joy
prison, during the Black-and-Tan persecutions. T he boy died a martyr to
free Ireland, stoutly refusing to inform against his associates.
13 A lthough the Inquisition was old, very old, when it was revived in
1542 at the advice of Cardinals Carafa and Alvarez and by Paul III, to
meet the unique conditions which Luthers Revolt had caused, the basis of
its justification was the same as at the time of St. Dominic three and a
half centuries earlier.
30
were trying to preserve; for Europe was then being held

like a fortress against the ever-present danger of attack
by Islam and the further dismemberment of Christendom
by the heretics who had already wrought such havoc in
the Christian commonwealth.
Censorship was never questioned as the undisputed
right of the papacy and the Holy See. Censorship is, more
over, a right and a duty never relinquished by the Cath
olic Church, and is frequently invoked by modern gov
ernments against obscenity. T w o hundred years after
Inquisitor M ichele Ghislieri confiscated the books in
Como, another Pius, the sixth to bear the name, inveighed
against the silence his warning against bad books had
received among the French prelates when, in stinging
words, he castigated the French encyclopedists whose
writings had conditioned the people for the Revolution
and T error which was to create such frightful chaos in
Europe. For revolution does not spring full armed, like
Athene from the brain of Zeus. It is nurtured by propa
ganda during a long period of gestation before its poi
sonous brood of destruction rear their hydra-heads. Pius
V I attacked the fallacious doctrine that a man may be
lieve and disseminate whatsoever views he pleases; that
his actions, but not his opinions, are the concern of so
ciety. W ith devastating logic he shows the absurdity of
such a liberal interpretation of doctrine and belief.14
M ichele Ghislieri, as a devout son of Saint Dominic,
was influenced by the purest of motives and the most
See pp. 81, 22 of Their Name Is Pius by the author for a refutation of
a theory which was to become so popular among the liberals during the
French Revolution and which was to persist even down to our own day.
Only yesterday in Chicago two youths in their teens, guilty of rape, justi
fied their criminal acts in court, speaking glibly of split personalities,
and citing the writings of such pseudo-philosophers as John Dewey and
Nietzsche as their teachers!
31
disinterested considerations of Dominican duty when he

undertook the crucial tasks imposed upon him as a watch
dog of the Faithful15 against the heresies of his day. He
was following in the footsteps of his spiritual forebears
when he placed himself at the disposal of the papacy. D ur
ing the thirteenth century the Albigensian heresy, so
utterly anti-social and weirdly destructive, had caused the
rise of the Monastic Inquisition which was sanctioned
and confirmed by the Pope in an attempt to regulate the
machinery of the secular rulers (who in turn had replaced
lynch law with a code based upon the rediscovered Roman
law). So now, in the sixteenth century, it was the D om ini
can Ghislieri who was entrusted to perform the equally
difficult task of rescuing Europe from the snares of L uth
eranism and its offshoots. Like his thirteenth century
brothers of the spirit, he was altogether free from private
revenge and uninfluenced by the flatteries and entice
ments of powerful men. N o threats held for Fra Michele
any terrors. H e was dead to the world.
In the case of the book dealers at Como a test was
made of the Inquisitors authority not only to confiscate
the books in question, but also to excommunicate the
individuals concerned. T h e Dominican friar was stoned
by the mob and the governor of Milan, Ferrante G on
zaga, aligned himself with his foes and threatened him
with imprisonment, forcing Ghislieri to appeal to Rome
for confirmation of the authority to act as he had done.
Under cover of night he escaped on a mule from assassins
15 In the Church of Santa Maria Novella in Florence there is a marvelous
fresco in the Spanish Chapel representing the Church Militant. T h e two
earthly powers, temporal and spiritual, are depicted in the figures of the
Emperor, Henry VII and of the Pope, Benedict XI. A t the feet of the
Pope are the sheep, representing the Faithful; and, watching over them
are the Watchdogs, painted in black and white, symbolizing the Domin
icans habits. Saint Dominic is pointing to the watchdogs.
32
TH E SWORD OF SAIN T M IC H A E L
who lay in wait to kill him, and rode the whole distance
to the Eternal City. A rrivin g late on Christmas Eve of
the year 1549, he proceeded to the monastery of his Order,
Santa Sabina on the Aventine, and applied for lodging.
He had sent no notice of his coming, and the prior of
Santa Sabina did not know the stranger and asked his
mission somewhat querulously.
D id you come to Rome to present yourself to the
cardinals in the hope of being elected Pope? 16 he was
asked.
I come in the interests of the Church. I shall return
as soon as I am directed how to act. I ask only a few
days of hospitality for myself and my poor worn-out m ule.
T h e weary apostle was given the cell next to that which
Saint Dom inic had occupied three and a half centuries
earlier. T h is was the first visit to the monastery which as
Pope he was to love and upon which he was to bestow
so many favors.
W hen he reported the case of the Com o episode, his
course of action met with wholehearted support by the
H oly Office; and the College of Cardinals sent him back
to his perilous duties with every confidence in his wis
dom in dealing with such baffling problems. H e was
cautioned, however, to lay aside his Dominican habit and
to travel incognito in lay clothes; but this he stoutly re
fused to do, saying: I accepted death with my commission.
I cannot die in a holier cause.
In the spring of the following year Father M ichele was
sent to Rome to judge a case of considerable importance
to the peace and security of the Church. It had to do
with the election of the Bishop of Coire in the Grisons
16 Paul III had died on the tenth o November. T he cardinals were still
in conclave. Cardinal Pole was almost elected on this occasion. It was not
until February the seventh that Julius III was elected.
33
(the easternmost canton in Switzerland). T w o rival candi

dates were hotly promoted for the bishopric. T h ey were
the Canons Salici and Pianti, the latter of whom had the
reputation of leading a very lax life and was charged with
gaining a majority of votes by the use of bribery. He was
accused of heresy also. Journeying through the very dis
trict where recently he had almost been assassinated, and
well aware he was surrounded by heretics in the Grisons,
the stout-hearted Dominican, wearing his habit and cowl,
traveled through Lombardy armed with his pilgrim staff
and his breviary and the invisible sword of the spirit,
inspiring such respect even from his enemies that he was
unmolested and reached Coire where he passed judgment,
publicly condemning Pianti and installing Salici as Bishop.
A fter this, Ghislieri was made Inquisitor of Bergamo,
a lovely old town near Como. A heretic named Medolago,
who was an avvocado and openly preached Lutheranism,
had up to now been protected by his great influence and
immense wealth. Since he felt himself immune, he would
not desist from his propaganda. Fra Michele took the only
course open to him. He seized the lawyer and had him
thrust into prison. After his trial he was condemned and
sent into exile to Venice where he died.
Another case at the same city of Bergamo had to do
with no less important a personage than the Bishop him
self, V ittorio Soranzo, wrho had secretly espoused the
Lutheran doctrines. Returning to Rome to report on the
Medolago case, Ghislieri was immediately sent back to
Bergamo by Julius III to investigate the Bishop in whose
possession were many cases of heretical books from which
he and his numerous heretical friends were preaching.
T h e Bishop appealed to the Senate for protection when
he realized he was being watched. O n the night of De
cember the fifth, 1550, the monastery of Santo Stefano
34
was surrounded by assassins. Being warned of the danger

to his life, the good Father went into the church and
prayed; then he gave the case to a Franciscan friar, Fra
A urelio Griani, instructing him to bring the papers to a
place designated. W alking quietly through the courtyard,
Fra M ichele opened the gate and escaped unnoticed.
Losing his way in the darkness of the night, he sought and
obtained shelter in a peasants hut; and the next morning
he met Fra A urelio at the appointed spot, took from him
the process, and journeyed to Rome with his evidence.
H anding these papers to the College of Cardinals, the
holy office acted at once, seized and imprisoned the
Bishop in SantAngelo where he was convicted and de
posed and exiled to Venice.17 H e died in Venice in 1558.
T h e next year, 1551,18 the Dominican Father Tropaeus,
commissary-general of the Inquisition, died. H e had held
the office for nine years. T h e n it was that Cardinal Carafa19
recommended to the pontiff the name of Father Michele,
who, he said, was a servant of God, worthy of the highest
honors and eminently fitted for the greatest dignities. A t
the time, Father G hislieri was living at the Convent of
Santa Sabina.20
1! When it is remembered in what bad repute renegade Catholics placed
the Church, how they misrepresented Catholicism while enjoying the
privileges and receiving the emoluments of the Holy See, it is understand
able why the Church acted so rigorously against the heretics.
T h e year the Council was removed from Bologna and reassembled at
Trent where the sittings were held until the sixteenth session.
19 Later Paul IV.
20In this place he was later to make his yearly retreats when he became
Pontiff, and here today still remain the relics and venerated memories of
Pius V. T h e old Convent-church dates from the time of St. Celestine I in
the fifth century. Gregory IX restored the church in the thirteenth cen
tury. Here also may be seen the cell of Pius V on the staircase leading to
the cell of Saint Dominic. This very beautiful church of simple and
majestic dignity, superbly set upon the Aventine, commands glorious views
of St. Peters and of Rome.
35
In his new capacity of commissary-general, Father

M ichele visited the prisons to claim back, if possible, the
inmates who had apostatized. H e went from cell to cell,
trying with Christ-like tenderness to win back to the
Church the relapsed heretics. W hen he was successful he
begged the prisoners prayers for himself, invited him to
his table to dine with him, and in every way tried to
soften the severity of his lot.
O n one such prison mission he examined a case which
throws strong light upon the character of this patient,
gentle Inquisitor. It is that related of a young Jew who
had become a convert to the Faith and had entered the
Franciscan Order of Friars Minor. He was an eloquent
preacher for some time until he came under the influence
of the new doctrines promulgated by the Lutherans, and
was him self infected by them. T h ough still a friar, he was
tried and imprisoned. V ery soon he retracted and was
released and restored to his Order. But a second time he
was convicted, and the state penalty was death by fire. One
day, while walking through the prison, Father Ghislieri
was struck by the aspect of utter woe written on the youth
ful face. He went to the prisoner, and in all kindness
asked the unhappy man to confide in him and treat him
as his friend. A fter much coaxing, the prisoner finally told
his name and his history, but refused to renounce his
errors. T h en the saint began a veritable campaign, be
sieging heavens portals for the young friars soul. He
fasted, doubled his prayers, daily offered the sacrifice of
the Mass for his charge, visited him regularly, and treated
him with the most tender sympathy. Finally, in an ecstasy
of gratitude, the saint saw his faith and importunities
to the Fount of Grace rewarded. Bursting into tears, the
young friar repented and asked that he m ight devote his
life to continual penance. Ghislieri took the case to the
36
Pope21 and obtained pardon for the prisoner, who forth

with abjured his heresy, confessed to his mediator, and
from his lips received absolution. T h e penitent refused
to return to the Order he had disgraced; and so, with
fatherly solicitude, the Dominican saint received him into
the Order of Preachers, dressing him in his own habit
and adopting him as his spiritual son. T his is the history
of the relapsed heretic who later became known as the
celebrated Biblical scholar, Sixtus of Siena.22
Father G hislieris zeal in his office of commissary-gen
eral was untiring and, to him more than to anyone else,
is due Italys preservation from heresy. He had frequent
contact in his new office with Cardinal M arcello Cervini23
who had taken a prominent part in the discussions of
T ren t over which he presided; and who, after the death
of Julius III, was elected pontiff on the tenth of April,
1555, taking the name of Marcellus II.24 A fter a reign of
only twenty-two days he died, and was succeeded by Father
M icheles friend and patron, Cardinal Carafa. T h e latter
took the name of Paul IV. T h e new Pope lost no time
in appointing the Dominican (whom he confirmed in his
office of commissary-general) Bishop of Sutri and N epi25
21 T he Pope was the last court o appeal for a relapsed heretic. Many
Moriscos and Conversos (converted Moors and Jews in Spain) appealed to
Rome after the state had convicted them of a second offense, and often
with success.
22 His Bibliotheca Sancta is dedicated to Pius V in which he asks:
Where could I find a more powerful protector than yourself who snatched
me from the gates of Hell? Never could I relate all your benefits. T o no
one on earth do I owe what I owe to you.
23T h e saintly uncle of St. Robert Bellarmine, the great defender of the
Church, whose learned work Disputationes de Controversis Christianae
Fidei Adversus Hujus Temporis Haereticos in three volumes contains the
best arguments for Catholic tenets.
24T h e friend and patron of Palestrina, to whom the composer dedicated
his great Mass.
20 On the Via Flaminia. In 1563 the two sees were united into one. In
the episcopal palace of Sutri the door through which Ghislieri used to
37
in 1556 (which see he subsequently left for M ondovi in

Piedmont), at the same time seeing to it that this inde
fatigable laborer in the L ords vineyard should not be
removed from his Inquisitorial duties by making him Pre
fect of the Palace of the Inquisition.
Although, as always, Ghislieri fought against such dig
nities, Paul IV said he would chain him to his new of
fices so that he could not return to his beloved convent.
In keeping with this papal resolve, this hum ble D om ini
can, who never sought advancement, who shunned every
appointment as if it were a temptation, was given the
Red Hat on March the fifteenth, 1557; and the following
year, on December the fourteenth, he was appointed
Grand Inquisitor of the Roman Church.
His titular church was Santa Maria sopra M inerva,26
which he exchanged for his convent-church at Santa
Sabina on the Aventine three years later. Cardinal Ales
sandrino, as he was now called, acted as a brake to the
rash and over-zealous recommendations of his subordi
nates in dealing with Paul IV s campaign against heretical
books. He wanted everything sifted thoroughly, and de
sired to be quite sure that there should be no infringe
ment of the just rights of those concerned. In the case
of the famous Carranza affair, which we shall discuss later,
he was at odds with the pontiff who was daily becoming
more morose and gloomy as he viewed the European
scene, beholding on his deathbed what must have seemed
pass has been walled up so that no one should use it any more. T he
episcopal archives at Nepi were destroyed during the French occupation.
In the episcopal palace nothing but a picture of Pius V (in prayer before
a crucifix) tells of the former occupant of the see. Pastor, History of the
Popes, Vol. XVII, p. 49.
Originally a Greek church occupied by the monks of Saint Basil. It
was presented to the Dominicans by Gregory IX, and is the burial place of
Saint Catherine of Siena. Here also Fra Angelico, who was a Dominican, is
buried, having died in the adjoining monastery.
38
to this rigorous, well-intentioned man the utter disillu

sionment of all his hopes and dreams. For Pope Paul IV,
while a great reformer, did not prove to be a great ruler.27
He was holy and sincere, most energetic and business
like in the performance of his duties; but his zeal as a
reformer did not take into account the three hundred
years and more that had elapsed since the days of the
Dominican struggle against the Albigenses. W hile his Bull
against nepotism was of the very essence of wise reform,
yet he himself was betrayed by his own nephew, Cardinal
Carafa, to whom he had given the Red Hat; and whom,
too late, he banished from Rome for extortion, and who
finally was the cause of the war against Spain (155758)
which so adversely affected the cause of Catholicism in
western Europe. It was due to this unfortunate war that
Mary T u d o rs reign ended so disastrously, the Netherlands
was estranged, and intercourse with the Pope almost
ceased in England, Flanders, and Spain. W hen the Peace
of Paris was concluded in 1559, the year of Paul IV s
mournful departure from this earth, all these evils became
evident; for England had fallen away, heresy became ram
pant in the Netherlands, and the H oly See had almost
no influence in these countries. Hence the pitiful words
of Paul IV on his deathbed: H ow I regret the past!
But, although the dying pontiff did not seem to be aware
of it, the Catholic reaction had already begun. T here had
arisen new foundations; i.e., the Capuchins and the
Theatines. T h e Dominican watchdogs and the brave sons
of the mighty Saint Ignatius were acting as the strong
defense of the Church and the papacy. T hen, too, the
number of truly great men among the cardinals had in
creased lending new glory and power to the Sacred College.
27 Cardinal Carafa was in his eightieth year when he was elected to the
papacy. He reigned four and a half years.
39
A bout this time, Cardinal Alessandrino was plagued

with a serious illness which caused him severe suffering,
often excruciating in the extreme, which lasted as long
as he lived. T h e cardinal was advised by his doctors to
take the baths of Lucca for his ailment; but he obtained
very little relief from his treatments. G iving up the idea
of being cured of his malady, he concentrated upon his
ecclesiastical duties, visiting his entire diocese in Pied
mont. T h is tour brought him once more to his old home
of Bosco. He had not seen the village since 1528, over
thirty years before. W h ile there, he laid the foundation
for a large Dom inican convent as a thank offering to
God. His parents were dead; and from Bosco the cardinalbishop went on to Vigevano where some of his old school
fellows welcomed him. From Vigevano he passed on to
M ilan, and thence to Rome, where he arrived in Novem
ber of 1560.
W hen Paul IV died and was succeeded by the Medicean
Pius IV, Cardinal Alessandrinos position became very
trying and almost unbearable; for the new pontiff was
more a man of this world than were his immediate pred
ecessors or those who were to be his successors. T h e good
cardinal felt that his hands were tied; and he was irked
by the limitations set upon his authority as Grand In
quisitor. Being, as he felt, out of favor with the pontiff,
the idea of returning to his bishopric of M ondovi (to
which Pius IV had transferred him in 1560) to complete
the reforms he had begun there, recurred to his perplexed
mind and chastened spirit.
More than once Cardinal Alessandrino felt obliged, for
conscience sake, to oppose the policies of Pius IV. It
must have cost him great anguish thus openly to chide
the pontiff; for his devotion to the representative of Peter
was exceeded only by his holy zeal for the dignity and
40
purity of Christs Church. Yet how unsullied his motives!

Here was none of the pride and self-love and arrogance
of a reformer of L uthers stripe! Rather there was the
same devotion to duty which the Dominican sister, Saint
Catherine of Siena, had displayed more than three cen
turies earlier, when she exhorted the pontiff to return
from Avignon to the Eternal City where Peter had bathed
the sands with his blood, and where his followers had
sanctified the spot of his martyrdom in a long line of
succession to a Rome languishing for her pontiff, as a
bride bereft of her bridegroom.
W hen Pius IV wished to enhance the prestige of the
H oly See in France by recalling his legate, Cardinal Far
nese, and by sending in his stead the French Cardinal De
Bourbon, the good Cardinal Alessandrino, realizing that
the heretics in France would interpret the move as a
concession in their favor, once again opposed the pontiff.
A nd when Emperor M axim ilian II attempted to appease
the reformers in his H oly Roman Empire by per
m itting priests who had broken their vows to marry, and
thus be reinstated in the good graces of the H oly See,
Alessandrino cried out: Do not evil that good may
come! His arguments were so cogent, and his holy pas
sion against the scandal so intense, that in consequence
Pius IV wrote M axim ilian that the discipline of the
Church could not be modified for the sake of a few men
whose lives needed correction. Still again, as a good
soldier of Saint Michael, with all his eloquence, Ales
sandrino rebuked the Pope for planning to settle upon
his nephew, a brother-in-law of San Carlo, 100,000 ducats
out of the funds of the Sacred College. He declared that
Church property could not be diverted to the laity.
Because of these repeated instances, he voluntarily
withdrew from the consistory, declaring in sorrowful hu
41
mility: I can always take refuge in my monastery if I

may not speak the truth in consistory.
T h e cardinals illness did not leave him; and certainly
he did not foresee his own elevation to the throne of
Peter; for during the year 1564 he made preparations for
his burial place in Santa Maria sopra Minerva. He lived
at the Borgo in a house which he had bought and in
which he hoped to reside until his death, when it should
pass on to his relatives.28
T hough Pius IV (1560-1566) had not proved sympa
thetic to Cardinal Alessandrino, in justice to his pontifi
cate we must record that it was through him that the
Council of T ren t was brought to a successful conclusion.
He confirmed the decrees of the entire council on Jan
uary 25, 1564, and published T he Profession of the T ri
dentine Faith, which was a summary of doctrine which
has come to be known as the Creed of Pope Pius. T his
profession set the standard of Catholic Faith and Prac
tice.29 T h e decrees covered the disciplinary decrees regard
ing episcopal duties, religious Orders, the education of
the priesthood, and the censorship of books. Doctrinal
decrees were issued on the Mass, purgatory, the veneration
of the saints, and the doctrine of indulgences.
T h e termination of the Council of T ren t was fol
lowed in two years by the death of Pius IV and the
election of Cardinal Alessandrino which we have outlined.
In following M ichele G hislieris career as pontiff of Chris
tendom we shall note how little the supreme dignity af
28 II Papa ha comprata la casa, nella quale stava quando era cardinale
et dice voler che la sua morte sara dei suoi parenti. Pastor, quoting Urb.
1040, p. 363b, Vatican Library.
29 Under Pius IX , two definitions were added; the Dogma o the Im
maculate Conception (defined December 8, 1854) and the Definition o the
Infallibility of the Pope at the Vatican Council. See pp. 211-222 of Their
Name Is Pius by the author for a full description of the Vatican Council
proceedings.
42
fected the character of the Dominican. Instead of sur

rendering his monastic predilections, he introduced them
into the Vatican, until it was truly maintained by friend
and foe alike that the domain over which he reigned be
came one vast monastery.
Here was a man, hum ble of heart, shrinking from every
promotion, animated by the keenest sense of responsibil
ity, yet rising step by step, owing to his own intrinsic
worth and in spite of himself as it were, from the meanest
poverty and the most obscure origin, to the highest honors
which the Church could bestow! T here is an undeviating
consistency in his character, from the time when as a
mere lad he had tended his fathers sheep in the fields of
Bosco, or when as novice he applied himself with un
stinted devotion to the most menial tasks in the dorm i
tory of his convent. H e was the same self-effacing being
in the crowded classroom, where he taught philosophy
and theology in the convents of his Order, as when he
was offering Mass as a priest of God; or when, as Defender
of the Faith and Inquisitor, he essayed the most thankless
and disagreeable duties; or again when as bishop and
cardinal he promoted learning and founded a university;
until now, at last, as Supreme Pontiff of Christendom, he
was to undertake a terrifying labor of almost super
human responsibility. His character crystallized into
something compact, disciplined through years of unre
m itting sacrifice to the trium ph of a cause to which as a
child he had dedicated himself. T h a t cause was Christ
and His Church and the preservation of the Faith in Italy
and in Europe. It was nothing less than the most urgent
and most pressing need of his day. Michele of Alessandria
was thus one of the best equipped men of his time to meet
the needs of an age which cried aloud for reform and
reconstruction. God had raised him up to wield the
43
Sword of Saint M ichael in defense of his Church. For this

task he had prepared himself by first conquering himself
and by a steadfast faith that never wavered nor lost sight
of its motivating drive. T h is he possessed in the Christ
whom he venerated and adored.
O nly to those who have studied the countenances of
old monks in the older and stricter Orders30 can such a
face and figure as M ichele G hislieris present itself in its
full austere beauty and significance. T here is in it a still
ness and a peace so other-worldly and sublime that all
ones standards of worldly beauty undergo a change.
Here is a man of sorrows and acquainted with grief.
T ru ly there is no beauty in him such as this world has
eyes for! But after one has fathomed such an achievement
as is written in every lineament of his prematurely aging
face, how saccharin and empty the conventional types
become! Flow trivial! For here is something so awesome,
something so lofty, that it rises above normal standards
as a mountain rises above the foothills!
50In the year 1931 the author visited with an artist friend the Carthusian
Convent at Certosa (where Pius V I and Pius VII had been held in captiv
ity by the Directory under Napoleon). T he artist stood spellbound, gazing
into the face of one of the Brothers who acted as our guide. What would
I not give to paint that face! he exclaimed in a whisper.
T h e markedly ascetic traits of Pius V s features are clearly shown in his
medals, especially that of Giovanni Antonio Rossi. There is a beautiful
cameo of the head of Pius V in the Museo Cristiano at the Vatican. T ie
polo states in 1566 that the new Pope stands out in contrast to the dead
Pius IV in luminoso contrasto e meravigliosa richezza. Rome is rich in
likenesses of Saint Pius. (Pastor, Vol. XVII, p. 52.)
3
THE RULER OF CHRISTENDOM
N O C A R D IN A L ever ascended the throne of Peter who
was more weighed down with the responsibilities of his
commanding office than was Cardinal Alessandrino. He
had coveted above all else to pass the remaining days of
his life in the solitude and peace of his beloved convent.
Deep sighs shook his frame when after his election he re
tired to his closet to pray. Yet, such was his reliance and
trust in the goodness of G od s mercy to fortify his own
weakness, it is said that after the excitem ent was over
and he had taken to his bed, this Servant of the servants
of God slept the quiet and undisturbed sleep of a little
child for twelve hours for the first time in his life.
T h e coronation of Pius V took place January the sev
enteenth, 1566, on his sixty-second birthday,1 the feast
of his name-saint, Antony. It was witnessed by the Roman
populace in an outdoor ceremony performed by Cardi
nals Rovere and Del Monte in front of St. Peters upon
a high tribune especially erected and decorated for the
occasion. Enthusiastic outbursts of Viva papa Pio Quinto!
resounded throughout the piazza. T h e ceremony lasted
until nightfall, after which the cardinals went to the
coronation banquet in the apartments of Innocent V III.
'A t the same age the coronation of his successor and namesake,
Pius X II, took place.
44
T H E RU LER O F CH RISTEN D OM
45
It was noted that the Pope ate as little as if he were in

his own convent refectory. T h e reports from Rome de
clared in substance that Pius V has shown himself to
be a true Vicar of Christ. God grant that he may long
be spared! T h e customary scattering o f alms in the piazza
was dispensed with, as during the coronation ceremonies
of Pius IV persons in the crowd had been crushed to
death. Instead Pius V sent large sums to the poor and to
needy religious houses.
T en days after his coronation the new pontiff took
possession of the Lateran. O n his way the Romans demon
strated their love for him with more spontaneous en
thusiasm than had been shown during any of the ten
previous pontificates. As he passed the Ges Pius saw St.
Francis Borgia, third general of the Order of the Society
of Jesus, standing at the church door waiting to receive
the papal benediction. Pius stopped and conversed for
a quarter of an hour with his fellow saint. D uring the
procession the Pope also caught sight of his old school
mate, Francesco Bastone, standing in the crowd. He had
come from Alessandria to witness the event. Pius stopped
again and spoke with his old friend and neighbor, and
out of gratitude to the mans father who had sent him
to the friars school in Bosco with his own son, the Pope
appointed his old friend keeper of Castel SantAngelo.
By this appointment Rome became aware from what a
humble origin this Pontiff of Christendom had arisen.
Ambassador Cusano wrote in a diplomatic letter to Vienna
that it was a marvelous thing to think that this man who
had tended his fathers flocks was now Shepherd of
Christendom.
A t once this saintly pontiff set on foot a complete
change in his household. His hours of rising and retiring
were those of the monks among whom he had spent so
46
many years of his life. So far as was consistent with his

position he adhered to his Dominican regime, wearing his
rough shirt under his pontifical robes. His soutane was
the same creamy white which the pontiffs since his day
have worn. His Mass began at dawn, followed by prayers
and meditation. Every day of his pontificate he recited
the Rosary to which he had an especial devotion, so that
some writers have called him T h e Pope of the Rosary,
although he might with equal felicity be designated T h e
Pope of the Crucifix, for his intense love of our crucified
Lord was such that in most of his pictures he is shown
gazing on this symbol of Christs suffering and sacrifice
for humanity. His table was most abstemious and it was
his belief that if one ate as little as would sustain life
it was possible to labor hard for long hours during the
trying scirocco2 when most Romans of means are ac
customed to go into the mountains to escape from the
oppressive heat.
A ll his biographers mention his suffering from stone,
which was so acute at times that he almost starved him
self by living on asses milk, a diet which brought him
some relief. Yet his health for some time after his election
showed considerable improvement, and was a disappoint
ment to those who had hoped that this rigorous Pontiff,
who made no concessions to anyone least of all to him
self! would be removed from his position of authority
by sudden death. Sinners trembled when they saw him
participate in processions on foot during H oly W eek,
visiting the seven basilicas of Rome, a practice which
he and St. Philip N eri revived after its discontinuance
under the Renaissance popes. T h e Romans became ac
customed to seeing their pontiff go to the Lateran or to
2 T h e sultry desert wind from Africa which crosses the Mediterranean
and hangs like a pall over Rome.
TH E RU LER O F CH RISTENDOM
47
Santa Maria sopra M inerva to preach sermons there, as

well as at St. Peters. During the forty days of Lent he
went to Santa Sabinas, the convent of his own Order on
the Aventine, for which he had an especial fondness. And
such is the influence of example in the Head, that before
long all the members of the Sacred College and the other
prelates began to make the long processions on foot. Dur
ing the Feast of Corpus Christi this devout and holy Pope
again broke the tradition of the Renaissance popes who
had been carried in a litter through the streets, wearing
the tiara. T h is monkish-pontiff walked uncovered in the
most intense heat, passing through the flower-bedecked
Borgo. His recollection and the compassion written on his
tear-stained face is spoken of by visiting ambassadors to
Rome. De Requesens wrote home to Spain that the Church
had not had so saintly a Pope in three hundred years.
Galeazzo Cusano, who was often caustic in his criticism,
declared Pius V a worthy successor of St. Peter. Even so
Protestant a source as Francis Bacon makes allusion to
Pius V with the greatest respect, referring to that excel
lent Pope Pius Quintus whom I wonder his successors
have not declared a saint. 3 A nd G ranvelle,4 so coolly
critical a diplomat, gave as his considered opinion that
the Pope appears to me every day more holy. 5
Pius V took literally his Masters injunction, Be ye
therefore perfect, as also your heavenly Father is perfect.
Pastor tells us that Pius V was almost entirely free from
passions, and in this respect he stood out in strong con
s O f a Holy War in his Works, ed. 1838, 1, 523.
4 Spanish cardinal and former Prime Minister to Margaret of Parma in
the Netherlands.
'I n a letter dated March 10, 1566. T hree years later B. Pia wrote: Dio
benedetto sia lodato che dadegn di voler sotto questo papa aiutar la
sua navicella nel pi tempestoso mare, Gonzaga Archives in Mantua,
quoted by Pastor.
48
trast to all other men. As a consequence he expected

much of others, although he tried to reassure those with
whom he had to deal: I know very well that I am dealing
with men, not with angels. Because he himself could not
abide flattery nor insincerity, and because he hated lies,
he sought adverse criticism of himself from his intimates,
and he frequently was distrustful of the motives of those
who praised him.
As an administrator Pius V often created the impression
that he could not take a practical point of view of actual
conditions. He was a confirmed idealist. His one concern
was the salvation of souls and to this he subordinated all
other considerations.
W hen, on January the twelfth, 1566, he addressed the
cardinals in consistory, he spoke to them kindly and told
them he would not treat them as his servants, but as his
brethren. Yet he qualified that statement with the sharp
and unvarnished assertion that the evil life led by many
ecclesiastics had played no small part in the beginning
and spread of heresy. He left the cardinals in no doubt
that the luxurious habits of princely living which had
been encouraged by the Renaissance popes could find no
favor with him; and he enjoined upon them the example
of simplicity and even of poverty. You are the salt of
the earth! he exclaimed. Y ou are the light of the w^orld!
See to it that the people are edified by your example, by
the purity of your lives, by the moderation of your con
duct, and the brilliance of your holiness! God does not
ask of you mere ordinary virtue. He demands downright
perfection!
He promised them his friendship and favor on condi
tion that they reformed themselves and their households,
but he told them they must not seek any prerogatives
from him for their relatives a prohibition he placed
T H E RU LER O F CH RISTEN DOM
49
upon his own kin. T h e sole exception was a nephew,

Bonelli, whom he made cardinal and who proved himself
worthy and useful, but whose authority he limited.
In this same allocution he declared it his undeviating
purpose to carry out to the letter the decrees of the Coun
cil of T rent. He outlined a three-point program for him
self which was: the maintenance of peace among Christian
princes, the extirpation of heresy as far as possible, and
the obtaining of help against the T urks who were an ever
present menace to Christian civilization in Europe.
T ow ard all of his former Dominican brothers, as well
as to the Theatines and Jesuits, he showed impartial in
dependence, and asked all the friars to return to their
monasteries, telling them that when needed he would send
for them. T o Arco, ambassador of M axim ilian II, he prom
ised help against the Turks, but told him frankly to warn
his monarch not to expect any concessions to apostates.
Pius V instituted a policy of economy; and to this end
he disbanded his light cavalry, keeping only two com
panies. H e w ould have liked to dispense with all his
troops. His arms were the invisible sword of Saint Michael
and the H oly Scriptures; and his protectors were the sons
of Saint Dominic.
T h e rulers of his dominions were exhorted to practise
impartial justice; and the appointments he made in the
various departments were personally supervised by him
self. Public morals became vastly improved in Rome under
Pius V. Although his methods of banishing prostitutes
and usurers, arid of punishing men for sins of the flesh
were often subject to criticism, it was generally admitted
that the Eternal City became visibly purer and a more
fitting abode for the center and head of Christendom.
Visitors were impressed by the improvement in civic life.
Blasphemy was no longer heard on the streets; brigands
50
and pirates disappeared as if by magic. It became safe to

go abroad by night in Rome. A German nobleman who
had come to Rom e6 only three months after Pius V s elec
tion, found during Lent such piety and devotion that he
declared:
As long as I live I shall bear witness . . . that I saw
in Rome the most marvelous works of penitence and
piety. . . . But nothing can astonish me under such a
Pope. His fasts, his hum ility, his innocence, his holiness,
his zeal for the Faith shine so brilliantly that he seems a
second St. Leo, or St. Gregory the Great. . . . I do not
hesitate to say that had Calvin himself been raised from
the tomb on Easter Day, and seen this holy Pope . . . in
spite of himself he would have recognized and venerated
the true representative of Jesus Christ!
T h e strictness of the new laws was sadly needed; and
their drastic enforcement was, to say the least, most effec
tive. Some of them seem puritanical to modern minds;
but the salutary results, after the laxity of the Renais
sance, justified their application. W ithin a month the
bishops returned to their sees. T h e severest strictures were
passed against the practice of simony, which were es
pecially needed in France where benefices and even bish
oprics were bought and sold. Religious houses also were
strictly reformed.7 Enclosure was imposed upon all con
6April 9, 1566, Histoire de Saint Pie V, par Le Comte de Falloux, p. 127.
1 Many practices of religious Orders were abolished or amended by the
Council of Trent. This did not apply to the Dominicans, the Franciscans
or the Augustinians, which Orders had actively participated in the carry
ing through of reforms during the sessions of the Council. Pius saw noth
ing to reform in his own Order of Preachers. They had preserved intact,
for four hundred years, their primitive spirit. Modern historians, from
documentary evidence, verify Pius V s verdict; and declare that this spirit
was magnified during the centuries since Saint Dominic. T o the Domin
ican Order Pius gave full credit for whatever he had become; from which
Order we ourselves, although unworthy, have drawn all our strength as
from a fountain."
T H E R U LE R O F
CH RISTEN DOM
51
vents; the only exemption was in case of fire, leprosy,

or pestilence. T h is was in accordance with the decrees
of the Council of T rent, which was confirmed by Pius V
in two bulls during the first year of his pontificate. T h e
Catechism of the Council of T ren t was drawn up under
Pius V in September, 1566. It was translated into German,
French, Italian, and Polish. T h e Pope himself revised
the Breviary, which was published in July, 1568; and the
revised Missal was ready for use two years later.
T h e music of the Church received especial attention.
T h e ancient Gregorian plain chant was restored to its
former splendor. Church music had become profanely
operatic; and people came to church to hear a concert.
T h e Council of T ren t had decreed against such music.
But what should take its place? Could music be admitted
to divine service, or should it be banished altogether?
T h e decision was doubtful. But the genius who should
settle the question once and for all was living in Italy;
and he was to save for Catholic worship one of the
Churchs mightiest handmaids.
Am ong the Roman composers of that day was Pier
Luigi Palestrina. L ivin g a retired life among the vine
yards of Monte Celio, he devoted his days to his art with
complete self-forgetfulness and singleness of purpose.
W hile here, he composed his glorious Improperia,s which
is still sung on Good Friday in the Sistine Chapel. In
this mighty work, the composer weds the music to the
words, bringing out in all its sublime beauty the profound
significance of the Scriptural text. Its execution is a reli
gious experience of the deepest meaning.
8 T he reproaches of Christ to His people: O my peoplel what have I
done to thee, or in what have I grieved thee? Answer me. Because I
brought thee out of the land of Egypt; thou hast prepared a cross for thy
Saviour, etc.
52
T h e year before Pius V s accession to the Chair of

Peter, his predecessor, Pius IV, held a commission on the
subject of Church music; and to this Pope is due the
glory of bidding Palestrina compose three Masses, for
the purpose of ascertaining if it was possible to combine
beautiful music with real heartfelt devotion. Conscious
as he was that the life or death of the grand music of the
Mass depended upon his efforts, the composer worked
under the severest tension and called upon God to help
him .9 His Mass of Pope Marcellus I I was the result of
three undertakings. A ll expectations were surpassed! Full
of simple melody, it yet contains rich variety. Choruses
separate and blend. T h e sublime meaning of the words
of the Scriptural text is emphasized a thousandfold. T h e
Kyrie is all submission; the Agnus D ei is all humility;
and the Credo is all majesty.
Even so Protestant a writer as von Ranke abandons all
restraint when he attempts to express in words the sub
lim ity of this divine music.
A path was opened. . . . Works the most beautiful and most
touching, even to those who are not of the Romish10 faith (1),
have been produced. Who can listen to them without en
thusiasm? Nature herself seems to have acquired voice and
utterance; it is as if the elements spoke; and the tones breath
ing through universal life, poured forth in blended harmony
of adoration; now undulating, like the waves of the sea; now
rising in songs of triumph to the skies. Amidst the consenting
sympathies of creation, the soul is borne upward to the region
of religious enchantment.
If the mighty music could evoke such an expression of
self-abandoned praise from so alien a mind, what can be
9 T h e words Missa Papae Marcelli II are still legible, written in trem
bling hand by the composer upon the original manuscript; and the rev
erent appeal to God: Deum, in adjutorium meurn intende!" follows.
10Italics the authors. W hy this fly in the ointment?
TH E R U LER O F CH RISTEND OM
53
said of the appeal of this masterpiece of achievement to

the faithful? Small wonder that the Pope was so moved
upon hearing this glorious Mass that he exclaimed: T h is
must be the N ew Song which John the Apostle heard in
the Celestial C ity! As a result of this composition, the
Pope named the great genius Master of the Papal Court
and Choir.
T o give a complete list of the reforms of Pius V an
entire volum e w ould scarcely suffice.11 W hen we remem
ber that his pontificate lasted only six short years, and
that foreign affairs in England, Scotland, Spain, the N eth
erlands, Germany, and Poland were constantly demanding
his consideration, that the T u rks and the heretics were
menacing the survival of the unity of Christian Europe,
one is amazed at the H erculean labors of this indefatigable
aged pontiff; for, according to modern physical standards,
Pius V was an old man when he became Pope. Certainly
he looked twenty years older than his age.
If sinners trembled, the saints were jubilant as they
witnessed the edifying example of Pius V and the purify
ing of civic life in the papal domain. T h e y saw in him
the patriarchal majesty of the Hebrew prophets from
whose penetrating eyes no sins could be hid. L ike the old
Biblical seers, he inveighed against wickedness in high
places; and men of good w ill recognized in him the Sword
of Saint Michael, his namesake and protector, who should
drive into hell Satan and the other evil spirits who wan
der through the world seeking the ruin of souls. In him
the Church M ilitant had once again found a leader. God
had raised him up for no other purpose. T h a t he was a
saint was evident as he went about doing good, washing
T ru ly to appraise the reforms of Pius V, it would be necessary to
study the eighty volumes of his correspondence, which are preserved in the
Vatican Library I
54
the feet of the poor, embracing lepers, and visiting the

afflicted. H oly men of influence in the Church, like St.
Charles Borromeo and St. Francis Borgia, the third gen
eral of the sons of St. Ignatius, and St. Philip Neri, founder
of the Oratory, had reason to rejoice.
4
LUTHER AND HIS WORKS
T H E immediate provocation of Pius V s tremendous
battle against heresy in Europe was the apostasy of an
Augustinian monk who was to achieve world fame as a
m ighty force, like that of an avalanche or a volcanic
explosion, shaking Christendom almost to its founda
tions. A n indirect cause was, of course, the abuses of the
Renaissance popes, as all Catholic historians acknowl
edge. Luther himself was, in fact, a product of the
Renaissance, as he demonstrated only too well after he
had thrown off the restraints of his monastic austerities.
His life was given over to excesses: first, in the scourgings
he inflicted on his own rebellious flesh; then, after his
emancipation, in letting loose the floodgates of his lust
ful nature. W yndham Lewis and J. M aritain and H ave
lock Ellis have given unprejudiced appraisals in their
thoughtful studies of this German peasant, turned monk
to escape from the cruel father who begot him; and
finally turned against all the most sacred authority to
which he was pledged.
T h e convenient doctrine of Justification by Faith
found pleasing lodgment in his theology, and became
the chief tenet of his new-found freedom. His passion
for indulgence in the flesh and his unrivaled capacity
for lying (which is so characteristic of the children of the
55
56
Renaissance) amounted almost to madness, and was con

doned by his doctrine of Justification. It is said that
his Table Talk is unprintable and is available only in
expurgated editions except for medical study. But
enough is available to form an honest estimate of the
essential man. H e is one of the most unpleasant figures
in history.
Yet Luther was undoubtedly a great man, according
to our modern standards. H e was great like any de
stroyer who achieves world changes by sheer force of
personality. Even the most satanic of forces must be sub
jected to analysis by the historian. In the light of truth,
one must acknowledge that, in prostituting Christianity,
Luther, like his logical successor, H itler, was a genius.
His translation of the Bible into the vernacular by no
means the first is a literary masterpiece of the first
magnitude. His fine sense of effective language and poetic
beauty reveal a sensitiveness that belies the ultimate
grossness of his aspect. He seemed to be a dual person
ality at war with himself and with the world. For the
shafts of his wrath were not lim ited to the papacy, but
were aimed equally at those numerous sects which were
the logical outcome of his teaching of personal inter
pretation of the Bible. For now, any mind of original
force, however biased by crazy quirks, could form a new
sect and claim followers.1 A nd upon no papists did
Luther vom it his gall more freely than upon the A na
baptists, the Calvinists, and the Sacramentarians of his
day. As for the Jews, he hated them with an ardor scarcely
equaled by Nazi German leaders today. T h e Church and
the Mass, which existed before the Gospels were written,
1 Thus today, in Los Angeles alone, there are said to be over two
hundred sects holding forth!
L U TH E R AN D HIS W ORKS
57
were no authority; but he, Luther, was!2 Like his spir

itual descendants in N ew England who came to the New
W orld to escape the despotism of the Church of England,
Luther became the most illogical of reformers when it
came to persecuting those who opposed him!
For he saw in his own lifetim e to what lengths his
teaching of individual interpretation of Scripture could
go. In Mnster, Westphalia, in 1534, the entire populace
became obsessed by what Dr. Johnson once called a
crazy piety. T w o Anabaptist preachers, a baker from
Haarlem who was posing as the reincarnated Prophet
Enoch (later he called himself Moses ), and a tailor
from Leyden who was self-styled T h e Son of David,
R uler of A ll the Earth, were ministers of the new reli
gion which proclaimed Mnster T h e N ew Jerusalem.
These insane men possessed that fam iliarity with Scrip
ture which seems to characterize religious maniacs who
wrest texts from anywhere in the Bible to bolster up their
folly. T h e y used their uncanny eloquence to sway the
frenzied mob who became drunk with their blasphemies.
As if hypnotized, the people adored these crazed fanatics
even when they committed murder. Probably never since
the degradation of the Eleusinian Mysteries in Greeces
decadent days, nor of the Saturnalia in the days of Rom es
decline, has a whole community succumbed to such orgies
of mass bestialities. T h e ir followers gave up their wealth
to these prophets of unrighteousness, who, in the name
of religion, were preaching and practising the most filthy
3 Luthers self becomes practically the center of gravity of everything,
especially in the spiritual order. J. Maritain.
. . He made himself the universal man in whom all should find their
model. Let us make no bones about it, he puts himself in the place of
Jesus Christ. Moehler.
I do not admit that my doctrine can be judged by anyone, even by the
angels. He who does not receive my doctrine cannot be saved. So Luther
writes in June, 1522, Smtliche Werke, Erlanger Edition.
58
animalism. Those few who remained sane in Mnster

were listed for death. Before the Bishops of Cologne and
T rie r sent troops to quell the madness, the frightful ex
tremes to which the people went had caused Luther to
threaten and curse. Mnster was in a state of siege; and,
although their Anabaptist brethren from the Lowlands
came to their aid, and the walls were fortified with tomb
stones and altars torn from the desecrated churches, the
Prophet Moses was taken captive and dispatched by the
Landsknechte, upon whose heads the mob had poured
quicklim e and flaming pitch, and who now wrecked ven
geance upon the L ords Prophets. So foul were the
orgies that the German Lutherans reinforced the Bishops
army. T h u s ended the Anabaptist revolution in Mnster!
Luther, in his fury, drove out all the Anabaptists from
W ittenberg.
Pius V was forty-two years old when Luther died. A l
though he never saw him in the flesh, Pius dogged his
footsteps like the faithful Dominican watchdog he was.
He combated his theology at Parma; and as Inquisitor he
fought the fruits of his teaching at Como, in the Grisons,
at Bergamo; and when he was Pontiff he fought with
every ounce of his indom itable courage to dispel the
shadow of Luther which hung like a miasma over all
Europe, and to restore the seamless garment of the Church
which Luther had rent asunder.
Even in his own lifetim e, Luthers insistence upon indi
vidual interpretation of the Christian Scriptures was bear
ing its logical fruit as Ronsard so ironically demonstrated
in his Apostrophe to Theodore Beza, C alvins successor
at Geneva. A fter citing the numerous sects, among which
he lists some that no longer exist, he sums up the scandal
to Christendom in these cogent words: In short, Luther,
once in the first place, has been driven out of it by new
LU TH E R AND HIS W ORKS
59
arrivals and is now nearly last; while his sect, once so

numerous, is now the least of nine in Germ any! And
his doctrine that faith alone saves and that man is exempt
from good works as a means of salvation, was followed
by the perfectly logical conclusion arrived at by Johannes
Agricola that if good works do not assist individual salva
tion, evil deeds do not hinder it a conclusion which
Luther himself seemed also to hold when he wrote to his
friend Jerome W eber: Oh, if I could only discover some
really good sin to give the Devil a toss! and his equally
well-known Pecca fortiter ! 3 in his letter to Melanchthon
which, while it is not an injunction to sin, is easily so
interpreted by his weak-minded followers. T h e natural
consequence of such teaching was that Christians began
to feel that they need not be bound by any law. Calvin,
with that clarity of reasoning so characteristic of the
French mind, deduced from Luthers doctrine the fright
ful doctrine of predestination: the elect have been pre
destined for salvation, and the damned are predestined
for hell and the wrath of God, who is the ruthless mur
derer of His children. It is no wonder that insanity and
suicide were prevalent all over Europe among those who
were subjected to such perversions!
A ll these novel and revolutionary theological ideas were
diametrically opposed to Catholic teaching which had
never been seriously questioned; namely, that there exists
on earth an unchanging A uthority which Christ had sanc
tioned and appointed, and that His visible Church is the
Mystical Body of Christ. W hen the barriers to erring
s Esto peccator et pecca fortiter, sed fortius fide et gaude in Christo is
literally translated: Be a sinner, sin strongly, believe yet more strongly,
and rejoice in Christ.
. . . he sets up as a doctrine what had first been nothing but the sin of
an individual: he places the center of his religious life not in God, but in
man." J. Maritain in Three Reformers, p. 11.
6o
mankind were torn down there was a veritable epidemic

of vice from which even children were not exempt,
mental disorders were prevalent, and suicide was a daily
occurrence in Germany.4 More than once Luther was in
utter despair. Such incurable sadness fell upon the people
who were deprived of the consolation of Mass which, ac
cording to Melanchthon, nothing could tear from their
hearts, that Luther felt obliged to invent novelties of
worship which he hoped would suffice. Many outward
forms were observed, such as the elevation of the Host
and the Chalice, but which, without the consecration,
were meaningless and filched from the ceremony its very
raison dtre. T hus were the people deprived of the
heavenly bread Christ gave to men, while in Germany and
in England they witnessed Church property delivered into
the hands of rapacious nobles.
It is the considered opinion of many writers of this
period that if the Jesuits had been mobilized a century
earlier this so-called Reform ation would have been only
a hideous memory and just another passing heresy. For,
contrary to general opinion, the people were not yearning
for a change of religion! T h is idea is as false as many
another misconception which by repetition becomes of
ficial and is finally accepted without question. T h e people
were loyal to their religion, in spite of the laxity of their
clergy. It was the politicians and the powerful nobles who
were keen for a change which would redound to their
avarice. Melanchthon declares: A ll the waters of the
Elbe cannot supply enough tears to weep over the disasters
of the reform . A nd even Luther himself, in a moment
* Baumgartner, who made a thorough study of this period, writes: "W e
hear, alas, daily, that either in full health, or in the hour of their agony,
people fall into despair, lose their reason, and some at least, go so far as
to kill themselves.
L U TH E R AND HIS W ORKS
6l
of clarity, declares he is frightened by the flood of sin

and woe he has unleashed.
I am compelled to confess it, my doctrine has produced
many scandals. Yea, I cannot deny it, these things often
terrify me; above all when my conscience reminds me
that I have destroyed the present state of the Church, so
calm and peaceable under the Papacy. . . . T h e nobles
and peasants have begun to live comformably with their
beliefs; they are swine, they think like swine, they die
like swine. . . . It is an incontestable experience that we
preachers are now more contemptible, more idle, than
we ever were under the shadow of the Papistry. 5
As early as 1518 the reigning Pontiff Leo X had sent his
nuncio Cardinal Cajetan, general of the Dominicans, to
interview Luther. T h e meeting between the distinguished
cardinal and the little M onk took place at Augsburg,
in the banker Fuggers palace. In these gorgeous apart
ments, whose walls were frescoed by Italian artists and
by a pupil of D iirers, the two men, as far apart as the
antipodes, met. A ll the account that has been made public
for the general reader is that of L uthers; but as late as
1912, M. Duchesne, director of the French School of
Archeology at Rome, placed into the hands of M. Ferdi
nand Bac the correspondence and confidential reports of
several pontifical legates sent to fight heresy in countries
where it flourished. Am ong these priceless records are
those dealing with the meetings between Luther and
Cardinal Cajetan. T here is little resemblance between
this report and Luthers! T h e dossier makes lively read
ing. One can recreate the scenes. Both are seated: the
boorish German peasant, blustering and explosive; the
coolly critical cardinal with narrowed eyelids studying the
5 Opera Luther, Edition W itt, II, 381, 387.
62
phenomenon before him. H e allows the apostate monk

full rein. T h e cardinal, the essence of cultured breeding,
Italian quick-wittedness, and sure poise, is the perfect
example of a papal nuncio impassive, tactful, aloof, and
thoughtful.
A torrential avalanche of abusive language booms forth
from the throat of the German friar. Like lava from an
active volcano, he pours out his vindictive denunciations.
In his dispatch to Rome, the weary cardinal sums up his
impressions in three words: Quant una bestia! 6 Finally
he leaves for the Eternal City. Bac writes: . . . he orders
his baggage to be prepared early one morning and orders
his crimson litter; and through tire silent streets of the
town, which is hardly yet awake, he sets forth precipitately
and takes the high road to Rome without disturbing any
one; very, very gently, piano, pianissimo , 7 A t the time
of this episode, Pius V was only seventeen years old, and
was probably aware of this German monk against whom
he was to fight so vigorously the rest of his life. .
T h e M edici Pope Leo X was followed by the saintly
Flem ing Adrian V I, who, if he had lived longer, would
have proven a m ighty opponent of the Lutheran heresy.
As it was, he called upon the Council of Regency to en
force the D iet of Worms, proclaimed a year earlier, but
which had not been enforced because of the increasing
popularity of Luther. T h is council was dissolved by the
Diet, since it had failed to bring about order. Clement
V II, who had succeeded Adrian VI, backed by Emperor
Charles V , created a new Council of Regency which in
turn demanded a general council to be called at Spires
to deal with religious questions in Germany. But Clement
V II was no H ildebrand nor even a statesman. He fluctu
6 W hat a beast!
7 Quoted from Wyndham Lewiss Charles V.
63
ated between Charles V, who had a clear vision of the

needs of the times, and Francis I of France who was
interested only in his personal prestige and amusement.
Meantime the Peasants W ar broke out in terrific fury.
T h e revolt began in the Black Forest in May of 1524, but
w ithin a few months it had spread all over Germany.
T h e grievances of the peasants were very real and terrible.
L uthers attitude toward these suffering poor is strangely
contradictory when one remembers that he came from
the same ranks as they. W hile he rebuked the princes
and lords who oppressed the peasants, he became so thor
oughly terrified that he issued a pamphlet, Against the
Murderous Robber-Hordes of Peasants, in which he ex
horts the nobles to punish the rebels without mercy. Said
he in his letter to the nobles:
My good lords, succor the poor, have pity on their misery!
But everywhere else punish, prod, strike! Let who can, strangle
the wolves and blackguardly rascals! . . . It is not only princes
and magistrates who should make an end of them. Every
honest man has the right to be judge and executioner of such
scoundrels and to slay them as one would slay a mad dog!
It is undeniably true that Luthers sermons were in
large part the cause of the Peasants Uprising. By his
pamphlet from which we have quoted, Luther lost his
hold over the poorer classes. Henceforth his appeal was
to the princes and nobles. T h e n began in Germany the
dogma of the supremacy of princes over the Church, or
that curious anomaly, the state-church, which the late
Pontiff Pius X I has so aptly described as anemic, and
which is characterized by
. . torpor . . . attachment
to, or enslavement by earthly powers, and the consequent
sterility that comes to every branch that separates itself
from the living vine of the Church.
U ntil L uthers appearance on the scene, there had been
64
110 challenge so formidable as his brand of heresy, with the

sole exceptions, perhaps, of the Arian at an early period,
and of the Albigensian in the thirteenth century. T h e lat
ter was localized to southern France and Italy. T h is sect
held a doctrine so perverse that suicide was considered a
very special form of saintliness, and childbirth was con
demned as demoniac. T h is insanity had been dealt with
by Pius V s spiritual forebears, the Dominicans of the
period, and even by Saint Dom inic himself.
A t Spires the Diet was called in 1526. It was Charles
V s hope that at this Diet a demand for a general coun
cil would ensue. But little was accomplished of a con
structive nature, although another session was held in
1529. A t this second session the Lutherans protested
against the Zwinglian innovations in Germany, and by
their protest earned the name of Protestant for the
Lutheran movement; a protest which, however, the Diet
and the emperor rejected. T h en the Lutherans met to
offer armed resistance, which was delayed pending the
Imperial D iet at Augsburg in 1530. From this convention
came the Confession of Augsburg.
A change had come over Luther and his followers. He
had toned down the violence of his earlier days. T h e
Peasants R evolt had terrified him; and now that he was
supporting the princes so wholeheartedly, he was no
longer quite so irritating and displeasing. Moreover, the
milder Melanchthon had gained in influence; and it was
he who presented the hazy official declaration of the L uth
erans. N o one who was familiar with the clarity which
had always characterized official Catholic definitions, to
which for fifteen hundred years Europe had been accus
tomed, could make head or tail out of the declaration.
After reading it, nobody knew exactly what Justification
im plied, nor whether honor should or should not be paid
65
to the saints, whether or not papal authority was lawful,

and so forth. Indeed, it appeared as if it was against
Zwingli, and not against the Pope of Rome, that the state
ments were aimed. O nly regarding the marriage of the
clergy and the granting of the Chalice to the laity were
the statements clear and unequivocal. Melanchthon had
paid tribute to Charles V s courtesy and patience during
the protracted and tiresome theological discussions.
Yet Charles V was not deceived. H e understood there
could be no compromise on such fundamental questions
in matters of faith as the Divine origin of the Church of
Christ. T h e D iet empowered Charles to put the Edict of
Worms into effect and to give the Protestants ten months
to subscribe to its provisions or to settle the issue on the
battlefield. T h e result of this threatened enforcement of
the edict was the formation by the Protestants of the
League of Schmalkalde? Luther renounced his recently
proclaimed passive obedience once more; and Philip of
Hesse and John of Saxony took command of the armed
Protestant forces. In the meantime Luthers formidable
opponent, Zwingli, died on the field of battle at Zurich
in the fall of 1531. Deprived thus of his rival, Luther and
his followers joined Charles V against the T urkish menace
in Hungary. Charles and Ferdinand, with an army of
Italians, Spaniards, Germans, and Flemings, drove Suley
man II out of Europe. T h e price Charles paid for L u th
eran help against the common foe of Christianity was the
tolerance of the Augsburg Confession! T h e next year the
Peace of Nuremberg was concluded between Charles V
and the Protestants.
For the next three years a truce between the Catholics
and the Lutherans was in force, which was broken in 1534,
! In 1531, when the Protestant princes allied themselves with France and
England.
66
after the madness of Mnster which we have described.

In the follow ing year Charles freed twenty-two thousand
Christian slaves who were held by the pirate Barbarossa
in Tunis. A t the time of the Mnster revolution, Pius V
was thirty years old and was still preparing himself as a
soldier of Christ by a monastic discipline which was to
shape him into the tempered sword of Saint Michael, the
Invincible W eapon of the Church M ilitant, effectively
to combat in Italy the identical anti-Catholic and anti
social forces which were overrunning so much of Europe.
A t long last the general council of the Church was
called at T ren t in the T yrol, in 1545, during the pontifi
cate of Paul III, and after holding sessions at Bologna, it
returned to T ren t to close there in the pontificate of Pius
IV, three years prior to the accession of Pius V to the
papacy.
Luther spent his last years (he died in 154.6 at the age
of sixty-three) in quarrelsome debate with his friends, a
fat, repulsive, diseased old man, whose utterances are care
fully preserved, among them the assertion that W hen I
am dead, you w ill see yet more bloodshed and terrors, a
prophecy that was tragically fulfilled.
B ut the work of the Council of T ren t saved southern
Germ any for the Church where, even today, the populace
is strongly Catholic and where the genial artistic fruits
of Catholic culture are in marked contrast to the Prussian
Protestant militaristic spirit in northern and western G er
many. T h e Peace of Augsburg was a treaty by which,
after forty years of conflict with Protestantism, the statechurch was definitely established and protected, and the
Lutheran princes, who had profited so much by the wealth
they had filched from the Church, were allowed to keep
their loot. T h is Peace of Augsburg (1555) is called by
Protestant historians the birth of religious freedom. T h e
67
fruits of this freedom the world is reaping today! A n y

one who can unsnarl the tangled threads of cause and
effect finds a direct and unfaltering connection between
the apostate German monk, M artin Luther, and the
present totalitarian Nazi leader, Adolph H itler, although
the fiihrer would be the first to repudiate his spiritual an
cestor who, by challenging the spiritual and temporal
authority of the papacy, weakened the sole power on earth
which could call a halt to the aggression of overambitious
rulers, and the military might of greedy monarchs or dic
tators which, since L uthers day, has constantly expanded
until it has become global in scope, and is a terrifying
threat to the very survival of the white race.
W hen Pius V was elevated to the throne of Peter, one
of the first congratulatory letters he received (dated Jan
uary twenty-fourth and sent by a special messenger to
His Holiness) was from M axim ilian II,9 son of Ferdinand
and nephew of Charles V. His submission to the pontiff
was a protestation of filial obedience. T h e emperor af
firmed that nothing should be wanting on his part in all
that was due to Pius, and that those services which are
to be looked for from the protector and defender of the
Church shall never be neglected; but that all shall be
done that shall redound for the advantage and welfare
of Christendom. These smooth and subtle words did not
put the Pope off guard, for he knew that M axim ilian
wanted to prevent Cardinal Com mendones mission as
legate to the D iet of Augsburg which, in 1566, was re
convened after an interim of eleven years.
Certainly Commendone was the one man who was best
9 It must be remembered that what was called Germany" at the time
with which we are dealing, was a hodgepodge of small states under petty
rulers. These were incorporated in the Empire in a loose confederation
under the Emperor Maximilian II, whose seat of goverment was in Vienna.
68
fitted to represent the H oly See at the emperors court.

By training and by personal experience he knew condi
tions in Germany, both ecclesiastical and political, and
he was a friend of the House of Hapsburg and was keenly
aware how essential it was to maintain amicable relations
between the Pope and the emperor. Commendone was
one of those papal legates, like Castagna at the court of
Spain, and like Consalvi under Pius V II, who have justly
earned for themselves unstinted praise, both for their dis
tinguished qualities of intellect and character, and for
their utter devotion to duty and strict ecclesiastical views,
all of which historians have never questioned. In the
light of world publicity these men have won high praise
even from their enemies, and have emerged unscathed at
the hands of unfriendly critics.
N o one knew better with whom he had to deal when
he was sent to Germany by Pius V than did the cardinal
legate himself. For he, as well as the pontiff, was aware of
the emperors penchant for shifty diplomacy, and of his
indifference and confusion regarding religious matters.
Even more than his cousin, Philip II of Spain, M axim ilian
II was motivated by an indecisive compromising policy
which, unlike his royal cousins, was uninhibited by any
genuine devotion to Catholicism. Commendone sym
pathized with Pius V s problem, for he understood how
unsullied and forthright the new Popes aims were. T o
Pius V the sole redemption for Europe was a return to the
Church Christ had founded; to M axim ilian II, who
wanted reconciliation between the opposing doctrines be
fore everything else, a compromise seemed not only de
sirable, but feasible. H e wished above everything to put
an end to the disputes which were dividing his states.
Therefore he tried to initiate a policy of conciliating the
Catholics w ithout offending the Protestants. He thought
69
he was follow ing in Charles V s footsteps, but he lacked

Charles vision and his profound Catholicity. Besides,
times had changed since Charles had left the scene of
action. T h e promulgation of the Council of T ren t had
changed the face of religious Europe. Since the council
had definitely put its stamp of approval upon the chal
lenged doctrines and the schism had become more deeply
rooted and more widely diffused, it was becoming daily
more futile and dangerous to the maintenance of a united
Europe to prolong the compromise. Although M axim ilian
was not a man of profound intellect, he nevertheless sensed
that Pius V would be a hard pontiff to deal with; yet,
because of the T urkish menace, he desired to be on good
terms with him.
N ot a week had passed after Pius V s election before
he gave his fu ll attention to the situation in the empire.
He commissioned a congregation of nine cardinals,10 all
men thoroughly conversant with the German problem,
who met with the Pope and heartily supported the ap
pointm ent of Cardinal Commendone as papal legate to
the D iet of Augsburg. Pius sent M axim ilian a brief mak
ing the papal position quite clear; Com mendones in
structions were to protect the decrees of the Council of
T ren t which were binding on all Catholics, and to see
that no decisions should be made on any matters which
were the prerogatives of the Apostolic See. T w o days
later (January twenty-fifth) the archbishops of Trves and
of Mayence received papal instructions to go to the Diet
and protect the rights of the H oly See. Similar letters
were sent to the entire German episcopate.
In spite of his dislike for the mission, Commendone left
his legation in Poland and set out for the German city
10 Morone, Farnese, Borromeo, Delfino, Galli, Sittich, Madruzzo, and
Reumano.
70
at the papal command. H e arrived at Augsburg on Febru

ary twenty-seventh where he found M axim ilian awaiting
the arrival of the delegates, and he wTas received by the
emperor in audience three days later. Commendone saw
clearly the advantage he had over the emperor because
of the T urkish menace and he used this weapon effectively
as a whip to cause M axim ilian to refrain from the discus
sion of a religious compromise when it was broached at
the Diet on March twenty-third. T h e only discussion of a
religious nature which was admitted was that relating to
the despised sects which were a common grievance to both
Catholics and Lutherans. Everybody knew this referred
in particular to Calvinism which the emperor loathed.
T e n days before the D iet was convened, Canonist Giovani
Paolo Lancelloti had arrived at Augsburg to assist Com
mendone, together with Count M elchior Biglia who
had served as nuncio to the im perial court six months
earlier under Pius IV. Four famous Jesuits came as ex
perts on ecclesiastical matters: Peter Canisius, Ledesma,
Nadal, and the Englishman, Sanders.
Fortified thus with the best available minds, Commen
done found his task considerably lightened at the Diet.
A four-point program had been outlined by the congrega
tion of the nine cardinals before he left Rome, which was
to guide the papal-legates action. These were: the exclu
sion of all religious discussion at the Diet, the publication
and the enforcement of the decrees of the Council of
T ren t, radical reform of ecclesiastical conditions in G er
many, and the promotion of the league against the Turks.
T h e reason religious discussions were prohibited was that
the laity was not experienced in such matters, and it was
outside their province. If the legate should be unsuccess
ful in urging the granting of the emperors adherence of
the T ridentine decrees, at least he was to urge their
71
publication in eight strategic cities,11 and to bind the ec

clesiastical princes to observe them.
It is remarkable to observe what perspicacity Pius V
showed in his statesmanlike grasp of the needs in German
ecclesiastical matters: bishops must make a personal visi
tation once a year at least for the promotion of Catholic
literature and the establishment of Catholic universities,
and to prevent the circulation of heretical books and
pamphlets. T o the end of achieving these desirable re
forms, Commendone was to seek out the Catholic princes
and the bishops, and by his courtesy and tact to enter into
the closest relationship with them. T h is he did with the
duke of Bavaria, A lbert V, who was known as a devout
Catholic, with the Spanish ambassador, and with the
archbishop of Trves.
N aturally the Protestants tried to get concessions in
exchange for their help against the Turks. Yet, because
they feared the abominations and the idolatries of the
papacy, the Lutherans who had called the Calvinists
and all other rival sects the work of the devil, presented
with them a united front and pretended, as a matter of
policy, to be united in faith with these despised offshoots
of Protestantism. Like many an alliance in wartime since
the sixteenth century, these united elements which se
cretly hated each other made strange bedfellows; and
though they did not deceive each other, they sought to
deceive their common enemy: the papacy, namely, and
the Catholic world. T h u s they demanded the convocation
of a general assembly under the presidency of Emperor
M axim ilian. U ntil such a time as the national assembly
could be convened, the free exercise of their religion
should be guaranteed. By this arrangement they hoped
Salzburg, Constance, Eichstdt, Augsburg, Freising, Passau, Brixen,
and Trent.
72
to abolish the reservatum (which forced an ecclesiastical

prince to forfeit his office and revenues if he embraced
Lutheranism) and thus completely destroy Catholicism in
the empire. News of all this reached Rome from the papallegate and so disturbed Pius that he instructed Commen
done that, if the emperor came out openly for the Con
fession of Augsburg, he was to leave the Diet forthwith,
after entering a formal protest.
T h e Peace of Augsburg, which in 1555 had been re
jected by the Calvinists as prejudicial to their sect, was
ardently supported by the emperor and all the Lutheran
princes (who feared that if it were broken they would
lose some of their loot), and was condemned on principle
by Pius V ; yet Commendone saw clearly that under the
circumstances, if it were abrogated, fresh dangers would
ensue; and that nothing w ould please the Protestants
more than to have the papal-legate leave the D iet and
thus create an open breach with the emperor and the
Catholic states as well.
In his dilemma, Commendone called upon the Jesuit
advisers whom Pius V had provided for just such an
emergency. It was Canisius especially who determined his
policy, by declaring that the Peace of Augsburg was not
in contradiction to the decrees of the Council of T rent,
but was concerned purely with political affairs and not
with dogma. T h e Jesuits called the Peace of 1555 an
expedient armistice ; which, indeed, the H oly See could
not approve, yet could in conscience tolerate until more
auspicious times. Canisius views on the matter were
shared by Cardinals Truchsees and Biglia and the Span
ish ambassador, all of whom feared that if the Diet was
dissolved and war was begun, Catholicism in Germany
would cease to exist.
Beset by all these perplexing problems, Commendone
73
dispatched his auditor Caligari to Rome to give a verbal

report and to ask for further instructions. A fter listening
thoughtfully and prayerfully to the report, Pius V wisely
left the decision to the judgm ent of his able lieutenants
on the scene. He trusted the wisdom of his legate and of
the Jesuits he had so carefully chosen to give their advice.
M uch of the credit for this trium ph of wise diplomacy
was due, not to Canisius alone, but also to Francis Borgia,
general of the Jesuits, whom the Augsburg Jesuits had
begged to come with his inspired counsel to their aid.
As a result of leaping this difficult stile, the Catholic
states rejected in toto the memorial presented by the
Protestants, declaring they intended to adhere to the terms
of the religious peace of 1555. T h is matter settled, Commendone employed all his eloquence to obtain the publi
cation of the decrees of the Council of T rent. A ll those
regarding worship and dogma were accepted by the Cath
olic states; a reservation was presented in regard to pro
vincial synods. But, on the whole, the papal-legate had
every reason to be gratified by his very considerable tri
umph; for when the Diet was dissolved on May thirtieth,
there were no further demands for a national council,
nor for religious freedom, and no mention was made of
more conferences. T h is was the first D iet held for many
years which was a distinct gain for the Catholics, who left
Augsburg with high hopes. Pius V declared that his fond
est expectations had been surpassed. But the experienced
legate did not hand over the 50,000 scudi for the defense
against the T urks until after the close of the Diet, when
on July tenth, 1566, he set out for Rome.
Large sums, covering a period of three years, were con
tributed by the D iet for the conduct of the war against
the Turks. These were augmented by a generous contri
bution from Philip II. As a consequence of these vast
74
supplies of the sinews of war, M axim ilian II commanded

in person a formidable force of sixty thousand men, gath
ered during the middle of August. T h e T urkish forces
under the old Sultan Suleyman advanced to Sziget which,
in spite of an heroic defense under Nicholas Zriny, fell into
the hands of the attacking Turks. Zriny himself was killed
in battle. Good fortune, however, was on the side of M ax
im ilian and his brother Ferdinand, neither of whom had
any knowledge of the art of war, and who committed one
blunder after another. N o real engagement with the
enemy had taken place, nor any sortie on the part of the
emperor, who was carefully avoiding contact with the
enemy. In the meantime, fever and famine were decimat
ing the T urkish ranks. A t this crisis Suleyman suddenly
died. His followers, who had had im plicit faith in the
victory promised by his soothsayers and court poets, were
thrown into a state of panic. By February seventeenth,
1568, a peace was signed at Adrianople, effective for eight
years, which continued the status quo with a yearly pay
m ent of thirty thousand ducats to the emperor.
T h e papal nuncio, Biglia, who had been overshadowed
by the striking personality of Commendone at Augsburg,
now came into his own, and gained influence at the court
of the emperor. He achieved very considerable success
and was able to report to Pius V about the measures the
emperor was taking against preachers of Protestantism in
Germany, as also about the royal edict against the C alvin
ists of H ungary and the rejection of help to the Netherland rebels, etc. M eanwhile Morone and Commendone
were busily engaged at Rome in cultivating more amicable
relations between the emperor and the H oly See. T h e
H oly Father was so overjoyed by the unexpected favor
able turn of events, that he generously granted concessions
to the emperor. He overlooked the imperial interference
75
in the reform of monasteries and chapters in Austria; and

he forgave Cardinal Delhno, favorite of the emperor, a
serious breach of discipline.
Pius V contributed large sums for the fortification of
the border states against the incursions of the Turks, and
he allowed the emperor to levy a tax on the abbeys and
monasteries of lower Austria for the same end. Even these
sums were augmented by further amounts and by gen
erous promises of future aid. T o M axim ilians brother,
Archduke Charles, he gave permission to collect ec
clesiastical revenues in his territoy of Styria for five years,
with the promise of a further extension of another five
years.
In spite of all these liberal concessions on the Popes
part, Pius V was shocked to learn from Imperial Ambas
sador Arco that M axim ilian was granting the Protestant
nobles carte blanche for the practice of their religion
in lower Austria, in keeping with the Confession of Augs
burg of 1530. Certain limitations were, however, imposed
upon the Protestants: such as, the prohibition of inter
ference with the free practice of the Catholic religion. In
other words, the emperor was trying to put into work his
favorite policy of appeasing both religious parties in his
domain; for, as he tried to explain to Biglia, he feared a
revolution by the Protestants, similar to that in the Low
Countries; and he declared that, for the sake of his six
sons, he must preserve his empire intact.
W hen Pius realized what the emperors policy implied;
that is, the granting of a state-church within his empire,
with all that such a course predicated for the further dis
memberment of the unity of the faith, he complained to
Arco that ruin would result to Europe from the bad ex
ample the emperor was setting France and the Nether
lands; and he even strongly hinted that he m ight have to
76
break off relations with M axim ilian. He wrote the em

peror, begging him to abjure his decision, condemning in
the strongest terms the concessions he had made, declaring
them a scandal to Christendom. His letter was followed
by urgent pleas from Cardinals Morone, Colonna, and
Truchsees in the same vein. So seriously did the Pope
feel about this matter that he sent by courier a detailed
complaint to the emperor. A nd no sooner had the courier
set out for Vienna than Pius hurriedly convened a con
sistory at which he again appointed Commendone as
envoy-extraordinary to the emperor to beg him to recon
sider the dangerous step he had taken.
T h e emperor in his anger at these events called Pius
V s action mad monkish zeal. He said the Pope was illinformed, and declared that he would prove to the pontiff
that his action had been prompted by the intention of
bringing the Protestants back to the true faith! H ow illadvised and contrary to fact the assertion was that Pius
was not informed was w ell understood by the entire C ol
lege of Cardinals. T h e fact of the matter was that Pius V
was only too well informed! N o one knew better than
did he how grave the situation really was; for he realized
only too clearly that what had been granted to the nobility
of lower Austria could not be withheld from all the other
provinces, and that this would spell the utter destruction
of the Catholic religion in the empire.
N othing could swerve the pontiff from sending Com
mendone to Austria. Once again, therefore, the Dom ini
can, who was at his A bbey of Santo Zeno at Verona, set
out to obey papal commands. T h e party, which consisted
of Commendone and his secretary, Anton Maria Graziani,
and G iovanni Delfino, the bishop of T orcello, was caught
in a snowstorm at the Brenner Pass and delayed for three
days at Innsbruck where Commendone met A lbert V of
77
Bavaria with whom the legate discussed the entire situa

tion, eliciting the sympathy of this true son of the Church.
A further delay was caused by lack of shipping facilities;
but on the sixteenth of October the party set out in boats
on the R iver Inn, via Passau and Linz, to Vienna which
they reached on the twenty-eighth. So ill was Biglia by
the turn of events that he could not travel to Passau to
meet the papal representatives as he had planned.
A t the audience M axim ilian granted to Commendone
he justified his conduct of giving concessions to the Prot
estants by the specious plea that he hoped to prevent the
further spread of rival Protestant sects, and to bring the
Lutherans back into the Catholic fold; declaring it as his
honest belief that the Confession of Augsburg was the
providential means to that end. T o which the papal-legate
(after listening courteously and granting the emperor the
benefit of a doubt by assuming his disinterested intentions)
strongly protested that the ends M axim ilian professed
could never be effected by the unlawful means he was
pursuing. It was not lawful to do evil that good might
ensue. A n d he reminded M axim ilian that Charles V and
Ferdinand I had demonstrated how futile all their efforts
were to effect a conciliation with the adherents of the
Confession of Augsburg. T h ey had learned to their sor
row that the followers of the new doctrines were never
brought back to the true faith by concessions; but, on the
contrary, were rather confirmed in their opposition.
Furthermore, Commendone showed how dangerous was
the boast of the Lutherans that they had bought religious
freedom for money. T h e emperor must not assume a pre
rogative that belonged to the Pope alone; and if he per
sisted in his course he would bring down upon himself
the wrath of a just God.
Commendone was reinforced in his position by two
78
rulers who shared his views: the archduke of Bavaria,

Albert V, and the far more powerful Philip II of Spain,
whose influence upon his cousin was naturally very
weighty. These two rulers wrote forceful remonstrances
to M axim ilian, urging the emperor to refrain from the
course he was pursuing with regard to the heretics, which
was in open defiance of God and religion. Since M axi
milian was proposing the marriage of his daughter to the
king of Spain, Philip had the whip hand and refused even
to consider such an alliance so long as the emperor showed
consideration to the Nether land rebels and to the Austrian
Protestants. Furthermore, Commendone advised M axi
m ilian that the Pope would never grant the dispensation
necessary for this marriage so long as he continued to
shower favors upon the enemies of the Church. In view
of all these formidable weapons, Commendone was able
to send on to Rome the complete submission of the em
peror. So far as the Lowlands were concerned, the em
peror was sincere; but as regards the Austrian Protestants,
his submission was in appearance only. M axim ilians pro
testations as a true son of the Church were delivered in
his customary vein of utter devotion to the Pope and the
Catholic religion.
But, as it proved, the emperor had no intention of ful
filling his promises to the papal-legate. Even before the
D iet was dissolved, he had actually promised the nobles
they should not be disturbed in their adherence to the
Confession of Augsburg; and, worse still, he extended the
privilege to the Diet of Upper Austria, just as Pius V had
foreseen he would do, and promised the Protestants they
would not be disturbed so long as they did not over
reach the limits imposed by the confession. T h e emperor
further deceived Commendone in dismissing Camerarius
who was engaged in drawing up a new ecclesiastical lit
79
urgy and constitution. In reality M axim ilian had acted

to please the states to whom Camerarius was unacceptable,
and had secretly installed in his stead the Lutheran theo
logian David Chytreus. A t his hidden retreat at Spitz,
Chytreus quietly drew up the constitution and the ec
clesiastical liturgy.
In the papal brief, expressing joy that the emperor had
complied with the wishes of the Holy See regarding any
extension of the Confession of Augsburg, Pius V stressed
the sanctity of the im perial promise and the sacred oath
by which the emperor was bound. T o which, even while
he was protecting Chytreus in his hidden retirement, M ax
im ilian II replied to the H oly Father in a letter of ob
sequious devotion, declaring that he would leave no stone
unturned for the maintenance of the Catholic faith and
the defense of the dignity of the Church. T h is double
dealing policy of the emperor made it imperative for him
that Commendone should leave Vienna at the earliest
possible moment before it should be discovered by the
papal-legate.
En route from Vienna to Rome, Commendone made a
visitation of the churches and convents in Austria, for
which the emperor gave the legate the necessary facilities;
and he carried out his mission with scrupulous care, con
centrating especially upon the convents of Upper Austria,
where, during the centuries of neglect, many abuses had
crept in. T h e lim itation of time at his disposal prevented
the complete success of his labors.
Upon Com mendones departure from Vienna the
nuncio Biglia resumed his duties. But Biglia was no Com
mendone. He lacked his clear understanding and forth
right approach. His desire to maintain friendly relations
w7ith the emperor overshadowed everything else. H e com
promised where Commendone, who understood the papal
8o
mind with which his own was in perfect accord, would

have held out. As a result M axim ilian II continued his
evasive policy in regard to the states of Lower Austria,
which, to a large degree violated the Im perial promises
to Commendone. Pius was well aware of what was going
on, and he felt so keenly about the emperors double deal
ing that he frankly said he regretted the assistance he had
given M axim ilian against the Turks.
T h e breach between the pontiff and the emperor was
aggravated by the crowning of Cosimo I as grand duke of
Tuscany in August of 1569. For years this ambitious Medicean prince had tried to win promotion for his services to
the papacy under Pius IV, who was indebted to him for
many favors. Cosim os ambitions were thwarted by M axi
milian and Philip of Spain and had been temporarily frus
trated by the death of Pius IV. But the tenacious Cosimo
did not easily surrender his coveted dignity. H e jealously
demanded precedence over the duke of Ferrara, and noth
ing w ould appease him but the title that would automati
cally bring this about. Blocked in his scheme by the em
peror, Cosimo turned to Pius V, who put the matter into
the hands of a lawyer, Dom enico Bonsi. T h e latter at once
opened negotiations with Cosimos agent, O nofrio Camaiani. But the French cardinals did not back Cosim os cause,
since Ferrara was preferred to Cosimo by them. However,
the religious attitude of Ferrara was suspect by Pius, and
rightly so. Ferraras mother, Rene, was known to be a
friend of Calvin. Ferrara had refused to give assistance
to the French Catholics as the Pope had urged him to
do, and his uncle was in ill-repute at the papal court, for
it was known that Cardinal Ippolito d Este craved the
tiara. So strained was the relationship between the House
of Este and the pontiff that a complete break was foreseen.
N ot once had Cosimos loyalty to the papacy been any
8l
thing but perfect. He had made no promises that he did

not fulfill to the letter. He had assisted the emperor in
the T urkish W ar, and had generously given help to
French Catholics in the T h ird H uguenot W ar. For these
favors and for his cooperation in handing over Carnesec
chi to the Roman Inquisition when Pius V was Grand
Inquisitor, the Pope naturally was kindly disposed to
Cosimo, at the baptism of whose daughter, Johanna, he
had acted as godfather. Therefore Pius V was predisposed
to grant Cosim os request with which his predecessor had
intended to comply. If Charlemagne could receive the
crown at the hands of the Pope, why could not Cosimo I
also? Such an act might enhance papal prestige in the eyes
of the world! So Pius V m ight have argued. W hat was
more logical than that he should bestow signal honor upon
one who had so clearly shown himself the friend of the
papacy? By a B ull in which Pius cites similar cases of the
rulers of Portugal, Bulgaria, W alachia, and Ireland, when
the Popes Alexander III, Innocent III, and Paul IV had
granted such honors, the pontiff supports his act as wholly
consistent with precedent and papal prerogative.
Supported by all this formidable testimony and by the
recent victory over the French Huguenots (which was in
part due to the help Cosimo had given the Catholics), the
opportunity was not lacking for the publication of the
B ull which had not yet been released. A nd so, on Decem
ber the seventh, 1569, the Popes nephew, Michele Bonelli,
arrived at Florence where the papal bu ll was read at the
Palazzo Vecchio with great ceremony. W hile Cosimo was
in high fettle and Florence was in gala mood, the prince
was not idle in trying to appease the emperor by asserting
that he personally had not sought such favor from the
Pope who was acting purely on his own initiative. His
proposed journey to Rome was to thank the Pope for his
82
beneficent honor. H e did not reveal that he was, in tact,

going to Rome to be crowned. But M axim ilian was not
taken in; and he demanded to know the terms of the
Bull. Fie dispatched a courier to Arco, his ambassador
to the H oly See, who was to present the emperors protes
tations to the pontiff. T o the demands of M aximilian,
Pius declared that the Florentine prince was free and
acknowledged no overlordship; and he cited many ex
amples when the Pope had anointed kings; for example,
in the case of Portugal and Navarre.
In spite of imperial remonstrances, Cosimo I arrived
at Rome with pomp and circumstance, and was crowned
with splendid ceremony in the Sala Reggia. But Arco,
who was present at the function, still protested to the
Pope in the name of the emperor. M axim ilians attitude
never wavered. O n Laetare Sunday, Arco once more re
newed his protest to Pius in the presence of Cardinals
Morone, Chiesa, and Bonelli. W hen Pius left the hall for
the Coronation Mass in the Sistine Chapel he found
Cosimo awaiting him there, dressed in a gold-embroidered
robe over which a red cloak was thrown, while upon his
head he wore the ducal cap. In the presence of the pontiff
the Florentine prince took the oath of fealty, whereupon
the Pope placed on his head the gold crown and in his
hand the silver scepter. T h e ambitious duke had attained
his long-cherished dream. W ith a proud consciousness of
his victory, he bore the papal train, after presenting the
customary golden chalice and other rich presents.
Much has been written about this act of Pius V in the
crowning of Cosimo I. T h e bestowal of such signal honors
was no longer customary; and not only Emperor M axi
milian, but Philip of Spain did not like it. T h ey seemed
to see in it a usurpation of power by the new pontiff over
their Caesaropapistical rights rights built up by am
8g
bitious rulers and weakly conceded by the easygoing

Renaissance pontiffs. A ll these ceremonies were, of course,
only symbolical of real power, which the new doctrine
of states rights over the Church could not condone. But
to Pius V they were an attempt to recapture the ancient
dignity and prerogatives of papal authority. His insistence
upon his desire to reward a prince who had never been
wanting in his obedience to the papacy was, perhaps, a
reflection upon those who were constantly thwarting him
in his reform, and in his efforts to re-establish once again
a Europe united under the papacy. N aturally his motives
were demeaned, and his action was condemned as a desire
for personal power; a suggestion that was in utter contra
diction to his character, and wholly extraneous. Yet so
strongly did the emperor and the king of Spain feel about
the crowning of the Florentine prince that they did not
cease to protest, even after it was a fait accompli. Philip,
however, was not influenced by any other consideration
than papal interference in temporal affairs; while the em
peror, who had become the intimate friend of the House
of Este, was motivated by more personal considerations.
Meanwhile the Diet of Spires was in the offing, and it
was feared the emperor w ould again bring the matter be
fore the electors, who, because of their leanings toward
Lutheranism, would support wholeheartedly the emperors
position, if for no other reason than to oppose the Pope
even in open war. A t the Diet Pius V s reply to the
emperors protests was presented. T h e situation at Spires
was very delicate; for war indeed threatened. Recognizing
this, Pius V sent the captain of the Swiss Guard to the
Catholic cantons to seek the aid of five thousand men in
the event of the expected attack upon the H oly See. M axi
milian, who was aware of the Popes action, deplored the
rash interference of the Bishop of Rom e, and said that
84
if he should march against Rome he knew that many Ger

man princes would join him, for they wanted the Im
perial capital installed in the Eternal City.
B iglias position as nuncio was, under these circum
stances, most difficult. He did his best to forestall any
untoward proceeding by the electors and tried to appease
the emperor; but he was not very successful. In Rome the
worst seemed to be averted, for a report came from Biglia
that the emperor had relinquished his claims and had left
the entire matter of dispute in the hands of the electors.
T his, however, proved not to be the case, for immediately
after the Diet had been suspended, the emperor once again
took up the cudgels against the Pope in the Cosimo affair.
He forbade the cardinals and princes in his domain to
address Cosimo by his new title. A nd he sent to Pius his
demand for a satisfactory settlement of the controversy
which would not infringe upon his own rights and those
of his empire.
Pius reply to this rather insolent letter was very re
strained in tone, and in no way offended the emperor by
even a hint of anything that questioned his dignity. T h e
Pope merely protested that his action in regard to con
ferring the title upon Cosimo was in no way intended
as a usurpation of the emperors rights, and that he meant
to submit the entire matter to an impartial examination,
hoping to settle the controversy in a manner acceptable
to the emperor. But Pius pointed out to M axim ilian the
threatening attack of the T urks and the very real danger
to Vienna; hoping that such imminent peril would bring
the emperor to his senses by an appeal to unity and con
cord in the face of a common danger. Biglia, who was
instructed to speak in the same vein to the emperor, satis
fied nobody. It was felt in Rome that his report had not
represented the true state of affairs; while in Florence
L U TH E R AN D HIS W ORKS
85
they complained that the papal nuncio had been too easy
going. His recall was seriously considered; but that drastic
step was not necessary, as he died suddenly at the end of
A pril, 1571, of the spotted fever which was raging at
Prague.
N ow the question of his successor became a matter of
vital concern, both to the H oly See and to the empire.
Finally the Pope appointed the bishop of T orcello, G io
vanni Delfino, especially since Commendone, who had
been accompanied by Delfino on his mission in 1568, had
strongly recommended him. Pius had an audience with
Delfino before he departed to take up his duties, at which
the H oly Father laid out in great detail very precise in
structions. Upon his departure for Vienna, the papallegate was also given minute written instructions. These
included such matters as the persuasion of the emperor
to come to an open decision regarding the protection of
Catholic privileges, the protection of convents and
churches from further depredations and interference in
the free exercise of their rights, and the halting of further
encroachments of Archduke Ferdinand (whom the Pope
had threatened with excom munication for his high-handed
interference in such ecclesiastical matters); and the ques
tion of Cosim os title, and the league against the Turks.
Leaving the Eternal City on June the fifth, 1571, D el
fino stopped off to get further information and advice
from Commendone at his convent at Verona; so that he
did not reach his destination at Vienna until July the
twenty-second. His first audience with the emperor was
purely formal; but at his second he took the bull by the
horns and demanded that the emperor should show that
he took his office as protector of the Church in something
more than a mere rhetorical vein, and asked him to pro
hibit the Protestant liturgy in the German language,
86
which was openly sold to the nobles of Vienna on the

alleged approval of the emperor. T h is prohibition which
Delhno strongly advised, would show, the nuncio hoped,
his Majestys real feelings, and prove a check to the future
use of his name by the vendors of the liturgical leaflets.
T h e liturgy has already been proscribed, answered
M axim ilian; and he promised that he would look into
the matter again to prevent its future sale. M axim ilian
praised the Popes zeal for religion, and declared that he
deplored the religious state in Germany no less than did
the H oly Father; but the evil was too deeply rooted to be
easily expunged. H e must proceed with the greatest cau
tion and trust to God to guide his action, declared the
emperor.
O f course all these studied statements of his Majesty
were not true to fact; for he had, as we have shown, actu
ally cooperated in the secret publication and circulation
of the liturgy, and he had given the nobles of Lower
Austria written assurance for the free practice of their
religion as early as 1568 a promise that he had not abro
gated. Delhno was completely taken in by these innocent
assurances which were so sincerely expressed; especially
as M axim ilian had actually refused the Protestant states
of Bohemia the free use of the Confession of Augsburg!
But here again the monarch was playing both ends against
the middle for his own advantage. So convincing was the
emperor in his protestations that it was not until late in
August of 1571 that the nuncio learned how he had been
deceived in regard to the liturgy. H e turned, therefore,
to A lbert V of Bavaria who was in Vienna for the mar
riage of his daughter Mary to the Archduke Charles, to beg
the archduke to support the religion of his fathers. He
handed Charles two letters from Pius in which the pontiff
besought him not to perm it in his domain those conces
L U T H E R AN D HIS W ORKS
87
sions to Protestantism which his brother, the emperor,

was making. Charles made sincere promises, for he was a
loyal Catholic; but the situation was for him most diffi
cult; for in his states a preponderance of his subjects were
of the new religion, and Charles was in sore need of funds.
In Styria the nobles were not content with the free exer
cise of their religion, but they were demanding that
preachers be sent to all the cities to preach against the
abomination of idolatry. In his extremity Archduke
Charles begged his subjects to practise Christian gentle
ness. Once again Commendone came to Vienna, in Sep
tember of 1571, to urge active participation against the
T urks. T h is time he remained in Vienna for two full
months, after which he went to Poland. Grave illness of
gout and heart disease, to which M axim ilian was subject,
seriously threatened the emperors life. Reporting to
Rome, Delfino said he believed God had sent the sickness
to the emperor in order to chastise him, and bring him to
a realization that he must live in a manner more befitting
a true son of the Church; but M axim ilian continued to
live so compromising a life that no one could be quite
sure whether he was a Catholic or a Protestant if indeed
he himself knew! A n d the Protestant nobles were taking
fu ll advantage of the emperors vacillation by going far
beyond the limits imposed by his assurances. T h ey were
indulging in violence in their fanatical zeal to extirpate
papistical idolatry, and they so intim idated the Cath
olics in the practice of their religion that, as was hap
pening in England, they no longer dared to express their
true opinions.12
12 T h e vile caricatures they were circulating were very similar to those
which the author saw in New York City in the year 1937 an exhibit
which two Catholic priests had collected in Russia, Mexico, and Spain, in
an effort to arouse the public to the extent to which the anti-God propa
ganda had gone in those sad countries.
88
As it developed, it was not only the Catholics that were

protesting the emperors ecclesiastical policy. Protestants
as well were at odds about the memorials which were
drawn up. T here was general confusion and disturbance
in the empire, for there was no agreement in regard to
theological and ecclesiastical matters. Yet, while there was
disunity in the Protestant ranks, the slow, steady progress
of a Catholic restoration was quietly proceeding, thanks
prim arily to Pius V s unconquerable courage and tireless
persistence. Against the forces of heresy and disunity in
Europe, this m ilitant soldier of Christ never gave way
during his lifetime.
Pius demanded of the German bishops a profession of
the T ridentine faith. H e made their way easier by making
concessions in financial matters, taking only one fifth of
the annates due the H oly See, and said he was w illing
to forego them altogether in Cologne if the archbishopelect would take the oath which he steadfastly refused to
do, although the archbishop of T reves and the bishops of
Osnabrck and Mnster and several others had freely
taken it. Frederick von W ieg resigned rather than sur
render; and his successor, Count Salentin of Isenburg,
likewise refused to take the oath, so that his confirmation
was withheld. Yet, in his effort to redeem Germany, the
pontiff made many concessions which he realized were
necessary, due to the position of Catholics in that country;
and he granted more in regard to the literal fulfillm ent of
his Bull, In coena Dom ini. Although the Council of T ren t
had forbidden the holding of benefices, yet Pius V per
mitted the retention of several benefices in northern Ger
many in order to prevent the spreading of Protestantism
there.
H ow clearly Pius V understood the religious situation
in Germany was evidenced by his insistence that Catholic
89
professors should also take the oath of the Tridentine

profession. For it was not so much the out-and-out Protes
tants that made the H oly Fathers heart bleed; it was the
lukewarm Catholics who, w hile they still retained an
affection for Catholic rites and practices, were frequently
indifferent about the doctrine and spirit of the Church.
These near fallen-away Catholics, like their leader, M axi
m ilian II, were constantly com plaining about papal zeal.
T h ey tried to argue that the reforms of Pius V were not
applicable to Germany. Many of these faint-hearted Cath
olics were perfectly sincere in trying to save the Church
in Germany by w inning the Protestants back to a watered
Catholicism, bereft of strong ties with the Church of
Rome, and without her vital, clear-cut doctrines.
T here was one man in Germany who understood the
papal problems there, and who cooperated so marvelously
with Pius V that he has justly earned the title of Second
Apostle of Germ any. For his unrem itting labors in be
half of Catholic unity the Jesuit Peter Canisius may be
regarded, indeed, a worthy successor of Boniface. In his
zeal he drafted many reforms for the chapters which, like
that of Strasbourg, were inclined to the new doctrines.
Canisius realized that the chief reason for the sorry con
dition of the chapters was in the education of the German
nobles who made up these same chapters.13 He declared
that German pastors were filled with fear for the future of
the Catholic Church; for, said he, they have no confi
dence in any prince. W e are in a state of sore distress,
and we cannot bear our sorrows any longer; yet we shrink
from the remedy.
T h is worthy apostle from among the Jesuits, whose in
spired founder had imbued the Order with the spirit of
13 T h e cathedral chapters nominated the bishop when a see was vacant.
go
utter self-sacrifice for the greater glory of G od and for

the universal good, now assumed the hard task of rescu
ing Germany from the sorry state into which Luther had
brought her. Com plete self-surrender to Christ and love
of the Church He had founded, had steeled Canisius and
his fellow Jesuits to cleanse the Catholic fold from within,
and to undertake the conversion of the world. Everywhere
they were transforming the face of society, not only in
Europe but in the uttermost parts of the earth. In M ex
ico and in South Am erica they founded universities long
before Harvard was dreamed of. T oday in the Argentine,
in Brazil, and in Chile, as well as in the Philippines they
still carry on with undiminished ardor. O n the continent
in Germany, Poland, and elsewhere they combated
the heresies that had become so widespread.
In these labors Canisius was easily outstanding. T h e
schools and colleges he founded were so excellent that in
thirty years time they attracted such respect for solid
scholarship that Protestants were eager to register their
children in them. N o one can estimate the fruits of Can
isius tireless labors for Christian education. His aim was
not education as an end in itself or as a pleasurable cu l
tural achievement, as was that of the humanists. For he
saw that under the Renaissance pagan education had
brought Rome and the papacy and Catholic ecclesiastics
to the lowest level morally; and in Germany the sorry
harvest Protestant training was reaping was everywhere
apparent. T h e greater glory of God and the universal
good was the motto inscribed over the doors of Jesuit
schools.
As a result of Canisius lifework the Protestant tide
was stemmed in Germany. A t Augsburg Canisius preached
such sermons sermons without any attempt at rhetoric
or elocution that the inhabitants who had been indoc
trinated with L uthers teachings came eagerly to hear him.

W herever he went his preaching attracted vast throngs;
whether at Augsburg, Cologne, or Strasbourg, or outside
Germany, as at Prague and Vienna. It was especially to
the young people that Canisius appealed to the adoles
cents and to the children. T o supplement his work as a
preacher, Canisius wrote a clear, comprehensive catechism,
first in Latin and then in the vernacular.
L uthers catechism had attracted popularity by his
genius for effective language. Many catechisms had been
attempted to counteract his work but they were hope
lessly ineffective and inadequate. Canisius also had the
genius for writing in the popular vein. H e composed his
own catechism and adapted it for various groups. Its uni
versal appeal was such that it was translated into every
European language and even into Indian and Japanese!
It went into four hundred editions. T h e success of
Canisius catechism is due to the fact that it was an af
firmative declaration of Catholic belief, written in simple
sincerity, and was not, like its antecedents, propaganda
against Protestantism. It was founded upon the authority
of Sacred Scripture, reinforced by writings from the early
Fathers,14 and was vivid reading. T h ere could be no doubt
in the mind of the reader as to what the Catholic Church
taught. T o this work of genius, to his simple, direct preach
ing, and to his teaching in the universities, was due the
restoration of Catholicism in Germany.
Canisius wrote also books of prayer, a Latin grammar
untarnished by any controversial note (a departure from
M elanchthons Latin Grammar), books on the Epistles
and the Gospels, and in addition found time to establish
new provinces of his Order in Poland, Austria, and in
14 T w o thousand quotations from the Bible and twelve hundred from
the early Church Fathers reinforced the Catholic statements.
92
Freiburg. W hen he retired to Switzerland at the age of

sixty-six, this man of unblemished character, who had won
the respect even of his enemies for the sanctity of his
life and the nobility of his character, could look back
with humble gratitude upon a lifetim e of ceaseless labor
for the Church he loved and the Master he adored.
5
CAESARS CONFLICTS WITH
CHRISTS VICAR
N O R U L E R had been more pleased at the election of
Pius V than Philip II of Spain; yet it could not be said
that Spain influenced the election, for there was a pre
ponderance of Italian cardinals in the conclave. Many of
them had been created during the last year of Pius IV s
pontificate, and were men of irreproachable lives and
superior abilities. Yet Pius V was the favored candidate
of Philip II, no less than of St. Charles Borromeo.
In spite of P h ilip s loyalty to the Church and his satis
faction over the election, it is nonetheless true that Pius
and he were often at serious odds regarding the conduct
of ecclesiastical affairs in Spain and the governmental
policy pursued in the Netherlands, Milan, and Naples
(which Philip had inherited as part of his fathers patri
mony), and indeed in all the states of Europe where the
state was encroaching upon the liberties of the Holy See.
T h ey did not see with single eye the remedies to be ap
plied to the baffling problems which the continent and
the isles presented if Europe was to be rescued from com
plete disruption by the heretics and kept from being laid
waste by another T urkish invasion.1
'O n August 28, 1536, the Turks had annihilated the Hungarian army
of ao,ooo under Charles V s brother-in-law, Louis of Hungary, leaving
Christendom in terrible jeopardy.
93
94
P h ilip s father, Charles V, had been more of a Euro

pean and was more truly cosmopolitan than was his son.
Yet even Charles, grand Catholic emperor that he was,
seems at times to have been infected by that growing evil
among Catholic rulers: Caesaropapism. For what he be
lieved to be the interests of his H oly Roman Empire, and
even of the Catholic cause of Europe, he had joined hands
with Henry V III of England against Francis I, who had
betrayed his trust.2 T h e motley band of brigands and
mercenaries which made up his German Lutheran allies
invaded the papal states and wreaked vengeance upon
Rom e,3 pillaging and despoiling her. Charles himself was
not leading his troops at the time; and it was from Flor
ence they had set out to punish Catholic Rome. Was it be
cause of this violence against his Catholic sympathies that
he resigned the im perial reins and entered the Hieronymite monastery at Yuste in the Estremadura mountains,
or was it from sheer weariness and a desire to end his life
in peace?4
Philip II was, unlike his august father, a Spanish
monarch. T h a t he was a loyal son of the Church cannot
be gainsaid. But while his Catholicity cannot be ques
2 Francis I was openly an ally oE the Turks; and Pope Clement VII was
on Francis side! How often, in history, this price of alliance with the
forces of Beelzebub against the forces of Satan has acted as a boomerang
against those who are fighting for what they deem the holiest causel
3T h e sweepings of Europe, fourteen thousand of the most hardened
ruffians, on May 6, 1537, bore down upon Rome, systematically looting
every shrine, monastery, and church. For eight days the orgy of debauchery
and massacre continued. T h e crimes committed on the Roman populace
were unspeakable. T w o hundred Swiss Guards were literally cut to pieces
protecting the person of the Pope, Clement VII, who escaped to Castel
Sant Angelo.
Charles wore mourning for the Sack of Rome while the joyous cere
monies of celebrating the birth of his son Philip II were in progress.
c a e s a r s
c o n fl ic t s
95
tioned, he had a myopic vision of the European scene. He

compromised with Protestant influences and with the
avowed enemies of the Church, like Elizabeth of England.
His very temperament militated against his whole
hearted support of Pius V s policies. His aversion to hasty
action, his scrupulosity in regard to the detailed and la
borious handling of his multitudinous duties made him
a most conscientious ruler, but he was so immersed in
the minutiae of the daily routine of state business that
he has been called a painstaking clerk. A nd there is no
doubt of his extreme jealousy regarding all the preroga
tives of his kingly power and the heavy responsibility he
felt in keeping his heritage intact.
T h e Spain of Philip II, when Pius V came to the papal
throne, was proud, powerful, and magnificent. H er vast
empire embraced the two hemispheres and upon her farflung domains the sun literally never set. She was in the
heyday of her glory. Yet, at the very zenith of her might,
the seeds of her dissolution were already beginning to
manifest themselves, though few of P h ilip s contempo
raries probably were aware of the fact. One of these ap
palling evidences of decay was P h ilip s dependence upon
the money lenders for loans at exorbitant interest that
might enable him to carry forward his far-reaching proj
ects. Throughout his reign of forty-one years Philip was
harassed for lack of money, while gold was pouring into
his kingdom from his possessions in the N ew W orld! T his
lack the Pope sought to supply, not only to the Spanish
king, but to every other monarch whose Catholicity he
did not question, or at least hoped to bolster up! After
the birth of his ill-fated son, Don Carlos, followed shortly
after by the loss of his first wife, Mary of Portugal, P h ilip s
marriage to Mary T u d o r of England seemed to augment
his prestige as the foremost European monarch. T h is pres
96
tige had been increased by his victory at St. Quentin in

1557, three years after he had ascended the Spanish throne.
T h e consolidation of the Catholic cause in England, which
both he and Mary hoped to effect, seemed imminent; but
the loss of Calais, M arys partiality for Spain (not only be
cause of her husband whom she loved, but because of the
memory of her mother, Queen Catherine, daughter of the
mighty Spanish kings, Ferdinand and Isabella, and of
her own Spanish blood) all militated against her popu
larity in England. Finally her death without an heir and
the coronation of Elizabeth created ominous forebodings
among English Catholics (the vast majority of the pop
ulace) and in the mind of the H oly See.
It was inevitable that the relations between the Pope
and Philip should have been strained. Pius saw in the
hereditary claims of the Spanish king a grievous injury
to the sacred universal mission of the Church. Philip
and his ministers looked upon these same claims, founded
as they were upon ancient customs and privileges, as the
inalienable rights of the crown. T h ey believed those rights
were supreme even in ecclesiastical matters. Pius V was
determined to bring about the complete independence of
the Church everywhere. H e meant to restore her liberties
and to this end her jurisdiction must not be infringed
upon by any civil power. T h a t the disputes between the
Catholic king and the Pope never reached an open breach
was due to the political urgencies which naturally forced
them into alliance, to the kings deep-seated Catholicism,
and also to the personality and tact of the papal nuncio,
Giovanni Battista Castagna.
Castagna, archbishop of Rossano, was a born diplomat,
one of those jewels in the diadem of the Church which
every now and again shine resplendent in her long his
tory. He was able to defend the rights of the papacy and
c a e s a r s
c o n fl ic t s
97
yet retain the favor of the king, although he had many

heated controversies both with Philip and with his min
isters. It happened that he was in Spain on January twentyfifth, 1566, when the news of Piuss election reached
Madrid. His congratulations to the Pope contained high
praise for the Catholic zeal of the Spanish king; and
in his letter of thanks for being given the nunciature
he mentioned the exalted regard Philip II felt for His
Holiness.
Castagna very soon learned how difficult his path as
nuncio would prove to be. Long established custom had
given control to the Spanish government of all acts of
ecclesiastical jurisdiction by the holding back (retencin)
of papal bulls, and through the refusal of granting the
necessary placet. Moreover, any Spaniard could, by means
of the recurso de fuerza, obtain redress from the royal
council for any sentence imposed by any ecclesiastical
judge, whether bishop or nuncio. T h e sole exception was
the tribunal of the Inquisition. T h is procedure was, of
course, in direct contravention of canon law. These viola
tions, which were often exercised, were violations of the
authority of the H oly See and of the liberties of the
Church. Castagna realized how ingrained these customs
had become and how they were taken for granted by the
king and his ministers. In his letters to the Pope he ex
cuses the king upon whose Catholic sentiments he builds
such great hopes; and he lays the blame upon P h ilip s
ministers for their obstinacy. He also lays great emphasis
upon the habitual slowness of procedure at the Spanish
court, and of the interm inable written processes and the
secrecy which he describes as impenetrable. He refers to
the congenital indecision of the king and the constant
dragging out of every question.
Many important questions called for immediate deci
g8
sion none more so than the Carranza affair.5 It was

known that Philip II was enjoying the rich revenues of
the archbishops diocese during the seven long years that
he had been imprisoned by the Spanish Inquisition. T h e
papal nuncio was instructed by the H oly See to demand
the archbishops transfer to Rome where his case could
be tried with im partial justice far from his enemies in
Spain. T o P h ilip s obstinate resistance the nuncio reiter
ated that the trial of Carranza belonged to the Roman
tribunal. Castagna sought to disabuse the mind of the
Spanish king of the fear that the Spanish Inquisition
would be weakened if the case were tried in Rome. Hand
ing an autographed letter from the Pope to the king in a
personal interview on June twenty-fourth, the papal nun
cio explained that the Pope stood above the Spanish In
quisition, which indeed derived its jurisdiction from him,
so that the final decision was reserved to Rome; to which
Philip, who had listened with courteous attentiveness,
answered that such an important matter must be settled
between himself and the Pope personally. Castagna de
murred that the archbishopric of T oled o must be filled,
and that the world would judge who was responsible for
the unsettled state of affairs in Spain.
W hile negotiations were going on, news arrived at
Rome from Spain that the Spanish bishops had refused
to publish the papal bull, In coena Dom ini, unless it re
ceived the permission of the royal council. T o this af
front was added the refusal of the exequatur 6 in Spain
and its dependent kingdoms, especially in Naples. Pius
expressed his displeasure to de Requesens, the Spanish
5See p. 37 for Paul IV s impatience over the delay of the Spanish In
quisition in bringing Bartolom Carranza, Archbishop of Toledo, to trial.
s Civil permission necessary for bishops to occupy their sees and to per
form their ecclesiastical functions.
c a e s a r s
c o n fl ic t s
99
ambassador at the Vatican, and further wrote to Castagna

to complain to the king of this infringem ent of the
Churchs rights. He declared that it seemed strange that
so Catholic a sovereign should flout them. In consistory,
Pius alluded to those Catholic princes who arrogate to
themselves the authority of the H oly See and all present
knew to whom he referred.
Even while the controversy was going on, Spain sent
to Rom e for financial aid by asking for a renewal for
another five years of the sussidio 7 as well as the Cruzada.
Luis de Requesens rebuked his colleague, the Spanish
envoy Marquis D Aguilar, for conducting business with
such a holy Pope in the same manner as with his predeces
sor and with the popes of the Renaissance. But de R eque
sens was wrong when he told the marquis that Piuss
refusal was due to the inopportuneness of his request.
T h e Popes refusal to grant the Cruzada was due solely
to the abuses which had been connected with it. For he
granted what he could in conscience grant. Similarly, he
renewed the levy of the sussidio on the clergy even against
the advice of his cardinals, which netted the Spanish gov
ernment 400,000 scudi! Such generosity on his part was
requited by the open support which the king gave the
Spanish Carthusians in their refusal to make the contri
bution to Santa M aria degli Angeli in Rome as the Pope
had requested! Moreover the sums which the Fabbrica
of St. Peters had not collected from the Cruzada of the
previous year were unfortunately not forthcoming from
Spain. M eanwhile the transfer of Carranza was delayed
from month to month.
Pius did not cease to demand the trial of the archbishop
in Rome. H e commanded the Spanish Inquisitors, under
pain of excommunication, to send Carranza at once with
7 A tax levied upon the Spanish clergy by the Spanish government.
safe conduct and the acta of his trial to Rome. T h is let

ter from Pius was of the date of August the third. But,
as Castagna is careful to point out, on August twentythird Philip had already anticipated the papal demands,
and had decided to send the archbishop to Rome.
Although the vicar of Christ trium phed over Caesar in
this instance, the trial of Carranza was not terminated in
Pius V s lifetime. T h is was due to the interm inable pro
ceedings and the conscientiousness of the pontiff, who was
determined that a thorough review of the case should be
made. Pius V himself attended these tiresome sessions
which often lasted for four and five hours at a time. T hey
dragged on for ten years in Rome until, under Gregory
X III, in 1576, the T oledo archbishop was finally vindi
cated of the charge of actual heresy, but was condemned
to abjure sixteen Lutheran propositions and was ordered
to return to his own monastery at the Dominican convent
near Santa Maria sopra Minerva and there to perform cer
tain religious exercises as penances.8 Here he died in
touching submission to his superiors, declaring on his
deathbed that he had never voluntarily held condemned
propositions in the heretical sense, that all his life he had
been a true adherent of the Catholic Faith. His death
elicited the sympathies of the Romans who had sided
with the archbishop throughout the long trial and con
finement of seventeen years. Piuss successor, Gregory
X III, permitted a monument to be placed over his grave
which bears an inscription to his honor. T h u s ended the
sad case of the Spanish archbishop which was prolonged
during the entire pontificate of Pius V, in order to do
full justice to Spanish demands, and that no cause of com* He was not, therefore, as Von Ranke says, condemned to death (!)
T h e source for this statement is Llorente, who is notoriously unreliable.
c a e s a r s
c o n fl ic t s
101
plaint or blame could be lodged against the holy office

in Rome. T h e familiar saying that Rome moves slowly
was terribly true in the case of the archbishop of T oledo,
but Spains unwillingness to drop the case even after it
was transferred to Rome, her constant and persistent in
terference in the processes, were largely responsible for
the prolonged delay.
In spite of the difficulties which Pius experienced in
enforcing ecclesiastical discipline in Spain, the Pope leaned
heavily upon Philip II. H e realized the Spanish king was
his main support in a Europe torn from its moorings
the Universal Church. H e frankly confessed to Philip how
dependent the H oly See was upon his loyal allegiance.
W hen he told the king: A ll Christianity depends upon
you. T h is H oly See has no other defender, he was not
talking in figures of speech. He was stating the bald truth
regarding the situation among the rulers of Europe, with
the exception of Spain and Portugal. For England, under
the shifty Elizabeth, bore close watching, although not yet
considered hopelessly lost to the Church. T h e H uguenot
movement in France was constantly stirring up revolt and
open wars, and the queen regent and her weak son Charles
were, for a time, allying themselves with the Calvinists
so long as it suited their dynastic ambitions. Besides,
there was the constant fear in Rome that the Huguenots
would ally themselves with the Turks, and that the dis
affected political elements in France would betray Chris
tianity in the same manner as Francis I had done in his
day. In Switzerland, although Calvin had died, his theoc
racy in Geneva was thriving. T h e University of Geneva
was attracting men of eminence in the intellectual world,
and his Missionary H ouse for the West was supplying
England, France, H olland, Scotland, and Germany with
preachers. Coligny was aiming at taking over the control
102
in France, and his influence over the weak-minded king

was so threatening that, out of fear lest her own power
over her son m ight be completely lost, the queen mother
shifted her alliance from the Calvinists back to the Cath
olic elements in France! In Germany, for a full decade
now, Lutheranism was triumphant, but it appeared to
be purely a national phenomenon; and although M axi
m ilian II favored the new party, and political recognition
had been given the Lutheran Revolt as far back as the
Peace of Augsburg (1555), the emperor was, nevertheless,
not free to release himself from the ties which bound him
to the long Catholic tradition of his family. Most impor
tant of all, his political policy was strongly influenced by
his powerful cousin, Philip II, of Spain.
But what Rome feared above all else was the formation
of a united front by the two most powerful anti-Catholic
forces in sixteenth-century Europe Mohammedanism
and Calvinism and the launching of a joint attack si
multaneously from Constantinople and Geneva. T h is was
a very real danger to Catholicism in Europe. Although
Malta, Sicily, and Spain were threatened by the Ottoman
power, which had directed their attack this time from the
western Mediterranean, N orthern A frica was under di
rect threat, while Spain (where the Moriscos9 of Granada
w ould be only too w illing to cooperate with their bloodancestral comrades-at-arms) was in imminent peril. Italy
was threatened from the south. Malta had been attacked
shortly before the conclave which elected Pius V was con
vened, and Rom e was in a frenzy of fear.10
It is little wonder, therefore, that Pius V strove mightily
to appease and conciliate Philip II! Urgent necessity, and
9 Converted Moors whose conversion seems often to have been a
matter of expediency, rather than of conviction.
See pp. 14 and 15.
c a e s a r s
co n fl ic t s
10 3
the peace and security of Christianity, all demanded such

a policy. A n d Philip, it must be remembered, was a pro
found Catholic both by tradition and by conviction. He
fully realized his important role in preserving the Cath
olic Faith in Europe. It was not mere rhetoric, but the
statement of his deepest and most honest sentiments, to
which he gave expression at the Provincial Council of
Granada in 1568 when he said:
Be thoroughly convinced that in everything that ef
fects the true service of God, religion, and the Church,
we w ill neither shun nor flee from danger, labor, and
suspense, nor any other human obstacle, but w ill imme
diately place our state and person and, should it be neces
sary, our very life, at the disposal of the Church.
T h u s it is certain that both the H oly Father and the
king of Spain fully realized the importance of close col
laboration. Philip II seems to some historians a most
enigmatic character and to have had a dual personality;
each fighting against the other for supremacy. His kingly
prerogatives inherited from the time of the Catholic
kings, Ferdinand and Isabella, and granted by the Span
ish pontiff, Alexander V I (which had antedated Luther
anism), were an essential and integral portion of his patri
mony, and consequently, in his eyes, inviolable. His min
isters seemed unw illing to recognize that these same priv
ileges were no longer applicable under a pontiff like
Pius V, although the Spanish ambassador, de Requesens,
saw very clearly how obsolete and anachronistic they now
,vere. T h e y [the Spanish ministers] want to treat all the
pontificates in the same fashion, he complained of the
Spanish court. Yet, jealous as he was of his regalistic rights,
Philip II was a devout Catholic sovereign, and wholly de
voted to the interests of the Church. He saw himself in
the role of a great crusader who should once again
104
inspire a world crusade against Protestantism and

Mohammedanism.11
Although Philip II was deeply concerned about heresy
in the Netherlands, where (even while the Carranza nego
tiations between Rom e and Madrid were going on) dis
turbances had broken out which threatened most serious
consequences, he seemed hesitant about taking the in
itiative and kept delaying the decisive course which the
Pope was advocating of going personally to take control
of the situation in his own domain. Pius saw a conflagra
tion which was gaining ground every day and felt the
kings personal presence among his subjects imperative.
In September of 1566 news reached Rom e of the shocking
desecration of the churches by the Netherland Iconoclasts.
T h is sacrilege aroused the Pope to take a drastic step.
Secretly he dispatched the bishop of Fiesole, Pietro Camaiani,12 to M adrid to adjure the king by the Blood of
Christ not to put off his journey to the Netherlands any
longer. For Pius V , who has been called im practical by
some writers, saw only too clearly that unless their sover
eign himself took the reins in his own hands, the Netherlanders would be lost to the Church and to Spain!
and that in this event England and France would be ir
retrievably lost to the Catholic cause. Pius insisted that
even though a large army were sent to the Low Countries,
nothing would be gained without the kings personal
presence.
It is no exaggeration to say that Cam aianis mission
11A more lucid understanding of his real character is presented by such
an historian as William Thomas Walsh who, in his profound scholarly
work, Philip II, gives an illuminating insight into this ruler who has been
mauled by Anglo-Protestant writers most unfairly. Walshs access to orig
inal sources, and his untiring research from authentic documents, has
justly won him the Laetnre Medal.
12 Nuncio under Julius III to Charles V.
c a e s a r s
c o n fl ic t s
10 5 *
caused a sensation in the courts of Europe. T h e envoyextraordinary was also charged to lay before the king the
confusion that the sovereign privileges, known as the
Monarchia Sicula, were causing in Naples where, as never
before, the Catholic king was made a pope by his m in
isters. Unless this state of affairs were remedied, Pius in
structed Camaiani to tell Philip, he w ould be obliged to
withdraw all concessions and indults.
W hen, in Novem ber, 1566, the envoy appeared before
the king, he received a cold reception. Philip was hurt,
he said, that any doubts were entertained about his prom
ised journey to the Lowlands. G od, he asserted, is
making use of me as His instrument. P h ilip s resentment
did not daunt the papal envoy; and before long word
was received in Rome that the Spanish king was indeed
setting out for the Netherlands. Pius tried to assuage the
anger of the king by assuring him he did not question
the sincerity of his promise, but feared that the devil
w ould put obstacles in his way, as so often happens with
many good intentions.
A t the beginning of the new year the nuncios, Camaiani
and Castagna, met with the king and A lba to discuss the
plan of a league of Christian princes against the Turks,
so dear to the pontiffs heart. T h e Spanish ministers
showed themselves strongly averse to the undertaking,
fearing the German Lutherans and the French Huguenots
m ight suspect the league was directed against themselves.
M adrid wanted it to appear that intervention in the Low
Countries was motivated solely by political considerations.
But Rom e demanded the religious aspects be emphasized,
as the recent uprising of the Iconoclasts had clearly demon
strated the pattern the revolt had assumed. Again Philip
repeated his promise to go at once to the Netherlands. He
promised also that in regard to the infringements of ec
lo 6
clesiastical power in Sicily he would satisfy the Pope. Feel

ing his mission was successfully terminated, Camaiani
returned to Rom e.13 N o sooner had he left than it became
apparent to Castagna that Philip would conduct a p oliti
cal trial against the rebel N eth erlander, although he knew
full well that heresy was the cause of the revolt and of
the desecration of the churches.
A lthough the Pope had made the concession of the
excusado14 to the Spanish king, nevertheless Philip even
tually abandoned the journey to the Lowlands. T h e stern
measures of Alba, who had been given dictatorial powers,
relieved the Popes mind of the chief worry which had
incited him to take the steps he had taken. But constant
friction arose between Rome and Madrid because of everrecurring demands for the Cruzada. (Even the Spanish
prelates sided with the caesaropapist demands of the m in
isters!) Yet this, Pius felt in conscience, he could not sat
isfy. De Requesens appreciated the difficulties of Pius,
and wrote to Philip from Rome: Your Majesty may rest
assured that what he has done was not due to any ill-will,
nor to any private intentions, but to holy zeal. Spain,
he said, had gone too far! If Germany had thrown off her
allegiance to the H oly See in both word and deed, Spain
had done the same in deed.
In P h ilip s domain of Milan, Archbishop Borromeo
was encountering difficulties from the Spanish representa
tives in his attempted reforms. In the Duchy, where the
senate exercised the widest powers, Borromeo, as cardinalarchbishop of the diocese, obtained from the civil courts
the promise to act more rigorously with sacrileges per
taining to blasphemy, Sunday observance, usury (which
13 March of 1567.
14 A customs duty by which the King received a third of the tithe due to
the Church. Payment to the Church of this third was therefore excused.
c a e s a r s
c o n fl ic t s
10 7
was contrary to the Churchs laws), and the sacrament of

marriage. Pius, fearing that such interference by the civil
courts m ight result in ecclesiastical irregularity, wrote to
Borromeo, trying to calm his scruples. Nevertheless, Bor
romeo set up a force of armed police for the arrest of
offenders. T h is was entirely in accord with an ancient
practice of the archbishops of Milan. T h e senate at once
were up in arms against what they said was an infringe
ment of their prerogatives. T h e police and the armed
forces, they claimed, were under their sole jurisdiction.
Even when Borromeo tried to give publicity to papal
decrees, they declared this could be done only with the
consent of the senate. T h e governor, duke of Albuquerque,
intervened; and the senate withdrew its claims regarding
the placet and the papal briefs; but the question of the
archbishops armed police was never settled during Borrom eos lifetime.
Borromeos stern measures against abuses made him
many influential enemies among the nobility, with whom
he was an unwelcome reformer. One such noble M i
lanese, who had sold the honor of his house for money,
was arrested by the archbishop. Under the charge of carry
ing forbidden arms, the senate broke through ecclesiasti
cal immunities. Seizing Borromeos officer at the doors
of the cathedral, they publicly tortured him and then
banished him from Milan. Borromeo demanded redress.
T h e senate refused. T h e archbishop then excommunicated
the offenders. T h e senate retaliated by tearing the sen
tence from the church doors; and they appealed to the
H oly See against the archbishop for infringem ent of their
legal rights. T hus the break was beyond reconciliation;
and the only solution of this tangled affair lay in Rom es
protest to Madrid.
Pius appealed to the governor over the heads of the
108
senate. He demanded restitution for the cardinal-Archbishop, and that the trial of the guilty be reserved for
future inspection. A ll the protests of the governor and
the Spanish ambassador were unavailing, although the
Pope allowed them an extension of time to prepare their
case. Philip II sought a reconciliation. He sent instruc
tions to his personal representative, the Marquis de Cerralbo, that if this were not forthcoming at the conference
with the cardinal, he was to threaten Borromeo by pub
licly charging him with disturbing the peace of the state!
Before Cerralbo could come to an understanding with
Borromeo, news came from Rome that the papal decision
was formulated. T h is caused Cerralbo to hasten to Rome.
Before he arrived, Cardinals Pacheco and Granvelle had
succeeded in convincing the Pope to withdraw his sum
mons of the senate on condition of their making peace
overtures with the archbishop and begging for absolution.
When Cerralbo arrived he rejected this compromise sug
gested by Pius V.
M eanwhile the governor of M ilan, who had formerly
shown himself the friend of the archbishop, withdrew his
conciliatory attitude and now openly treated him as an
enemy. On the eve of Corpus Christi he refused to partici
pate in the procession if the armed guards of the arch
bishop took part. As a result of an edict he issued against
those who violate the royal jurisdiction (which all
understood referred to the controversy with the arch
bishop), Borromeos officers of justice fled, and the arch
bishops court was null and void.
T h e edict gave courage to the chapter of Santa Maria
della Scala, which was in sore need of reform, to resist the
archbishops visitation, claim ing the chapter was under
the kings patronage. Such an exemption had indeed been
given to the Scala by Clem ent V II, but on condition that
CAESARS CONFLICTS
109
the archbishop of M ilan should confirm it! Borromeo ap

pealed to Rome for instructions; and, when granted the
right of visitation, after weighing the matter for two
months, he acted. T h e senate and the governor openly
sided with the chapter of the Scala.
Borrom eos mind was made up. T h e visitation should
take place without delay. O n the last day of August, 1569,
the Cardinal appeared in solemn procession, and the wild
est scenes ensued. T h e cavalcade was halted, and the mob
seized the horses bridles. Borromeo dismounted from his
mule, held his cross aloft and pronounced excommunica
tion of the canons while armed mercenaries brandished
their swords as they shouted: Spagna! Spagna! and
slammed the gates in the archbishops face.
W h ile Borromeo was in the cathedral repeating the ex
communication the canons of the chapter rang all the city
bells and proclaimed that the archbishop of M ilan had
brought upon himself ecclesiastical censure by his action
against the Scala. T h is proclamation in bold lettering was
nailed up against the doors of public buildings.
T h e situation of the archbishop looked hopeless. His
tribunal was defunct. N ot a hand was lifted against the
hired ruffians who had raised their swords against the
great prelate of the Church. T h e governor wrote angrily
to the Pope that M ilan would have no peace until the
archbishop was removed. These unfavorable reports
seemed to sway the Pope who wrote to Borromeo that
since he had refused to delay the visitation for three days,
as he had been requested to do, he could not approve
his conduct. But the pontiff did not withdraw his protec
tion and he warned the governor in the strongest language
against any further acts of violence toward the archbishop.
In spite of so much opposition, Borromeo defended
his cause with courage and through his letters to the
10
TH E
SWORD OF SAINT MICHAEL
Pope, to the papal nuncio in Madrid, and to the king,

he succeeded in obtaining the impossible victory! He
strongly denounced the governors edict. It was at this
juncture that, in a most miraculous manner, he escaped
assassination at the hands of the U m iliati.
Since 1560 Borromeo had been protector of the U m ili
ati and eight years later had caused the O rders suppres
sion. T h e members were composed of Italian noblemen
who had been hostages of Germany and who for a time
were zealous in good works. T h ey supported themselves
by manufacturing cloth and in the course of time the
Order became very wealthy. T h is caused their undoing.
D uring Pius IV s pontificate there were not more than
two hundred members. L ivin g luxuriously in palaces, sur
rounded by servants and squandering their wealth on
worldly pleasures, they did not even remotely justify their
existence as monks. Because of their immense wealth and
influence it took bold courage to oppose them. But Bor
romeo was the man to perform the task! First he tried
in 1560 to reform them, but his efforts were fruitless.
A fter his uncles (Pius IV s) death, he requested Pius V
to grant him a brief ordering the superiors to resign, lim
iting their terms of office to short periods, surrendering
their possessions, and putting the administration of the
property into disinterested hands, thus com pelling all the
members to live a truly monastic life.
In June of 1567, fortified by the papal brief, Borromeo
took the chapter of Cremona completely by surprise. He
informed the chapter that he was invested with plenary
powers by the Pope, by which he declared the election
of the new general invalid. H e named another general
who, under the influence of the Barnabites, was living a
more exemplary life of discipline. T h e chapter protested
that the papal brief was obtained by Borromeo through
c a e s a r s
c o n fl ic t s
i 11
fraud and misinformation, and hence was not valid. T hey

took their grievance to the Pope himself, and at the same
time appealed to the secular princes for protection. Bor
romeo was nothing daunted and continued to impose the
reform. T h e ire of the members grew to white heat.
It was on the evening of October twenty-sixth, 1569,
that the wrath of this fallen-away Order crystallized into
a concerted attempt upon the archbishops life. H e was
at prayer before the altar of his private chapel when, from
a distance of only four or five paces, the shot was fired.
Although it struck his spine, it glanced off and was in
effective! Later it was picked up from the chapel floor.
T h e archbishops robe showed the hole where the shot
had penetrated. In the general melee that followed the
firing of the shot, the would-be assassin escaped aided
by the fact that Borromeo continued his devotions as if
nothing had happened.
T h e story of the archbishops miraculous escape was
broadcast all over Italy and Borromeos popularity was
increased by what was obviously divine protection. T h e
hand of God had intervened to save the life of His servant!
In spite of Philip II s deep-rooted Catholicism and his
desire to prove himself the defender of Christendom, the
disputes between M adrid and Rome over his caesaropapist
claims did not abate. A t the end of 1567 de Requesens
relinquished his post as ambassador of the king in Rome.
T h e pope was sorry to see him go, and sent by him to the
king a Memorial regarding the papal position over the
M ilan and Naples disputes and the Monarchia Sicula.
Granvelle was Philip I I s most trusted cardinal in the
Curia. Together with Cardinal Pacheco he could be
counted upon to further Spains interests. These two
cardinals were not trusted by Pius since, as he told Gran
velle on one occasion, he was more Spaniard than cardi
1 12
nal. Granvelle was a cold-blooded politician to whom

the Popes sensitive conscience did not appeal. H e thought
the Pope was actually ruining the cause of religion by his
ignorance of politics and his scruples a view which
Philip II seemed at times to share.
O n de Requesens departure the pontiff welcomed his
successor, Juan de Zuniga, most cordially; and to Frances
objection he declared that the king of Spain was the only
Catholic sovereign who protected the Church. Zuniga
soon realized how difficult it was to overcome the Popes
scruples about granting the Cruzada, and hence decided
not to broach the subject until Cerralbo had settled the
M ilan controversy. It was at this time, March 24, 1568,
that Pius conferred the R ed H at upon Canonist della
Chiesa who was held in high esteem by Philip, on the
Spanish councilor of state, Espinosa, and on Antonia Carafa all three devoted adherents of the king of Spain.
These concessions won over the Spaniards and caused
Zuniga to declare:
W e have a holy Pope. If he w ill only grant us the
Cruzada, we ask nothing more. H e w ould like to reform
Christendom at a single blow, but this is impossible.
More than once the new ambassador complained that
Pius V was over-sensitive, and showed by his comments
how keenly he sensed the conscientious character of the
Pope. W hen Zuniga pressed His Holiness for the granting
of the Cruzada, Pius indignantly told him he was dis
gusted with his insistence in trying to make him concede
to requests he could not in conscience grant. A ll the wrhile
the ambassador wrote to the king telling how great was
the solicitude of Pius for His Majestys health, and how
strongly the pontiff was disposed in his favor. In a letter
to a friend, Zuniga stated that he doubted he could in
fluence the Pope into granting the Cruzada, but added
c a e s a r s
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113
he had not yet told the king his fears. W h ile the final
settlement of the Milanese conflict was still delayed, Cas
tagna begged that the obedience due the pontiff and the
rights of the H oly See be clearly defined.
In the Memorial referred to above, the Pope set forth
his grievances. T h is document which de Requesens pre
sented was read by the king. It is a detailed historical ex
position which sought to show how heresies from the
time of Hus had all aimed at the same thing; namely, to
destroy the authority of the papacy. T h is was true of
Bohemia, Germany, France, and England. But the Pope
hoped that Spain, whose king was so Catholic minded and
so conspicuous among the European rulers as a model of
loyalty to the Catholic cause, would not succumb to the
same alien influences through insistence upon privileges
which in the last analysis were injurious not only to the
H oly See but to his own regal interests as well. In the
entire survey it was made abundantly clear that those
rulers who had favored the Church and a unified Europe
were the monarchs whose names were extolled in history.
If the king of Spain wished to be numbered among these
immortals, the Churchs liberties must not be compro
mised; and the customary ecclesiastical trials must be pre
served under the jurisdiction of the Church and not be
usurped by the king and his ministers; thus opening up
the first breach between the two jurisdictions, ecclesiasti
cal and lay.
W ith his customary caution Philip replied to the
Memorial that he must have more information; and he
asked Castagna to detail what use the Monarchia Sicula
had made of its prerogatives. Added to these indecisions
and evasions, Spain was in an uproar because the Pope
had issued a prohibition against bull fighting, which had
likewise been forbidden in all the papal states. Pius de
114
dared that all who did not heed his ban wotdd be ex
communicated; and that those who were killed in the
ring should be denied Christian burial. T h e sport had
been introduced into Portugal also; and the ordinance
was published there as well. As may be imagined, the
prohibition met with the strongest opposition. T h e king
and the grandees all protested most vigorously. Because
of their dependence upon kingly approval, the Spanish
bishops sided with the powerful politicians at home, and
did not publish the papal document, leaving it to Castagna
to publish the B ull himself. O n January the twenty-fifth,
1568, Castagna tried also to abolish the utterly un-Chris
tian Spanish custom of forbidding the Viaticum to those
condemned to death. Acting under papal commands, he
tried repeatedly to remedy the abuses in the West Indies,
demanding more humane treatment of the natives and
their conversion to Christianity. Both the king and Cardi
nal Espinosa opposed sending a nuncio to the islands; but
they did send instructions to the kings officials in the
Indies to attend to these urgent matters.
T h e Bull, In coena D om ini ? 5 outlined the course of
action to be taken for the re-establishment of ecclesiastical
liberties, and was promulgated each year on Maundy
Thursday. O n this day (April 15) 1568, the B u ll contained
for the first time the statement that it was to remain in
force until the promulgation of a new bull. M any addi
tional references to abuses and usurpations of ecclesiasti
cal powers by the civil authorities in various countries
were included. T h e new clauses in the B ull included ex
A t the time of the Vatican Council, three hundred years later, Dollinger inveighed against the Bull In coena Domini, referring to it as an
ex cathedra decision, although he must have known that its binding force
was lost after Pius IX had issued the constitution Apostolicae seclis moderationi in 1869. Yet the dispute was dishonestly carried on by Friedrich in
Janus as if it were still in effect!
c a e s a r s
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15
communication for those who appealed from the Pope

to an ecumenical council for a decision; banishment of
bishops, legates, cardinals, and nuncios who misused their
ecclesiastical privileges; annulment of all former papal
privileges to monarchs; and the Bull further entailed upon
every priest its most careful study so that he m ight know
in the Confessional what cases were reserved for the Popes
absolution.
Five days after its promulgation the B ull was sent to
all the bishops, commanding them to make its contents
widely known among the people. O f course this B ull was
a direct condemnation of caesaropapism as it had devel
oped in Spain and Venice. W hen it was first promulgated
in 1566 by Pius V, Philip had perm itted its publication
on the ground that it did not invalidate those Spanish
customs which had been granted and recognized by for
mer popes. T his time, however, due to the added clauses,
Philip opposed the publication of the B ull especially
in Naples.16 T h e Venetian ambassador, Paolo T iepolo,
was also taking the position that the Pope was trying to
assume control over purely civil matters; and so he wrote
the Signoria. Zuniga was more prudent, and seemed to
have formed a more just estimate of the Popes true char
acter. He delayed the decision in the matter and decided
to put it off until winter. But Madrid was obdurate and
Castagna reported that the government was putting every
possible obstacle in the way of the B u lls publication.
Fearing opposition by the government, none of the
bishops dared publish the Bull; hence Castagna himself
undertook its release by sending copies to religious Orders
and to confessors. Cardinal Espinosa wrote to Castagna
Additions to the Bull had been made by Martin V, Clement VII, and
Paul III; but none were made by Pius V s immediate predecessors: Julius
III, Paul IV, or Pius IV.
1 16
that His Majesty would not succumb to such novelties

and that he refused to be a dummy king. T h e Spanish
ministers refused outright to publish the B ull in Naples
without the exequatur, against which the additional
clauses were aimed, as also against the Monarchia Sicula
which contested the appointment of the papal nuncio,
Odescalchi. Castagna reported to Rome that violent dis
cussions were taking place in Madrid; and he prophesied
that Requesens would be sent back to Rome.
Castagna besought the king in a private interview not
to be led about by his ministers who were trying to force
him to infringe upon ecclesiastical jurisdiction, which
action was clearly against his own interests; and would,
if continued in, prove the ruin of his kingdom. It was
through love of His Majesty that the Pope was acting in
the kings own best interest. His ministers were putting
motives into the Popes mind which he never entertained.
H e had tears in his eyes, writes Castagna, whether from
anger or grief I do not know, when he said that even if
the Pope had not interfered, he would, on his own ac
count, have defended and maintained the rights, priv
ileges, and customs handed down to him by his ancestors.
In his letter to Rome, Castagna said he felt convinced
that the king had committed himself to his ministers,
upon whom he relies too m uch, and that his tears were
due to his untenable position. M y hopes, he wrote, are
centered upon the Pope rather than upon the king.
W hat concessions Pius made to Philip, and how he
tried to m ollify his anger and explain his own stand, can
be clearly appreciated by the instructions he sent to Cas
tagna on August seventeenth, 1568. T h e Pope said he
had not tried to bring about any innovation by the Bull
nor even to do away with the exequatur, nor to lim it the
jurisdiction of the king; but only to safeguard the author
c a e s a r s
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17
ity of the H oly See and the interests of the Universal

Church. As pontiff of Christendom he could not approve
the rough-shod manner the royal ministers had adopted
in proscribing such salutary apostolic bulls, even refusing
to give their reasons! Pius prayed that the king would
send a special envoy to discuss with him the Monarchia
Sicula; for the abuses of this privilege had reached such
an impasse that something must certainly be done about
it. Although Castagna wanted Cardinal Espinosa sent in
his stead, because of his knowledge of canon law, de
Requesens was already on his way to Rome to undertake
the delicate mission.17
It was while these matters were under consideration and
still unsettled that the case of the kings son, Don Carlos,
became the gossip of Europe. T h e arrest of the unfortu
nate misshapen heir to the Spanish throne caused rumors
to float about through every court and counting house
and peasants hut. T h ere seems little doubt that the Prot
estant leaders were using this weak creature for their
own ends. A casket containing incrim inating letters and
papers came into the kings hands. In the box were two
lists of friends and enemies of the Infante; the latter
included the names of his father, the king, and the duke
of Alba. T h e nature of the other papers has never been
made public. It is probable the king destroyed them. A l
11 News of Philips thwarting of Pius efforts to effect ecclesiastical reform
in Spain must have reached the attentive ears of Teresa of vila. One day
in early March of 1569, he was given a sealed packet by his sister, the
Princess Juana, which had been placed in her hands by a Carmelite nun
who quickly disappeared. T h e writer of the missive had traveled through
the snow from Valladolid expressly for this purpose. T h e King of Kings
had ordered her to perform this missionl Although the body of the letter
has been lost, a fragment, like a postscript, is preserved: "Remember, Sire,
that King Saul was anointed, and yet he was rejected"; and the signature,
Teresa of Jesus is still extant in the handwriting of the famous Carmel
ite nun the greatest woman who ever took the veil.
1 18
though Philip denied any charge of heresy or open revolt

on Don Carlos part, tales were persistent and refused to
be silenced, which charged the prince was in league with
the Netherland rebels. Espinosa told Castagna in the kings
name that he had been forced to arrest his son for the
service of God, and for the safeguarding of religion, his
realm and his subjects. It was known that for the past
two years the king had made every effort to wean his son
from his evil ways. Castagna wrote to Rome (February
fourth, 1568) that the Infante had refused Communion
at Christmas because the Hieronym ite friars would not
give him an unconsecrated Host, and that he felt certain
that Don Carlos was permanently excluded from the suc
cession and he doubted if he would ever be set at liberty.
T h e story of the princes Protestant leanings was not
new to Pius V. It had reached him from many quarters.
W e know well that this prince has no love for priests
or monks, and has no respect for any ecclesiastical dignity.
Yet so distressed was the H oly Father at hearing of the
arrest of the kings son, that he sent a special envoy to
Spain. Pius V would not listen to rumors. He wanted to
hear direct from the king himself. In a letter dated May
the ninth the king writes to His Holiness:
I have looked upon the burden which God has laid upon my
shoulders in the states and kingdom, of which He has called
me to undertake the government, as being laid upon me in
order that I might keep safe therein the true faith and sub
jection to the Holy See, that I might maintain peace and
justice there, and after the few years that I still have to pass in
this world, might leave these states in good order, and in that
security which would guarantee their continuance. All depends
in the first place upon the personality of my successor. But
now, in the punishment for my sins, God has been pleased to
inflict the Prince with so many and such grave defects, both of
prudence and of character, as to render him unfit for the gov
c a e s a r s
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119
ernment, and to give reason to fear in the future the gravest

dangers to the stability of the kingdom should he succeed to
the throne.
And so the king goes on in his letter to the pontiff
about the serious failings of his own son! It must have
cost him dear! For this mighty monarch declares that he
sees no hope of improvement in the Infante. T h e king
begs the Pope to keep his confidences sacred, no matter
what rumors he may hear. Philip asserted further that
Don Carlos was not guilty of revolt or heresy, and that
in the course of time the truth would be made clear.18 He
assured the pontiff that nothing is being left undone for
the welfare of his sons spiritual needs, and that a con
fessor gives him every spiritual assistance.
W hen Don Carlos died, N uncio Zuniga related to
Pius that the Infante had asked for a confessor and had
left this world a Catholic Christian. T h e pontiff gave
orders that the customary obsequies for kings and princes
be observed, and himself participated at the funeral
solemnities. N aturally rumors were rife that the Infante
was done to death by the Spanish grandees who had in
18 Yet Don Juan had reported to Philip that Don Carlos was planning a
secret journey to Germany, and had asked him to accompany him. It was
also divulged that he had confessed that he had a mortal enemy and
meant to kill him; and that when his Confessor would not grant him
absolution, he demanded of the Hieronymite monks a Confessor who
would absolve him. O f course the monks refused, and were scandalized
when he asked that an unconsecrated Host be given him when he should
kneel with his father, the Queen and the Princess Juana before the Altar
on Holy Innocents Day. Philips advisers firmly believed that a rebellion
against the Crown was contemplated; and that Don Carlos was in league
with Protestant factions who meant to use him as a figurehead.
It has been suggested that the real reason Philip hesitated so long in
executing his oft-repeated promise to the Pope to go in person to the
Lowlands, and finally abandoned the project, was his fear of a revolt at
home. Coligny is reported to have confided to Catherine deMedici and
her son Charles, that a conspiracy was afoot which threatened the Crown
and the life of the King himself.
120
stigated his taking off. T h e secret agent of M axim ilian II,

N iccolo Cusano, declared Don Carlos was put to death
because he was in league with the Netherland Insurrec
tionists and the French Insurgents. Pius sent an envoy in
the person of G iu lio Aquaviva to convey the Popes con
dolences to Philip not only for the death of his son,
but also for the loss of his wife, the lovely Elizabeth of
Valois,19 daughter of Catherine deM edici, who had died
one month after Don Carlos demise.
Aquaviva delayed returning to Rome because on D e
cember tenth M axim ilians brother, the Archduke Charles,
had arrived at M adrid and was trying to influence the
king to compromise with the rebels in the Netherlands.
He finally left M adrid on the thirteenth of December,
preceded by a letter to Rome, written by Castagna, full
of the highest praise for the tact and prudence he had
shown at the Spanish court.
Meanwhile Philip had sent a letter to his representative,
de Requesens, which clearly indicated that he and other
Catholic governments, especially Venice, would not re
linquish their claims over ecclesiastical affairs, but would
ignore the Bull, In coena Dom ini. These claims were, as
the Popes nephew, Cardinal Bonelli, pointed out, abuses
by which the bishops in Spain were treated worse than
in Germany. Bonelli refers to the Milanese trouble and
says the Popes patience is at an end. Fie even threatens
that the pontiff w ill have to have recourse to the only
weapon which the Church had used throughout the cen
turies against recalcitrant rulers that sword of the
Church, excommunication. Although, according to an
cient custom, the B ull was formerly published only in
Rome, it always had had universal application.
19 She was adored by the Spaniards who loved to call her Ysabel de la
Paz Isabel the Peaceful.
c a e s a r s
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121
Pius V saw in P h ilip s insistence upon upholding the

rights of the Monarchia Sicula a dangerous cleavage in
Catholic unity between Spain and Rome which, if ad
mitted by the H oly See, would destroy the whole hierarchial organization of the Church. Even if, in the past,
such privileges had been granted, favors are not immutable
and can be withdrawn by the same power which grants
them.
Philip really desired that the dispute in Naples should
be settled; but his viceroy, the duke of A lca li, was deter
mined not to relinquish any of his own power over ec
clesiastical affairs, and would not permit the publication
of the Bull. In spite of the Popes threat of excommunica
tion against him, the duke ordered all copies suppressed.
Those bishops who refused to be subservient to his threats
he punished by confiscating their property. H e used all
his influence with the king to prevent Castagnas attempt
to withdraw the exercise of the exequatur, which had
been granted by former pontiffs at a time when factions
in the kingdom necessitated such action, but was no longer
applicable to the more stable state.
Castagna continued to oppose every infraction of papal
authority which for years he had contested, and he stoutly
upheld the prerogatives of the Church Universal. But he
was forced to acknowledge his defeat at the hands of the
viceroy of Naples. Just when Philip seemed on the point
of subm itting to Piuss demands, the duke prevailed upon
the king not to relent in favor of Castagnas arguments.
T h e reports sent to Spain denied the abuses existed which
Castagna insisted must be corrected, such as the use of
forged papal bulls which permitted the sale of indulgences,
and the demand that the bishops must submit their spir
itual instructions to the civil authorities before they could
be printed. H e rekindled in the kings mind the fear that,
122
if he surrendered to the Popes just pleadings, he would

thereby jeopardize his regal rights. And, sad to relate, in
this obstinate and unreasonable fear he was upheld by
political canonists who always advocated opportunism
and forgot their allegiance to Christs vicar; who flattered
and cajoled Philip and his ministers, and thus compro
mised and confused the real issues so vital to the universal
character of the Church.
Even Piuss concession to Philip in withdrawing Nuncio
Odescalchi did not mend matters. Brumano, his suc
cessor, found no better treatment in Naples. T h e Popes
nephew, Cardinal Bonelli, insisted that Philip was not
to blame; it was his unworthy ministers who misrepre
sented the true state of affairs in his Neopolitan dominion.
Those bishops who had published In coena Dom ini w ith
out the exequatur had their property confiscated. Castagna
declared that unless these grievous matters were remedied
the Pope would be compelled to place the Kingdom of
Naples under an interdict.
And so the matter stood when, in July of 1569, Philip
granted an audience to Castagna. T h e threat of an inter
dict was again quite frankly made by the nuncio. Philip
bemoaned the dissension which he said the devil was
sowing between himself and His Holiness. After a
m onths delay Cardinal Espinosa wrote the kin gs reply,
which was that he had written to his viceroy in Naples
to accede to the papal demands.
But the matter could not end with such a vague state
ment. It dragged on until 1570 like an interm inable fenc
ing match between two master swordsmen. Because of
the stalemate, Pius sent Vincenzo Giustiniani, general of
the Dominicans, to M adrid.20 He was to attempt a settle
October, 1569.
c a e s a r s
c o n fl ic t s
123
ment of the Milanese controversy by securing the with

drawal of the governors edict, as well as eradication of
the abuses in the Kingdom of Naples. Both Giustiniani
and Castagna worked loyally together; yet, after six
months efforts (during which time he had been given the
Red Hat), Giustiniani left Madrid and was compelled to
admit that he had accomplished very little. A ll he achieved
were letters from Philip telling the duke of Albuquerque
to settle the Milanese dispute; and bidding the viceroy of
Naples and his ministers not to overstep their authority.
These letters accomplished little or nothing to improve
the impasse between Rome and Naples.
W hat really halted the controversy was a threat of more
imminent concern, not only to Pius but to Philip as well,
which called for closer collaboration between the Pope
and the Spanish king in a tighter bond of unity. In March
of 1570 the T urks were again on the rampage in the M edi
terranean; and Pius sent Luis de Torres to Spain to ar
range with the king an alliance with the papal states and
Venice. T o appease Philip, he extended the sussidio (tax
on the Spanish clergy) for five years; and on May 21, 1571,
he granted the Cruzada for two years, and the excusado
for five more years. These concessions must have cost the
H oly Father dearly! O nly urgent necessity could have
wrested them from him. T h e need for money to fight the
T urks demanded every sacrifice. A ll his scruples had to
be sacrificed before the pressing need of saving Europe
from the Moors, and Christendom from Mohammedanism.
Philip was fighting the Calvinists in the Netherlands, and
had his hands full with the Moriscos in Spain. A fresh
bundle of the sinews of war must be sent to Spain.
Meanwhile Bonelli, who was in M adrid as nuncio, had
constant consultation with Castagna, and he conducted
his negotiations with acumen and prudence. In a fare
124
well audience with the king on N ovem ber twelfth, Philip

promised to resume negotiations regarding the Monarchia
Sicula. In November, Bonelli went to Portugal to urge
the marriage of M arguerite of Valois to the king. Upon
his return to M adrid,21 Cardinal Bonelli was apprized that
Philip had sent rescripts to his officials in Naples forbid
ding them to interfere with ecclesiastical affairs but these
prohibitions his ministers well knew how to circumvent.
A n d still Philip II held tenaciously to his regal rights
and never surrendered them during the pontificate of
Pius V!
It is worthy of note that in all the controversies with
the Spanish king, both of the Spanish ambassadors in
Rome (de Requesens and de Zuniga) testified that the
motives of the pontiff were pure throughout; and that his
sole concern over the usurpations of ecclesiastical authority
by the civil power was his zeal for religion and the unity
of Christendom. Had his w ill prevailed, it m ight well be
that the history of subsequent popes who bear the name
of Pius would have been simplified, and the totalitarian
ideology which infects every nation today might have
been destroyed at its roots. Lutheranism might have
proved just another passing heresy, like the Albigensian
and the Jansenist, if the uncompromising policies which
Pius V had always advocated had met with the unqualified
support of Catholic princes, and the loyal devotion of
Catholic bishops. Do not political compromise and blind
adherence to questionable national trends in the name
of patriotism always prove in the long run impractical
as well as immoralf and is it not patent that, in the final
analysis, surrender of the rights of Christ to the claims of
Caesar is the root cause of the debacle in w'hich the world
81 December, 28.
c a e s a r s
c o n fl ic t s
125
finds itself today? T h a t Pius V, valiant soldier of Christ

and defender of the Church M ilitant, had on occasion to
sheathe the sword of St. M ichael in its scabbard, was due
not to lack of courage nor to political chicanery on his
part, but to the exigencies of the times and to lack of co
operation from his lieutenants.
6
REBELLION IN THE LOWLANDS
R E V O L U T IO N S are always preceded and accompanied
by a campaign of cunning propaganda which conditions
a people for revolt against established authority. Over a
long period of European history this effective process of
planting seeds of dissention has borne its poisonous fruit
in an abundant harvest of blood and tears. U ntold m il
lions of lives have been sacrificed between opposing forces
in a belated attempt to remedy or to stay the onslaught of
accumulated evils which, if corrected in time, would have
prevented the holocaust that was heaped upon the world.
Yet, if the spiritual and moral authority of the Church,
with its supranational character, preserved intact her uni
versal mission amidst all the forces of evil and in spite
of the human frailties of a few of her pontiffs, especially
those of the Renaissance period, it is partly because of the
Churchs marvelous organization which acts as a brake
and a balance. Prim arily, however, this is attributable to
the divine protection. Even when the Church herself has
been the focus of attack, she has arisen, in spite of schism
and heresy and revolt, and pushed on to greater victory!
T h e long, dark periods through which she passed have
sorely tested the faithful; but always, eventually, the
barque of Peter has weathered the storm and sailed on to
126
127
new untried harbors. T h is happened after the long per

secutions of the Roman emperors, after the Arian heresy,
after the barbarian invasions, and is still happening today
when the Reform ation of Luther, the Theocracy of
Calvin, and the wars of the Huguenots in France have all
long since lost their vitality; and in more recent times,
after the French Revolution and T error have spent their
driving force. W hen we contemplate this bitter ceaseless
struggle between Christ and Caesar, can we doubt, in our
own dark hour, the eventual outcome in a Europe in
which the teachings of the Nazis are threatening a rever
sion to paganism, while a most frightful anti-God and
atheistic regime has been imposed upon the peoples of
Soviet Russia? Elsewhere, too, the propaganda of the
cliques and societies of the godless is carried on with
diabolic astuteness and intensity.
One such example of propaganda, which was the more
insidious because it was naively sincere, was that of Baianism in the days of which we are here treating. It had
broken out in the Netherlands, at that seat of Catholic
culture which in our time has become a symbol of all
that is noble and heroic the University of Louvain. Pius
V was the agent who was responsible for the fact that Italy
was saved to the Catholic Church.
Many have criticized his rigorous methods, but no
serious-minded and honest historian has ever im puted his
motives to inherent harshness, but solely to a deep sense
of duty. He believed with all his soul that the first duty
of a ruler is to administer impartial justice. His concept
of government im plied the punishment of law breakers
who were jeopardizing the innocent members of society.
Apostasy was in his time regarded as a grave crime against
the existing order. Pius believed that by pursuing a weak
policy against the rebels, he would only invite a more
128
THE
SWORD OF SAINT MICHAEL
serious aftermath of woe. Therefore he was vigilant in

his defense of the Churchs time-honored dogmas, pre
served by her inviolately since the days of Christ and the
Apostles, against which Luther had raised the banner of
revolt. D uring his office as Grand Inquisitor, Pius had
sought to allay and to crush erroneous doctrines wherever
they raised their threatening heads. H e well knew that it
was by means of printed propaganda that revolt and dis
sension spread. H ow successful this method of the revo
lutionaries was, is reflected in the fact that L uthers Doc
trine of Justification by Faith only (a word he arbi
trarily inserted in his translation of the Bible), not merely
took a firm hold upon the unthinking public, but even
infected for a time such prominent Catholics as Pole and
Contarini. T h e interpretations of M ichael du Bay, known
as Baius, of Louvain University, regarding original sin,
grace, and free w ill, created a system of doctrine at odds
with Catholic teaching, which was subversive of the entire
structure of the dogmatic system of the Church.
Baius had held the Royal Chair of Sacred Scriptures at
Louvain ever since 1552, during the pontificates of Julius
III, Paul IV, and Pius IV. Pius V remembered his case;
for, as Grand Inquisitor under Pius IV, he had to study
it. Baius followers at the university had wanted him to
be sent to the C ouncil of T rent, but this was strongly
opposed by Pius IV and Borromeo. T h e papal-legate to
Germany, Commendone, also opposed the presence of
Baius and his disciple, Hessels, at T rent, dreading further
dissension in Germany; and fearing that if they came to
the council and were forbidden to express themselves, the
Protestants would raise the hue and cry of curbing free
speech. It was more advisable not to admit these adherents
of suspect heresy. Eventually they did go to the council
as the royal representatives of Margaret of Parma, and
1 29
they assisted in the last three sessions; but they had no

opportunity to explain their doctrines. T h e ir private
views were, however, well known; and yet they escaped
condemnation because of the speedy closing of the council.
Baius founded his whole doctrine upon Sacred Scrip
ture and the Early Fathers ; and he rejected mediaeval
theologians entirely, asserting that St. Augustine was his
master, and that theology had degenerated during the
M iddle Ages by getting involved with Aristotle. He re
jected the essential truth that in his fallen state man is
a free agent and a creature of reason; and the important
Catholic doctrine that in the state of grace he is endowed
with supernatural gifts. H e further held that concupis
cence is the result of original sin. According to the
Baian theology fallen man must inevitably be relieved
of any responsibility for personal sin, since his acts are
independent of his will! Even redeemed man, on the
other hand, was regarded by him as not free in the ac
ceptance of grace. Baius tried to overcome this impasse
by distinguishing between external liberty and interior
necessity. T h e logical conclusion of such a system of
theology was the same in essence as that espoused by the
Calvinists: the enslavement of human nature by the
devil, and condemned men to the frightful fatalistic doc
trine of election, with all its terrifying implications!
Man, unless among the Calvinistic elect, was excluded
from being a son of God; and God the Father was robbed
of all his m erciful attributes! W hile quoting St. Augustine
as his authority, Baius wrested words and phrases from
their context to suit his meaning and to bolster up his
system of theology.
In dealing with Baius apostasy, Pius proceeded with
the greatest caution, not only because Cardinal Granvelle,
wTho was in Rome, had spoken of him in the highest terms,
130
but because he himself believed him to be a learned man

of pure intentions and unquestioned sincerity. T h e Pope
sent copies of the writings of the Louvain professor to
savants of theology in several universities of Europe, ask
ing them to examine the contents carefully and express
their opinions in writing. These copies were dispatched
w ithout any hint of their authorship, so that the judges
would not be influenced by the personality of the man;
but would give their plain, unvarnished opinions of the
propositions themselves. As a result of their findings Pius
was obliged to condemn seventy-six of the propositions as
heretical, erroneous, suspect, scandalous, and offensive,
etc.
In a letter to his vicar-general, M orillon, Granvelle as
serted that the Pope had gone into the matter as consci
entiously as if the salvation of the whole world were at
stake. T h e opinions enumerated in the papal bull (which
was not publicly published) were sent to the professors of
theology at Louvain. T h e dean and Baius himself and
seven other professors submitted to the Pope. T h e Fleming
Franciscans, who had been under Baius influence, also
obeyed. It seemed that the issue was closed, since the bishop
of Ghent, Cornelius Janssen, reported that the new doc
trines had completely disappeared.
But Baius would not abide by his pledge of obedience
to the Church. H e even went so far as to assert that he
meant to write a book against the bull. T h is unwise move
M orillion dissuaded him from executing for a time.
Yet, despite his promises of obedience, Baius sent an
Apologia to Pius V in which he asserted that the Pope
had compromised his honor by the publication of the
bull, declaring it a scandal to the men of the north who
rested their case upon H oly Scripture and the Early
Fathers. He tried to show that the Fathers themselves
R E B E L LIO N IN T H E LO W L A N D S
lg l
were condemned by the pontiffs zeal for scholasticism!

In a letter to Cardinal Simonetti, written at the same
time (March 15, 1569), he explained his motives. He was
trying, he said, to reconcile the Protestant factions with
true Catholic doctrine; and to build a bridge between the
religious antagonists a commendable intention no
doubt; but Pius V well knew that such a rapprochement
as Baius proposed would be a kiss of death for Catholicism.
T h e Popes reply was prompt and bitter. T h e papal
brief was issued on May the thirteenth and declared that
if the bull had not been issued heretofore, it would now
be necessary to issue one. He confirmed the bull, and
imposed perpetual silence upon all those who had for
merly espoused the propositions of Baius.
T h e next month Baius was informed that he had
brought upon himself ecclesiastical censure by his pro
tests to the Pope. W hereupon Baius asked for absolution,
but this was denied unless he should recant. T h is recanta
tion Baius finally made, and wide circulation was given
it by the provincial of the Franciscans in Flanders.
But Baius still struggled against complete submission
to the papal demands. He clung tenaciously to his ideas
which he doubtless sincerely believed were the teachings
of St. Augustine; although, even if they were not distorted,
he should have known, as a good Catholic, that later dog
matic pronouncements of the Church can define what from
the beginning has belonged to the deposit of faith, but may
not have been clearly perceived by all. In spite of an
apparent temporary submission, Baius gave a lecture
course, and (April 17-19, 1570) reiterated his attitude
toward the papal bull. His words were in substance a re
statement of the Apologia he wrote to the H oly Father
and to Cardinal Simonetti.
T h is reopening of the issue sealed his fate. T h e duke
132
of A lba entered the controversy and, at the provincial

council held at Malines, demanded that the bull should
be subscribed to by all the professors at Louvain. In N o
vember of the same year this was done in the presence of
Baius, who openly wept.
Later, at the insistence of Pius and of Alba, all the
books containing Baius condemned propositions were
confiscated at the university. A t the same time (August 29,
1571) all the doctors of the university in all reverence
publicly declared they accepted the bull, and Baius him
self submitted to it without reservation. Thus, finally, the
controversy of Baianism was brought to an end.
Judging by the tragic events enacted in the Lowlands,
it may be asked if the leniency and patience of Pius V
in the Baius case, which had covered in all eighteen years,
did not delay the settlement of issues which was so funda
mental to the crushing of the revolt in the Netherlands.
T h is case was a conspicuous exception to the Popes own
oft-repeated conviction that prompt, severe measures
against heresy would eventually prove kinder and more
humane than protracted attempts at conciliation. Y et Pius
V s delicacy of conscience did not permit him so to act
either in the Carranza case nor in the case of Baius. But,
in dealing with Italian apostasy (with which he was nat
urally more familiar), he acted swiftly and without hesi
tation. His drastic, uncompromising methods in dealing
with Italian heresy undoubtedly saved that country to
the Church, and quite possibly from such wars as the
Huguenots were inciting in France; and, who knows, even
from the horrors of another T h irty Years W ar in his own
country?
T h e stage was set in the Netherlands for new conquest
by Protestantism among the people. N ot alone did Baius
serve their ends, but the writings of Erasmus (who had
133
no intention to support the Lutherans, yet had long failed

to come into the open) were utilized to mislead the intel
lectuals and the nobles. T h a t is always the pattern! Bore
within the universities; beguile the unwary; capture the
educated; popularize their teachings; egg on the mob with
slogans and promises! T h e y w ill finish the work!
T h e nobles had formed themselves into a powerful con
federacy, known as the G ueux, a year before Pius V came
to the throne. T h e name beggars was applied to them
as a term of derision.1 T h is they adopted effectively. T h eir
avowed purpose was to resist the introduction of the In
quisition in the Lowlands. These men had everything to
gain and much to lose if their aims succeeded or failed.
T h e ir morals were anything but pure. T h e carousing,
lustful character of the aristocracy in the Netherlands
has been immortalized to us in the vivid paintings of the
period. Drunkenness, unbridled license, and gluttony ran
riot. Banquet tables groaning with the richest meats,
fruits, and wines are served up by jewel-bedecked and vel
vet-gowned ladies to satisfy their guests Gargantuan ap
petites. Such vulgar luxury without restraint must have
caused the ambassadors from Italy and Spain to raise their
eyebrows in contemptuous amazement and surprised
disdain.
Philip H s father, Charles V, had accepted these people
as they were. T hough he did not share their bad manners
(being conspicuous for his table etiquette in an age when,
1 T h e arrogance of these Nobles when in conference with Margaret of
Parma, the governess-general, caused one of her companions to say:
"D ont be afraid of those beggars! This name stuck, and the Nobles of
the League from then on appeared in shoddy clothes, with knapsacks on
their shoulders, and wooden bowls hanging from their belts, carrying
cudgels and wearing foxtails on their caps. They had an emblem painted
on banners, showing the beggars with hands shackled and the derisive
motto: Long live the King, even to beggaryl T h eir numbers increased,
and soon riots were staged in many provinces.
134
in England and the north of Europe, civilized niceties were

scarcely known), he nevertheless understood the people
of the Lowlands, being himself half Netherlander. He was
a diplomat who could accommodate himself to alien cus
toms. He was discreet and personable. Philip II could not
thus unbend. A proud Spaniard, he despised vulgar dis
play. W hen his father resigned the reins of government,
P h ilip s patrimony, including the Duchy of Milan, the
Kingdom of Naples, and the Lowlands, were to him so
many possessions which he must administer for the good
of Christendom. T h e suavity and am iability of Charles
were succeeded by P h ilip s rigid exterior and rigorous
absolutism. T h e Netherlanders did not like him, nor did
they welcome his half-sister, the governess-general, Mar
garet of Parma, who showed herself incapable of govern
ment and inept in crises. T o make the policies of Philip
successful with such a people, a strong local governor was
sorely needed. Under Charles, Margaret m ight have served.
But the times had also changed since Charles departure
from the scene of action! T h e Netherlanders had always
been liberty loving; and yet they had acceded to Charles
demands for money to carry forward his wars against
France and the T urks because he gave them the privilege
of granting subsidies. Like the Australians, who resisted
conscription of men in the First W orld W ar, the N ether
landers of the sixteenth century resisted conscription of
their wealth; and, like the twentieth-century Australians,
they then freely gave what could not be wrested from
them! T h eir money was indeed one of the chief sources
of revenue for Charles wars; for in that day of des
potism, armies had to be bought with cold cash; and if
it were not forthcoming, the mercenaries plundered the
land or revolted and refused to fight. For monarchs in
those benighted days never dreamed of the modern dem
135
ocratic expedient of conscription of whole populations.

For a long time Philip II had delayed in withdrawing
the detested Spanish soldiery, which he had definitely
promised the Nether landers he would do when Charles
handed over the government of this land to him. But
even more irritating to the Lowlanders, after this removal
had been finally accomplished, was the added number of
bishoprics which Pius IV had arranged in accordance with
P h ilip s recommendation. These, indeed, were sadly
needed, and were a check and a prop to assist the spiritual
life of the people; but the reform had a political fly in the
ointment. For, in its application, Philip had the right of
nomination in fourteen bishoprics. T h e endowments of
these new bishoprics gave to the government many sub
servient votes, since the clergy were an important element
of the states. Cardinal Granvelle, whose loyalty Pius V
sorely needed and frequently questioned, was instrumental
in creating this condition so favorable to Philip. Naturally
this lim itation of the old bishoprics was opposed by those
prelates whose important territories were to be cut up and
whose benefices were to be redistributed. N ot only did the
bishops of Utrecht, T ournai, Liege, and Cambrai raise
an outcry, but even the archbishop of Cologne and the
archbishop of Rheims, Cardinal Guise, stormed the curia
with strong protests. T h e claim that their jurisdictional
interests were infringed upon was undoubtedly true; but
this charge did not cancel the spiritual needs of the
dioceses. A ll this occurred under the pontificate of Pius
IV who, after an investigation, gave indemnification to
the bishops who had lost by the new arrangement so pleas
ing to Philip II.
T h e aristocracy of the Netherlands fiercely opposed the
new arrangement, for they saw in it the further extension
of royal power which made it hard for the sons of the
136
nobility to obtain bishoprics and canonries. T h is material

consideration drew the bishops on the side of the aristoc
racy who claimed that the erection of new bishoprics was
for the purpose of introducing the Inquisition.2 But this
ostensible reason for opposing the new alignment of the
bishoprics was used most effectively to enlist the masses
on the side of the nobles; for they hated the Inquisition
like poison.
Conspicuous among the nobles of the Netherlands was
W illiam , Prince of Orange. He was a M achiavellian poli
tician par excellence. Am bitious, cool in crises, intellec
tual, hypocritical and double-dealing, unmoral, and licen
tious, he served one master himself! U ntil he was eleven,
he had been trained as a Lutheran; but to obtain the
wealth of his cousin Ren, he had to become a Catholic
in accordance with the terms of the will. So he was in
structed in the teachings of Erasmus. But religion was
never a conviction or a check with him. It was a lever to
promote his w orldly interests. He used it as a fulcrum
to play one ruler against another. He made definite prom
ises of opposite courses of action to opposing factions with
a facility which is most amazing for its complete shame
lessness! In 1561, upon the eve of his marriage to the
daughter of M aurice of Saxony, he promised Philip that
Anne should profess the Catholic faith, and that she
should live a good Catholic life; while at the same time
he assured the Elector Augustus of his own secret prefer
ence for Protestantism, which for reasons of policy he
could not make public. His wife should live in her Luth
eran faith, and the children of the marriage should be
brought up Protestants. But his hypocrisy is revealed even
more brazenly when he reassures Pope Pius IV that he
2This, Pastor maintains, was altogether untme.
1 37
w ill extirpate the dread pest of heresy in his principal

ity of Orange, and that he had already so informed his
officials. For five years he kept up this pretense or as
long as it served his interest. Letters preserved in the
Barberini Library in Rom e reveal what he wrote to Pius
V in 1566. T h e first is dated May the thirteenth, in which
he declares, It is my desire and intention to be all my
life the very hum ble and obedient son of the Church and
of the H oly See, and to persevere, as my ancestors did,
in that intention, devotion, and obedience. Less than a
month later he wrote the second letter in which he ex
plicitly promised Pius that he would spare no pains to
preserve the ancient Catholic religion in his principality
of Orange, as in the past (!) . Yet, in the fall of the same
year, he confided to W illiam of Hesse that always at heart
he had held and professed the Confession of Augsburg!
Such was the true character of this most despicable leader
of Protestantism whom conscienceless historians have
made into a veritable hero and model for youth to admire
and emulate!
W h ile Philip was rejoicing over the birth of his daugh
ter, Princess Isabel Clara Eugenia, by his third wife, the
lovely Isabel, word reached him from one of his most
trusted informants in the Netherlands, Alonso del Canto,
that seven men of the league [Gueux], seeing they could
not move the people . . . have had evil preachers brought
from France and Geneva whom they have scattered
through all the country, and who have persuaded people
to go and hear sermons, so now one sees troops of people
leaving every town to hear preaching in French and
Flemish. T h ey preach liberty and urge the people to take
up arms. Canto begged the king to send the duke of Alba.
It was at Antwerp and Brussels that outbreaks began.
It is estimated that fifteen thousand a day listened to
138
Protestant sermons in Antwerp. In Brussels the malcon

tents and agitators filled the streets at night, singing the
psalms of David and shouting, Vivent les G ueux! In
Brabant they were scattering printed leaflets, urging the
deposition and exile of the regent, Margaret. In these
broadsheets the obscenities were profuse. Chase her out
and hand her over to the devil, they demanded.
T h irty members of the G ueux were sent to Antwerp, to
Malines, to Ghent, and to other centers for the purpose of
inciting the people to resist the Inquisition which Philip
had already decided to abandon, pending the establish
ment of the new bishoprics; and to authorize Margaret
to grant a general amnesty so wrote de Requesens in
Rom e.3 These men circulated the wildest tales (intended
to provoke the people to revolt) of how Philip meant to
confiscate their property and burn the heretics; and they
invented all kinds of cruelties which they insisted would
be inflicted upon the populace. T h e y sent commissars to
Geneva to ask for Flemish, French, and German preachers,
promising to pay them well and to protect them. These
commissars went first to Adm iral C oligny at Chatillon,
where they were received at his chateau and were given
letters to Theodore Beza, the dictator at Geneva after
C alvins death. T h is man, an ardent Freemason, gave them
all they asked. He told them to k ill and plunder all the
Papists, and promised to come in person to see them.
T h is he did, according to Fray Lorenzo Villavincencio,
who sent the report to Philip; and who said I myself
have seen Beza in Flanders.
Am ong the malcontents were many Anabaptists who
were openly practising polygamy and secretly murdering
their wives in the woods when they tired of them. These
3On August 9, 1566.
139
ministers taught that it is right to kill and rob Cath

olics. Such stories sound fantastic to m odem ears, per
haps; but to anyone familiar with the doleful tale of the
Mnster orgies, where unspeakable deeds were committed
by crazed fanatics (whose passions were unleashed by the
logical application of Luthers Doctrine of Justification
by Faith, and caused such wholesale debaucheries that
Luther was terrified into condemning the fruits of the
seeds he had planted) they are found to be only too true.
Now, once more, the enemies of the Church employed
the strangely familiar technique which, even in our own
day, we have seen practised in communist-controlled
Republican Spain. It was the fifteenth day of August.
W hile the faithful were celebrating the Assumption of
O ur Lady and singing the Salve, Regina at vespers in the
Cathedral of Antwerp, a band of Calvinists broke in upon
their devotions and proceeded to wreck one of the love
liest churches in Europe to the tune of lusty psalm sing
ing! W ith exact precision, as if each one had previously
been assigned his especial task, they methodically tore
down the statue of the V irgin and destroyed all the price
less pictures, stained glass and tapestries, and other treas
ures of peerless value. T h e y then invaded all the other
churches, convents, and monasteries, ruthlessly sacking
them and stealing all the precious religious objects of
gold and silver, after desecrating and profaning them.
Priests, monks, and nuns fled in terror. For nine long
hours this pillage kept up until the wreckage of destruc
tion lay in heaps upon the floors the decapitated statues
of saints, daubed and slashed paintings by great masters,4
4 This may account for the scarcity of original Van Eycks and for their
fabulous value todayl Hundreds of manuscripts and precious volumes were
destroyed in the libraries and the value of the paintings is estimated at
over 400,000 ducats.
140
smashed stain-glass windows of untold value which the

guilds had once vied with one another in presenting to the
Houses of God. A ll this in the name of liberty, and out
of hatred of Philip II and the Pope of Christendom and
the Catholic Church, the greatest civilizing influence that
Europe had ever known!
Protestant writers of history have a strange way of
facilely passing over these outrages, as our contemporary
propagandists did regarding similar deliberate acts pre
ceding the civil war in Spain5 (1930-1936) which brought
about the armed reaction of Franco and the victory of
the Nationalists; and as even today our journalists ignore
the long-continued atrocities of Soviet Russia committed
by a God-hating generation of atheists indoctrinated with
anti-religious propaganda.
Such outrages were justified by sixteenth-century propa
gandists as the inevitable growing pains of a liberty-loving
people! Clough, faithful man of the banker, Sir Thomas
Gresham, sent a report to his master which depicts the
scenes he had witnessed. W hile he describes the frenzied
5 How closely the spoliation of the churches in the Netherlands in the
sixteenth century resembles the devastation of Spanish churches in the
twentieth, can be clearly seen by a study of the pictures taken by the
magazines photographic staff and presented to the world by L lllustration,
issue of January, 1938, under the caption Le Martyre des Oeuvres D Art
{Guerre Civile en Espagne), a copy of which the author has in her posses
sion. These photographs were taken at the sites of five hundred churches
in fourteen provinces covering every section of the country. In the Fore
word the publishers state that these works of art . . . have been subjected
to their present condition by a deliberate ceremony, systematic, without
any military necessity, far from the zones of combat, and when the
republican governors were on the spot. . . . T h e vandals did not let loose
a spontaneous or inconsidered frenzy. They were obeying orders received
from the local soviet committees who had been substituted for the regular
authorities. These same . . . obeyed the instructions of the Communistic
Internationale, etc., etc. (trans. by the author.)
These priceless works of art, whose ghastly destruction is a loss, not
only to Spain, but to the patrimony of universal civilization, can never
be replaced.
l.jl
mob marching through the streets shouting, Vivent les

G u eu x!" he at the same time exonerates the Protestants
and declares the work was done by a gang of paid wreckers
and vagabonds among whom he recognized some English
criminals. A lthough he pictures Lady Church as a h ell
where even the sepulchers of the saints were opened and
their bones strewn about, he shields the real perpetrators
of these foul deeds by fixing the blame on the vile dupes
who only executed the commands of the higher-ups. N ev
ertheless the Calvinists suffered a loss of prestige among
the people who now saw whither their teachings had led
the mob. It is significant that on the very morning of
the outrage, W illiam of Orange was leaving Antwerp, and
remained away during the violence.
In all, more than four hundred churches were wrecked
and despoiled in the Netherlands by those who claimed
a purer religion. Margaret of Parma was frantic. She
wrote to Philip that the destruction continued daily. It
is patent, she said, that it is not freedom of religion
the Calvinists want, but freedom for all religion but the
Catholic.
It is small wonder that Pius V, when the reports began
to seep through to the Vatican, suddenly and without
waiting for P h ilip s approval, sent to the court of Madrid
his ambassador-extraordinary to plead with Philip, by
the blood of Christ, not to postpone his journey to the
Lowlands! For he saw the conflagration spreading daily
all over Europe, and his fear that the object of the ring
leaders was an international conspiracy was no groundless
imagining on his part. T h e exhaustive research of Walsh
in his P hilip II substantiates this papal fear. Such a con
spiracy was already brewing in Europe. T h e plan was to
provoke a general revolution in Europe to dethrone sov
ereigns, ruin the House of Austria, and create a condition
142
which would bring about the same chaotic results in

France and England and wherever the dissident elements
were strong enough; and the focus of attack was the
Catholic Church.
Pius V did not urge an armed force. He wanted Philip
to exhaust every pacific means at his disposal as legal
sovereign of the Netherlands to bring the populace back
to reason and sanity, even to luring them by any legiti
mate concessions that he could in conscience make. T h e
vast body of any country is always amenable to such
methods, if only they can be contacted. It is the disorderly
dissident minority, strong, well-organized, unscrupulous,
w illing to resort to any slanders (Pius V had said that
slanderers should be treated as murderers since they
assassinated what is, to a decent man, more precious than
life itself his good name) and unchecked by any moral
considerations.
But precious days passed into weeks and weeks into
months, and still Philip hesitated. P h ilip s postponement
made a far more drastic course necessary in dealing with
the rebels in the Lowlands. For the malcontents took
heart by his procrastination and continued their assaults,
becoming bolder in their schemes. Pius was so disap
pointed about P h ilip s indecision that he complained to
de Requesens that the Spanish king had deceived him.
Philip should trust in God and risk his own life if neces
sary for the defense of religion and the Church.
Because he was so distraught by P h ilip s final abandon
ment of the journey, it is no wonder that the Pope wel
comed the sending of A lba to the Netherlands to put
down the rebellion. T h e duke, a typical Spanish Grandee,
was a man of blood and steel. So Antonio M oro6 presents
His famous painting of Alba is in the Metropolitan Museum in New
York.
143
him to us. H e could at least be relied upon to suppress

the uprising. Feared and hated in the Lowlands, his de
parture was welcomed by his rival party at the Spanish
court, headed by R uy Gomez. N either A lba nor Philip
wished to send an army to Geneva en route to the Nether
lands, a plan which Pius wanted A lba to pursue; feeling,
no doubt, that from that center the roots of dissension
were spreading all over the continent. However, it was
not a religious crusade that Philip was organizing, but
purely a political one conducted in his capacity as legal
sovereign. He expressly sent A lba (a full year after the
Iconoclasts had expressed their sentiments against the
Church in so ghastly a manner) with a strong army of
picked troops for the purpose of abolishing all privileges,
substituting royal officials for local civil authorities, build
ing fortresses at Amsterdam, Flushing, Antwerp, and
Maestricht, confiscating the property of the rebels, and
imposing heavy taxes. For such a policy the king of
Spain chose the right man.
Instead of punishing the ringleaders of the revolt, as
Pius V recommended, and dealing kindly and generously
with those who had been deceived into something they
had not foreseen and did not sanction, of winning back
these innocent offenders who had already repented of their
alliance with ruthless self-seeking men of Oranges type,
A lb a s method of harsh suppression of all political liberty
forced even Catholics into the enemys camp. T h e Spanish
soldiers drove the people to desperation. T h e regent left
the country as the rebels had demanded. But instead of
her conciliatory methods, the Netherlanders now had an
extraordinary council, which the people called T h e
Council of Blood. Legal proceedings had begun against
Orange and his confederates who had all fled to Germany
where he was now openly espousing Lutheranism. T here
144
T H E SWORD O F
SAINT MICHAEL
were wholesale executions and thousands fled in terror

from such a fate. T h eir property was confiscated. Orange
and his brother Louis of Nassau raised an army in G er
many, hoping for aid from the French Huguenots and
from Elizabeth, queen of England, with whom they were
in close touch. A lba took his revenge upon Counts Egmont and Hoorn whom he had arrested; and whom now
he executed. He easily defeated Louis on the Ems river
and then turned against W illiam who was trying to force
his arms along the Meuse into the Low Countries. Dis
playing great m ilitary skill, A lba out-maneuvered Orange
whose army scattered in the wildest disorder. Orange fled
to D illenburg and tried to reorganize the sea-gueux along
the coast. A lba was so completely trium phant that Eliza
beth, who always liked to be on the w inning side, wrote
a congratulatory letter to Philip on his victory over the
rebels! Although A lb a s victory seemed now complete, he
did not abate his fury. As M orillon wrote in retrospect
to Granvelle on A p ril twenty-eighth, 1572, it was A lb a s
policy "a tout reduire au pied dEspange, to bring all
into submission to Spain.
T h e bishops took up the cause of the people against
A lb as severity in taxing them beyond justice; and the
Jesuits incurred his ire by embracing the cause of the
poor. His rule was a m ilitary dictatorship. A t Rome the
H oly See and the pontiff were deceived by the reports
A lba was sending to Pius. One would have thought the
religious issues were the only consideration with the dic
tator. Since the Pope had been deprived of a nuncio in
the Lowlands, the pontiffs sole source of information came
from Spain; and consequently Pius was strongly under
Spanish influence in form ing his judgments of affairs in
the Netherlands under A lb as stern rule. For A lba was
careful to make his expedition appear to papal eyes as a
145
kind of religious crusade. Pius was forced to the infer

ence that it was a question of survival or nonsurvival for
Catholics in the Lowlands, especially as he had received
a report from a Dominican brother who was living in
Brussels of the ghastly details of the murder by Calvinists
of twenty-five priests in Ypres. T his report fitted in per
fectly with A lb a s accounts, and seemed to justify his harsh
methods. Furthermore, M axim ilian II was backing up
the insurgents under W illiam and all knew that mon
archs leanings. Pius feared also the annihilation of the
Catholics in the Netherlands if Louis of Nassau, leading
the sea-gueux, and W illiam of Orange, whose army was
made up of Lutherans, French Huguenots, and Calvinists
from Geneva and the Lowlands, should prevail. Indeed
Louis army had already shown its stripe by looting the
churches and killing the priests. N aturally, with such a
set-up, Pius believed that A lba was fighting G ods battle
against anti-Christ!
O n August the fourth, just two years after the Icono
clasts had done their work of fiendish destruction, Alba
proclaimed his victory over Louis of Nassau, and Pius
ordered prayers and processions; and on the twenty-ninth,
he himself made the pilgrimage to the Seven Churches
to pray for the protection of religion in the Lowlands;
and again in October he repeated this pilgrimage and
prayed for A lb a s success. O n Novem ber eighteenth he
published a Jubilee and prayed for the destruction of the
Churchs enemies, in the spirit of the ancient prophet
who cried out, Scatter our enemies, O L ord! and in
the words of the Churchs prayer to his patron, Saint
Michael, he cried: Saint Michael, the Archangel, defend
us in battle; be our protection against the wickedness
and snares of the devil. R ebuke him, O God, we sup
pliantly beseech Thee. . .
146
Pius rewarded A lba for the preservation of the Cath

olic religion in the Netherlands with the blessed hat and
sword; and he bestowed the Golden Rose upon his wife.
But, together with many prominent ecclesiastics, the H oly
Father urged a general amnesty, in order to temper jus
tice with mercy. H e even gave the papal faculties for eas
ing the return to the Church of those who repented. T h is
document Philip approved, while delaying until Novem
ber, 1569, to issue his order for a general amnesty. Alba
did not publish either the kings decree or the papal bull
until July, 1570! Perhaps he felt he was better equipped
to judge of the opportuness of publishing both these docu
ments than was Pius or Philip, since he was on the ground
and was more familiar with the temper of the recalcitrant
Lowlanders.
Pius received substantial help from the duke in the
reorganization of the dioceses. Philip had refused to per
mit a bishopric in Antwerp and, for his agreement with
the opponents of this very salutary ecclesiastical need, he
has received a substantial monetary recompense. Now
A lba came to the Popes aid; but he delayed its applica
tion for a time, fearing the uproar his taxation policy
was causing. Finally he gave the necessary placet for the
publication of the papal bull.
T h e new bishops had been appointed with the greatest
care. O nly those who could be trusted to carry out the
Council of T re n ts decrees were chosen. But the hatred
felt for A lba was transferred to the bishops, who, in the
popular mind, represented the despotic power of Alba
and Philip. Yet, in fact, the bishops were their best friends
at court; for they constantly recommended leniency and
m erciful treatment to A lb a who felt they were meddling
with matters with which they were unfamiliar. O n the
other hand A lba was completely in accord with the caesaro-
1 47
papist views of the king, who never seemed able to free

himself from the antiquated privileges inherited from the
time of Ferdinand and Isabella as a concession by A lex
ander VI; and, which not only no longer applied, but were
positively injurious to his own sovereign rights; for a
system of violence (which the bishops sought vainly to
temper with mercy) was a most potent weapon in the
hands of W illiam , the sea-gueux, and the Calvinists, since
it aroused the discontent and opposition of all those ele
ments who played into the hands of the selfish leaders.
Furthermore, because of this stubborn resistance of Philip
and of Alba, Pius was forced again, by the exigencies of
the situation, to rely upon A lb a s strong arm for what
protection Catholicism should enjoy in the Netherlands.
His position must have been galling to a pontiff of such
uncompromising principles and so sensitive a conscience
as was Pius V!
7
PIUS V WRESTLES WITH
RECALCITRANT FRANCE
IN S C R U T IN IZ IN G the numerous portraits of Pius V
one sees the aging frame stooped like that of Atlas
with the weight of the w orlds care, but the keen peering
eyes reveal a mind alert and active, and a w ill of indom
itable courage. From behind the gaunt ascetic features
there shines a flame of ardent zeal. T h e long years of
monastic life as a son of Saint Dom inic had molded and
refined his character like a sword of tempered steel. A ll
the dross had been purged from him in a crucible of fire.
He was a man free from corroding passions which domi
nate and often wreck the lifework of men of affairs. He
appeared to his contemporaries to be pure spirit.
Pius V had a three-fold labor to perform as pontiff of
Christendom: to fight for the purification of the Church
of which he was the responsible head, to keep Europe
Catholic and united against the T u rk , and to save mens
souls. T o these ends he devoted every ounce of his strength,
and he daily crucified his frail body. For, like all the
saints, he atoned by bodily mortification for the sins of
the world. Freely he offered up his sufferings on the altar
of his God in expiation for the indifferences, blasphemies,
and crimes of a callous world. Daily he walked with his
Master, Christ, listening to His commands and praying
148
RECALCITRANT FRANCE
149
for His counsel. During the six long years of his crowded
pontificate he performed feats of titanic heroism. He was
ever a valiant soldier of the Church M ilitant.
T here was not a country in Europe with which Pius
did not keep in close contact, and for which he did not
incessantly pray and labor. T h e vast m ajority of the
people on the Continent were still Catholic, although
they were rent asunder by powerful minorities, who,
moved by selfish am bition or deluded by short-sighted
vision, sought to destroy the religion that had made Europe
what it was. Every nation was infected by the new virus
of revolt against established authority. Many abuses with
in the Church, such as the laxity of the Renaissance pon
tiffs and the upper clergy, had contributed to this sad
state of affairs. T h e remedies of the worst evils had al
ready been applied and the Council of T ren t provided
adequate means for further corrections. Such a pontiff
as Pius V, who dedicated the years of his pontificate to
the enforcement of the councils decrees, was the provi
dential agent for the task of true reformation.
Urban France, as always, was in the vanguard of revolt;
for city dwellers are easily aroused to reckless enterprise,
and too often, like the ancient Athenians, spend their leis
ure in either telling or in hearing some new thing. After
the death of the boy king, Francis II, on December fifth,
1560, Mary Stuart, his child-wife, became a nobody at the
French court; and the influence of her uncles, the Guises,
who represented the Catholic party, was greatly diminished.
T h e next in succession to the throne of his father, Henry
II,1 was the brother of Francis II whose untim ely death
at the age of sixteen resulted in the queen mothers as
cendency as regent for her ten-year-old son, Charles IX .
1 Henry II had died as the result of an injury in the jousting bout held
in celebration of the wedding of his daughter Ysabel to Philip II of Spain.
150
T h e weak-minded Charles was putty in his mothers hands.

Catherine deMedici had been brought up on the pagan
political philosophy of M achiavelli who had dedicated his
immoral gospel of government, 11 Principe, to her father,
Duke Cosimo deM edici. Ever since her departure from
Florence to marry the French K ing Henry II, Catherine
had been a disappointed woman who had belatedly borne
ten children in rapid succession. O f these only four had
survived the dread French disease. She had become an
ardent devotee of the Jewish astrologer Nostradamus who
had predicted for her children great things. Now, at long
last, her day had come! T h e cruelly frustrated, ambitious
woman was now queen regent, and this descendant of the
money-changers of Florence had a long-coveted power in
her hands.
T h e Guises, the distinguished cardinal of Lorraine and
his brother, Duke Francis, were the only power that had
preserved France from the grasp of the prince of Conde,
Louis de Bourbon, who, prior to Catherines ascendency,
had initiated an intrigue which assumed international
scope. Barry, lord of La Renaudie, was C o n d is man who
was entrusted w ith the execution of the plan, which as
Calvin later said, was inconsidered and badly executed,
although he had been in on the plot which included,
among other traitorous schemes, an uprising of the M or
iscos in Spain. K ing Anthony of Navarre, uncle of the
prince of Conde, was also implicated. But, as so often
happens when thieves fall out and the different factions
take to quarreling among themselves, the conspiracy
leaked out. Mary Stuart and Francis II had been slated
for assassination, it was revealed. W hen Margaret of
Parma became cognizant of what was brewing in the C al
vinist conspiratorial meetings held in Switzerland, she
wrote to Cardinal G ranvelle who apprized the Cardinal of
RECALCITRANT FRANCE
15 1
Lorraine of the plot. His brother, Duke Francis, acted

with characteristic energy. Knowing that the Blois chateau,
where the young king and queen were holding court,
could not be defended against the assembled force of the
conspirators (it was stated that 40,000 men were under
arms, but this is perhaps an exaggeration), Duke Francis
secretly conducted the royal party to the more strongly
fortified castle of Am boise which is situated on the Loire.
From this castle Catherine sent for Adm iral Coligny (who,
like his cousin Conde, was known as a Huguenot), inform
ing him that she feared an attack upon the French fleet.
T h e Protestants under La Renaudie were advancing
against Amboise but were intercepted by the Guise forces,
and were easily defeated. La Renaudie was killed in battle.
M any arrests, attended by confessions, brought the con
spiracy to a temporary halt. T h e D uke of Guise was again
the savior of France. 2 T h e Huguenots had received a
decided setback. But this frustration of the uprising,
which is known as T h e T um ult of Am boise, was but the
lu ll after the dress rehearsal, and was followed by eight
H uguenot wars which almost destroyed France. When
Sir Nicholas Throckm orton, Elizabeths representative at
the French court, came to Amboise, the Cardinal of Lor
raine took him into the presence of Mary Stuart and
C oligny and his brother, the Cardinal of Chatillon, openly
accusing him of im plication in the conspiracy. As for
Conde, even so unprejudiced an authority as the historian
G uizot declares that the proofs against him are beyond
dispute.
In spite of this temporary trium ph by the Catholic
party, M ichel de l H opital (who had impressed Catherine
and even the Cardinal of Lorraine as a sincere Catholic)
2 T h e first time he was so hailed was when he recaptured Calais for
France.
152
was made chancellor, and thus an entering wedge was

provided the Huguenots for the free promulgation of
their subversive propaganda; for he at once obtained from
Catherine under the specious plea for unity and freedom,
the Edict of Toleration. By the release of Conde, who
had been arrested and condemned to death at Orleans,
L Hopital set at large the most dangerous and unscrupu
lous enemy of a united Catholic France.3 These unwise
moves by the queen regent were due to her dread of the
prestige of the House of Lorraine which she feared would
supersede her own influence over the young K ing Charles
IX .
Throughout her reign as queen regent, Catherine
played one party against the other; cleverly using now the
Catholics, now the Huguenots, to further her own dynas
tic designs. H er religion, such as it was, was purely tradi
tional and hereditary. Convictions she had none. T h is
apt pupil of M achiavelli was a thorn in the flesh of Pius
V whose policy was diametrically opposed to hers. W ith
all his soul Pius was dedicated to the preservation of the
Catholic religion in a staggering Europe. Everything else
was subservient to his consuming zeal for the Church of
Christ. N o country on the continent caused him more
8Thus it was the political aspects of the Huguenot movement which
were successful in France where not one thirtieth of the common people
were susceptible to Calvinism. Although one third of the nobility were
Huguenots, the French people clung to their ancient faith; so that France,
which never had an Inquisition, has yet remained Catholic. In the Low
lands, where the spirit of freedom has always been strong, Belgium today
is almost wholly Catholic; and in Holland more than one third of the
inhabitants is aggressively Catholic; and even in Germany one third of the
people is heroically maintaining its Catholic faith, four hundred years
after the death of Lutherl In England there are fewer Catholics and
many fallen-away Churchgoers have become frankly atheistic; neverthe
less, the ancient faith is making strong inroads throughout the country
where so many prominent men and women of letters have returned to the
faith of their fathers!
RECALCITRANT FRANCE
153
concern than did France where the Huguenots had gained

such a foothold through the ambitious plottings of a
strong and influential minority.
As early as A p ril of 1566 Pius sent his nuncio, Count
della T orre,4 to the French court with precise and detailed
instructions to publish and enforce the decrees of the
Council of T rent. T h e Pope made it clear that he could
not create any new French cardinals until the scandal of
Cardinal Odet de Chatillon be removed. T his disgraceful
prelate was a heretic who had violated his priestly vows.
Yet this so-called Cardinal continued to wear the purple
he had been given by the Medicean Pope, Clem ent V II.
L ivin g in luxury with his mistress, Ysabel de H auteville,
the patron of Ronsard and Rabelais, he was a scandal to
the Church and an odious butt of the poor. Like so many
other ex-prelates who loudly expostulated against abuses
in the Church after they had been repudiated and ex
pelled from her councils, he exemplified in his own per
son the very abuses he was now exposing!
Della T orre was also instructed by the pontiff to achieve
the correction of the indiscriminate bestowing of benefices
which were openly bought and sold even to women and
to Protestants! especially in Brittany and Provence. T h e
Bishop of Avignon, in whose diocese heresy was spreading
like a plague, was also to be investigated by the papal
legate.
Prior to the departure of the nuncio, Pius had dis
patched earnest supplications to the French court, ad
dressing himself to Charles, to Catherine, and to the
French bishops. In these letters he begged the enforce
ment of the decrees of the Council of T ren t, the removal
Della Torre had been nuncio under Paul III and under Julius III,
and was thoroughly acquainted with the French Court. He was liked by
Catherine, and was familiar with the Gallican abuses.
154
TH E SWORD O F
SAINT MICHAEL
of abuses in regard to ecclesiastical benefices, the duty

of residence, and the erection of seminaries.
A ll these wise and needful recommendations enumer
ated in the papal instructions were ignored with the ex
ception of the translation of the Roman catechism into
French and the issuance of Piuss demands regarding
episcopal residence. T w o months later Pius wrote to Cath
erine complaining that she had surrounded herself with
heretics. Fie protested that she must justify herself by
more than suave words, which, to mean anything, must
be backed up by her Catholic conduct. T h is had the
effect of the arrival in Rome of Cardinal de Tournon
who came to make his obedientia to the Pope. T o show'
his personal good w ill to the royal family, Pius sent pres
ents of lapis lazuli rosaries to each member, but he was
not deceived nor did he relax his vigilance. For he knew
that more than three-fourths of the queens council was
made up of Huguenots. In the spring of 1567 Pius was
terribly concerned on learning from Cardinal Santa Croce
and de Requesens that the queens advisers were making
overtures to marry the weak-minded Charles to a Lutheran
princess.5
Protesting against the coddling of heresy by the French
government in the name and under the guise of Gallican
liberties, Pius in consistory deprived of their dignities
six of the bishops who had been accused of heresy. T h e
bishop of A ix resigned, but all the others, protected by
Catherine and the queen of Navarre,6 simply ignored the
papal demands.
In spite of Catherines Edict of Toleration, the clauses
5 Elizabeth o Austria, daughter of Maximilian II.
"Jeanne dA lbert, daughter of the talented and immoral Marguerite of
Angoulemc, and granddaughter of the infamous Louise of Savoy, was the
wife of King Anthony of Navarre, who with his nephew, the Prince of
Condi, was so active in the Tum ult of Amboise which initiated the
R E C A L C IT R A N T F R A N C E
155
of which neither party respected, the Huguenots were not

satisfied. T h ey wanted something more tangible than
mere toleration. T h e y aimed at seizing the royal power
and becoming strongly entrenched in the government of
France. T h e occasion which offered them their oppor
tunity was A lb a s march into the Low Countries. T h ey
tried to get supreme command of the army, hoping then
to declare war on Philip II, although the king of Spain
had carefully avoided every snare to create an incident.
Philip was determined not to interfere in the domestic
affairs of France. But to the queen mother, who could
not abide domination by anyone, this loss of power to the
H uguenot leaders could not be countenanced. W hen the
Huguenots found themselves thwarted in this play for
power, and outwitted by the shrewd Catherine and the
wary Philip, who would not provide the coveted incident,
they shifted their allegiance and hopes to England and
the Prince of Orange.
T h is time their plot was not discovered until it was
too late. In September of 1567, while the royal family
was holding court at Monceaux, they seized the queen
mother and king. Although the queen had been warned
that a H uguenot uprising was imminent, neither she nor
her Chancellor l H pital believed the Huguenots would
go to such lengths against the very friends who had pro
Huguenot wars. T h e Queen of Navarre came honestly by her Protestant
sentiments, for her mother, Marguerite of Navarre, and a coterie of friends
made up of Gabrielle dEstampes, the mistress of her royal brother, Francis
I, and her cousin Rene of France and Duchess of Ferrara, had mothered
the reformation in Navarre. It was at the court of Marguerite that Anne
Boleyn imbibed her pagan views and Protestant leanings which she
brought to England with her. In Marguerites court, too, was Louise of
Montmorency, who married General Coligny the elder, whose children she
secretly brought up in the Protestant faith. One of her four sons, Odet,
became the renegade Cardinal we have described. Although he never
became a priest, he yet voted at two papal conclaves! Admiral Coligny
was another of her sons.
156
tected and appeased them with preferments and power.

By a miracle, the royal family escaped the enemies
clutches. Guarded by six thousand Swiss soldiers, they
reached Paris on the twenty-ninth. France was once more
in the throes of a religious war. Catholics trembled. A ll
over the provinces the Huguenots rose in revolt. T h e king
was locked up in his palace-prison. O n St. M ichels Day
(September 29, 1567) at Nmes, the Huguenots killed
eighty of the most prominent Catholics and threw their
mangled bodies into a well.
Both sides sought allies wherever they could find them.
Rucellai was sent to Rome as ambassador-extraordinary
to beg the Pope for help. T his Pius promptly gave for the
defense of the faith; but at the same time he strongly
remonstrated that he had repeatedly warned the royal
family what they might expect at the hands of the enemies
they were harboring. A nd he wrote the queen mother
that the time was now favorable to rid her court of the
Huguenots who, as he had so often foretold, had proved
themselves spies and rebels. Pius strongly advised her not
to trust l H pital nor Montmorency; and to recall Cardi
nal Guise, whom she had dismissed. In spite of her previ
ous ignoring of the Popes salutary advice, Pius now of
fered her three thousand infantry, and later doubled the
number. T o meet the financial needs of France he raised
large sums to be sent on condition that Catherine should
not come to terms with the rebel heretics. T h e Pope taxed
religious houses in all parts of Italy; and he wrote letters
appealing for the sinews of war to Philip II, Duke Nevers,
to Ludovico Gonzaga in Piedmont, and to Duke Eman
uele Filberto of Savoy. H e dispatched Cardinal Piersanti
to Lorraine to see that the frontier should be closed
against the army of John Casimir, the Calvinist electorpalatine, who, he was informed, was coming to the aid
RECALCITRANT FRANCE
1 57
of the Huguenots. In the papal letters to the governors

of the states of Italy, appealing for financial aid, the pon
tiff described the outbreaks all over France, and the danger
to Catholicism not only in France, but in the neighboring
states as well, if there should be a H uguenot victory. For
it was evident, as Pius V well knew, that an international
conspiracy was afoot which embraced England, the Low
Countries, Germany, and even Italy and Spain. T h e
bishop of Narni, Pietro Donato Gesi, traveled all over
Italy with papal instructions to urge generous assistance
to embattled France.
It was not only with material aid that Pius V responded
to the frantic French appeal. More than upon mere bodily
arms, he relied upon Eternal Justice and the invisible
sword of the Spirit. Instant in prayer, he took part in three
processions, walking all the way from St. Peters to Santa
Maria sopra M inerva on the first day; to San Girolamo
degli Spagnuoli on the second; and on the third day to
San L uigi de Francesi. Because he believed that faith
without works is dead, neither did he neglect the material
assistance at his disposal. In this he acted in the best tra
dition of the great statesmen-pontiffs, protecting with
every legitimate means at hand the things of Christ. His
foresight showed him to be a man of resources and a
Pope of whom it truly could be said that he was moti
vated by the most practical spirituality. If his advice had
been followed before the enemies of the Church had
gained such ascendency, his problem would have been
simpler. Now it became a contest against time and wellorganized forces. Yet he fought on doggedly, with every
weapon at his command.
So great was the H oly Fathers concern lest Catherine
should offer disastrous terms to the enemy, that he wrote
on Christmas Day to his nuncio, della T o rre in Paris, to
158
T H E SWORD O F SAINT M IC H A E L
watch closely every move of the queens that might cir

cumvent and destroy the aid Pius was raising for the
preservation of the faith in France; for, said he, Catherine
never acted for the greater glory of God, but solely for
her own aggrandizement; she never put unfaltering trust
in God, but relied rather upon her own wit and the
double-dealing M achiavellian policies she had mastered.
(This papal estimate of the French queen was shared by
Castagna at the M adrid court.) Since the queen withheld
the desired promise of not coming to terms with the rebel
heretics, Pius V delayed sending her the sinews of war
he had collected, in spite of urgent letters both from
Catherine and from Charles.
After a desultory war, a peace was concluded which
was most disquieting to Pius. T h is Peace of Longjumeau
gave the Huguenots a renewal of the Edict of Amboise
which was so favorable to them. Its provisions were not
kept by either side. T h e Huguenots never complied with
the promise to return to the French throne the cities they
held. But, even though Catherine tried to establish a bal
ance of power, playing off first one party, then another;
the French people had remained loyally Catholic, and
were thoroughly aroused by constant acts of violence com
mitted by the Protestant party. Aided by the clergy and
the Catholic nobles, strong resistance was organized for
the preservation of their faith.
A t long last Catherine and Charles were forced to rec
ognize that their policy of opposition to the Guises and
the Catholic party was harm ful for their tenure of power.
T h ey came out openly against the Huguenots and rein
stated Cardinal Guise. T h ey dismissed their Chancellor
IH opital, who had collaborated with them in a program
of compromise. A t once Pius V consented to the sale of
ecclesiastical property which had come into the hands of
RECALCITRAN T FRANCE
159
the French Bishop of Le Mans who had succeeded de

T ournon as ambassador; but the Pope made the proviso
that the money should be kept in trust and applied only
to the defense of the realm.
Hostilities broke out once more; and in August Conde
and Coligny were almost captured at Noyers where, in
conjunction with W illiam of Orange, they were trying
to establish a Protestant nucleus; or, as we would say
today, a cell. But they escaped to La Rochelle where
they were reinforced by strong H uguenot contingents
from all over France.
T h e royal fam ily was sufficiently aroused to issue
another edict in September which declared that hereafter
all worship except the Catholic was banned; and that
Protestant preachers must leave the realm within two
weeks. Refusal to comply would mean death and con
fiscation of property. Such a forthright stand by the
French government came as a joyful surprise to the pontiff
of Rome. O n August the first, 1568, he sent a papal bull
to the new nuncio, Frangipani, Bishop of Cajazzo, to be
read to the French bishops.
O f course the Huguenots refused to submit to so drastic
a course and the third religious war broke out with fury.
As always happens when temporary truces in a prolonged
conflict are broken off, the war was resumed with unpar
alleled ferocity. T h e Huguenots had used the respite to
amass the reinforcements which Elizabeth of England
sent in the form of ships and substantial sums of money,
together with the strong force which the Lutheran duke of
Deux-Ponts in the Rhineland provided. Catherine stupidly
refused Spanish aid, except in driblets. She relied upon
her Swiss soldiery of ten thousand infantry, and upon five
thousand German cavalry. T h e French were led by Henry
of A n jou and Marshal de Tavannes.
l6 o
Weather conditions forced both sides to postpone hos

tilities, as the cold of the winter of 1569 was unprece
dented. Fearful as Pius V was of the outcome of this third
civil war, he was not yet prepared to grant money subsidies
unless he was sure they would not be diverted from the
war effort to other purposes. He was raising an auxiliary
army to aid the French when word came of the great
victory of the Catholics at Jarnac, in which battle Conde
fell. T h is was on the thirteenth of March.
W hen the news reached Rome of the victory, Pius sent
his congratulations to Charles; and in this missive he
strongly urged the king of France to carry the victory to
Navarre and thus root out the enemy in his lair. He sent
letters to Catherine, to the Guises, and to the duke of
Nevers, and the duke of Montpensier, urging the same
course. Pius used the example of K ing Saul as a warn
ing to the Catholics not to spare the Am alekites, but
to follow the command of God if they wished to be saved
from his fate of losing his kingdom and his life. For con
stantly at Rome it was feared, and reasonably so, that the
Huguenots would invade Italy and there put into effect
the same program of destruction against churches, con
vents, priests, and nuns, which had characterized their
zeal in the Lowlands.
T w elve of the H uguenots banners which had been
taken at Jarnac were sent to Pius as trophies. Am ong them
were the white ones of the Houses of Conde and Navarre.
It was in the H all of Constantine, and amidst the entire
College of Cardinals, that Pius V was presented with these
emblems of victory. Tears flowed freely down his wrinkled
cheeks as he expressed in trem bling accents the joy he
felt for this tangible evidence of the assistance God had
bestowed upon the cause of religion in France. These
standards were placed in the Chapel of the Kings of
RECALCITRANT FRANCE
6l
France in St. Peters Basilica, where a thanksgiving cere

mony was appropriately performed by the Patriarch of
Jerusalem.
It was not until May the fourteenth, 1569, that the
papal forces, together with the Florentine army, were
en route to T u rin and the G u lf of Lyons, which they
reached on June the second. But the scorched earth yielded
no sustenance in that war-ridden area, and sickness began
to deplete their numbers long before they contacted the
enemy at Poitiers, where they participated in the defense
of that region. N ot until late in the fall of the same year
(October the third) did they take part in the decisive
battle of M oncontour in which they fought with valor and
determination, defeating the Huguenots under Coligny
who fled in confusion from the field, leaving behind them
ten thousand dead.
W hen the tidings of this victory reached Pius V, he
could not believe the reports. T h ey were too good to be
true. But when the news was confirmed beyond peradventure of doubt, the pontiff gave thanks in the Basilica of St.
Peters in the presence of all the cardinals. Bonfires lit
up the Eternal City by night; for three days all the bells
of Rome rang out the glad tidings of victory and the
cannon of SantAngelo roared. T h e rejoicings were aug
mented by religious processions; from Santa Maria sopra
M inerva to Santa Maria Maggiore, and from Aracoeli to
San Giovanni in Laterano, and from St. Peters to San
L uigi deFrancesi, on three consecutive days in late O cto
ber. Again Pius received thirty-seven H uguenot banners
taken in battle before they were deposited in the Lateran.
One of these banners is still to be seen in the Lateran
transept. T h e others were walled in for protection.
Even before these ceremonies Pius had written the
young king of France not to lose the fruits of this victory
1 2
by untim ely abatement of attack; for, said he, It is a

mistaken policy to shield the rebels out of compassion,
while the innocent are once again exposed to the re
doubled wrath of the wicked. A nd on the occasion of
sending his congratulations and the dispensation to marry
M axim ilian II s daughter, Elizabeth of Austria,7 he urged
the ousting of the heretical bishops of Lescar, Valence,
and Chartres; and the appointment of true bishops of
sound Catholic faith. But to all these wise pleas Charles
lent a deaf ear. T h en Pius followed up the advice he
had sent her son by reinforcing his plea with a letter to
the queen mother who resented papal interference and
replied that her son was old and prudent enough to know
how to act without the advice of foreign princes! 8
T h e fact of the matter was that Charles IX was jealous
of the acclaim his younger brother, H enry of Anjou, was
receiving for the masterly handling of his forces against
the enemy at Moncontour. T o satisfy his personal grudge
Charles short-sightedly defied an axiom of wise military
generalship, and instead of following up his victory by
attacking the enemy before they could recoup their forces,
he stupidly ordered a blockade and gave St-Jean-dAngely
to Coligny, while he dissipated and weakened his victori
ous army! Consequently Pius V ordered the Italian army
to return to Rome. T h e Pope was frankly disheartened by
the persistent royal policy of flirting with the Huguenots,
which characterized both the queen mother and her son,
the youthful king. More than ever Pius was on his guard
against the double-dealing measures which they seemed
determined to pursue toward the enemies of Catholic
France. W ith the withdrawal from the council of the king,
1 This marriage was consummated in November of 1570.
8 . . . it Re si ritrovava in et dautorit et con forze e prudentia di
sapere governare lo stato suo da se senza havere a pigliare consiglio n
legge da principi esteri . .
RECALCITRANT FRANCE
163
of Guise and de Tavannes, who were aiso disillusioned,

the government once again fell into the hands of men
who always think of their own advantage, and are utterly
devoid of any consistent principles. These politicians had
the ear of the young king who blindly followed their un
scrupulous advice. He acted upon their peace proposals
at La Rochelle, and before the beginning of the new year
the Catholics who had sacrificed so much saw the fruits
of their victory deliberately thrown away!
B ut not even Charles could retard the awakening of
the people who now began to comprehend how disastrous
for France the H uguenot program was. T h e Lutherans in
Germany also were labeling the Huguenots rebels, sacramentarians, and iconoclasts just like the Gueux in
the Netherlands, who merited nothing but annihilation.
W hen the rumors of a proposed peace with the H ugue
nots reached the Holy See, Pius V wrote the French king
a strong letter on January the twenty-ninth of 1570, say
ing in substance: W ell do we know that between the
French government and the Huguenots there can never
be a peace favorable to Catholicism. Your country can
never be safe and secure from the long, ruinous wars
that never cease so long as your Majestys policy of inde
cision continues, disuniting the people and ravaging the
countryside. T h e H oly Father goes on prophetically to
warn and abjure the king to cease courting the enemies
of the Church; for, says he, there can never be harmony
between darkness and light, and all overtures for peace
are deceptive, and contain within themselves the seeds of
future dissension in Christian society. Charles was reck
lessly blind to his own interests and to the heritage of
Catholicism which had made France what she was.
T o Henry of Anjou, victor on the field of Moncontour,
the Pope sent the blessed sword and hat, with a letter
164
the
SWORD O F SAINT M IC H A E L
expressing the grief the pontiff felt over the contemplated

negotiations with the enemy, which Pius now feared in
cluded an agreement with the Turks! Yet peace was
finally concluded with the Huguenots in A pril, 1570.
Once again the indefatigable pontiff addressed himself
to Charles, to Catherine, and to Cardinal Guise and Cardi
nal Bourbon. Philip II was also w riting in like vein to
the French king. But all without avail were these Spanish
supplications, for Catherine feared the king of Spain,
who had undoubtedly profited by the French wars to
secure his own kingdom and especially his control of the
Lowlands, since a weakened France could not come to
the aid of the Gueux.
T h e Peace of St.. Germain was signed on August the
eighth, 1570, which gave to the Huguenots amnesty and
liberty of conscience and the freedom to practise their
religion in those cities and towns where the nobles were
powerful; but did not obtain in Paris or wherever the
court happened to be held. For a period of two years
they were given places of refuge; i.e., in La Charit, La
Rochelle, Montauban, and Cognac. T h u s was formed a
state w ithin a state! T h e most contem ptible act of Charles
IX was the secret treaty which was not published with
the articles of peace, and which actually paid, to the tune
of two m illion livres, for the German mercenaries who
had been in the employ of the Huguenots! Small wonder
that Pius V characterized this peace, dictated to the king
by Frances conquered enemies, as shameful!
In his despair Pius sent to France a papal notary, Fran
cesco Bramante, to attempt to annul the conditions of the
so-called peace. In the instructions sent to Charles, Pius
V reminded him that his ancestors had enjoyed tranquil
lity in their realm just so long as religious unity was pre
served in the kingdom. T h e so-called Peace of St. Germain
RECALCITRANT FRANCE
1 65
actually destroyed that unity and if the terms of it were

carried out, the ruin of France would result. How could
Charles imagine that the very foes who wished to destroy
the power of the king could be his friends and worthy of
trust? For now all knew what had been patent to the
H oly Father from the beginning of the religious wars,
that it was not the reform of religion that the Huguenots
sought; but rather the ruin, not only of religion, but of
the state as well; for were they not even now despoiling
the churches for the benefit of the rich nobles? Further
more, at Avignon Bramante was to press for the retention
of the troops for the defense of the faith in that distracted
province. Piuss instructions to the papal notary urged
that France join the League against the Turks.
But, as always, it was the dynastic am bition of Catherine
and her son Charles that determined their policy. More
than ever they threw in their lot with the leaders of the
French Huguenots against Spain; and they continued to
court the rebels in the Lowlands and Queen Elizabeth in
England. His overtures with the queen mother convinced
N uncio Frangipani that Catherine had no religious
scruples. He declared that she did not believe in God,
and that she was surrounded with atheists. He hoped
that the king m ight be frightened from his position by
pointing out that the offender never pardons, and that
the Huguenots were therefore his eternal enemies. He at
tempted to influence the king by threatening that if he
persisted in his course the Pope would be compelled to
form a league against H uguenot France! If this should
fail, then the Catholic nobles would form a league among
themselves, exactly as the Huguenots had done. If the
proper leadership were found, France m ight yet be saved.
Papal fears were aggravated by the proposals of mar
riage which the queen mother was fostering for her chil
1 66
dren. It was her design to marry her son, Henry of Anjou,

to Elizabeth, a project which the wily queen of England
kept dangling for years and which she toyed with enjoyably, urged on by Cecil who said he visioned the fall of
the papacy. (This would mean the utter ruin of Mary
Stuart and all English Catholics.) M arguerite was to marry
H enry of Navarre.
On September twelfth, 1571, Coligny, who had spent
a full year in prison on the charge of treason against the
state and had been hanged in effigy by an outraged mob,
was returned to power and was again installed in the
good graces of the court at Blois. Pius was distracted by
the turn of events, and he began to credit the reports of
the French kings apostasy. Henry of Navarre, whom Cath
erine wanted her daughter Marguerite to marry, was
preaching death to all who opposed Protestant preaching,
and had openly defiled the Holy Eucharist and the Cruci
fix! It was even charged that Coligny, who was the most
respected of the Protestant leaders, had gone to insane
lengths at Angoulem e in reviving the living torches of
the ancient Roman Emperor Nero! Yet this influential
leader of the Huguenots to whom the young king lent
his ear, and who was intoxicating Charles with ambitious
schemes of conquest in the W est Indies and the seizure
of enormous wealth there, was also busy through his emis
saries in Switzerland, in Germany, and in England. It was
even known that he was conspiring with the Moors in
Constantinople and gaining adherents among the Moriscos
in Spain. T h e Lowlands were to be given help against
P hilip II of Spain while he was occupied in repelling the
Turks. T h e great decisive victory of the league under
their distinguished leader, Don Juan, at Lepanto, frus
trated all these plans, as well as T urkish plottings to gain
another foothold in Europe.
16 7
T h e victory of Lepanto had a tonic effect upon the

pontiff. He was determined to save France in spite of
herself. He could not be moved to grant the dispensation
necessary for the marriage of Marguerite with H enry of
Navarre. Though Catherine played all her cards, the Pope
remained adamant in his refusal. He saw that his consent
would mean the apostasy of the French nation, so far as
that could be thus brought about. A nd he declared that
if the marriage should take place without his dispensation,
he would proclaim the children of the match illegitimate.
Catherine tried to bribe the Pope with the promise that
France would join the league against the Turks. It was
a tem pting offer, for more than anything else Pius worked
for the consolidation of the Catholic faith against the
Mohammedans.
Pius V would not accept defeat at the hands of Cath
erine and Charles. W hen he was engaged in the Lords
work this son of Saint Dom inic never surrendered. His
untiring persistence in m aintaining his papal authority
and his unrem itting labor and patience with recalcitrant
rulers seem amazing to the historical student who with
unprejudiced mind and sympathetic spirit enters into the
trials and temptations which beset him on every hand.
It is no wonder that he threw up his hands in appeal to
heaven, begging God to relieve him of his responsibilities,
and that he might be permitted to end his days in the quiet
of his beloved convent the only place where he had ever
known peace. But his singleness of purpose in upholding
the principles of Catholic unity never faltered. He re
signed himself to continue the fight as long as there was
life in him. His task was simplified and rendered more
effective by a tenacity of purpose which never acknowl
edged the final trium ph of shifty political compromise
which dominated the policies of all other rulers of his
16 8
time even the most Catholic! Yet it must not be as

sumed that his frank approach to his trying problems
with his evasive opponents in statecraft was due to any
lack of courtesy and condescension. In his letters to Philip
II of Spain, and to Charles IX and Catherine, he exercised
all the amenities of good breeding and restraint. T h e aged
warrior-pontiff wielded the sword of Saint M ichael with
gallantry and determined patience.
Thus, at Christmastide of 1571, he sent to the French
court his nuncio-extraordinary, Antonio Maria Salviati,
who was connected both by ties of blood and by acquaint
ance with the House of Medici. T h e nuncios mission to
Charles IX was to use all his influence and charm to in
duce the king to join the League against the Turks. And
he was to express the papal displeasure at the appoint
ment of the heretic-bishop of A ix to Constantinople, which
Pius felt destroyed all hope of deliverance of the Chris
tian prisoners under T urkish tyranny. Salviati was also
to use all his powers of persuasion with the king against
his sisters marriage with Henry of Navarre. H e was to
challenge the specious plea that the conversion of Navarre
m ight be effected by this dangerous marriage. Further
he was to protest the breaking of the Treaty of St. Ger
main at Saluzzo where the Huguenots were propagating
their ideas undisturbed. Salviati went on his difficult mis
sion via Florence, Lucca, Genoa, and Savoia and in each
city he used his eloquence to augment the H oly League.
In January of 1572 the nuncio had reached Blois where
the king was holding court. T h e papal letters which he
delivered into the hands of the king were couched in
terms of fatherly concern. It was at this time that Cardinal
Bonelli9 arrived at Blois with the good news that he had
See p. i 4.
1 69
obtained from K ing Sebastian of Portugal his proposal

of marriage to M arguerite of Valois and his entry into
the League.
En route to Blois, Cardinal Bonelli had passed through
much French territory and saw with his own eyes the
evidences of H uguenot zeal the ruined churches and
the devastation of the convents. His instructions from
Pius were similar to the nuncio-extraordinarys: to urge
French support of the League, to coax for M arguerites
hand in the name of the king of Portugal, and to thwart,
if possible, the alliance with Elizabeth of England which
was under consideration. So vital to Catholic interests were
these aims that there came to the French court at Blois
the famous general of the Jesuits, Francis Borgia, succes
sor of Loyola, to reinforce B onellis pleas! Although the
royal family was exposed to all the eloquence and prestige
of such a mighty trium virate as Borgia, Bonelli, and
Salviati, who were unanimous that the Pope would never
grant a dispensation for the marriage of Marguerite to
Navarre, their combined efforts were without avail. A ll
they were able to obtain was the promise that France
would not interfere with, nor oppose the League, and the
assurance that the alliance with England did not imply
any hostility to Spain.
H ow unprincipled and futile these assurances were was
soon revealed, for on A p ril nineteenth the alliance with
England and Charles IX was signed, and the marriage
was duly ratified without the papal dispensation.10 So
deceptive was Charles that at the very time he was send-,
ing these assurances to the Pope, he wrote to his repre
sentative at the Porte:
This marriage took place in Paris on August 18, 1572, after Pius V s
death.
170
I
have fitted out a goodly number of ships with twelve to
fifteen thousand men, who by the end of this month (May,
1572) will take the offensive, nominally to protect my coasts
against the pirates, but in reality to harass the Catholic King
and to encourage the Gueux in the Low Countries to ad
vance, as indeed they have already done, and have seized the
whole of Zeeland and greatly shaken Holland. I have con
cluded an alliance with the Queen of England and have sent
thither my cousin, the Duke of Monmorency, a thing which
has filled the Spaniards with wonder and jealousy, as have my
relations with the princes of Germany.
In spite of all these untoward events, however (and, in
deed, because of them), the Catholics in France were
thoroughly aroused! Although the government seemed de
termined upon the destruction of their own country, the
people were not deluded by all the pretensions and false
underhand dealings with the real enemies of France
the com plicity of her own rulers in the undertakings of
the international freebooters with whom they were in
alliance, and who were directing French policy. T h e
people saw clearly how the rending of the seamless gar
ment of the Church would destroy the unity and prestige
of their own fair land. In their determined effort to save
their country against those who misrepresented her true
interests, they cooperated with the Pope in all his efforts
to restore Catholic France. T h e king, in the meantime,
obsessed with dreams of grandiose power, was listening to
the whisperings of such men as Coligny about material
advantage. It was in this direction that his own natural
propensity to cupidity sufficiently inclined him. Already
this had expressed itself in the acquisition of one hundred
bishoprics, seventeen archbishoprics, seven hundred ab
beys and priories. In view of all these facts the people
17 1
of France were made aware how hollow the H uguenot

appeals to reform were.11
T h e true reform of the Church was at hand, and had
been demanded by Pius V and all good ecclesiastics from
the beginning of his pontificate. Nobody knew better than
did Pius V that force, violence, and bloodshed are useless
to produce reform. Abuses must be removed, abuses
countenanced by the very persons who were complaining
against the lack of Church discipline while they were
shamelessly enjoying the fruits of their own irregularities!
It was those who opposed the enforcement of the T r i
dentine decrees, those who profited by the powers granted
by the Concordat, and abused the right of nomination to
episcopal sees which they claimed and exercised so jeal
ously, who howled the loudest for reform ! N ot only
were the people of France cognizant of the true condition
of their own country; but, through their ambassadors and
nuncios, the people of Europe were made aware of the
real foes of France. Such prelates as Chtillon, who had
joined the Calvinists and taken a wife with whom he
lived in the most extravagant luxury, and yet continued
brazenly to wear the purple, were a scandal not only to
the Church, but to the French nation as well. Charles
protected all such heretics and allowed them to wallow
in their stolen riches and shame. He actually favored them
with his condescension.
T h e finances of the government under Charles were
in a deplorable condition. T h e material losses incurred
by the religious wars were enormous and could not be
replaced any more than Coventry or Cologne or Maintz
11 So like the procedure of spoliation in England under Henry VIII,
which, long before Hitler, had left its mark upon every Cathedral in that
fair land! T h e ravishment of churches and abbeys in France under Charles
IX caused the Venetian ambassador, Giovanni Correro, to say they deal
in bishoprics and abbeys as they do elsewhere in pepper and cinnamon.
172
can arise from their ashes. Correro wrote that it would

take ten years to build churches to replace those destroyed;
he said the clergy were ruined by the tax of twelve m il
lion scudi imposed upon them by the rapacious
government.
T h e sight of the wrecked churches, lovely even in their
ruins, the profaned altars, the knowledge of the murders
of priests and monks and nuns, whose relatives were the
common people of France; all these outrages ate into the
consciousness of Catholics everywhere. T h e loud and false
apologies of such stupid criminal conduct, in the name
of reform , disgusted and alienated even those who had
listened and believed in the Calvinist and H uguenot
pretensions to greater purity of religion. Thousands sought
return to the Church of their fathers, and were welcomed
back into her fold. Those who had been intim idated by
fear and made dum b by impotence began to assert them
selves at long last. L ike men awakening from the stupe
faction of drugs, they rubbed their eyes and stood erect.
Moreover the Huguenots had lost their leaders. Cond
was dead. C olignys brother, Andelot, was dead. W olfgang
of Deux-Ponts, the Lutheran who had lent aid to their
cause, was dead. France that is, rural France had re
mained Catholic, if quiescent. N ow these peasants, and
many urban Frenchmen, too, awoke as from a nightmare.
For the essential French character demands unity, how
ever much the caf habitus of Paris gossip, and the
boulevardiers yell! T h is reaction, which now began to
manifest itself surfeited as the people were by the im
position of antagonistic alien influences grew stronger
and stronger. More and more, men of influence who had
been led astray by what had once seemed a joyous release,
returned to the Church disillusioned and repentant. T hus
Pierre de Ronsard, founder of French classicism, returned
17 3
to his former faith; and, in his broadsheets began a cam

paign against the Huguenots, of whom he had been one,
calling them the destroyers of Christianity and enemies
of the state.
N othing more revealed the changed attitude of French
Catholics than their openly expressed affection and rever
ence for the Pope. T h e y repudiated their Gallicanism
which had rent France in twain. Once more they saw in
the Pontiff of Christendom the true Vicar of Christ, rather
than an Italian Prince, as his enemies had tried to
paint him. French Catholics vied with one another in
honoring Pius V whose piety and wisdom they were be
ginning to appreciate, and whose authority they began
to re-evaluate as the cement which bound Europe together.
T h en , too, the religious Orders were more active than
ever especially the Jesuits, who were making converts
and bringing back fallen-away Catholics. T h e ir missionary
labors brought a rich harvest in souls. Such men as Ed
mond Auger, who at Toulouse taught over a thousand
students that eagerly listened to his words of wisdom,
came to Paris to preach in churches which were so crowded
they could scarcely hold the congregations. T h e Jesuit,
Antonio Passevino, brought twenty-five hundred H ugue
nots back into the Church; and his successor, O livier
Manaraeus, converted four thousand Calvinists at Dieppe
where all the churches had been ruined and despoiled.
T h e zeal and sincerity of these Jesuits accomplished
miracles within a few months, by preaching and by the
noble example of their self-sacrificing lives. T h ey preached
in prisons and hospitals, and organized the women into
lay bands to assist the inmates and serve the poor. T h ey
seemed to be omnipresent: for we find these tireless men
at Marseilles visiting the orphanages and even the galleys
in the Port of the Seven Seas. Auger compiled his two
17 4
catechisms, and did for uninstructed Catholics in France

what Canisius did in Germany. Maldonatus abandoned
his chair in the Jesuit college at Paris to preach with five
other colleagues in Poitou, a hotbed of Huguenots. After
exhaustive labors there, he gave it as his considered opin
ion that the reason Protestantism had taken such root
at Poitou was that Catholic training in the elements of
their religion had ceased among the people and had
created a vacuum which the Huguenots had filled. Such
was the Catholic revival in France that the churches were
packed to overflowing, the confessionals were crowded,
and throngs of communicants returned to the altar to
receive their Eucharistic King. T h e Huguenots them
selves were weary and disillusioned after all the religious
wars which had brought nothing but suffering and ruin
upon France. On the feast day of St. Denis in Paris the
people outdid themselves in church attendance and in
devotion. T h ey were repenting for their sins and for
the sins of their enemies. Priests declared they had never
seen such piety in their day. W hen Francesco Bramante
traveled through France, he noted everywhere a conspicu
ous reduction in the numbers of H uguenots!12
12 Although Dollinger and Lord Acton claim that Pius V advocated the
assassination of such Huguenot leaders as Cond and Coligny, authentic
documents have proved the utter falsity of such a charge which was
copied from Rankes Zeitschrift, u , p. 598. This wrests from its context a
passage in a letter from Bonelli to Pius V and gives it Rankes own inter
pretation. Any connection of Pius V s name with the St. Bartholomew
massacre, is based upon this passage which, as Gabutius states, refers to
hopes of the conversion of Charles IX. Yet Ranke repeats his charge,
although Soldan in his Taschenbuch, 1854, and Gandy in his Rvue des
questions historiques and in the Civilt Cattolica deny that Pius V had
any previous knowledge of the contemplated massacre. In the excitement
of the controversy over papal Infallibility during the Vatican Council in
1869, Acton pays no heed to any facts that do not fit into his pet theory.
He simply reiterates Dollingers false statements which Michelet had so
ably refuted. T h e Protestant scholar Baumgarten shows how untenable
175
the contentions of Dllinger and his friend Lord Acton are. He is sup
ported by another Protestant scholar, T rke (and several more eminent
men of letters who have gone exhaustively into the controversy), when he
asserts in conclusion that the very character of Pius V excludes any par
ticipation in intrigues which . . . pertain to the realm of fiction." A ll these
sources and several more, are cited by Pastor whose research is exhaustive
and incontrovertible. Vol X VIII, pp. 140-143.
One must also remember the strained relationship which at the time
existed between the French Court and the papacy; a situation not at all
conducive to such intimacies as a conspiracy. Moreover, Pius V s death
antedated the massacre by four months. A wide return to the status quo
and conversions which had been going on over a period of years, caused
this depletion in Huguenot ranks long before St. Bartholomews Day,
which was caused by the terror of King Charles IX and the Queen
Mother, Catherine de Medici, for purely political reasons and for their
own safety.
8
PIUS V EXAMINES APOSTATE
ENGLAND AND CALVINIST
SCOTLAND
F R O M the time when Pope Gregory the Great sent Saint
Augustine to convert the pagan inhabitants of England
to Christianity, in 597, until Anne Boleyns flashing eyes
caught the fancy of H enry V III, England had been for
almost a m illennium a Catholic country, united to the
Pope of Rome in loyal obedience. Indeed, this same king
had won the title of Defensor Fidei, Defender of the
Faith, a title bestowed by Pope Leo X for the book in
defense of the Sacraments which Henry had written in
refutation of L uthers revolutionary teaching.1 It is a
title which the kings of England continue to use and
w7hich the archbishop of Canterbury does not scruple to
bestow at the coronation of a new sovereign, in defiance
of its origin. It affords a curious example of how fond
the English are of traditions which have long since lost
their meaning.
Anyone taking a cathedral tour over England is brought
face to face with the devastation wrought both by Henry
V III and Elizabeth and their favorites, and by Crom well
'T h is letter of Leo X to Henry VIII granting the title is preserved in
the Vatican Library'.
176
EN G LA N D AND SCO TLA N D
177
and his Iconoclasts. T h e despoiled altars speak eloquently

of the Churchs former grandeur in that fair land. T h e
majestic arches and silent aisles where every footstep re
sounds to the echo of Gregorian plain chants of a by
gone day, when the faithful crowded the churches for
the Mass, are m ournful evidences of a lost belief. T h e
Lady Chapels that remind one of the gracious venera
tion once accorded to the Mother of our Lord, are pathetic
testimony of a faith that has lost all reality, except re
spectability and custom. T here is an ominous foreboding
sense of something infinitely precious that is gone forever.
T h e moss-and-ivy-covered abbeys through whose gaping
ruins the wind sighs sorrowfully are but crum bling walls
which echo a ghostly refrain of hushed Aves and m ur
mured Kyries! These ruined abbeys are architectural
mausoleums of an ancient faith which was once strong
and virile. An infinite sadness oppresses the tourist re
turning from Catholic countries on the Continent. A nd
to Catholics accustomed to numerous crowded Masses
every Sunday morning in Am erican Catholic churches,
these monuments of a lost piety seem to portend a dire
warning of im pending calamity; for how can a people be
happy and strong w ithout a strong living faith?
T h e work of devastation accomplished by greedy nobles,
by the Iconoclasts, and finally by the neglect and lack of
interest of the people, had not done its final and complete
work of destruction when Pius V became the Vicar of
Christ in 1566. But it was making rapid progress! A nd
the nobles were profiting enormously by the rape of
Church lands.
Much has been written about the Church and the con
vents and monastery lands and other ecclesiastical institu
tions being swollen with wealth. Doubtless they were
a rich morsel eyed enviously by those who coveted their
178
treasures. But under ecclesiastical control they had been

administered as a trust for the people. T h ey provided
houses of hospitality where travelers were never denied
food and shelter. Schools and hospitals were flourishing.
Great universities like Oxford were established for the
education of those who thirsted for knowledge. Great
teachers arose whose reputation traveled all over the Con
tinent. Christian charity abounded. Poverty was not a
crime nor a disgrace. Christ had been poor! Many Orders
espoused our Lady Poverty2 in imitation of Him. Europe
was dotted with these hospitable refuges.
W e have mentioned in passing3 the education, at the
court of M arguerite of Navarre, of Anne Boleyn, future
wife of Henry V III and mother of Queen Elizabeth, before
she came to England and aroused the passion of the king,
whom she completely captivated for a short time.
W hen H enrys powerful minister, Cardinal Wolsey, lost
the favor of the king (1529) because of his failure to pro
cure the desired divorce from Catherine of Aragon, and
thus allow H enry to marry Anne Boleyn, he was succeeded
by Thomas Crom well who initiated a new era in Eng
land, which was to have the most tragic consequences for
Catholic Europe. L in k by link, all the bonds which had
bound England to the papacy were severed. A subservient
Parliament, composed of the kings creatures, carried
through, in a period of seven years (1529-1536), this
drastic change in the religious life of the realm. Although
public opinion was strongly on the side of the deposed
queen, H enry privately married Anne who was already
with child. T o her great grief and H enrys chagrin, this
2 Men must learn again the meaning of the paradoxical phrase of St.
Jerome: men of most rich poverty, if the world is to be saved from the
morass of materialism into which we have degenerated.
3Cf. footnote, p. 155.
l^ g
child was a girl, who in the course of events became the

celebrated Elizabeth of England.
A definite break with Rome was, of course, the result
of H enrys marriage to Anne. Henceforth all bishops
were appointed by the crown, and all intercourse with
the Bishop of R om e was unlawful. T h e king was now
supreme head of the Church in England. T o this act
both Sir Thomas More and Bishop Fisher stoutly refused
to swear; and, in spite of their vast influence and exem
plary lives, they were executed and became martyrs to
their faith and are now canonized saints of the Church.
In 1536 the smaller monasteries were dissolved by
Henry; and two years later the final blow was struck with
the suppression of all the remaining monasteries. This
work of destruction and expropriation of Church lands
by the Crown was wrought by Thom as Crom well, who
justly earned the title of Hammer of the Monks, and
had now become the most powerful man in England.
T h e year 1536 was notable also for the death of the for
mer Queen Catherine and the execution of Anne Boleyn
in the T ow er. T h e very next day after Anne was beheaded,
H enry was betrothed to Lady Jane Seymour; and in ten
days this unhappy woman was married to the adulterous
bluebeard. Jane died, leaving an infant son who became
the unfortunate Edward VI. T h e birth of this child greatly
rejoiced the king, who felt his third marriage was justified
in the eyes of his people by this fruitful male issue and
heir to the English throne. T h en H enry took Anne of
Cleves for his fourth wife, largely for political reasons,
since it attached the Protestant party to the Protestant
interests in Germany. But to H enrys fourth marriage
was due in large part the fall of the powerful Crom well
who was executed in 1540 as a heretic! H enry divorced
A nne of Cleves to marry Catherine Howard who was be
8o
THE SWORD O F SAINT MICHAEL
headed for infidelity. T hen, in 1543, he married his sixth

wife, Catherine Parr, who was the only one of his consorts
who survived him. W hen Henry V III went to his final
judgment, Parliam ent gave the succession to the offspring
of Jane Seymour, to Catherine of Aragon, and to Anne
Boleyn; i.e., to Edward, Mary, and Elizabeth, who suc
ceeded to the throne of England in that order.
T h e poor little king of England, Edward V I, was ten
years of age when his father died and he became the law
ful sovereign. A t the age of sixteen he was dead of the
kin gs disease, a mass of putrifaction. But under the re
gency of his uncle, Lord Seymour, Protestantism made
great strides in England. A ll the images were removed
from their niches and altars in the churches; and a new
prayer book, known as the Book of Common Prayer,4 was
compiled and ordered to be used. Also during the first
year of the protectorate, Seymour had invaded Scotland
on the pretext of its having broken the contract with
H enry V III, which had stipulated that Mary, Queen of
Scots, should marry Edward. T h e Scots were defeated;
and an insurrection, headed by the tanner Rett, was
quelled. T h en the Earl of W arwick, John Dudley, tri
umphed over Seymour (duke of Somerset), who was exe
cuted in the T ow er in 1552. Dudley, created Duke of
N orthum berland, married his son to Lady Jane Grey,
daughter of the Duchess of Suffolk, to whom H enry had
promised the crown in the event his three children should
have no issue. T h e dying Edward had signed the paper
thrust upon him by his uncle, which declared both Mary
and Elizabeth illegitim ate, and which gave the succes
sion to Lady Jane Grey, who reigned ten days when she
was seized and made a prisoner in the Tow er; and four
1 Unsurpassed for its literary merit, and its poetic beautyl
8l
months later she was executed, at the age of sixteen, for

treason.
N ow Mary T udor, daughter of Catherine of Aragon,
became, according to the terms of H enrys w ill, the lawful
queen and reigned for a brief span of five years. In 1554
she married Philip of Spain. But to her great grief she
bore him no children. Together the royal couple re
stored Catholic worship. Mass was celebrated once more;
and the authority of the papacy was re-established; but
Parliam ent refused to restore the church lands seized by
the nobles under Henry V III. T o demonstrate her loyalty
to the Church, M ary restored her own lands which were
in the possession of the Crown. Upon her marriage to
P hilip II, a formidable rebellion under W yatt arose to
depose Mary and to put Elizabeth on the throne. Eliza
beth was imprisoned in the T ow er for a short period for
the queens protection.
P hilip was never popular with M arys subjects; and the
loss of Calais, the sole remaining foothold England had
upon the Continent after the long Hundred Years W ar,
did not increase his prestige; for he had urged M arys
participation in the war against France. It was not M arys
cruelty which earned her the appellation of bloody by
the partisans of Protestantism. A ctually there were less
than three hundred who died at the stake under Mary;
and many of those included in Foxes Book of Martyrs
were outright criminals. These imprisonments and legal
deaths were quite in keeping with English procedure at
the time. Englishmen felt outraged that they were carried
out at the instigation of a foreigner ; and it was Philip
II of Spain against whom the English people rebelled,
rather than against the Pope of Rome. T o Mary, the de
struction of the Faith, the most precious possession in the
world, was the most heinous of crimes.
82
Upon Marys pathetic death in 1558, followed the next

day by that of Cardinal Pole, official Catholic England
ceased to exist. Elizabeth, the only rem aining child of
H enry V III, became the acknowledged sovereign of Eng
land. A favorite at the court of Catherine Parr, educated
by devotees of the new learning of the Renaissance, her
political leanings were strongly Protestant; and her sup
port, as she very well knew, was from the Protestant party.
D uring Pius I V s pontificate, Elizabeth was treated with
consideration; for he hoped the queen m ight be brought
back to the Catholic faith, although it is difficult to find
grounds for his wishful thinking; for, from the very be
ginning of her reign, she showed her high-handed author
ity and queenly prerogatives, in spite of the fact that she
was, by the canon law of Rome, by the canon law of the
English church which H enry had drawn up, and by the
common law of Europe, illegitim ate. But the English
have never been keen about legality and logic. Perhaps
it was to win over this woman, with whom the papacy
was little acquainted, that both Paul IV and Pius IV had
shown little opposition. Yet she had been instrumental
in striking off Pope Paul IV s name from the list of
potentates who were informed of her accession. If, at
the time of her avowed heresy, Paul IV had shown some
of the forthright condemnation which Pius V eventually
showed, the task of the fifth Pius would have been easier.
Elizabeth was clearly feeling her way. She and her m in
ister, Cecil, were biding their time. Elizabeths personal
preferences were for the Catholic Mass without the Pope;
and she wanted an ordained priesthood. She loved the
elaborate ritual; and she had nothing but contempt for
the bareness of the extreme Protestant services. But for
political prestige she permitted more Protestantism than
she liked. Acts of religious aggression, which in her own
l8 g
secret heart she despised, Elizabeth permitted, to augment

her own political position. Although the queen had issued
a proclamation only two days after M arys death, which
must have frightened the Protestants, but was clearly in
tended to m ollify the Catholics, and which forbade her
subjects of every degree to undertake or attempt any
pretense, breach, alteration, or change of any order or
usage . . . upon pain of our indignation and the pains and
penalties which would result; yet, no sooner had the
bells ceased to toll and Requiem Masses for the repose
of the soul of the dead Queen Mary been sung with proper
solemnity, than Elizabeths course became evident in the
appointment of her Privy Council. From this body twentyfour of those appointed by Mary were dismissed, while
eight new members of Protestant sympathies were added.
T h is choice of men who were to act as the advisers of
the new queen should have been enough to demonstrate
to the Pope whither Elizabeth would lead the nation in
religious matters. A n d if this did not suffice to indicate
the queens future course, her order to Oglethorpe on
Christmas Day not to elevate the Chalice at the Mass (to
which order he rightly refused to comply, on the ground
that he had no right to depart from the divine office), to
gether with Elizabeths strutting out of the church at the
Consecration, should have convinced Rome of her in
tentions. N othing could have so unequivocably shown
that the queen considered herself the head of the Church.
A nd all this happened before the coronation of the queen!
T h e day itself for her coronation was chosen by the
queen in accordance with the advice of her astrologer, Dr.
Lee,5 to whom the stars and the crystals had revealed it,
5 It is curious how those who call themselves emancipated from the
superstitions of Catholicism have, throughout the ages and even up to
our own day, been so susceptible to the influence of fortune tellers!
18 4
th e
that it should be January the fifteenth. A t the coronation,

it is interesting to note, Archbishop Heath and fifteen of
his colleagues refused to crown the queen. Eventually
the same Oglethorpe, who had disobeyed the queen by
elevating the Chalice at the Christmas Mass, consented
to perform the ceremony of coronation on the weak plea
that the queen should not be moved to overthrow reli
gion entirely. Perhaps he hoped to make the queen
more pliable by appeasing her. T h u s do weaklings and
politicians always compromise their position and eventu
ally make matters worse! For, by a consistent refusal,
Elizabeth would have been forced to show her hand, and
the course of the papacy would have been uncompro
mising. But, although the bishops were present at the
coronation, they absented themselves at the Mass when
the Elevation was once again omitted. T h u s they showed
themselves loyal subjects of the queen; but at the same
time they did not fail to demonstrate their loyalty to the
Church they served.
W ithout blanching, Elizabeth, consummate actress of
Machiavellian strategy, perjured herself by promising to
preserve and maintain to you and to the churches com
mitted to your charge all canonical privileges and due
law and justice, and that I w ill be your protector and
defender . . . by the assistance of God, as every good king
in his kingdom ought in right to protect and defend the
bishops and churches under their dom inion. She had
got what she wanted by the most hypocritical and base
means. For she was crowned queen of England; and now
she could proceed to deny by act what she had promised
by word. L ittle wonder that in the privacy of her chamber,
in the presence of her ladies, she found the anointing oil
offensive and wiped it from her brow with the character
istic Elizabethan expression: Bah, it stinks!
18 5
A ll these events plainly showed how the wind blew and

where the new queen of England stood in regard to the
religion which had been that of the fair land of England,
and the unquestioned faith of its people ever since the
day when, in the sixth century, Saint Augustine baptized
K ing Ethelbert and Queen Bertha, in the ancient bap
tismal font preserved at old St. M artins just beyond
Canterbury. But all this rich heritage was to be repudiated
for a mess of pottage by Elizabeths lustful father, bluff
K ing H al!
How sad to reflect in these tragic days upon the dis
unity of Christianity, which, if it presented a strong united
front against the forces of paganism and atheism, might
prevail to withstand with confidence and sure victory
against the false ideologies which are today confusing and
mystifying the peoples of the world!
Elizabeth had been queen only two years when there
arose a rival to the throne of England in the person of
Mary, Queen of Scots, who then was returning from
France to the country of her birth to claim the throne of
that bleak land. Mary of Guise had been left a widow at
the death of her young husband, Francis II, in 1560,
when she was but eighteen years of age. Educated in
France, all traces of her Scottish origin had completely
disappeared. Schooled in lessons of French refinement at
the court of Francis I, she was considered beautiful and
brilliant. M oreover she had gained a political experience
far beyond her years. Beneath the charming youthful art
lessness there dwelt deep-laid plans. She was by religion
and politics a Catholic. Brought up in an atmosphere of
intrigue, she had learned to dissimulate. T o protect her
self, she employed her attractions, so that it may be said
that few women ever interwove their private affairs so
dashingly into the woof of their public life.
186
She was unknown in England. T h e first intim ation of

her real character was her refusal to sign the T reaty of
Edinburgh acknowledging Elizabeth as the lawful sov
ereign of England. Elizabeth soon learned with whom
she had to deal. She refused a free passage through Eng
land to the returning Scottish queen unless the treaty be
signed. N ot at all intimidated, Mary set sail, passing from
Calais through the Channel infested with English vessels
and arrived at Leith in the middle of August, 1561.
As she stood before the rough throng of boisterous
nobles who came to welcome her, she comprehended in
tuitively how difficult and lonely her task was to be.
Captivated by her youthful loveliness and graceful charm,
and by her manifest courage, they received her with
hearty cheers. A t once she was determined to utilize all
her powers of persuasion to bring these crude people to
her feet. W ithout an army or bodyguard even, with no
real power, she had come among a strange people who
must have seemed almost savage to the exquisite creature
who spoke a few words of graceful acknowledgment in
reply to their raucous welcome. M ary fully realized that
the future was rich in possibilities. T h ere were plenty of
Catholics in England who secretly rejoiced that she was
up north and could represent them. Moreover she was
next in succession to the English throne. Scotland could
prove the rallying point from which an uprising of the
maltreated Catholics m ight proceed. H er first task was to
win over the Scottish people to her side.
Elizabeth was frankly worried by M arys close proximity.
She felt that her suspicion, which was aroused by M arys
refusal to sign the Edinburgh treaty, was well founded;
for was not her rivals position in Scotland undisputed,
her claims to the English throne conceded by many, and
her rights to succession obvious and admitted by all? It
ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND
1 87
is quite likely that Elizabeth m ight have made an al

liance with Mary had the Scottish queen been w illing to
set aside her claims of present possession. But Mary would
not surrender this claim for the sake of a dubious future.
A nd the dilemma of the English queen was very real.
Elizabeth could not marry a Protestant without putting
herself at a disadvantage, for Mary could then rally to
her side all the discontented Catholics. If, on the other
hand, she married a Catholic, she w ould renounce her
personal prestige and sacrifice her political strength. A t
the time, she desired to marry the Earl of Leicester,
younger son of the Earl of Northum berland; but how
could she gratify her own desires without sacrificing her
queenly prerogatives by marrying a commoner?
T h u s the contest of these two queens resolved itself
into the personal ambitions of two highly-gifted women,
each determined to bolster up her own power. Mary was
more winsome, younger, and more nimble-witted. Elizabeth
was possessed of greater foresight, more caution, and in the
last analysis was always motivated by her position and what
she deemed the prudent course for the securing of her
high station; w hile Marys impulses were more womanly,
more personal, more infused with feminine glamour.
Mary began her government under the guidance of her
half-brother, the Earl of Murray. She was successful in
granting greater toleration for Catholic worship. T h e
party of moderation prevailed for the nonce. T h is was
partly due to the discontent of the new clergy who were
peeved at not receiving the lands stolen from the Church.
T w o thirds of these possessions remained in the hands of
the laymen who wrested them from the Church. T h e other
third reverted to the crown. Yet, when the Earl of H unt
ley, who headed the Catholics in the north country, arose
in rebellion for greater privileges, M ary and her brother
188
M urray set out on an expedition against him. As a result,

this undertaking (which Mary had espoused with aban
don, riding gaily at the head of her troops), ended with
the death of the Earl of H untley and the blasting of his
Catholic hopes. T h is was in 1562, the year of G uises tri
umph over the Huguenots at the Tum ult of Am boise by
which he gained greater power in France than King
Charles himself enjoyed. T h en it was that Catherine de
M edici and Charles allied themselves with the stronger
Catholic party and repudiated the Protestants whom they
had previously backed.6
W ith the help furnished by Elizabeth at the price of
the promise of Havre-de-Grace, Conde began war in N or
mandy. He was defeated and taken prisoner while the
Duke of Guise began the siege of Orleans, the hotbed of
the Huguenots. Here Guise was stricken down, not in
battle, but at the hands of an assassin. A young Huguenot,
Poltrot de Merey, who had convinced himself that he
was doing a deed acceptable to God, put an end to the
brilliant career of the Duke of Guise. W ith Guise dead
and Conde in prison, Catherine deM edici urged modera
tion; and by the Edict of Amboise gave to Protestants
the right to worship in the towns which they held as cities
of refuge. Havre was won back and Elizabeth made peace.
But the assassination of the Duke of Guise did not
diminish the power of that House in France. A n d as the
influence of the Cardinal of Lorraine grew, M arys course
became more decided. She refused the marriage offer of
Don Carlos, son of Philip II, and also the marriage which
Elizabeth presented of her own favorite, the Earl of L ei
cester, together with the promise of the acknowledgment
of her succession to the English throne. T h is tempting
See pp. 151-158.
EN G LAN D AND SCO TLA N D
18 g
offer by Elizabeth was repudiated by Mary who saw that

if she married an English Protestant subject, she would
lose her own political prestige. She w ould trust to herself
and the more moderate men of Scotland who hated the
fanatical intolerance of John K nox as much as the most
sincere Catholics feared and despised him. O n July twentyninth, 1565, she married her cousin, H enry Stuart, Lord
Darnley.
Six months after this event, Pius V ascended the throne
of Peter. Elizabeth was thirty-three years of age, and she
had ruled her kingdom for eight years. T h e A ct of Su
premacy had been in effect seven years. By the A ct she was
given that prerogative . . . always given to all godly
princes in H oly Scripture by God Himself; that is, that
they should rule all estates and degrees committed to
their charge by God, whether they be ecclesiastical or
temporal, and restrain with the civil sword the stubborn
and evil doers. T h is practical application of the Erastian
theory,7 so convenient for the queen of England, sub
ordinated church government to the authority of the
crown, placed all ecclesiastical bodies under her control,
both in doctrine and discipline, and maintained the
authority of the civil magistrate over the conscience of
the subject. It was the logical result of the cuius regio, eius
religio which arose in Germany and spread elsewhere on
the Continent, by which the subject of a state must adopt
the religion of the ruler or emigrate to a state where
his own faith was practised.
N aturally the strong supporters of the settlement were
those who had become enriched by the spoils of the
7 Erastus (Thomas Lieber) was a Swiss theologian and physician who
had espoused the doctrines of Zwingli. He wrote many books in defense
of his views. He is popularly known for his doctrine of the complete sub
jection of the Church to the state. This is today still referred to as
Erastianism.
190
Church. Elizabeths minister, Cecil (Lord Burghley),

profited enormously by the Act. H e had taken no less
than three hundred properties of the Church; and the
estate of Burghley on which he lived was formerly a
monastery. Macaulay naively justifies the theft by declar
ing that his fortunes were not greater than his services
had merited.
No man wielded such great influence over the queen
as did her confidential minister, W illiam Cecil, who,
throughout her long reign, remained close to her side.
Courtiers might come and go; but Cecil continued to
shape Englands policy. Elizabeth did not always fol
low his advice; and she often insulted him by her fits of
temper and acts of caprice; but in the end she always re
turned to his counsel. Burghley was not an heroic figure,
but he was wary and cautious and compromising the
perfect M achiavellian statesman. Elizabeth appreciated
these qualities which she early sensed when she appointed
him a member of her council. T h is judgm ent I have of
you; that you w ill not be corrupted with any gift8 and
that you w ill be faithful to the state; and that, without
respect of my private w ill, you w ill give me that counsel
that you think best.
Yet she never w holly adopted Burghleys policy against
Philip II of Spain whom she used as a whip over her
minister; nor was her opposition against the Catholic
Powers as extreme as was her prem iers. Elizabeth was
evasive, rather than aggressive. She knew that Cecil wished
above everything else to secure his own influence and
power by the elimination of Mary, Queen of Scots, as the
next in line of succession, for the simple reason that M arys
accession would spell his own ruin. But, dreading per8Burghleys immense fortune, which the Queen had bestowed upon him,
kept him free from the charge, or the necessity, of accepting bribes.
EN GLAN D AND SCO TLA N D
19 1
haps the consequences of open opposition to M arys rights

of succession (since they might reflect upon her own rather
insecure sovereign claims), Elizabeth refused to compro
mise royal prestige; and, as usual, delayed while she
watched every move of her rival in Scotland.
Mary had tried to re-establish the Catholic religion in
her own kingdom of Scotland, at least in so far as giving
it equality before the law with the Protestant religion.
Pius V believed when he ascended the throne that the
Scottish queen was about to restore the O ld Religion to
its former place in the lives of her subjects; and after
her marriage to Darnley, the pontiff wrote to the royal
couple to carry forward the good work. News doubtless
had reached Rom e of what had taken place on Easter
Sunday in Edinburgh when a priest had been seized for
saying Mass, fastened to a cross in the market place, and
pelted with mud and given ten thousand eggs for four
hours before he was thrown into prison. Mary pardoned
two priests for the crime of saying Mass, although their
property was confiscated. T h e Cardinal of Lorraine sent
his envoy to Mary on January twenty-seventh, 1566, urg
ing her to confiscate the property of the rebels, and to
implore the new pontiff for financial means to right the
wrongs done against the Catholics.
Mary, who desired that her people should love her,
charged her departing envoy, Chisholm, to go to His
Holiness and to tell him that, while conditions in Scotland
were not out of hand, they were yet dangerous and needed
watching. But Chisholm had not gone far on his journey
when news reached him of tragic happenings in Scotland.
Mary had opened Parliam ent on March the seventh, and
had presented the proposal that bishops and priests should
be permitted the free exercise of the O ld Religion, and
that the rebels should be punished for conspiracy.
ig
But a fresh conspiracy for the overthrow of the queen,

in which her own husband, Darnley, was implicated, was
instigated by the rebel lords who were threatened with
the loss of their possessions. T h e y promised Darnley
(whose pride was piqued by M arys refusal to bestow upon
him the matrimonial crown) the hereditary crown if he
would ally himself with the very men who had recently
taken up arms against him. As a prelim inary step, the
murder of Rizzio, her secretary, was to clear the held for
future action against the queen. T h e conspirators claimed
they had evidence that David Rizzio was an agent of the
Pope, a charge that has never been proved; but which,
because of constant repetition, has been accepted as
authentic, although the Vatican archives contain no let
ters9 between him and the H oly See. Equally erroneous
are the popular versions of his attractive person and his
gift for playing the harp and singing. As a matter of fact
he was old and not at all prepossessing; but it is easily
understood why the dramatic version of a romantic link
between the queen and her secretary was insinuated into
the story. Doubtless Rizzio was zealous for the restoration
of the Old Religion in Scotland; but there is no evidence
of any conspiracy between him and the young queen, who
was six months pregnant when her husband, with the as
sassins, burst into her chambers where she was seated
with her ladies, her half-brother Murray, and Rizzio. T h e
blameless Rizzio was dragged from the shelter of the
queens voluminous robes and murdered in cold blood.
It has been established that John K nox and Craig, both
preachers of the Calvin version of Protestantism, were
implicated in the murder of Rizzio.10
8Pastor, quoting Pollen, ciii.
10 Pastor, quoting Bain, loc. cit. and n. 363, p. 270.
19 3
Mary displayed great courage in her hour of trial. She

shielded her husband and the father of her unborn child
when he came to her terrified by the deed into which
he had been drawn. T h ey escaped from the conspirators
by fleeing; and the accomplices also fled in terror. T h e
Scottish queen was saved.
W hen Chisholm finally arrived in Rome, he acquainted
the Pope with the terrible news he had picked up at
Lyons. In his desire to assist the sorely-stricken queen,
Pius V cut down his own household expenses in order by
personal sacrifice to come to her rescue. He wrote letters
to Philip II and to Charles IX of France, begging them
to assist Mary. If these two influential kings had listened
to the pontiffs pleas, the history of Queen Mary of Scots
and of Catholicism in Scotland; yes! even in England,
would have been very different! As it was, Murray and
the banished lords returned and tried again to win Darnley over to their schemes. But Mary had detached her
husband from his former accomplices. Together they fled
to Dunbar where Bothwell, at the head of the forces he
had raised, joined them on March the twelfth. In two
weeks time the queen returned trium phant to Edinburgh;
and once more the rebel lords fled. Restored to power,
the Scottish queen bore a son who was to become James I
of England and James VI of Scotland; and by her fruitful
issue her position was strengthened and her prestige aug
mented. Elizabeth, on hearing the news of M arys safe
deliverance, burst into tears, exclaiming: T h e Queen
of Scots is the mother of a fair son, and I am a barren
stock.
B ut her husband, Darnley, had so compromised himself
that he was loathed by the queen and despised both by the
Protestants and the Catholic party of whom Mary was
the acknowledged head. In her extremity, Mary gave all
194
her confidence to Bothwell; and she showered him with

rich abbey land in Melrose and Haddington, and re
warded him for his services by conferring upon him the
title of Lord H igh Adm iral and W arden of the Scottish
Borders. He was the most powerful man in the kingdom.
And the queen was now completely under his influence.
Bothwell was determined to marry the queen, although
he must first get rid of his own wife and rid Mary of the
contemptible Darnley, who had been removed to Glasgow
where he was recovering from the smallpox. T h e queen
visited him at Kirk-of-Field near H olyrood where she held
court. On the evening of February the ninth, 1567, the
house provided for him at Kirk-of-Field was blown up
by gunpowder, and Darnley was found dead in the garden
while the queen was dancing at a ball in Holyrood.
Circumstantial evidence was against her. Bothwell was
naturally suspected of the crime of which he was openly
accused. Darnleys father, Lennox, who had nursed his
son back to health, demanded a trial which was granted
by the queen. But Bothwell, arriving at the capital with
him armed forces, completely overawed the prosecution.
Lennox, who feared for his life, did not dare to come to
Edinburgh. Bothwell emerged a free man, as no one ap
peared to bring any evidence against him.
Bothwell then obtained the signatures of a number of
influential lords to a bond, pledging their approval of
his marriage to the lately widowed Mary. N ot quite three
months after the murder of her husband, Bothwell arrived
at the Castle of Stirling where the queen was visiting her
infant son. Intercepting her departure from the gate, he
boldly carried her off by force to his Castle of Dunbar.
Bothw ells wife obtained a divorce on the ground of
adultery, which left him free to remarry, as he was a
Protestant. A nd the Consistorial Court, which Mary her
19 5
self had re-established by royal decree, gave her an annul

ment on the ground of consanguinity. W ith shocking ex
pedition they were married; and M arys implication in the
m urder of her husband was now openly charged. Mary
had ruined her reputation, not only in Scotland, but in
England and on the Continent as well. By her infatuation
for Bothwell, Mary had sacrificed all her political wisdom.
Elizabeth, w ithout lifting a finger, watched her recent
formidable rival sink deeper and deeper into the morass
where her passion had driven her. Elizabeth could now
sleep soundly. H er worst fears were abated.
Contradictory rumors of all these happenings were re
ceived in Rome with growing alarm. W hatever the truth
or falsity of the reports, even if Mary had not been guilty
of actual crime, at least she had ruined her good name.
Yet, in justice to this much-maligned woman, it must be
recorded that up to the death of Darnley, her name was
above reproach, both at the court of France and in Edin
burgh under the cruel eyes of the hate-intoxicated Knox
and his followers. In spite of their desire to bring some
charge against her, they had been unable to compromise
her for seven years. She had shown high courage in suf
fering and disaster. She had spared her despicable hus
band, Darnley; and, unlike Elizabeth, she had clung loyally
to her religion when it was against her own interest to
do so. Moreover her spiritual adviser, the Dominican
Roch Mamerot, testified that up to her marriage to Both
well he could vouch for her virtue, courage, and honor.
T h is testimony he was ready to affirm by solemn oath.
Rashly impulsive and desperate she undoubtedly was.
Certainly no match for the cunning Elizabeth, Mary has
been loved and pitied by the judgm ent of history; while
Elizabeth has been coldly admired for her subordination
of personal desires to her queenly prerogatives. In Eliza
ig 6
beth, the queen conquered the woman; but in Mary, the

woman conquered the queen. More than once she had
forgiven her traitorous husband, Darnley. Repeatedly she
tried to be reconciled to the father of her son, as he him
self attested. But it was necessary to blacken her name;
and to this end the most shameless lies and calumnies were
invented by her enemies. T h e famous casket letters which
played such an important part in her trial at Westminster
are now believed to be forgeries.
H er marriage to Bothwell was, at best, a terrible blun
der. T h e fact that she received the Sacraments according
to the Catholic rites immediately after her marriage is
evidence that she herself considered her marriage valid.
Pius V entertained the most serious doubts about Mary
Stuart. He was distraught; for he had placed great hopes
in her for the re-establishment of the Faith in Scotland.
Pius recalled his nuncio, Laureo; and Mary complained
to the Cardinal of Lorraine that the Pope had recalled
him too soon; that if he had remained, many disasters
w ould have been avoided. Laureo was at M ondovi, en
route to Rome, when the news reached him of her mar
riage to Bothwell. H e sent on word to the H oly Father
that Mary had acted contrary to G ods honor and her
own. A nd he wrote to Mary that, although he was grant
ing her request for an adviser, and was sending her the
Jesuit, Edm und Hay, she must not blame the Pope if
he spurned her; since, by marrying Bothwell who was
a married man, she had committed an act which seemingly
im plied apostasy from her Faith. A n d although Laureo
sent to the pontiff an autographed letter from Mary in
which she reaffirmed her loyalty to the Catholic religion,
in which she wished to die, the stern and righteous Pope
caused his nuncio to reply that His Holiness cannot w il
fully blind himself to what has transpired and believes
E N GLAN D AND SCO TLA N D
19 7
that at present he ought to withdraw from the religious

question in Scotland. As for the queen herself, he can
not have any further relations with her, unless in the
future she shows herself a better daughter of the Church.
A n d so all relations between Scotland and Rome were
broken off by the uncompromising pontiff. Pius V did
not change his views regarding Mary for some time, for
he considered her little better than Elizabeth. But on
January, 1569, Edmund Hay wrote to his General,
Francis Borgia, asking that prayers be said for the sinful
woman, that she m ight be brought back and accomplish
some good work to redeem the past. Her marriage to
Bothwell was unhappy; and hers was a bitter atonement
in this world.
T h e nobles who had so long plotted her ruin now
believed that their day had arrived. T h e y formed an
army against Bothwell to rescue the queen. Mary, be
cause she wished to avoid bloodshed, withdrew her troops
and came to terms with the rebels who allowed Bothwell
to escape as the queen had stipulated; although, as it was
learned later, the nobles were in league with Bothwell
and their rescue of the queen was pure pretense.
Now Mary, Queen of Scots, was absolutely alone in the
world. Deserted by the man who had stolen her, forsaken
by the pontiff who could not in conscience condone her
acts so at variance with her Catholic professions, without
a friend or an adviser, this sad woman who had lived
so tragically in the brief space of twenty-five years was
utterly abandoned. She was met with shouts of Burn the
whore! on her journey to Edinburgh as a prisoner. Burn
the murderess! 11 rang in her ears along her dreary route.
She heard the savage cruel street mob shout for her death
11 Yet Scotland was not unaccustomed to regicide. O f her 105 kings, 56
had been killed!
1 g8
by drowning or at the stake. She alone bore the blame for

the iniquity of Darnleys death (never proved against her),
while it is now known that the Secretary of State Lethington, C hief Justice Argyll, and Chancellor Huntley were
all implicated. She was the sole scapegoat; and like a lamb,
she was led to the slaughter. In the Castle of Lochleven,
in the middle of a lake, the disgraced woman was im
prisoned. K nox gloated over the unhappy womans mis
fortune. N o m ilk of human kindness tempered his vin
dictive demand for M arys execution for adultery and
for the murder of her husband. His sermon seethed with
hatred.
T h e nobles were triumphant. T h ey would now rule
the kingdom for their own advantage in the name of the
infant king. A nd at once the Catholic worship of the
queen, to which in her extremity she had turned, was
mocked and vilified. Everything in her private chapel in
Lochleven was broken to pieces. A nd M urray began sys
tematically to persecute the Catholics of Scotland. Bishop
Chisholm was brought to trial for administering the Sacra
ments, and accused for his relations with the Pope. He
was deposed, and all his revenues were confiscated. Proof
of celebrating Mass was enough to bring ecclesiastics to
trial. Many purchased their freedom for money and left
the country. Four priests were conducted to the market
place for the crime of saying Mass, and were condemned
to death. M urray commuted the sentence to exile. But
they were first forced to hold the Chalice aloft while the
mob besmirched it with filth for a full hour. T hus C al
vinist Scotland, under John Knox, was practising Chris
tian charity!
Mary had been forced to sign her abdication at Loch
leven in favor of her infant son who was crowned at
Stirling. O n May the second she escaped from Lochleven
19 9
and put herself at the head of an army of six thousand

men, who were defeated by Regent M urray near Glas
gow. In spite of the advice of her friends, Mary crossed
the Solway and threw herself upon the protection of
Elizabeth, who had intervened in her behalf. Once on the
English side of the border, Mary was removed from Car
lisle to Bolton Castle to await the queen of Englands re
view of the case between the Scottish queen and her
people. Since she was denied the personal interview with
the queen which she demanded, pending the review of
her case, Mary became suspicious; yet, as she had no choice,
she submitted to the proposed conferences which began
at York on October the eighth, 1568, but were transferred
to Westminster toward the end of November. Her illegiti
mate half-brother, Murray, now regent in the name of her
son, played into the hands of her enemies. It was he who
secretly sent the famous casket letters and the so-called
matrimonial pacts with Bothwell to the English govern
ment to ascertain if they were sufficient evidence to prove
the queens guilt.
Mary accused Murray of usurping the government of
Scotland by imprisoning the lawful queen, thus placing
him on the defensive. H e was evasive and tried once
again to learn the value of the casket letters from the
judges before subm itting them at the trial; thus render
ing his proofs of M arys guilt anything but conclusive.
It is possible that at the time M urray would have been
w illing to come to terms with the imprisoned queen, but
not so Elizabeth! She had her rival in her power at long
last, and she had a xveapon in her hands which she did
not mean to relinquish. Murray was received by Eliza
beth, while Mary was not admitted to the royal presence.
T h is audience Mary demanded through her representa
tives, Bishop Leslie and Lord Herries, stipulating that it
200
should be held, not only in the presence of Elizabeth, but

also that the foreign ambassadors and the English nobility
should attend thus, she felt, assuring her an impartial
hearing. Her emissaries did not follow up her demand,
but allowed themselves to be cajoled and won over by
the w ily Cecil and Leicester, who suggested that the mat
ter might be settled amicably. Meanwhile, after his
audience with Elizabeth, Murray completely changed his
tactics. H e now accused Mary, not only of im plication in
the murder of her husband but even of a plot to do away
with her only son! C ecil denied the protest of Marys m in
isters on the ground of some illegality; but before the
protest was presented in amended form, Cecil had pre
vailed upon M urray to present his evidence at the trial
which included the casket letters and M arys deposition
by the Scottish parliament. Her sentence was placed in
the hands of six nobles at Hampton Court. Strange to
say, it did not concern itself with the queens guilt or
innocence, but merely advised that the queen of England
could not receive the Scottish queen as things stood!
T h e more dangerous and compromised her position,
the braver the Queen of Scots becomes! She takes the
offensive against her enemies. From her place of imprison
ment at Bolton Castle, not only does she deny any con
nection with the murder of her husband, but she names
her accusers as the real culprits! T h e result of this tactical
right-about-face M urray and M orton are publicly ac
cused of regicide before the queens council on the day
before Christmas, 1568! Encouraged by this turn of events,
the Queen of Scots writes another letter in which she
again accuses her accusers, and declares that the unnatural
charge that she intended to murder her only son was in
itself sufficient proof of the worthlessness of the other
charges brought against her by her enemies. These letters
EN GLAN D AND SCO TLAN D
201
of Mary are still extant, and prove beyond a doubt not

only her innocence but also her resourcefulness and cour
age under the most terrifying circumstances. Moreover,
Mary demanded that she be presented with copies of the
charges brought against her, that she m ight refute them.
Elizabeth pretended she thought Marys demand very
reasonable, and that she was overjoyed that her sister
was ready to vindicate herself; but, nevertheless, she took
good care that the Scottish queen never was given an op
portunity of a public hearing! M achiavelli would have
applauded this perfect performance of princely diplo
macy in his apt pupil!
In view of the suppression of the Huguenots in France
and A lb as victory in the Netherlands, Cecil and the
Protestant party were urging Elizabeth to put herself at
the head of Protestantism in Europe, to declare war on
Alba, and to send Mary back to Scotland.12 T h e Catholics
wanted peace, and the queens recognition of M arys rights
to succession in England. As usual, Elizabeth adopted
the middle course. She supported the Huguenots with
loans of money. A n d she seized the Spanish ships (laden
with large sums of money13 for the soldiers pay) which
had taken refuge from the pirates at Southampton and
Plymouth. In retaliation, Alba seized English ships and
property in the Netherlands. T h en Elizabeth confiscated
the property of Spaniards in England. T h e queens alibi
that the money stolen from the ships belonged to the
Genoese bankers, and not to Alba, that she had bor
rowed it, was a characteristic Machiavellian platitude
which falsely proclaimed that princes are not bound by
the same moral restrictions as are common people. Yet,
in spite of her high-handed banditry, Philip II did not
12 Creighton, T he Age of Elizabeth.
13 Said to have approximated 100,000 pounds sterling.
20 2
allow the insult to provoke him to war with England. He

was preoccupied with the Netherlands and with the Moors
and he did not intend to take on another enemy at the
time.
Murray was called to Hampton Court and, provided
with substantial sums of money as a reward for his serv
ices to the queen of England, was told that he was exon
erated from the charges brought against him, and was
thus free to return to Scotland. T h e attitude of the Eng
lish government regarding the casket letters was so evasive
that to say the least the suspicion of their forgery has
persisted.
Mary remained a prisoner in Elizabeths power on the
flimsiest of pretexts, not because she had been proved
guilty of the charges brought against her, but out of fear
of what she m ight do. She was a constant threat to the
English queen as long as she lived, for the following of
the Queen of Scots was powerful, and the English people
were not entirely devoid of a sense of justice and chivalry
in regard to the treatment of an anointed queen. Many
Englishmen ardently hoped that in the Queen of Scots
England and Scotland might be united; and the Catholics
longed for the restoration of the O ld Religion. During her
long imprisonment of nineteen years one conspiracy after
another was discovered. T h e most practicable plan, which
seemed to offer some hope for the Scottish queen, was the
proposed marriage of Mary to the duke of Norfolk. T his
proposal was welcomed by N orfolk himself, and by the
Catholic earls of Northum berland and Westmoreland.
Mary herself was ready to submit the matter to the Scot
tish parliament. She was w illing to break off whatever ties
still bound her to Bothwell, in which step she knew she
could count upon the Popes full support. But once again
M urray blocked such a proposal, and those nobles, who
E N G LAN D AND SCO TLA N D
20g
had pretended to be shocked by her marriage to Both

well, were now the very ones who would not listen to an
annulment of the marriage! Elizabeths displeasure against
N orfolk was so severe that he was imprisoned in the Tow er,
though no charge of treason could be found against him.
T h e religious discontent of the English Catholics be
came more assertive and more widely spread with the
years of continued imprisonment of Mary of Scots. T h eir
enthusiasm, which had been dampened by her marriage
to Bothwell, and the Popes disapproval of her conduct,
was rekindled wrhen the ending of the conferences of
Westminster signalized her vindication and acquittal. And
Pius V, viewing these proceedings from his watchtower
in the Eternal City, began to change his attitude toward
the Scottish queen whose courage and loyalty to her reli
gion became increasingly manifest. M arys sufferings at
the hands of the queen of England (whom Pius spoke of
as the pretended queen of England, and whom he con
sidered a crowned crim inal for her suppression of the
religion of her subjects) began to evoke the sympathies of
the pontiff even while he was plagued with doubts con
cerning her. On May the ninth, 1569, a letter to A rch
bishop Beaton reassured Mary of the Popes faith in her;
and on January the ninth, 1570, Pius V replied to a let
ter from the Scottish queen, telling her he had written
to the kings of Spain and France in her behalf; and that
he was satisfied in his own mind that her sufferings were
inflicted upon her solely because of her loyalty to the
Catholic Faith. His confidence in her became so absolute
that Pius wrote Mary in July of 1570 that he was sure
that neither threats nor bribes could ever detach her from
the communion and obedience of the Church.
Now that his trust in the Scottish queen was completely
revived, Pius felt his plans to bring back England to her
204
ancient faith might assume concrete form. He hoped that

A lba would invade England, and by his sword restore
the country to the Catholic Church. A lb a s reply was
that it would be futile to ask France to cooperate; that
the best plan was to conquer England in P h ilip s name,
or to bestow the kingdom upon an English nobleman
who should marry Mary. Pius undoubtedly believed that
strong support would be given Mary under such a plan,
and that the Catholics would arise en masse against Eliza
beth. He knew the prisons were filled with Catholics,
and that the older Catholics could not be swerved from
their Faith; but he feared for the children who, deprived
of the instruction of the Church for a generation, would
be completely weaned away from the Faith.14 Many Cath
olics took the point of view that it was lawful to oppose
the English queen on the Scriptural injunction that they
must obey God rather than man. Others thought they
must await a definite papal pronouncement to guide them.
Pius was well aware that to obtain unity of action among
the English Catholics a papal pronouncement must be
made. Accordingly, to discover what sort of reception his
contemplated excommunication of the queen of England
would be given, he sent Nicholas Morton, penitentiary
of St. Peters in Rome, to England in the spring of 1569.
By the middle of summer of this same year, the sup
port that Mary could count upon was so strong that
Elizabeth appears to have been terrified. She feared an
attack from Spain; and at the same time she was well
aware of the enthusiasm displayed for Mary which she
said reminded her of Absalom s revolt against David.
But P hilips customary hesitation and A lb a s unw illing
ness to jeopardize his gains in the Netherlands, and to
As, in our own day, Pius X I expressed a like fear for the youth of
Russia and Germany.
205
capitalize on the sentiment for Mary and so seize the

psychological moment for an uprising, were some of the
causes for the disastrous outcome of the revolt in the
north. Philip II, with his personal experience of English
sentiment, undoubtedly knew the insular temper of Eng
lish patriots. H e was aware they did not want an invasion
of their country by a foreign potentate to rescue them
from Elizabeth; even though they w ould have welcomed
and supported a reconstituted England united to Scot
land under Mary and a husband of the English Catholic
nobility.
M ary had many offers of marriage during the summer
of 1569 from English nobles who were w illing to gamble
on their fortunes and lives in her behalf. N orfolk was still
in the T ow er and the earls of Westmoreland and of
Northum berland were faced with the choice of being
forced to share his imprisonment or take up arms. T h ey
issued an appeal to the people in which they stated their
loyalty to the queen of England, but declared they were
rising to rescue England and the crown from Elizabeths
false advisers who were leading her and the country to
destruction. If Mary had been freed by force from her
prison, and been visible as a rallying focus, she might
have been successful in restoring Catholicism, even
though, like the M aid of Orleans, she sacrificed herself
in the attempt. But the earls did not dare to attempt
M arys deliverance, for they feared for her life; and, as it
was, she was removed from T u tb u ry to Conventry when
an armed force of eight hundred horsemen marched south.
Sussex was avoiding a pitched battle on the presumed
assumption that the uprising m ight prove so formidable
that he could shift sides at the propitious moment. But,
after a lapse of over a week, when the assistance of Alba
did not materialize, the earl of W arwick marched south
2o6
THE
SWORD
O F SAIN T M IC H A E L
and joined Sussex, and the insurgents dispersed ig

nominiously. Northum berland and Westmoreland fled
across the Scottish border, and with their flight the Cath
olics in the north were divided.
N o blood was shed in the uprising. But Elizabeths
victory cost a terrible price in human lives. Elizabeth
seemed crazed by fright. T h e poor, who had no power,
were publicly hanged as an example. In Durham alone
Sussex condemned over three hundred to the gallows.
More than nine hundred perished during the orgy of
terror.15 Elizabeth desired to proceed against even more
malcontents who had had any share in the uprising, but
she desisted when her crown lawyers pointed out to her
it would mean the wiping out of whole populations. But
those who were not put to death were forced to take the
Oath of Supremacy. Yet, in spite of the severity inflicted
by the crown, another uprising under Leonard Dacre
took place in February of 1570, but this likewise resulted
in the annihilation of three thousand followers. Dacre fled
to Flanders after crossing the Scottish border.
T h e English ports were so strictly guarded that the
English Catholic exiles in the Low Countries were out
of touch with happenings in their own country; and so
it appears that as late as February fourteenth, 1570, the
outcome of the uprising in England was not known at
Louvain where Nicholas Sanders continued to write to
Rome, urging the Pope to give help to the two Catholic
earls who have taken up arms in the Catholic cause. 18
Indeed, four thousand exiles had returned to Scotland,
ls I guess the number will be 600 or 700 that shall be executed of the
common sort, besides the prisoners taken in the field. I trust to use such
discretion as that no sort shall escape from example, and that the example
shall be very great. T h e Earl of Sussex to Cecil in a letter dated De
cember 28, 1569. Green, Addenda, 1566-1579, p. 169.
18 Northumberland and Westmoreland.
207
there to await the Popes decision in order to come to

their aid, and to encourage the nobles to make a stand
for their faith. T h e ir allegiance was vouched for if the
Pope would promise the nobles they might retain their
property hlched from the Church. Pius V was urged
not to abandon the Catholics after making such a good
beginning. Furthermore a letter came to the pontiff from
the duchess of Feria which clearly stated that Philip II
meant to come to the aid of the English Catholics.
As had happened in Flanders, news of the uprising and
its fatal outcome did not reach Rome until too late to be
useful to the insurgents. Westmoreland and Northum ber
land sent an urgent plea to the Pope for help a week
before the attempted revolt; but it did not reach the
pontiff for three months! In these days of rapid communi
cation and almost instant flashing of news from all over
the globe, it is hard to realize under what handicaps the
Pope of Rome labored in giving the assistance he desired
to offer for the preservation of the faith in Europe. By
the time a letter reached him, and before he could reply
by papal brief, months had been lost, so that his intentions
and will were frustrated by the unpredictable element of
time. T h u s he wrote to the English earls on February
the twenty-second, 1570, one week after their appeal for
help arrived in Rome, in reply to a letter which was dated
Novem ber sixteenth, 1569!
In this letter Pius tried to infuse hope and courage in
the hearts of the men who, he was satisfied, were engaged
in the L ord s business. He told them frankly that it was
preferable for them to lose their lives in such a just cause,
rather than to continue to live under the domination of
a woman who was not their lawful queen, and who was
ruled by her caprices. T h e y must be prepared to sacri
fice their life and property in the cause of religion.
2o8
TH E SWORD
OF
SA IN T M IC H A E L
Pius had recourse to those English exiles who were in

Rome; but he was too wise not to know they had been
too long out of touch with affairs in their own country,17
to rely wholly on their advice. But when Nicholas M orton
advised the Pope that the time for action had arrived,
Pius was convinced that all that was wanting was a papal
denunciation of the heresy of the pretended queen.
T h at all should be legal, Pius summoned the refugees and
asked them to testify regarding six questions: namely,
that Elizabeth had assumed the title of Head of the
Church of England ;18 that she had deposed accredited
bishops and put schismatics in their places; that she had
given to Protestant bishops the right of visitation and had
compelled all in positions of trust in the government to
take the oath against the supremacy of the pontiff of
Rome; that she lived the life of a heretic while having
it in her power to put down heresy.
T h e Bull against Elizabeth, Regnans in Excelsis, which
has occasioned so much historical controversy, was sol
emnly pronounced against the queen of England on Feb
ruary the twenty-fifth, 1570. In the bu ll Pius states that,
as Vicar of Christ, he is performing his duty of preserving
from corruption all who departed from the one true
Church, and the punishing of apostates. In the discharge
of this duty, Pius condemns Elizabeth as guilty of heresy
and of encouraging heresy; and hence she has forfeited
her pretended righ t to the English throne, as well as
the allegiance of her subjects who are no longer bound
17 Ten years.
18 Much debate has been wasted on this claim of the queen as head
of the church of England. It must be remembered that the Oath of
Supremacy was in the hands of the Holy See, and that the queries of the
Pontiff were mere form to keep the papal record straight. Protestant
polemics go too far when they question the title of head of the church,
employed by Pius V in the Bull of Excommunication.
209
by any loyalty to her; and under pain of excommunica

tion must discontinue their obedience to her.
Pius declared to Zuniga, the Spanish ambassador, that
he issued the B ull in response to the request of the Eng
lish Catholics who had scruples concerning their duty
regarding the queen as long as the Pope did not declare
her a heretic and issue a deposition against her. He could
not in conscience disregard their appeal for a clear papal
statement. A t the end of March, 1570, copies of the Bull
were sent to A lba who was to display them at the seaports
of Flanders where the English merchants would take the
news across the Channel. It was sent to France and to
Poland; and about eighty copies of the bu ll were en
trusted to the Florentine banker, Ridolfi, to distribute
in England.
N either from A lba nor from the king of France did
Pius receive the cooperation he had been led to expect.
But the bu ll was found fastened to the doors of the
bishop of Londons palace on the morning of M ay twentyfifth, 1570. John Felton, a highly esteemed citizen of
Southwark, was suspected and arrested for posting the
bull. He confessed and died a martyrs death w hile stoutly
proclaiming his adherence to papal authority up to the
very last.
Philip II, upon whom the execution of the bull would
naturally fall, was not advised of its publication. T his
shows that Pius V intended to enlighten the English,19
rather than to execute its provisions. Philip was angry
that he was not consulted; since, as he asserted, he knew
more about English affairs than any other foreigner. H e
and the Spanish ambassador said it was premature, and
that it should not have been released until all was in readi
19 Pastors explanation.
210
ness for its execution an argument that seems to have

much to commend it. T h e Spanish king declared that
Pius seemed to think that his own zeal was a guarantee
of success; but that he, the king, feared that the position
of English Catholics was jeopardized by its publication;
and that the Pope seemed to forget P h ilip s position as
the leader of Catholicism in Europe. Zuniga protested to
Pius, and told his Holiness that the lack of mention of
his monarchs name in the bu ll im plied that the Pope
was showing favoritism to France. D id he not know that
Philip would never allow the king of France to set foot
in England? Philip protested his innocence regarding the
papal bull in a letter to Elizabeth, which was almost
apologetic. But his ambassador was, nevertheless, by order
of the queen, forcibly ejected from England.
A ll the efforts of the Spanish ambassador to try to get
the pontiff to withdraw the bull were, however, futile.
A n d A lb a s protests to the Pope were likewise ineffectual.
Once Pius V had drawn the sword of Saint Michael, he
refused to sheathe it! T h e outcome was with God. T o
avoid undue suffering for the Catholics, Pius favored the
suggestion of an economic boycott which was put for
ward by an Italian merchant as a way out of the papal
dilemma. Let the bu ll be openly published in Spain,
France, and Flanders. T h en let the kings of France and
Spain refuse to trade with England. T h e blockade would
force Elizabeth to give way and to grant to Catholics their
religious rights; while, at the same time, she would w ith
draw her reliance upon Cecil and the Protestant party.
But Philip II considered the plan would prove ineffec
tual; and the economic blockade fell through.
Yet, although the political gains of the bull appeared
to be nil, the bu ll did achieve much, and caused the
queen great uneasiness. A rising tide of discontent among
211
English Catholics was evident. A fter a visitation by the

Protestant bishop of Durham, he reported that the
greater part of the people were eagerly awaiting the first
sign of fresh disturbance. In Lancashire the people were
openly hostile to the Anglican worship. Bishop Barnes
of Carlisle wrote to Sussex20 in October of 1570 that A ll
things in Lancashire savoured of open rebellion. . . .
Since Felton set up the Bull, the greatest there never
came to any service nor suffered any to be said in their
houses, but openly entertained Louvainist massers with
their bulls. A nd the countess of Northum berland wrote
to A lb a that in Lancashire Apres qu ils ont eu conaissance de Vexcommunication faite contre la personne de
la Royne dAngleterre the Catholic worship was restored
in their homes and parishes. These were the true recusants,
whose numbers were legion. T h e conscience of these Cath
olics was deeply stirred by the papal bull.
Although the queen of England pretended to scorn the
Bull of Excommunication, she nevertheless used her in
fluence with M axim ilian II to persuade the pontiff to
withdraw it. T o this ruse the Pope stoutly refused to
comply. If, he asked, the queen attributes no impor
tance to the Bull, why is she desirous of having it with
drawn? A nd if it is important to her and pricks her con
science, why does she not return to the Church and allow
Sussex wrote to Elizabeth that there were not ten gentlemen in
Yorkshire that did allow (approve) her proceedings in the cause of
religion.
T h e Catholics of the north withdrew stubbornly from the national
worship. Everywhere the number of recusants increased. Intrigues were
busier than ever. T he regent Murray was assassinated, and Scotland
plunged into war . . . Greens Short History of the English People, p.
39 T h e disaffection of the Catholics was met by imposing on all magis
trates and public officials the obligation of subscribing to the Articles of
Faith, a measure which in fact transferred the administration of justice
and public order to their Protestant opponents. Ibid., p. 391.
21 2
the same privilege to her subjects? or words to that effect.

As for the pontiff himself, if he could do anything to ex
tinguish her hatred, even to the shedding of his blood,
he would gladly renounce his papal dignity to achieve
such a summum bonum.
But, instead of listening to the voice from Rome, Eliza
beth retaliated to the papal bu ll by perm itting the publi
cation of the most vulgar gibes against the Head of the
Church. These were followed by the issuing of new laws,
when Parliam ent assembled on A p ril the second, 1571,
which were plainly aimed at the Catholic subjects of Eng
land. High treason was the charge against anyone who,
during the queens lifetime, should claim the right to the
throne; or who should dare to assert that the queen was
a heretic or a schismatic; or that she had usurped the
crown; or who refused to acknowledge that Parliament
alone determined the succession. T h e same charge of high
treason was applied to anyone who heeded a papal bull
or brief, or to any Englishman who asked for or obtained
absolution, or who accepted objects blessed by the Pope.
T h is was the last excommunication of a monarch by a
pontiff of Rome, which seems to im ply that the weapon
which the popes had used so effectively in the M iddle
Ages was, from the time of H enry V III and Elizabeth, ob
solete and futile. Already the state had become too power
ful to fear the upraised arm of the Vicar of Christ. Caesar
triumphed over Christ in England under Elizabeth21 who
21 These considered evaluations of the Reformation in England from
notable Englishmen are worth pondering:
Doubtless the National Church has hitherto been a serviceable break
water against the doctrinal errors more fundamental than its own. How
long this will last in the years now before us, it is impossible to say, for
the Nation drags down its Church to its own level. H. E. John Henry
Newman (1864).
T h e Reformation, no doubt, cost much. It broke up the Visible Unity
so dear to Christians who believe our Lords universal prayer in St. John
ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND
213
was to inagurate an era f commercialism, where money

is God and m ight is right. It was a blasphemous; luxurious,
riotous epoch the perfect product of that Renaissance
which saw in the Elizabethan Age the flowering of the
most glorious poetry, the boldest adventure, and the most
ruthless piracy and heartless slave trade, and which in
itiated a period22 whose subtle hypocrisy may be char
acterized as the mailed fist in the velvet glove. Spains
empire was already dying for lack of the sinews to hold
it together money, which the British buccaneers did not
hesitate to appropriate whenever their ships could search
Spains galleons and seize her gold. T h e canny Elizabeth
and the Epistle o the Ephesians, to be part of the Word of God. It bred
a race of violent experimentalists who were in their turn enemies of
Faith, of Charity, and of Order. Dr. Canon Liddons Sermon in St.
Marys, Oxford, reported in T he Guardian of June 25, 1879.
. . . I believe that the chief and most important work which was done
by the Reformation was to render the things of Christ unto Caesar. I
shall always strive, to the best of my humble ability to give back to God
the things of God. And the cuckoo-cry of the principles of the Reforma
tion are in danger certainly will not scare me from my purpose. If the
Reformation gentlemen considered themselves justified, as I suppose they
did, in upsetting the Settlement of Magna-Charta, a settlement brought
about and cemented by the martyrdom of our most glorious saint and
patron, St. Thomas; why should I for a moment hesitate in doing my
best to strive to alter the Reformation Settlement and go back to that of
Magna-Charta and St. Thomas? The Keys of the Kingdom of Heaven, a
sermon by the Rev. T . W . Mossman, O.C.R., pp. 14, 15, London, 1879.
22 Protestantism became the ally of commercial enterprise, and their
union begat Elizabethan sea divinity and the slave-trade. A. F. Pollard,
Fellow of the Academy, in his Raleigh Lecture on History, entitled The
Elizabethans and the Empire, 1928.
T h e papal attitude toward slavery has always been uncompromising and
forthright; even at a time when it was unpopular to denounce it. Thus in
1462 Pius II declared that slavery is magnum scelus, a great crime. In
1537 Paul III forbade the enslavement of the Indians; and so on down
the line of pontiffs! Urban VIII in 1639, Benedict X IV in 1741. Pius VII,
at the Congress of Vienna, demanded the suppression of the slave trade
in 1815; and in his Bull of Canonization of the Jesuit Peter Claver, Greg
ory X VI condemned slavery as the supreme villany (summum nefas). In
these enlightened United States of America it was not until 1864 that it
was put down after a bloody and cruel civil war lasting four years!
214
knew she could not compete with Spains land army, but
she could and did foil her rivals designs by chicanery
and robbery on the high sea. It was the discovery of sea
power by the Tudors that changed the course of English
history and the fortunes of the world.
9
PIUS V S POLICIES IN POLAND
I T W A S Pius V s tragic destiny that his pontificate cov
ered a period which was unique in European history;
for the sixteenth century presented unprecedented prob
lems whose attempted solution m ight well have terrified
the stoutest heart and palsied the bravest effort. T h a t his
right arm did not fall, nor the sword of his spirit waver,
was due to no earthly power! His reliance was on Christ;
his refreshment and renewal came in prayerful commun
ion with the H oly Spirit; his courage was revivified by an
unfaltering faith in the universal mission of the Church
which here on earth he represented, in whose service he
daily offered up his life and labors as the Servant of the
servants of G od. Often, when deluged by the m ultitudi
nous baffling problems which never abated, and from
which he never flinched, he did indeed glance back with
a nostalgic longing to the peace and quiet of his convent
enclosure, within whose walls he had hoped to die; but
as Pontiff of Christendom he sought and found in daily
prayer the support and supernatural strength he needed.
H e knew that sweet refreshment and infused renewal
which comes even to the very aged and the afflicted, when,
in childlike reliance on G ods tender mercy, their youth
is renewed like the eagles, and they arise with new
strength!
*5
2 16
W e have glanced over the European scene and witnessed

his untiring labors for reform and the preservation of
the faith in his own beloved Italy; in torn and tortured
Germany; in Catholic Spain where he should have had
complete cooperation and unquestioned obedience; in
the Netherlands where the passion for liberty had degen
erated into lawless license and unbridled orgies of destruc
tion of G ods houses; in France where the dynastic ambi
tion of a foreign queen betrayed the true French interests
of her people, until the very excesses of the interminable
religious wars awoke in the French a reassertion of their
ancient Faith, and saved that delectable land to the
Church; and, finally, we have seen how the contest be
tween the Church and Elizabethan England ended in the
apparent (but not ultimate) victory of Caesar over Christ,
w hile Scotland, under the iron heel of John K nox and
the avaricious lords of the realm, repudiated the Faith
that had prevailed for so many centuries until Protes
tantism finally assumed the dominant position during the
eighteen long and terrible years that the queen of the
Scots languished in prison.
But western Europe did not absorb the pontiff so com
pletely that he ignored eastern Europe, or the far reaches
beyond the seas. Before his peering vigilance in that per
spective of time and space which is spoken of as sub specie
aeternitatis, Pius V saw the whole world in jeopardy. It
may be questioned if he did not envision in the far distant
future of our own day, the inevitable harvest which a
broken Christendom would inherit, unless heed were
given to his exhortations and obedience to divine author
ity were maintained in the hearts of men. Thus, in spite
of ill-health and the burden of advancing years, Pius V
labored on without hope of respite in this world. His
rest and reward were in heaven.
PIUS v s PO LIC IE S IN P O LA N D
21 7
In the time of which we write, Poland was a mighty king

dom, to which Lithuania was indissolubly joined in 1569
and Livonia1 was later added, with Warsaw as the capital.
Saved from schism and a national church, by the sover
eigns acceptance of the decrees of the Council of T rent,
the kingdom ruled over by Sigismund Augustus caused
the pontiff many an anxious hour of apprehension. Many
of Polands higher clergy were lethargic and apathetic.
T h ey were leading lives that were anything but spiritual.
W ell aware of the weakness of the government in pro
tecting the Catholic rights of the people, and improving
the condition of the Church, Pius IV had chosen with
great wisdom a man of rare attainments and character to
represent the papacy as nuncio to Poland. Pius V con
firmed his reappointment; for he knew in what high
esteem G iulio R uggieri was held. Cardinal Madruzzo had
given Ruggieri the highest praise in a letter to Commendone, in which he spoke of the distinguished nuncio as
virtuoso e buono. Hence his confirmation by Pius V was
in keeping with the scrupulous care with which the pon
tiff selected his lieutenants.
Pius instructed R uggieri that, before assuming his duties
as nuncio, he should proceed to Augsburg to learn from
Commendone, the former nuncio to Poland, all that
should facilitate his duties at Warsaw. T h e kings pro
posed divorce was a matter of special import. Pius further
instructed Ruggieri upon the necessity of prudence in his
conduct of Polish affairs, where many heretics had begun
to worm their way into positions of trust and influence.
A reform of the monasteries was imperative, Pius told
the nuncio; also he must strive to revoke the decree of
1563 restricting the liberties of the Church, and remind
1 T he southern half o which, with Courland, comprises modern Latvia.
2l8
T H E SWORD
OF
SA IN T M IC H A E L
the king to keep his promise to Commendone to proceed

against the heretics who were boring within. T h e em
phasis Pius placed upon ecclesiastical reform was entirely
in keeping with his zeal for cleansing and renewing the
entire framework of monastic discipline everywhere. T h e
duty of residence was demanded of the bishops, together
with the scrupulous adherence of the decrees of the Coun
cil of T rent. Furthermore, no change in ritual and cere
monial was to be tolerated. For well did Pius V know
how vital these outward forms are to the preservation of
a pure and unadulterated Catholicism!
In the middle of June, Ruggieri arrived in Poland while
the Diet of L ublin was in progress. Here he witnessed a
lack of unity in the Polish episcopate which was dismay
ing to the newly-arrived papal legate. In conjunction with
Cardinal Hosius, Ruggieri sought to heal the dispute be
tween Archbishop Uchanski and Bishop W olski; and to
work for the assembling of a provincial synod. T h e dis
pute was settled by the intervention of Ruggieri and
Hosius, but the synod was postponed.
T h e papal cause in Poland received a setback in the
summer of 1567 by the deflection from the Faith of Bishop
Andreas Dudith, who was imperial ambassador at the
court of the king. He had been under papal suspicion
since his eloquence at the Council of T ren t had been
employed to support unecclesiastical views. H e broke his
vows, married a court lady of the queen, and openly
proclaimed himself a Protestant. Pius V did not hesitate
to pronounce excommunication, and demanded the
apostates recall.
T h e papal nuncio drew up an exhaustive account of
the religious, political, and economic condition of the
Kingdom of Poland. In this detailed report which the
nuncio prepared for the pontiff, Ruggieri points out that
PIUS
v s
P O LIC IE S IN P O LA N D
2 19
in all Poland there is only one province that of Masowein that is free from heresy, and is as Catholic as
Italy. W hile the number of Catholics vastly exceeds the
number of Protestants in every province and their loyalty
to the Faith is comparable to that of old Poland before
Protestantism existed, yet the number of Protestant sects
is so great that the nuncio compares them to the con
fusion of tongues in the T ow er of Babel. Refugees from
Italy, Germany, and Geneva had flocked to Poland, bring
ing every brand of Protestantism with them. T h e Calvin
ists of L ittle Poland and Lithuania were busy trying to
drive out the Antitrinitarians and the Anabaptists. L uth
erans had been strong in Greater Poland and in Prussia,
but were now being superseded by Calvinists; yet they
joined with the Calvinists to combat their latest rivals.
In his report, R uggieri cites the causes of the spread of
Protestantism in Poland. These are: the greed of the laity
for Church property; the bad example of the higher
clergy; and the decline of monastic discipline. T o the
kings plea that, because of the powerful nobles, he lacks
the ability to handle the difficult and confused religious
situation, Ruggieri asks why in Lithuania, where the
nobles are not powerful, things are even worse than in
Poland? Disregard for law, the legate says, is one of the
chief causes of confusion. T h e king is easygoing, and
opposed to any strictness of reform; and the constant wars
with Russia are sapping the national strength and
resources.
T o combat these evils, the nuncio recommends that a
papal representative should always be present at the court
of the king, who should be ready to recall the sovereign
to his duty. T h is lack of a papal nuncio had been, R u g
gieri believed, largely the cause of the tremendous strides
the adherents of the m ultitudinous sects had made in
2 20
Polish affairs; for when Pius V s predecessor had sent

him as representative, there was a conspicuous decline
in the prevalent heresies. T o further promote the re
juvenation of a virile Catholic life in Poland, Ruggieri
advised that the sons of the nobles should be sent to Rome
to receive their education, so that upon their return they
might act as a leaven to quicken Catholic culture. Because
he believed so strongly that the king had it in his hands
to restore the Catholic religion to its pristine beauty, he
urged that Pius insist that Sigismund Augustus should
nominate only zealous Catholics for episcopal sees, and
remove from his court all who were following the new
religion. T h e bishops should assist, by their vast influence,
all the teachers and preachers and writers upon whom they
might count to further the work of Catholic action. These
suggestions would result in a healthy revival of the Cath
olic Faith, the beginnings of which were already evident
after a year and a half of his own nunciature, when more
than ten thousand persons had come back to their earlier
faith.
O n the one hand, the nuncio saw how the Protestant
sects were constantly bickering among themselves, if not
engaged in open warfare. O n the other, R uggieri could
point with justifiable satisfaction to the improved condi
tion in Danzig and in Elbing where, owing to the efforts
of those soldiers of the Cross, the Dominicans and the
Jesuits, the Catholic religion had been completely re
stored. Jesuit colleges had been erected at Braunsberg
(1565) at Elbing and at Pultusk (1566); in Jaroslaw (1568);
and in V ilna (1570). T h e zeal of these sons of Saint Ig
natius filled the papal legate with profound joy and hope
for the future of Poland; for, so excellent were these men
as teachers, that Protestant parents were eager to enroll
their children in Jesuit schools in which the Catholic
PIUS v s PO LICIE S IN P O LA N D
221
spirit prevailed. A Jesuit college at Posen was in the

offing, and other cities were clamoring for them. W ith
such a bright outlook, the papal nuncio reassured the
pontiff that great results might be expected.
T h is promotion of seminaries and colleges was entirely
in keeping with Pius V s desires, and when Vincenzo di
Portico succeeded R uggieri as nuncio, in July of 1568, and
arrived at Cracow, the pontiff urged him to press for a
provincial synod; but, owing to the political shifting of
Bishop Uchanski, nothing came of his efforts. A t the
Diet of Lublin, which opened in mid-winter of 1568,
both Portico and Hosius were present. Cardinal Hosius
distinguished himself in the discussions of the Diet, and
while he was present the Protestants did not put forward
any claims. Upon his departure, however, they became
active, although their demands came to naught. It was
as a result of this D iet that Luthuania came under the
Crown of Poland. A fter leaving the administration of his
diocese in the hands of his able and stanch friend, Mar
tin Cromer, in August of 1569, Cardinal Hosius began
preparations for visiting the Eternal City, which he
reached on N ovem ber the eighth of the same year.
W hile in Rome, Hosius kept in close touch with affairs
in Poland. A federal union of the Lutherans, Calvinists,
and Bohemian Brothers was achieved at Sandomir in
A p ril of 1570, which caused much uneasiness among the
Catholics who were awaiting the coming Diet at Warsaw.
But, although the D iet was riotous with the persistent
claims of the Protestants for complete religious liberty
for everybody, they were offset by the senate which was
for the most part Catholic in its make-up. T h e opponents
were too evenly matched, and so there was a deadlock
and no decisions were forthcoming about these weighty
matters. Moreover, Bishop Uchanski continued his am
222
biguous and shifty policy in trying to appease everybody.

T h is political policy was heartily condemned by Hosius
in a letter to the bishop, who declared it un-Christian,
since Christian ethics required a forthright uncompro
mising statement of faith. Far wiser and more Christian
it would be to declare that they were ready to suffer any
indignities rather than to compromise their faith. These
false representatives of the Church were wasting their in
tegrity by talking about religious harmony with men who
could not come to any concord among themselves, but
were, like the heroes of Homer, constantly quarreling
among themselves. T h e proper course for Uchanski was
to recall the king to his duty, and not to permit futile
discussions of religious questions which belonged to the
Pope alone. W ith a courage and conviction born of a
profound faith, Hosius wrote to the king of Poland, and
to the magnates of the kingdom the most straightforward
letters. He asks the king to look at France, and wants to
know if the confusion and warfare there is what Sigismund
desires in Poland. T o avoid such a fate the sovereign
has but one course to appoint only true and tried Cath
olics to the great offices of state.
T h e proposed divorce which Sigismund Augustus de
manded from his queen caused the greatest apprehension
among earnest Catholics, for had not Englands apostasy
been the result of a divorce? M ight not their sovereign,
like H enry V III, break Catholic unity upon the same rock
of personal passion? It was said that the king was suffer
ing from epilepsy, and that his mind was deranged, or
he would not have entertained the wild hope that Pius V
would annul the marriage with Queen Catherine. M ore
over, the nobility, whose ranks were largely committed
to the new religion in the hope of personal gain, were
backing the divorce of the king, promising him not only
PIUS v s POLICIES IN POLAND
22$
their support, but also that of the German Lutheran

princes.
T h e Popes customary perspicacity seems to have failed
him for once in the appointment by Pius of Portico as
nuncio to succeed Ruggieri, who proved very inadequate.
T o conceal his impotence in a post too big for him, Portico
sent in colored and misleading reports to the H oly See.
So close was he in the favor of the king that the sovereign
sought to ask for the purple for his amenable courtiernuncio. T h e further Portico departed from strict adher
ence to his duties as representative of the Pope, the more
he sought to cover up the true state of affairs in the kings
personal life, which was anything but moral; and might
result in the most serious consequences for his kingdom.
But Rome was w ell informed through her trusted emis
saries of the true state of affairs at the Polish court. Letters
from Nicholas Crom er to M artin Crom er had arrived at
the Eternal City which were very revealing; and Graziani
wrote to Commendone from Padua (May 21, 1571) con
firming all that Nicholas Crom er had written. Reports
from Commendone to the Bishop of T orcello (dated N o
vem ber 27, 1571) are preserved in the Graziani Archives,
at Citt di Castello. T h e y are full of material dealing
with the dangerous situation in Poland, due in large
part to the domestic conflicts between the king and
queen.
But Pius V always had the eminent, distinguished, and
zealous Commendone to fall back upon as his trusted
envoy. H e arrived in Warsaw after journeying through
plague-infested districts and over frozen roads that were
almost impassable. T h e king received him graciously, in
spite of the fact that he was suffering from a bad attack
of gout. Commendone did not mince matters, but plunged
at once into a discussion of the kings divorce. He told
224
him it was utterly impossible for the Pope to grant the

desired divorce. He spoke eloquently about the sanctity
of the marriage vow. As he had suspected, the chief foe
of the Church at the court was the faithless Uchanski, the
Archbishop of Gnesen, who was without principle or loy
alty to the Holy See and the religion he professed.
Commendone did not cease to appeal with all his elo
quence to the king against the divorce proceedings which
he feared would come up at the im pending Diet. H e left
no stone unturned in trying to dissuade the king fiom
his course, declaring a Catholic marriage was a true sac
rament and was indissoluble, and that he knew full well
that the Pope w ould not swerve from his duty in the
matter of granting the divorce. He reminded the king
that Henry V III had not had a moments peace; and he
might have added (had he possessed the foresight) that
none of his three children were able to bear offspring and
heirs to the throne! T hus do the sins of the fathers visit
the children.
A n act of God settled the whole matter of the kings
divorce. Queen Catherine died suddenly at Linz in the
winter of 1572. Deprived of the chief obstacle to his di
vorce, the king was so shaken by her death that he was
bowed with grief and, in spite of the removal of his wife,
never spoke of another marriage!
W hile Commendone was fighting with all his might
against the divorce, he had been busy urging that Poland
join the League against the Turks. T h is matter the king
referred to the Diet which was very much opposed to
the idea. In spite of Com mendones efforts, all his elo
quence was lost on the senate, which took the ground
that so long as the kingdom was not disturbed by the
Turks, Poland would not join the League. Com mendones
prudent and courageous conduct at the Diet has been
PIUS
v s
PO LICIE S IN P O LA N D
2 25
attested to in the dispatches which constantly arrived in

Rome and which are extant in the papal archives.
Due to the kings lustful life, he was wasting away with
disease, and now became rapidly worse. As he had no
children, and was hence the last of his line of Jagellons,
the gravest fears about the election of a new monarch
were entertained in Rome. These fears were more than
justified.
10
PIUS V S MISSIONARY LABORS
IN N O department of his m ultitudinous activities did
Pius V exhibit so conspicuously that trait, fundamentally
characteristic of him, which for want of a better term
we have called his practical spirituality, as in his labors
in the missionary field. In this respect he was thoroughly
modern in his approach, and seems to have anticipated
Pius X I, whose exemplar and model he undoubtedly was.
From the first, M ichele G hislieris broad grasp of execu
tive problems had been displayed as prior of the Dom ini
can convents which he supervised. H e freed them from
debt by the strictest economy and by reorganizing their
several departments. H e was a thoroughly practical and,
we m ight say, modern man of affairs, reliable in every
business detail and a competent executive. H e further
combined, in a rare degree, prudence and courage. T h is
quality of husbanding his resources, while at the same
time ready to risk all if circumstances demanded it, made
him an efficient soldier of Christ.
T h ere was nothing quixotic in his approach to the
conversion of pagans and infidels and prim itive peoples.
T h e soundest principles and the most prudent forethought,
guided by divine assistance and consecrated by prayer,
kept him from dissipating his strength. W hile no one
appreciated courage and fortitude more than Pius did,
226
PIUS
v s
M ISSION ARY LABO RS
22 7
he exhorted his missionaries not to risk their lives reck

lessly in their desire to achieve martyrdom. T h e ir pur
pose was to convert, to teach and to minister; and the
laborers in the L ord s vineyard were all too few; while
the harvest of souls was abundant. And, like A chille Ratti,
M ichele G hislieri urged native priests and teachers,
as soon as they could be trained, to take over the work
of the missioners who might then be released for new
fields. T h is wise procedure seems at the time to have been
a new departure and a novel tactic.
T h e ardor with which Catholic missionaries undertook
their tasks was entirely in the best tradition of the Apostles
themselves, who took literally the words of their Master:
G o ye, therefore, and preach the Gospel to every crea
ture, baptizing them in the name of the Father, and of
the Son, and of the H oly Ghost. T here was nothing
equivocal about that injunction to the missionaries of the
sixteenth century nor has there ever been to true Cath
olics at any time. Men on fire with the healing Gospel
of Christ have had no choice but to obey the divine in
junction. In such a spirit St. Francis X avier had gone
forth to lift the heathen to the light of Christ. T his
Apostle of the Indies died at the age of forty-six, alone
on the island of Sancian, after two and a half years of
labor in Japan, and on the eve of his departure to China.
Such a life of devotion and sacrifice seems to have irri
tated the Calvinists, whose hatred of the ancient Church
extended even to these heroic men. Was it a challenge
that the Protestants of the sixteenth century could not
meet? W ith unreasoning bigotry the Jesuits were assailed,
and even tortured and put to death, not only by uncon
verted savages, but by those who claimed a purer reli
gion and a more unsullied faith! As early as 1549, while
X avier was laboring in Ceylon, Jesuit missionaries had
228
gone to Brazil to work among the native Indians. In the

first year of Pius V s pontificate Francis Borgia, third
general of the Order of the Jesuits, sent to South Am erica
a Portuguese fellow Jesuit, Ignatius Azevedo, to take to
his far-distant brothers of the Order the constitutions and
laws of the Jesuits, which as yet were unknown in the
western hemisphere. His report to Borgia was, on the
whole, encouraging. T h e mission was flourishing, but the
laborers were too few, and their scattered posts were
dangerous to the missioners themselves. T h ey received
little help from the Portuguese immigrants who were too
absorbed in commercial gain to assist in a purely religious
enterprise. Young men should be sent from Europe to
Brazil, Azevedo urged, who must study the Indian tongue
and the work required for efficient missionary endeavor.
Azevedo also requested that brothers be sent as artisans,
carpenters, and even sculptors. H e was not disappointed
in obtaining the cooperation he asked for from Rome.
Returning to Rome in 1569, he immediately went to
report to the Holy Father. Pius V was delighted with the
results in Brazil; and more than that, in the bright out
look for future missions in South America. He sent briefs
to Portuguese bishops to ask their cooperation in the
missions established w ithin the N ew W orld.
So responsive was the Society of Jesus to the Popes
appeals that sixty-nine Jesuits volunteered of their own ac
cord. Forty of these, headed by Father Azevedo, set sail on
the St. Jacques. In this group thirty-one were Portuguese
and the rest Spaniards. T h e ir ship was captured by the H u
guenot, Sourie, an apostate Catholic, who with five armed
vessels had lain in wait for it. T h e St. Jacques was boarded
and all of the Jesuits, with the exception of a brother,
whom the Huguenots retained as a cook, were massacred
and their bodies thrown into the sea. In place of the R eli
PIUS v s M ISSIONARY LABO RS
229
gious who had been spared, a young layman on board,

whom the missionaries had befriended on the voyage and
who had hoped to join their Order, quickly donned a
cassock that had been torn from one of the Jesuits and
was slaughtered with the rest. Thus, by the grace of God,
was repeated the act of heroism witnessed in the instance
of the forty martyrs of Sebaste, where a stranger stepped
in to replace the one Christian who had weakened and
so received the fortieth crown.1
O f the martyred Jesuits, two were priests, twelve
scholastics, sixteen brothers, and ten novices, including
in this num ber the youth who had bravely courted mar
tyrdom, and who in turn was beatified with the rest of
that glorious company. T h is martyrdom of Blessed Ig
natius Azevedo and Companions took place July 15, 1570,
off the Canary Islands. T h e remaining twenty-nine volun
teers had sailed later from Lisbon, on a Portuguese man of
war, and escaped a like destiny.
W hen Sourie arrived at La Rochelle, the queen of
Navarre was apparently nauseated by the affair, and
caused the crew itself of the captured Portuguese ship to
be set at liberty, though no provision was made for their
journey home. T h e death of Azevedo and his company
brings out how utterly opposed were the ideals of the old
religion and the new doctrines of the Protestants. C on
sistent with the ancient faith was the Jesuit response to
the call for laborers in the vineyard; but as yet, no such
urge was driving their Protestant persecutors. Later, in
deed, when they saw what strides Catholic missioners were
making among the prim itive natives everywhere, Protes
tant missioners took the cue and began a rival missionary
effort.
1 Wings of Eagles, Francis J. Corley, S.J., and Robert J. Willmes, S.J.,
pp. 28-32, Bruce, 1941.
2^0
But in Brazil much had been accomplished already. A t

the expense of the king of Portugal, a great Jesuit college
had been built at R io de Janeiro in 1567. King Sebastian
and King Philip fostered and promoted these efforts of
the sons of St. Ignatius in the N ew W orld. Shortly
after Pius V s election to the papacy, he sent to his nuncio
Castagna at M adrid careful instructions concerning the
treatment of the Indians, and reminded the king that
it was on condition that the Christian faith be implanted
in America, that the Spanish kings were granted by the
Pope the right to conquer the land. In his briefs Pius
pointed out that preachers and priests must be provided;
and that they must be commanded not to confer baptism
until the natives were properly instructed in the ru d i
ments of the Catholic faith. Centers of instruction were
to be provided for the native Indians. Especially did this
wise and benign pontiff insist that gentleness and kind
ness must be practised in the punishment of crime; and
that the weakness of the converts must always be taken
into consideration. Moreover, Pius V demanded that
feasting where wine was drunk must be done away with,
for he knew the results of intoxication upon these weak
natives. T h e Indians are not slaves, Pius V insisted, and
they must not be treated as such. Spaniards and Portu
guese must set a good example to their charges. Judges
and other officials must be supervised to see that they do
not overstep their just province. Florida was cited by Pius
as an example for the other colonies in the Americas to
emulate.
Pius wrote to Cardinal Flenry of Portugal to persuade
K ing Sebastian to protect the neophytes in the N ew W orld
from the cruel tyranny of the soldiers, for the honor of
the kingdom was at stake in these grave matters; and
only by such just treatment would the consolidation of the
PIUS
v s
M ISSION ARY LABO RS
231
Portuguese possessions be effected. Render the yoke of

Christ light, Pius exhorted Philip II and his ministers.
In letters dated October ninth, 1567, to Cardinal Henry,
to the Council of the Indies a few days later, to the Por
tuguese viceroy on Christmas Day, to the viceroy of M ex
ico, and to Philip II on August seventeenth, 1568; in
three briefs to Cardinal Espinosa; in further letters to the
viceroy of Peru, Francisco di T oledo, and finally to the
Spanish Council of the Indies on the eighteenth of August,
1568; Pope Pius V made clear the enormous importance
attached by him to the missions and his profound sense
of personal responsibility for the protection and civilizing
of the savage tribes.
In viewing all these efforts of the pontiff and of his
successors in the missionary fields, the glib, uninform ed
criticism of superficial tourists in M exico and in South
Am erica, who come home to write books in which they
deplore remnants of prim itive practices in remote areas,
one is saddened by the misinformation their journalistic
egotism is creating on the home front. C ould they but
faintly imagine what these peoples m ight have been had
not Catholic missionaries essayed such a colossal task! But
instead of being hum bled on beholding the gems of archi
tectural beauty these men erected the mighty cathedrals,
the universities and seminaries rivaling those of Europe,
where great scholars taught long before John Harvard
established at Cambridge the college beaxing his name
they spread false impressions2 to the detriment of any
2 T he suspicion aroused by Protestant missionaries who go to convert
the Catholics of South America has been recently deplored by two Protes
tant writers, John W. W hite and John Erskine, both of whom are
thoroughly familiar with the country and who bear witness to the pop
ular resentment felt by the natives at what they call the insolence and
affrontery" of Protestant missionaries who seek, often by bribery, to
convert Catholic Christiansl
2^2
good neighbor policy we are anxious to create to the

south of us. W ithout vision and a clear understanding
of our southern neighbors traditions and magnificent
achievements, our efforts w ill be in vain and our overtures
w ill be met with suspicion.
Amazing, indeed, are the results accomplished by Pius
V, in spite of the terrible handicaps placed upon the
papacy and the Church by the necessity of having con
stantly to appeal to the rulers for support in their mis
sionary endeavors! Always the consent of the king must
be had in these vital religious matters. A nd the king had
the right of nomination for the bishoprics a most dan
gerous right. If the bishops did not cooperate with the
kings nominations, another bishop, more subservient,
would be called upon to acquiesce to the kings desires.
These restrictions upon the ecclesiastical jurisdiction of
the Church prevailed in M exico and in the Indies, ham
pering the missionary work of the Jesuits. Yet how much
they did achieve! T ru e, the religious provincials were
nominated by the general of the Order, but these nom i
nations in turn had to have the approval of the commis
sary-general of the C ouncil of the Indies. W orst of all,
the papal briefs and the letters of instruction from the
general of the Order had to pass through the hands of
the council! These and many more restrictions harassed
the tireless Jesuits in the field, causing many delays and
often completely frustrating their best efforts.
Yet, on the whole, the Spanish king, Philip II, and the
Portuguese monarch, Sebastian, did grant as concessions
what should have been the H oly Sees prerogative by right
of canon law. T h e y made lavish endowments to Catholic
churches in the N ew W orld. T h ey paid the expenses of
the bishops and the missionaries. T h e y even looked after
the furnishings of the churches! T h e mischief began under
2g3
Alexander VI, who had granted the Spanish king the right
of collecting tithes in the Indies on just this condition of
equipping the churches with all needful things for public
worship. But often the kings did not avail themselves of
these unwise privileges. For the sake of peace and sim
plicity, they handed over their rights to the bishops. In
M exico the number of churches and monasteries and hos
pitals and schools could hardly be counted. Pius V frankly
made a bargain with King Sebastian whereby the Dom ini
cans and the Jesuits, on condition of sending mission
aries each year to the Indies, were permitted to take over
monasteries fallen into a state of neglectful decay.
W hile Pius was instructing Castagna to use his influ
ence with the king to promote the missions in South
Am erica, Philip sent his viceroy, Francisco Toledo, to
Peru and he especially ordered him to supervise the spir
itual interests of the Indian population. T h e defense of
the natives was undertaken by the Dom inican G il Gonz
lez, whose heart was touched and his sense of justice and
Christian charity was outraged by what he himself had
witnessed of the mistreatment of the native Peruvians.
T h e monk Rodrigo de Loaisa also raised his voice in
indignant protest against the sufferings of the peons. In
making their protests, these men well knew that the piti
able condition of the natives was even worse under their
own Indian caciques.3 But Christian ethics demanded
something else, and it was on this ground that the monks
protested.
W hile many abuses could not be remedied at once, for
Rome was not built in a day; yet the Spanish government
did strive m ightily to better the condition of the natives
in the latter half of the sixteenth century, especially after
Pius V came to the throne. T oled o demanded that no
3A prince or native chief among the Indians of New Spain.
234
priest should be appointed until he was thoroughly fa

miliar with the native language of the Indians. A nd they
could not receive any commission to teach or preach until
they should demonstrate, before a board which he set up
in the University of Lima, their htness for their post be
fore an exam ining committee. He followed the advice of
Pius V in settling the Indians in communities from widely
scattered districts, into groups of four hundred, and plac
ing over each such group a competent priest. Each of these
settlements was provided with hospitals and public build
ings, and the Indians were given seats in their councils.
T w o colleges were established in Lim a and in Cuzco. It
was T o led o s proud boast that, owing to his efforts, any
Indian could demand without fear, justice of his Span
ish overlord or his own native caciques. He delighted to
boast that the Indians had been reimbursed by over a m il
lion and a half of goods which had been stolen from them;
that he had endowed six important hospitals in strategic
centers, and that the natives were now protected from
pillaging of their lands.
T h e Franciscans, under their founder of the mission
of Quinto, Josse R icke,4 had done splendid work; but
there was the constant danger that their settlements might
be taken away from them. Because of many complicated
problems of administration, the brethren themselves were
considering handing over their charges to the secular
priests.
T h e stories of Prescott and Merriman, with which
Protestants are familiar, of the cruelty inflicted by the
conquistadors upon the native populations in South
America are well known. T here is much truth in them,
but the interpretation of the facts is by no means un
4Ricke died in 1570, beloved and esteemed by the Order of Franciscans.
235
prejudiced; and their sources are lim ited and unreliable;

as Thom as Walsh, in his notable Philip II, has clearly
shown. Like the work of Macaulay, their writings make
dramatic reading. But Walsh, like Lingard in England,
has performed a scientific analysis which laid upon such
like authors the hard duty of being satisfied only with
original sources and contemporary evidence in the light
of all the available facts. No one can or should seek to
condone or to minimize the harsh treatment by the Span
ish conquerors which was meted out long before Pius V
ascended the throne. But it is unjust to claim that these
cruelties were characteristic of the Spanish government,
or were condoned by those who administered the col
onies. From the beginning, during the reign of Isabella,
the Last of the Crusaders, the attitude of the Spanish
government toward their charges in the colonies was
vastly different from the treatment of the Indians in North
America, and compares more than favorably with our
attitude toward our native Americans. Under the English
overlords, the Indians were left in their savagery, and they
were driven farther and farther into remote areas; or an
nihilated entirely.
From the beginning, Catholic Spain, due in large part
to the Latin tradition and lack of race prejudice, but
more especially to the untiring admonitions of the popes,
treated the natives as men with souls; and the integrity
of the individual personality, which has always character
ized Catholic teaching, was insisted upon. So solicitous
was the Spanish government about the welfare of their
subject Indians, that the Creoles complained of partiality
in their favor! A n d these subject peoples, under the Span
ish administration, had the religious orders as strong
advocates to defend them. T h u s a genuine spirit of co
operation existed between Spain and her native colonial
2^6
population. Daenell5 declares that the colonial admin

istration of Spain . . . displays in every sense an extra
ordinary degree of prudence and care. . . . T h e special
legislation for the Indians [has] never been equalled
by any other nation which possesses colonies. Everywhere
we find deep moral motives, which have given rise to
laws. A nd again, from the same source, T h e singular
fact of the rapid expansion and the secure government
shown in the case of the Spanish colonial empire, proves
in a high degree the capacity of the Spanish race, and
the sagacity and humanity of the Spanish rule.
Constantly the popes reminded the Spanish rulers of
their grave responsibility in regard to their conquered
peoples. W hen we remember the enormous difficulties of
lifting undeveloped people, living in the prim itive con
ditions that prevailed in the stone age, to a condition
of civilization equivalent with our own, we can compre
hend the papal task. Although Pius V was not satisfied
with results in Peru, yet in M exico the reports were con
soling; for already native priests were preaching the Gos
pel to a congregation which embraced five thousand souls.
Constantly Pius urges the priests not to baptize before
full instruction is given, for he wanted no temporary
converts, nor fallen-away native Catholics.
In our own Florida, the zealous governor, Menndez
de Avils, who had consecrated himself to the interests
of the native Indians, appealed to Francis Borgia for mis
sionaries. T h is was to result in an extensive Jesuit mis
sionary effort, and in the slaughter of a number of these
devoted priests by inim icable natives. Like the work of
the Franciscans and Dominicans, it forms an epoch in
the early history of Florida.6
' Quoted by Pastor.
6 The Romance of the Floridas, by Michael Kenny, S.J., is the story of
this remarkable heroic venture. (Bruce, 1934.)
PIUS v s M ISSIO NARY LABO RS
2^7
Here, in spite of the handicap not seldom due to the bad

reputation of Spanish conquistadors, the great D om ini
can saint, Louis Bertrand, achieved mighty results from
his sacrificial labors. It was the shining purity of his life,
his austerity, and his indefatigable zeal that awoke in the
simple minds of these savages the highest esteem and
devotion. Alone, barefoot, armed only with the Sword
of the Spirit, the Gospels and his breviary, trudging on
through tangled jungles, through insect- and snake-in
fested everglades, and crocodile swamps, under the torrid
sun, w ithout food for days on end, this man of God
brought into the Church twenty thousand Indians, all
well instructed in the fundamentals of Christianity. 7 O f
the self-effacing labors of this saint, so characteristic of
the sons of St. Dom inic, no record whatsoever has been
left. N ot one letter of his is extant! He labored for the
Lord and not for the plaudits of men.
T here was an Abyssinian mission in northern Africa
which Pius V tried to protect from the T urkish hordes
who were ravaging the shores of the country,8 and to
that end he wrote to the Portuguese king and to Cardinal
Henry. Meanwhile Pius received most encouraging news
of missionary endeavor in the East Indies, where, under
the protection of K ing Sebastian, the Dominicans, Fran
ciscans, and Jesuits were preaching to the natives. A ll the
natives about Goa had become Christian as a result of
their joint labors. W ith this held Pius V kept in close
touch and there are letters testifying to his zealous care
7 Pastor.
8A Protestant historian has said: None of the expeditions sent against
the Barbary states by the Powers of Europe, or even America, equalled the
moral effect produced by the ministry of consolation, peace and abnega
tion going even to the sacrifice of liberty and life, which was exercised by
the humble sons of St. John of Malta, St. Peter Nolasco, and St. Vincent de
Paul. Bonet-Maury in his work, France, christianisme et civilisation, p.
142.
238
in Goa. T h e beginnings of missionary endeavor in Japan

under Pius V was carried forward successfully by his
successors.
Missionary labor had decreased under the Renaissance
pontiffs; and indeed, it had not received much encourage
ment under Pius IV; until, under Pius V, afire with the
prim itive spirit of Christian enterprise which had char
acterized St. Paul, the Apostle of the Gentiles, it assumed
its rightful role in Catholic action. Pius V tried to bring
about more independence of the missions by uniting them
in closer ties with the Holy See, and to release them from
the dangerous influence of secular princes. T o this end
the H oly Father instituted two congregations of cardinals
to promote the propagation of the faith. One of these
congregations was to have for its field of labor the coun
tries of the heretics; the other was for the overseas mis
sions. T h is creation of the Congregation for the Propaga
tion of the Faith for such it was! was the first inkling
of the mighty organization under which all the missionary
labors of the Catholic Church function, and which in our
own day received such a tremendous impetus under the
late pontiff, Pius X I. T h e congregation for the conversion
of the heretics was suggested to Pius V by the third gen
eral of the Jesuits, Francis Borgia.
T h e insistence of Pius V upon laying a solid founda
tion of faith before baptism cannot be overemphasized.
Over and over Pius insists in urgent words upon the end to
be sought; namely, the conversion of pagans and sinners
to the living truths of the Gospel. In this respect Francis
Borgia was a man after his own heart. T h e first object
of missionary endeavor was the salvation of souls. T h e
first responsibility of the Jesuits under Borgias care was
to plant the seeds of the faith so carefully that there should
be no defections. It was to the recently baptized that he
PIUS v s MISSIONARY LABORS
239
urged his followers to turn their eyes, before seeking to

baptize new converts. T h is exhortation to fortify those
new in the Faith Borgia backs up with the assertion that
this is the w ill of the Pope. Consolidate, consolidate!
T h is is the fundamental and final word of Francis Borgia
and of Pius VI
11
PIUS V AS CRUSADER AGAINST
THE INFIDELS
W H E N Charles M artel overthrew the Saracens at Poitiers
in 732 in the great battle in which Abd-er-Rahman fell,
Christendom was relieved of a great fear of the advancing
Ottoman hordes; and France was saved for the religion
of Christ. But south of the Pyrenees, in the land of Spain,
the Moors retained a hold, until in 1002 all the Moorish
conquests were lost at Catalanzor, and Castile arose into
a new kingdom. From this conquest by the Christian
forces date the constitutional liberties of Spain. W ith the
capture of T oled o in 1085 by Alfonso V I, Christianity
became once again the dominant power in Spain; and
the Moors were driven further to the south of the penin
sula. Under Ferdinand, grandson of Alfonso IX , the
crowns of Leon and Castile were united. T here followed
almost four centuries of wars between the Christians and
the Moors in Spain. T hen, with the marriage of Isabella
of Castile to Ferdinand of Aragon, the two kingdoms were
united under the Catholic kings ; and Spain arose to
a position of sovereignty to be reckoned with in Catholic
Europe, which thus received a mighty ally. Under their
joint kingship the Moors lost Alham a in 1482, Ronda
in 1485, Malaga in 1487, and Baza in 1488. Led by an
army of 100,000 men, the siege of Granada was begun in
240
CRUSADER AG A IN ST IN FID ELS
241
1491; and the city was surrendered on January the second

of 1492. T h is final conquest over the Moors coincided
with Spains discovery of Am erica under Columbus; and
the empire arose with vast possessions in the N ew W orld,
especially in South America, Florida, California, and
Mexico.
So mighty was this empire that, under Philip II, it em
braced not only the kingdom of Naples and the duchy of
M ilan, the Netherlands, and (in 1580) Portugal; but all
of North and South Am erica not held by the English and
the French, besides the Philippines and possessions in
Africa as well.
During all these centuries while Spain waxed strong,
the Ottoman power did not cease to try to recapture por
tions of Europe, by gaining a foothold from which they
could once again drive out and annihilate the despised
Christians. More than once they had almost succeeded;
as when, under Suleyman II, known as the Magnificent,1
Belgrade fell to them in 1521, and Rhodes the next year.
H ungary was broken in twain by Suleymans victory in
1526; Vienna was besieged, and the heart of H ungary be
came a T urkish province.
Innumerable Christian slaves had been captured and
labored in the T urkish galleys. Thousands of Christians
had been tortured and slain. T h e Island of Malta, whose
church was founded by St. Paul and Publius (who is men
tioned in the Acts of the Apostles and was the first bishop)
is the only extant Apostolic See, except Rome. T his island
was, in the sixteenth century, one of the chief bulwarks
of Christendom against the Turks. A few months before
Pius V ascended the throne, the island was successfully
defended by the grand master of the Knights of St. John,
1 He reigned from 1520-1566.
24 2
La Valette,2 against a formidable T urkish invasion force

of forty thousand men which outnum bered the entire
population of the island. Yet the brave defenders of the
tiny isle withstood a siege for four months; and the T u r k
ish enemy gave up the invasion and withdrew. T h is re
sistance was almost as vital to the defense of Europe
against the Mohammedans as was the decisive battle of
Lepanto six years later. Under Spanish rule, which lasted
two centuries and a half, Malta made great progress in
civilization. T h is was due largely to the influence of the
religious orders, especially the Franciscans, Dominicans,
and Augustinians.
T h e ardor with which Pius V was fired to promote the
League against the Turks, and his ceaseless efforts to gain
the cooperation of the several states of Europe was not
always successful, as we have seen. T o o often, as in the
case of France and Poland, the rulers were indifferent,
or preoccupied with other wars nearer home, or they
were indolent and even hostile, and w illing to play the
Ottoman power against their European foes as had
Francis I and jeopardize Christian Europe for more
immediate advantage. Besides Pius V s untiring vigilance,
Spain under Philip II was ever watchful of her traditional
enemy. Always in the back of P h ilip s mind was the cru
sade against the Ottoman power which it was his role to
undertake. Disappointed in his own son, Don Carlos,
Philip watched over his half brother, Don Juan, the bas
tard son of Charles V , whom he was grooming for the
military career so in keeping with the glory after which
his hot blood hankered. T h e boy was only twenty years
of age when Philip made him General of the Sea with
2 For him the town Valetta is named, which has suffered more bombings
than any other city in this Total War of 1939-?.
243
Don Luis de Requesens, recently recalled from Rome, as

his lieutenant.
P h ilip s long letter, granting the coveted honor to Don
Juan, is a model of fatherly advice and of Christian solici
tude; and reveals, perhaps, more than any other writing
of his, the Spanish kings keen sense of responsibility and
concern for the youth and the role he was to play in
Christian history.
First, because the foundation and beginning of all things
and all good counsel is in God, I charge you to take this begin
ning and foundation like a good and true Christian, in all that
you undertake and do. . . . Truth in speaking and fulfilment of
promises are the foundation of credit and esteem among men
. . . upon which common intercourse and confidence are based.
This is even more necessary in men of high rank and those
who fill great public positions; for on their truth and good
faith depend the public faith and security. . . . Full reliance
ought to be placed upon whatever you say. . . . Do not listen
to flattery. . . . Walk with circumspection as regards your own
purity; for . . . not only is its violation an offense against God,
but it . . . causes many troubles and greatly interferes with
business and the fulfilment of duty. . . . Avoid cards, swearing
and gluttony. Let your table be a model of decorum, modera
tion, decency and neatness. . . . Avoid heat of temper and
loud words. . . . Eschew needless expense, pomp and excess in
clothing and in living generally. . . . These are matters of
which it has occurred to me to remind you, trusting you will
act better than I have written.3
Although Philip II disappointed the pontiff more than
once in not heeding his warnings to go to the Netherlands
and assume control there, in giving aid and comfort to
Elizabeth of England, and in opposing Pius B u ll of Ex
communication against the queen, and in jealously cling
ing to his hereditary rights ; yet in regard to the crusade
3Cabrera, Vol. I, p. 567; Sterling-Maxwell translation, Vol. I, pp. 82-84.
244
against the Turks, he became, after two years of hesita

tion, the Popes mainstay and right arm. It was Pius V s
ardent desire to unite all Europe against the Moham
medan menace which had been threatening the extinction
of the Christian religion and all that Catholic Europe
throughout the centuries had so laboriously built. A t the
very beginning of his accession to the throne of Peter,
Pius wrote to Philip, outlining his aims and purposes.
These, as conceived by him, were meant to create a for
midable League against the T urks which should com
prise a united Christian Europe. Thw arted as he was at
the very outset by the defections which Luther and
Calvin had caused in Christian unity, Pius leaned more
than ever upon those rulers upon whom he could count,
and upon none so heavily as upon Philip II, king of Spain.
P h ilip s concern with the Netherlands, however, and his
fears of the German subjects of his cousin, M axim ilian II,
where religious disputes interfered with the Popes proj
ect of the League, caused him to hesitate for two years
before he openly joined with the pontiff against the
Turks. Commendone had clearly seen at the Diet of Augs
burg that M axim ilian was chiefly interested in the pro
tection of Hungary, rather than a crusade against the
infidels to save Europe. And, for the protection of H un
gary, Pius added 50,000 scudi to the sum the Diet had
voted, while sending to the emperor military aid from
Italy as well.
T h u s two precious years were allowed to pass before
events themselves forced both Spain and Venice to join
the League against the Turks. M eanwhile the indefat
igable pontiff did what he could singlehanded to hold
the T urks at bay. He continued to contribute to the
Knights of Malta, to support the emperor as long as the
war lasted in Hungary; and he protected the coasts of
245
the papal states against T urkish marauders. T o this end,

in June of 1567, Pius bought three galleys of Andrea
Doria. Watchtowers were constructed along the coasts of
Italy to give the alarm to the inhabitants of Civit V ec
chia and of Ancona in case of approaching T urkish vessels.
Many of these watchtowers still rear their heads and form
a picturesque reminder of the labors of Pius V to protect
Italy from the depredations of the Turks. T h e tower of
San M ichele at Ostia, designed by Michelangelo, bears
the inscription of Pius V. T h e warrior-pontiff himself
inspected these fortifications, as well as those he built in
Rome where it was feared the T urks m ight succeed in
penetrating.
After the heroic defense of Malta by La Valette, Pius
decided that the island must be strongly fortified as a
bastion against the invasion of Italy especially of Sicily
and Naples from which Europe could be overrun. For
this end Pius urged Philip and Margaret of Parma, gov
erness of the Low Countries, to assist in rebuilding the
fortifications of Malta and to aid the knights under La
Valette with troops and money. In his Bull, Cum gravissima/ the pontiff describes the grave danger which, in
view of the religious dissensions in Europe, is seriously
threatening Christendom; and he exhorts the Faithful to
prayer and penance, that G ods wrath may be appeased by
their vicarious atonement for heresy, and that the papal
right arm may be upheld by the strong arm of God. He
published a jubilee indulgence, during which he begged
for the prayers and fasting of the Faithful, their reception
of the sacraments, and the giving of alms for a crusade
against the Turks.
L a Valette, know ing well he could not repair the wreck-
4Dated
March 9, 1566.
246
age done by the sultan and his Janissaries,5 had decided

to abandon the defense of Malta and repair to Sicily. But
Pius V would not hear of such a thing! Malta must be
the first line of defense. In a letter dated March the
twenty-second, 1566, he ordered the heroic garrison not
to leave their post. He sent the knights 57,000 golden
crowns and promised them 4000 more each month to
rebuild the ruined city. H ie Domus, liic requies mea! the
Knights of St. John cried, as they kissed the papal brief.
Six days later the first cornerstone of the city was laid
which bears the name of its heroic defender.6
Suleyman, seeing himself outwitted, appeared next be
fore Chios, one of the islands of the Greek archipelago
and a lively trading center. His fleet consisted of one hun
dred thirty galleys with 130,000 men aboard. Giustiniani,
the governor of the island, and his council were invited
to a banquet on the sultans ship. T h e y dared not refuse
the invitation, although they knew from past experience
with Mohammedan honor, what the invitation por
tended. It was Eastertide, and all the men had made their
duties; nevertheless, knowing their fate beforehand, they
made a last confession in anticipation of certain death. No
sooner had they seated themselves on the sultans ship,
than they were all brutally murdered. Giustiniani cried
out in a loud voice: O Lord, accept our lives, but spare
this Christian nation! But with their accustomed method
ical instinct of total annihilation, the city was sacked, and
5 T h e regular standing army of the Sultan, made up of Christian pris
oners who had been forced to embrace Mohammedanism. There were
30,000 of them I
6Valettas beautiful public buildings were constructed with the money
Pius V contributed. T h e population of Malta is largely Italian and the
Italian language is spoken by the inhabitants. T h e garrison is now in the
hands of the British, who took the Island from Napoleon in 1800, who
had seized it the preceding year from the Spanish, who had held it for
two hundred and eighty years since the time of Charles V.
CRUSADER A G A IN ST IN FID ELS
24 7
all its inhabitants were murdered in cold blood. T h e

Cathedral of San Pietro was totally destroyed; and the
church of San Domenico was turned into a mosque. T w o
children of the Giustiniani family, of ten and twelve years
of age, together with twenty-one other members of the
Giustiniani, were martyrs. T h e massacres lasted for three
days; and the Island of Chios was left a pile of Christian
corpses and smoking ruins.7
Suleyman, intoxicated with victory and the lust of
battle, sent ninety thousand men into Hungary where
the siege of Szigeth was laid. Pius V was distraught when
news of these terrible happenings reached Rome. He
ordered the Forty Hours devotion and public prayers.
He himself took part in three great processions. It is
recorded that Suleyman, when advised of what the Pope
was doing, declared: I fear the prayers of the Pope much
more than I do the arms of his soldiers! On the day of
the third procession the sultan suddenly died! But Szigeth
fell three days later after resisting to the last. T h en the
Janissaries left to offer their obeisance to the new sultan,
Selim II.
Selim the Sot, as he is known because of his red nose
and his unquenchable thirst for rare wines, had one other
ambition: the destruction of Christianity through the con
quest of Italy. A t long last, Venice, which had consistently
resisted the Popes overtures to join the League (and was
nervously avoiding any conflict with the T urks because
of her profitable commerce with them, having hastily with
drawn her fleet before Ragusa on the Dalmatian coast
T h e duchies o Naxos, Ceos, and Andros also fell to the Turks. Ancona
was threatened in May of 1566; and Pius dispatched troops and artillery
to defend the papal city. In the short space of twenty days, he had sent a
force of four thousand men to defend the entire Italian coast on the
Adriatic.
248
when the T urkish fleet put in an appearance), was finally

aroused to action by the threat to Cyprus, the most pre
cious possession of the Venetian republic.
Long before he became the reigning sultan, Selim II
had been thoroughly demoralized by one of his favorites,
Jos Miquez, who had come from Portugal and, through
his financial speculations, had become very wealthy. He
wielded great influence over the debauched Selim by
encouraging his caprices, and seeing that his wine stock
was always replenished. As sultan, the fat, coarse, repulsive,
undersized Selim conferred upon his favorite the duchy
of Naxos whose wines were to supply Selims table. But
this renegade Jew, whose avarice was whetted by the sul
tans token of favor, sought greater power. He eyed Cyprus
with envy, and urged the sultan to undertake its con
quest. After the conclusion of peace with Emperor M axi
m ilian,8 and the sultans conquest of Arabia, Miquez
seized his chance. O nly Sokolli, the grand vizier, stood in
the way of the latters ambitious designs. But the vizier
preferred to cooperate with his fellow Moors of Spain,
rather than with this renegade Jew. Yet Miquez, or
Joseph Nassi,9 had the support of Adm iral Piali-Pasha
and Selims tutor, Lala Mustaph. These three allies urged
Selim to attack Cyprus, whose possession was his as heir
of the rulers of Egypt, and suggested that the money ac
quired by this choice morsel could be used to complete
the building of the great mosque which was under con
struction at Adrianople. Venice was, moreover, guilty of
harboring the Maltese refugees in the Cyprus ports.
T h e propitious moment had arrived for such an under
taking as Nassi proposed by the bad harvest in Italy, and
by the blowing up of the arsenal at Venice on September
8See p. 74.
T h e old Hebrew title of Nassi means leader or "prophet.
249
the thirteenth of 1569, which caused so great an explosion

that it was felt at Padua and Treviso. T h e people of these
towns thought an earthquake had struck them. T h e Grand
Canal rose to a height of several feet, causing the palaces
to be inundated, and the fall of several of them. T h is dis
aster was the work of another renegade Jew, M iguel, who
had been exiled to Venice and sheltered at Chioggia.
T h e time for action by Nassi was more than opportune.
Selim arrogantly demanded the immediate cession of
Cyprus to the Turks! A treaty existed between the T urks
and the Venetians, who at once protested a breach of faith;
and the flag of San Marco floated over the Basilica. T h e
Venetians, who had been so derelict about joining the
League, as Pius V had urged, awoke now to the menace at
their gates! Family treasures of costly plate and precious
jewels poured into the Signoria; taxes were promptly paid;
and the patricians worked like beavers on a new arsenal
while the ladies of Venice left their palaces to bring them
food and drink. A frantic appeal was sent to the Pope.
Pius, of course, did not fail Venice; for in spite of the
recalcitrance of the city in postponing and seeking to evade
the issue of the League, of her jealousy of Spanish influ
ence in Italy under Pius V, and of her arbitrary treatment
of ecclesiastical policies, the great-minded pontiff would
not allow any of these considerations to influence the
larger motive of preserving Christendom from Islam. His
concern of mighty issues could not be sidetracked by
petty politics. W hile his nuncio, Antonio Facchinetti, was
pressing the Venetian Signoria to join the League and to
form an alliance with Spain, the governors of Venice
sought up to the very last10 to get money, troops and pro
visions from the pontiff, without actually committing
10February 25, 1570.
250
themselves to the League which w ould involve them in

an alliance with Spain for the m utual protection of
Europe.
Because of her critical situation, however, Pius could
insist upon the republics uniting with Spain and the
Italian states against the Turks. T h e nuncio, Facchinetti,
reported as late as March the eighth, 1570, that although,
in view of their immediate peril, the Signoria was w illing
to join the league on the Popes terms, he was afraid that,
should the T urks listen to an eleventh-hour agreement
for arbitration, the Venetians might withdraw, unless
bound so tightly that they could not do so without the
deepest hum iliation. Indeed, such overtures had already
begun! O n March the twenty-seventh the T urkish ambas
sador arrived in the harbor before Venice and was ac
companied to the palace of the Signoria. In a secret ses
sion behind closed doors, the governors of Venice issued
their ultim atum which was a rejection of the T urkish
terms, delivered in cold and dignified accents. T h e
Signoria pointed out that the T u rks had broken a peace
which had been ratified by oath. T h e Serene Republic
would defend herself and come to the defense of Cyprus
with all her armed might.
Pius V had spoken in Consistory of the T urkish danger
and in bold and burning words had called upon Venice
to join the League. But the Spanish ambassadors, Zuniga
and Granvelle, held back from committing Spain to any
such course; while the cardinals declared that without
Spains strong intervention, the Venetian undertaking
would be disastrous and sure to fail an outcome which
Granvelle seems to have regarded as a fitting visitation
from on high. G od, said he, is exposing that proud
state to the attack of the infidels to chasten its insolence
and selfishness.
251
It was Cardinal Commendone who came to the Popes

support. H e opposed G ranvelles argument with vigor, re
viewing the history of the Venetian R epublic and citing
her services to Christendom and the papacy. W ith all his
eloquence he defended Venice against the charges of
faithlessness. H e marveled, he said, that the Spanish am
bassadors should refer to the late war, and the peace con
cluded with the Turks, since the treatment of the V ene
tians by her allies was anything but honorable. From the
very beginning the pontiff had promised Venice help, not
because of Venice alone, but because the entire Italian
peninsula was involved. T h e faith of Christendom was at
stake and it was ungracious and petty to bring up jealous
recriminations at such a time. Most of the cardinals agreed
with Commendone.
T h e Pope, meanwhile, made provision for a tax to be
paid by the Venetian clergy, which was to be a tenth of
a large subsidy he promised for the defense of Cyprus.
T h is accomplished, Pius strove with all his m ight to beg
P hilip II to come to the aid of Venice and form an al
liance with the republic. He entrusted the difficult nego
tiations to Luis de Torres who, because of his Spanish
descent, would be under no suspicion in Spain.
In the papal brief which De Torres presented to Philip,
Pius gave a vivid picture of the frightful danger Christen
dom would be subjected to if the monarchs, through
selfish considerations, withheld their support of the
League. N o monarch could, singlehanded, withstand the
Turks; but if they united solidly behind the pontiff, they
could save Europe for Christ. T h e success of such whole
hearted support Pius said would belong to Spain under
the leadership of Philip because of his unquestioned
Catholicism and the resources of his mighty empire. As
for himself, Pius was ready to make any sacrifice and
25 2
strip himself and his dominions for the preservation of

the Faith.
T h e desperate papal appeal addressed to Philip, the
Catholic king, had its effect. He finally sent a small fleet
to the aid of the Serene Republic, which joined the fleet
the Pope had presented, and the Venetian ships under
Adm iral Dandolo. O n Sunday, the fourteenth of June,
1570, after pontificating at H igh Mass in St. Peters, Pius
V blessed the papal standard of crimson silk on which
the crucifix was emblazoned between the Apostles St.
Peter and St. Paul, and over which was wrought the an
cient motto of Constantine, In hoc signo vinces. Marcan
tonio Colonna, the papal generalissimo, took the oath in
the papal chapel.
In retrospect it seems incredible that the security of
Christendom should have been jeopardized by the short
sighted policies of jealous monarchs. None of the rulers
seems to have had the vision that the H oly Father pos
sessed. For Pius V clearly saw that not only Christendom,
but civilization itself was at bay so long as the unspeakable
T u rk , whose cruelties were a byword, was not only tol
erated but even embraced as an ally by so-called Christian
powers. It was this divided allegiance that foredoomed
the campaign against the T urks to failure.
T h e capital of Cyprus, Nicosia, was besieged by the
mighty T urkish force and was reduced to ruin! Although
its defense was almost impregnable, the Venetian admiral,
Dandolo, refused to take the offensive, and ordered the
fleet to Famagusta which was being defended by Bragadino and a handful of noble Venetians. T h e Maltese
troops were furious at Dandolos tactics which were an
utter failure and ended with the adm irals death. His
tim idity and pride cost him his life. On the eighth of
September the T urkish commander forced the citys sur
253
render. Nicosia was, as usual, sacked; and twenty thousand

survivors, including its Archbishop, Am althi, were mas
sacred. T h e T urks made a fiugh funeral pyre of the corpses
and, tying the wounded to stakes, b u ilt a vast bonfire
and danced about the holocaust, crying to the writhing
victims to summon their Christ to save them. T h e orgies
lasted for eight days, until, exhausted, the weary T urks
desisted. Over a thousand women and girls were sold as
slaves to the highest bidder, and four T urkish ships were
laden with the loot of the beautiful city.
A t Famagusta the same frightful fate awaited the in
habitants, who had withstood a siege for many months:
from the sixteenth of September, 1570, to the last day
of June of 1571, when a skirmish took place in which
three thousand of the Janissaries were killed; and Mus
tapha, infuriated, swore vengeance upon the city. A Do
minican friar escaped to Venice and demanded help in
the name of the suffering Venetians and Famagustans. He
was met with sneering scorn by the Signoria. W hat else
do you want? he was asked, and the fearless Dominican
answered: T e n thousand measures of fresh blood to
stanch the wounds which are still flowing! T h ey ordered
the Dominican back to his monastery for his health! But
no sooner had he departed than a Corsican woman with
a crowd of ladies invaded the council chamber and
shamed the Signoria by declaring that if Venice did not
respond to the appeals of Famagusta, Corsica, her native
country, would! T o o late a reinforcement was sent to the
besieged city.
For ten long months the city had withstood the T u r k
ish forces, and with only seven thousand soldiers! A t last,
tired of the prolonged contest, Mustapha offered honor
able terms if the starving population would capitulate.
Because there was no alternative, and no help from Venice
254
was in sight, its commander, Bragadino, accepted on the

third of August, 1571. T hree days later Mustapha broke
his treaty and Bragadino was tortured in the most satanic
manner, while the other Venetian officers were executed.
After eight days of torture, Bragadino was flayed alive
while Mustapha stood by, crying: W here is now your
God? Cor mundum crea in me, Deus! the dying man
answered until his breath ceased. In the Church of Santi
Giovanni e Paolo in Venice, his skin, stuffed with straw,
was reverently buried, after it had been paraded through
the city streets of Famagusta and then sent to Selim as a
trophy to terrorize the many thousands of Christian slaves
in Constantinople.
A ll these terrors and more, too gruesome to be described,
had to be endured by the martyred defenders before
Europe awoke to the real threat at her gates. O nly one
man had seen from the very beginning what persecutions
Europe would have to suffer unless the power of the
T urks was broken by a united front against the infidels.
T h at man was Pius V whose heart was wrung by the
reports pouring in to Rome of the tales, too hideous for
human credence, of the sadistic tortures inflicted upon
the conquered Christians. His failure was due, as he very
well knew, to the tragedy of a disunited Europe, which
Luther and C alvin had split in twain, and which was los
ing its moorings in defying the authority of the Vicar of
Christ.
Now, more than ever, after the ignominious defeat of
Venice and Spain and the papal states by the Turkish
hordes, Pius V knew no peace. T o every court in Europe,
except England whose apostasy was so well known that
the grand vizier himself declared that all the English
needed to become true Moslems was to raise one finger
aloft and cry: T h ere is One G od!, Pius V sent his legates
255
who were preaching a crusade against the T urks and

their admission to the league.
T h e Pope was old and very weary. T h e older he grew
the more his burdens bent his back. He was, in reality,
dying under the weight he carried; but he still fought
on, holding on high the banner of the Crucified, and
never relinquishing the sword of his patron, Saint Michael!
Sick, and in constant pain from the ailment that never
left him, he knew no respite, no peace! But he only begged
his God the harder not to forsake him in his extremity.
Dom ine, defende causam tuam! was the cry that never
left his heart and lips.
Cyprus had been abandoned to its fate in the spring
of 1571. T h e sole cause of the complete failure of the
hrst expedition against the T urks by the united forces
of Venice, Spain, and the H oly See was due to lack of
preparation, but more especially to the jealousy between
Venice and Spain and the lack of cooperation of their
admirals. Spains fleet of forty-nine galleys had been under
the command of Gian Andrea Doria whose conduct was
due to the rivalry between him and Marcantonio Colonna
who commanded the fleet of the Popes twelve vessels.
Anxious to spare his own ships, he procrastinated and
would not hear of making an attack. A nd the Venetians,
hindered by D orias opposition, dared not undertake
the attack, fearing he would refuse them assistance. Under
these circumstances Colonna, upon whom the Pope had
counted so much, retired to Corfu where storms de
stroyed eight of the papal vessels. Colonna returned to
Ancona with only four of the papal galleys. His brother,
Pompeo Colonna, went on to Rom e to break the sad
news to Pius V. One can imagine his grief and sense of
frustration!
But reverses and frustration only spurred on the de
256
termined pontiff! Grasping the true state of affairs, and

realizing that Doria was to blame, Pius graciously re
ceived Colonna; but refused an audience with Doria.
Morone backed up the papal position of placing the guilty
delay on Dorias shoulders, and said it would have been
better if he had never joined the expedition, for he had
hindered more than he had helped the alliance. M ean
while the pontiff continued to urge negotiations for the
League, which had not been as yet officially launched.
O n Novem ber fourth the Signoria in Venice agreed to
the papal terms, that by the following March they would
have in readiness two hundred galleys, one hundred trans
ports, fifty thousand infantry, and four thousand cavalry,
besides artillery and munitions. Each autumn the cam
paign for the following spring was to be decided upon in
the Popes presence in Rome. After interm inable discus
sions about provisions of grain which Spain was to sup
ply from Naples, and the contribution of Spanish ships
for the fleet, and an expedition against Algiers, Tunis,
and T rip o li, which Spain was demanding with the con
tribution of fifty Venetian galleys for the project, the
discussions finally terminated and all was agreed upon.
Pius made many sacrifices and contributed generously
for the supreme contest which was to be his last crusade
against the T urkish infidels.
T h e acceptance of Don Juan of Austria as generalis
simo was unanimous. It seems to have been the sole point
all agreed upon. A nd the Pope stipulated that entrance
into the League was always to be open to the emperor and
any European prince who might decide to enter, even at
the eleventh hour. Indeed he was to continue to urge
their espousal of the Leagues cause in the name of Chris
tendom. It was further agreed that Spain should have
Algiers, T unis, and T rip o li as well as her former posses
257
sions in the peace terms with the T urks, in case of the

trium ph of the Leagues forces. Venice was also promised
her former possessions as also Durazzo, Valona, and
Castelnuovo.
O nly one point now awaited approval by Venice and
Spain the commander who should succeed Don Juan
in the event of his becoming incapacitated. Finally Pius
persuaded the Venetians to accept the papal commander,
Marcantonio Colonna, to take supreme command in such
an event, but only to encounter opposition in Spain which
protracted the negotiations for six full months, and caused
the weary pontiff to become gloomy and distraught. So the
year 1570 came to an end without a decision from Spain,
while the T urks were besieging Famagusta, Corfu, and
Ragusa, until the papal legate, Facchinetti, sent word to
the Pope on February of 1571 that there was actual
danger of the Signorias making peace with the Turks,
even at the price of Cyprus!
Finally, on March the second of 1571, P h ilip s reply
was placed in Pius hands. One can imagine with what
emotion he read the welcome news, for now the last
obstacle seemed to have been overcome. Indeed, so favor
able did all things seem that Cardinal Bonelli, the Popes
nephew, wrote to the Signoria in Venice that on the Feast
of St. Thom as Aquinas, after H igh Mass at Santa Maria
sopra Minerva, where the Pope presided in the adjoining
monastery, everything had proceeded with such smooth
ness that there was good reason to believe that in three
or four days the business would be concluded and the pro
mulgation of the League would be solemnly announced.
O n the sixteenth of March the cardinal ordered the papal
nuncio at the Spanish kings court at Madrid to ask Philip
to have the galleys in readiness and the troops standing
by, as the Pope believed that the League was as good as
25 8
achieved and as he felt sure of the consent of Venice

which he awaited.
In two days the Venetian reply arrived at Rome, and
no one in the pontiffs presence needed to ask its con
tents, for the outraged expression on His Holiness face
told only too plainly what was in it. In fact, Facchinetti
reported that because of disagreements about the relative
contributions of Spain and Venice in the undertaking,
he seriously feared the republic would make terms with
the Turks! Facchinetti advised the Pope to make greater
concessions to win over the Venetians before it was too
late.
T h e fact of the matter was that there were two factions
in Venice. One wanted an agreement with the T urks to
save their commerce; the other demanded the conclusion
of the League but without subm itting to the Spanish con
ditions, especially in regard to her demands of help in
northwestern Africa. T h e pontiff seemed to those near
to him to have succumbed to great despondency; but
Morone, who guided the negotiations, declared that he
did not give up. He decided to send Marcantonio Colonna,
who was highly esteemed in Venice, to plead with the
Signoria to put aside their selfish aims and see the larger
issues involved. Colonna, Facchinetti, and Paolo T iep olo
all appealed eloquently to the Signoria. A t long last their
counsels prevailed! Colonna returned in trium ph to Rome
on May the eleventh where he was received by the Pope.
On the nineteenth the league was a reality! T h e pontiff
had made many new concessions to achieve this summum
bonum so dear to his heart. H e made large financial
grants to Spain, the continuance of the sussidio levied on
the Spanish clergy for another five years, the excusado for
the same length of time, and even the strongly contested
cruzado for six years. His concessions to Venice were
259
equally generous. It was an exhorbitant price to pay, but

the pontiff believed the League was worth the price.
O n May twenty-fifth the articles of the treaty were read
and approved by the cardinals, and sworn to by the pon
tiff and the Venetian and Spanish ambassadors. T w o days
later, on Sunday, a public announcement of the achieve
ment was made in St. Peters basilica. A fter H igh Mass
was celebrated, a sermon was preached and from the
pulpit the terms of the League were made public. A league
had been formed between the Pope, the king of Spain,
and the Serene R epublic which was to last until its ends
were achieved: victory over the T urks and the release of
Christian slaves, and was to be directed not only against
the sultan, but also against his vassals, Algiers, Tunis,
and T rip oli. T h e triple alliance was to provide two hun
dred galleys, one hundred transports, fifty thousand Span
ish, Italian, and German (mercenaries) infantry, and four
thousand five hundred cavalry, etc. Each year new forces
were to be supplied by each ally in A pril. Spain and
Venice bound themselves m utually to assist each other
and come to the aid of whichever one might be attacked.
In case Venice were attacked from the Adriatic, Philip
II was bound to bring his fleet to her assistance; if T rip oli,
T unis, or Algiers were the points threatened, Venice
would come to their aid with fifty galleys. These mutual
assistance pacts were the papal triumph. T h e Pope was
to bear one sixth of the cost of the crusade,11 Spain three
sixths, and Venice two sixths. Don Juan was to be the
generalissimo, but he was to take counsel of the Venetian
and papal captains. His tactics were to be determined and
his policies were to be guided by a majority vote. His
lieutenant was to be Marcantonio Colonna another tri
11 In the end he actually paid sixty per cent of the costl
26o
THE SWORD O F SAINT MICHAEL
umph for the Pope. T h e League was to be open to every

Christian prince and to Emperor M axim ilian II at any
time they expressed a wish to join. T h e Pope was to act
as arbiter in case of differences arising. A nd the provisions
of the neutrality and integrity of Ragusa on the Dalmation coast was guaranteed.
So overjoyed was the pontiff at the culm ination of his
long-coveted dream for the deliverance of Christendom
from the threatened terrors of T urkish domination of
Europe, that he had a medal struck to commemorate the
event, and he proclaimed a jubilee to call down upon the
Christian armies the blessings of God and of St. Michael,
defender of Christians. He took part in three processions,
the last of which was on June the first, 1571. He walked
with a firmer step; on his face there was a joyous light;
and over his head there shone a veritable halo of sanctity.
12
VICTORY AND DEATH
IN S P IT E of the tim idity of his Christian counselors,
Pius V had steadfastly refused to believe that the Moslem
power could not be broken. W hen Cardinal Granvelle
had argued that the T urks must be attacked on all fronts
simultaneously; that, while their forces were scattered
and divided they should be challenged on the African
coast, in Albania, and in Hungary, Pius had openly wept
at Granvelles lack of faith. It was due to such tim idity
in the Christian princes, Pius had declared, that the
Church was suffering such reverses as at Cyprus. God,
Pius V reiterated, is invincible. T h e T u rk is vulnerable
and has been beaten many times in past centuries. Pius
V knew his history! He listed the victories of Ladislaus
of Poland, and of John Hunyady and of Scanderbeg who
had brought the enemy of Christendom to their knees.
In two hundred and fifty years the Ottoman power had
won only eighteen out of thirty-six battles, and all but
one of these eighteen were won after they began using
their Janissaries.1 Pius believed with all his heart that
God would defend the Christian forces if they proved
themselves worthy by uniting for the greater glory of
G od and the preservation of Christendom. H e declared
1 These were Christian slavesl
261
262
THE
SWORD
OF
S A IN T
M ICH AEL
the T u rks could be beaten on the sea; and in this opinion

he was almost alone; until, urged on and persuaded
against their own judgment, his determination prevailed
over his opponents and the League became a reality.
A fter March the seventh of 1570 (the Feast of St.
Dominic) when Pius had signed the League treaty and
had placed the Christian arms under the protection of
our Lady, his hard task was never relinquished; and in
spite of the recalcitrance of France and of Poland, and
the blunders of Doria and of Dandolo, and the loss of
two thirds of his fleet by storm, this warrior-pontiff had
never abandoned his project which, as Head of Christen
dom, he took to be his duty to European civilization.
Upheld by his faith in the goodness of God and His in
scrutable wisdom, he begged H im not to desert his un
worthy children in what was to prove his final crusade.
A nd God listened to and answered his trusting prayer.
From the very start Pius had favored Don Juan as the
generalissimo. W hen he received word that the youthful
leader (he was now only twenty-four!) had weighed anchor
at Barcelona on the twentieth of July and had safely
reached Genoa six days later, Pius invited him to come
to Rome. But the king of Spain would not allow it. So
the Holy Father contented himself with sending to the
young commander, who had proceeded to Naples, the
papal banner and the adm irals baton which he had
blessed. On August the second the church of Santa Chiara
was crowded to capacity with the eager throng who had
come to see this almost fabulous son of Emperor Charles
V, who must have influenced the painting of G uido R en is
St. George, with the face of an angel and the muscular
body, encased in shining armor, of a stalwart athlete. As
he sat there at the High Altar under the multicolored
lights, invincible in his coat of mail, his eyes blue as the
V IC T O R Y AN D D EATH
263
flashing sea, and his golden curls vying in luster with

the Golden Fleece flung over his shoulder, it must have
seemed to the gaping throng as if St. M ichael himself had
descended from on high to hght the good fight of Christ!
A fter the Mass, Cardinal Granvelle, viceroy of Naples
and Prince of the Church, presented the papal banner of
azure silk upon which was embroidered the Crucihed,
with the arms of the Pope, of K ing Philip, of Venice, and
of Don Juan at His feet. A t the presentation of the ban
ner Granvelle spoke these solemn and prophetic words:
Take, O illustrious Prince the insignia of the true Word
made Flesh. Take this living symbol of the Holy Faith whose
defender you are in this enterprise. He gives you glorious vic
tory over the impious enemy, and by your hand shall his pride
be laid in the dust.
And all the people reverently shouted A m en! and again
Am en! as the crusaders of old had done.
W hile Don Juan was at Naples, the Pope, becoming
cognizant of the advance of the T urkish fleet, was alarmed
that the enemy m ight stage a surprise attack. H e sent
Paolo Odescalchi to Naples to speed the young com
mander on his way. T h e information which the envoy had
brought was written in Pius own hand, and in the letter
he begged Don Juan not to delay, but to set sail at once
and gain the advantage of the initiative. On the twentythird of August the youthful admiral set sail and he
arrived at the straits of Messina where the admirals of
the Pope and of Venice, Colonna and Vernier, were
anxiously awaiting him. T h e welcome which the pop
ulace of Messina gave Don Juan outdid, if possible, that
he had received at Naples. T h e Sicilians were captivated
by this youthful type of manly beauty, so rare in the
south of Italy. A t once Don Juan called the council. H e
apologized for causing the admirals worry, explaining
264
th e
that further necessary preparations had been the cause.

De Requesens, whom Philip trusted to curb any undue
rashness which his youth m ight incite, was on hand to
act as his mentor.
T o his great indignation Don Juan saw at once how
inadequate the Venetian fleet was, both as to the number
of ships and the number of its fighting men. A t the de
mand of the council this deficiency was made up by
twelve galleys from Dorias fleet, which had left Civit
Vecchia on the twenty-fourth, with sixty other Venetian
ships and compliments of soldiers and sailors from the
Spanish fleet. Colonna especially insisted upon this ar
rangement in spite of V erniers stout objection. Four
thousand of the famous Spanish and Italian infantry
manned the poorly equipped Venetian ships.
W hen at last the armada set sail from Messina on Sep
tember the sixteenth, there were in the Christian fleet
two hundred and eight galleys, ninety of which had been
contributed by Spain, and twelve by the Pope, while
Venice had given one hundred and six. T h e one hundred
brigantines, frigates, and transports were furnished by
Spain. T here were fifty thousand sailors and rowers and
thirty-one thousand soldiers. T h e nineteen thousand sup
plied by Philip included German and Italian mercenaries
and were augmented by eight thousand Venetian soldiers,
as well as two thousand sent from the papal states and
two thousand volunteers from Spain. A review of the
armada was made by the admirals and the plan of sea
battle formation carefully rehearsed. Bishop Odescalchi
came to bless the fleet and to give the Popes special
blessing to Don Juan and his assurance of victory if he
offered battle to the enemy of Christ. If he should fail
the hopes of the H oly Father, the pontiff himself, with
his grey hairs, would go to war and put to shame idle
V IC T O R Y AN D D EA TH
265
youth. H e reminded the youthful admiral that St.

Isidore of Seville had prophesied that such a battle as
was imminent would be victorious under a youthful com
mander closely resembling Don Juan himself.
W hat a never-to-be-forgotten sight the fleet must have
presented as the galleys sailed past the papal nuncio on
the shore, his scarlet robe floating in the morning breeze,
while with uplifted hand he made the sign of the cross,
blessing each ship as it passed before him! Kneeling on
the decks were the knights whose armor shone in the
morning sunlight, but Don Juan stood erect (like another
St. Liberius, valiant in shining armor) under the stand
ard of our Lady through whose submission had come
salvation to mankind.
T h e procedure of naval discipline adopted by Don
Juan was never learned in m ilitary schools! It was the
Popes desire which the young commander adopted. No
women were allowed aboard any of the vessels. Blasphemy
was punished by death. T h e generalissimo fasted for three
days. T h e entire crew and all of the officers confessed
and received H oly Com munion. So numerous were the
confessions that the Jesuit priests ashore had to assist
the chaplains aboard the galleys. Six Spanish-speaking
Jesuits, sent by Francis Borgia, were chaplains of the
Spanish fleet. Dominicans, Capuchins, and Franciscans
also assisted. T h e y went among the galley slaves, men
condemned to hard labor for vile crimes, and urged them
to call upon God who would free them from their sins
and give to them His promised reward.
T h e fleet was divided into four squadrons which sailed
toward C orfu.2 Off the coast of Albania they assembled
for battle formation. Here a serious dispute arose between
2 Where the Turks had left behind them their customary memorials:
gutted houses and ruined churches, broken crucifixes, and mangled bodies
266
Vernier and Don Juan which Colonna succeeded in

settling by putting Agostino Barbarigo in V erniers place.
T h e scouts, sent out to reconnoiter and to discover the
position of the enemys fleet, returned with the informa
tion that they were in the harbor of Lepanto. A t this
psychological moment news reached the Christian fleet
of the fall of Famagusta and the horrible tortures and
hideous murder of the brave Bragadino and the destruc
tion of the city by the sadistic Turks. T h e entire fleet
needed no further motive to inflict deserved punishment
upon the Moslems.
It was on the sixth of October when, in spite of un
favorable winds, the Christian fleet hoisted anchor and
set sail along the A driatic and came to the G u lf of Patras.
In the early m orning of the following day Don Juan,
after a hurried consultation with Vernier, with whom he
seems to have made his peace, gave the signal of attack
by ordering a cannon fired and the banner of the Holy
League was unfurled over the masthead of Don Juans
galley. T h e priests gave a general absolution, and a fervent
prayer to heaven ascended from the crew, while from the
throats of thousands of soldiers and sailors came lusty
shouts of Vittoria! Vittoria! Viva Cristo!
Doria led the vanguard with fifty-four galleys flyinggreen banners. Don Juan took the center under the azure
banners of our Lady. Marcantonio Colonna was on the
Popes flagship at Don Juans right; while Vernier, who
is described as a cantankerous old sea-dog, 3 was at his
left. T h e ships under the Venetian Barbarigo followed
of priests and women and even of little children, where dogs and vultures
feasted in horrible gluttony. If a man aboard the Christian fleet had
doubted the compelling righteousness of his cause, this sight was enough
to spur him on to superhuman effort!
3 By Walsh in his incomparable description of the Battle of Lepanto in
his Philip II.
V IC TO R Y AND D EA TH
267
flying yellow colors, while the rear was protected by the

marques of Santa Cruz with thirty Spanish galleys and a
few from Italy under white banners. W hen the returning
scouts informed the admirals that a part of the T urkish
fleet had left the G u lf of Corinth for Constantinople in
anticipation of the storms which were due at this season
of the year, and that among those who had departed was
A luch A li, a navigator famed in his science, who had set
sail for Algiers with seventy-three galleys, no moment
seemed more propitious to the Christian leaders. T h ey
set out in hot pursuit. T h e Christians armada, obliged
to row their galleys as the wind was becalmed, passed
through the Ionian Sea. T h e y passed Nicopolis and an
cient Actium , reminiscent of Antony and Cleopatras lu x
urious idling before fate overtook them. T h ey skirted
Santa Maura to Cephalonia which protects the tiny isle
of Ithica where Peneiope knitted and awaited the return
of Ulysses. Haunted by the reports of the fate of Fama
gusta and the sights of Corfu, the soldiers and sailors were
prepared to fight like demons or like avenging angels!
Luckily, perhaps, they did not know that the report of
A lis departure was pure fiction, and that he awaited their
arrival in the G u lf of Patras. T h e night was black and
the sea overhung with a heavy fog. N ot a star shone. T h e
galleys were enwrapped in an ominous silence.
Shortly after midnight on Sunday, the seventh of O c
tober, a strong fresh breeze arose from the west. Sud
denly the stars awoke over the Ionian Sea. T h e fog lifted
and Don Juan, who did not sleep that night aboard his
Real, found himself and his ships flooded in a bright
moonlight. A t once he gave the command to set sail and
do or die. T h e anchors were hoisted. T h e sails were
unfurled. T h ey raced the dawn as if driven by the H ound
of Heaven. T h e sun burst forth over the sea like a great
208
Chinese lantern, flooding the choppy waves with a churn

ing foam of pure gold. From his vantage point in the van
of the fleet Doria sighted the enemy squadron, about
twelve miles off. T h e signal flag to the other galleys was
raised aloft on Dorias masthead. Don Juan saw the sig
nal and ordered his green banner, the sign of battle array,
to be hoisted. T h e myriad oars of the galley slaves tore
the waves apart and drove the six Venetian galleys for
ward toward the enemy. T o prevent confusion, two miles
divided each of the three sections of the Christian fleet.
W ith consummate skill the Venetian commander, Barbarigo, with his contingent of sixty-four galleys, hove to
along the Aetolian coast to prevent an encircling move
ment by the enemy. Don Juan approached in the center
with his sixty-three galleys, with Colonna and Vernier on
either side of him, while De Requesens followed imme
diately behind him. Dorias squadron of sixty vessels as
sumed the most dangerous position nearest the open sea.
Thirty-five vessels under the marques of Santa Cruz were
to be held in reserve and to give support wherever it was
needed. Thus, it has been claimed by those familiar with
naval tactics at the time, everything was planned before
hand for the victory that ensued. N othing was left to
chance. Skillful maneuvering and detailed preparation in
accordance with the best naval strategy foredoomed the
T urks to their hrst sea disaster.
But who shall say that the prayers of a little shrunken
old man kneeling in his Vatican chapel did not also win
the foreordained delivery of Christian slaves, the salva
tion of Europe from the T urkish menace which had given
Christians no peace for centuries, and the destruction of
the Ottoman power in Europe? It is said that Pius prayed
without ceasing while the battle progressed. T h e enemy
was mighty and had prevailed so often!
V IC T O R Y AND D EATH
269
In fact, the forces opposing each other were almost

evenly matched. T h e Moslems had a grand total of two
hundred and eighty-six galleys and Hascen Bey had just
arrived with twenty-two more from T rip o li. Opposed to
Barbarigo with fifty-five galleys under him, was M o
hammed Siroco. Don Juan was opposed by two able
Turkish officers, A li Pasha and Petrew, with ninety-six
galleys. Doria faced the frontal attack of A luch A li, well
esteemed as a formidable naval expert, with his seventythree vessels. Suddenly the wind shifted to the east to
the advantage of the T urks who advanced in perfect for
mation under full sail; while the Christian fleet had to
rely upon their oarsmen. But before the combat began
the sea was becalmed and the two fleets awaited a change
of wind for four hours. It is said that during this delay
Doria hastened to the Real and consulted Don Juan,
strongly advising against attack in the face of so for
midable a fleet which he had counted. Don Juan angrily
protested, declaring: T h is is the time to fight; not to
talk! T h en Doria drew up the final battle line, and his
counsel prevailed when he suggested that the fourteenfoot spurs be cut away from the prows of the Real, which
were deadly to the enemy galleys when handled by a
hundred galley slaves, but worse than useless in hand
to hand combat when locked in a death grapple with the
foe, ship lashed to ship. Don Juan was impressed by
D orias arguments, and ordered the espolones to be cast
into the sea.
T o inspire his soldiers to attack the enemy, Don Juan
went from one galley to another, holding aloft the cruci
fix, and shouting: Ha, valorous Christians! N ow is the
time for courage! Be conquerors! H um ble the pride of
the enemy and win glorious victory! One long, unbroken
cheer passed from galley to galley as the Popes banner of
270
the League arose beside the blue standard of O ur Lady

of Guadalupe on the Real. As the T urks advanced in the
form of a half moon, Don Juan threw himself upon his
knees and prayed. A ll the soldiers and sailors did like
wise, while the priests held aloft the crucifixes. T h en a
profound silence fell upon the Christian crew not unlike
that which follows the holding aloft of the Host at Mass.
On this silence broke the savage derisive cries of the
Mohammedans.
A li Pasha opened the battle with a cannon shot into
the Christian center. Don Juan answered with a loud
reply from his cannon. Suddenly the wind shifted again
in favor of the Christians and the Moslems were forced
to resort to their galley slaves at the oars. T h e Venetian
galleys opened fire and split the enemys formation. T hen
the T urkish right under Mohammed Siroco tried to push
forward into the open sea between the Venetian fleet and
the Aetolian shore. Five Moorish galleys bore down upon
Barbarigo, aim ing their poisoned arrows into the Chris
tian galleys. Now they came so close that ship was lashed
to ship and the fighting was hand to hand. T h e coura
geous Barbarigo for one moment let his shield fall from
before his face to shout an order, and in that instant he
was shot through the eye with one of the poisoned arrows.
Doria suddenly left his line and went to the rescue of the
Venetians, leaving a space between his squadron and Don
Juans center. A t once A luch A li, the apostate Italian,
crashed between the separated squadrons with his best
T rip o li ships. Doria was greatly outnumbered, but his
soldiers fought gloriously, and fell heroically. O f his gal
leys, ten were depleted of fighting men who fell in the
first hour of the engagement. T h e rem aining comrades at
arms fought on, praying for succor, and desperately hold
ing their ships. Santa Cruz wTent to the aid of the Vene-
V IC T O R Y AND D EA TH
2^1
dans and the entire squadron of Don Juan was locked

in deadly combat with A li Pasha who had made straight
for the Real when he saw Don Juans colors flying. T h e
galleys were lashed as they crashed together. Five hundred
picked troops, all Janissaries, manned A lis galley.
T his was the moment Don Juan had prayed for! He
directed and shouted orders to his men in the terrible
hand-to-hand fighting. From deck to deck he flew for two
full hours, firing his men with courage, and disregarding
his own life. As fast as the Janissaries fell they were rein
forced with fresh troops from the seven T urkish galleys
standing by to give aid to A lis Sultana. T h ey poured
aboard the Real and were twice forced back by the Span
ish soldiers. Don Juan was wounded in the foot just as
Santa Cruz, who had saved the Venetians, came to the
aid of the Real with two hundred reserves.
So heartened were the Christians that they threw all
their weight against A li and his Janissaries. T h e Chris
tians charged the T urks thrice and thrice were thrown
back. It was a dance of death, ghastly and terrible. T h e
decks were slippery with blood. T h e seas were red. Like
deer in a forest whose antlers are locked, so the ships
were locked in a deadly embrace, their masts entangled
and their timbers creaking and breaking into shards. Cer
vantes, who was to live to become immortal, lost his left
hand. Seventy-year-old Vernier, sword in hand, fought
at the head of his men. T h e issue was extremely doubtful
when A li Pasha in his brave defense against the terrific
onrush of the Christians fell, struck by a ball from a
Spanish harquebus. His body was laid at the feet of Don
Juan. W ith the death of their courageous leader, the
Moslems took to flight, and left the victory to the Chris
tians. It was a costly victory, but the T urks had fled
those who remained to get away!
272
T h e sun was sinking over the crimsoned sea. Dorias

right wing was still engaged with the formidable Aluch
A li, and although covered from head to foot with blood,
Doria escaped w ithout a wound! A luch A li, seeing the
T urkish fleet dispersing, managed to withdraw from be
tween the Christian center and right. He overtook a gal
ley manned with the Knights of Malta whom he hated
with fury. Boarding its deck, he slew all the knights and
the crew, and took over the vessel. But he was in turn
attacked by Santa Cruz and abandoned his prize, hastily
flying with forty of his best ships. Doria pursued him far
into the night.
In the port of Petala the Christians took shelter and
counted their dead and their booty. T h ey had lost eight
thousand Spaniards, eight hundred of the Popes men,
and five thousand Venetians. T h e Moslems lost twentyfive thousand men who were slain and five thousand cap
tured. T e n thousand Christian slaves were set free. O f
ships lost in the sea the T urkish price was two hundred
and twenty-four vessels; one hundred and thirty were
captured and ninety burned.
Don Juan at once sent to Philip of Spain the news of
the victory and he dispatched a messenger to the Pope
at Rome. But Pius V already knew the outcome of the
critical and decisive Battle of Lepanto! He was engaged
in some business negotiations with his treasurer-general,
Bartolomeo Busotti, when of a sudden he broke off the
discussion, went to the window, and threw it open. T here
for a time he stood transfixed as he gazed into the open
sky. T hen, his face alight with transport, he exclaimed to
his treasurer:
God be with you! T h is is not the time for business.
Let us give thanks to Jesus Christ, for our fleet has just
conquered.
273
H urrying to his chapel, Pius fell prostrate before the

altar and gave thanks to God for what he knew was cer
tain victory. W hen he came out those who saw him were
astonished by his light step and his ecstatic expression.
W hen his vision had been verified through human
agencies, by the messengers arriving from Venice on the
evening of October twenty-first, two weeks later, Pius
went to St. Peters to chant the T e Deum Laudamus.
Rome was illum inated with flaming torches on every
palace. Bells rang and cannons roared the glad news of
victory, which Pius V commemorated by making October
the seventh the Feast of the H oly Rosary, and adding
to the Litany of O ur Lady of Loreto the title, H elp of
Christians.
M yriad are the paintings which mighty artists have
produced of the dramatic naval Battle of Lepanto. T o o
numerous to mention are the poems that were written
by contemporary Spanish and Italian poets. In every court
of Europe geniuses were employed to commemorate this,
the greatest naval victory of Christendom and the sever
est blow ever struck against the Moslems. In Rome, in
Madrid, in the Doges palace in Venice, in Vienna pal
aces, museums, churches, and convents are rich in me
morials of the classic event. W hen the Chapel of Santi
Giovanni e Poalo in Venice was destroyed by fire in 1867,
the famous painting by Jacopo T intoretto and his son,
Domenico, perished. Likewise the incomparable painting
by T intoretto on the wall of the Doges palace was lost
to the world, but it was replaced by the great painting
of Andrea Vicentino. Paolo Veronese has left two great
canvases of the Battle of Lepanto which are in Venice.
One is in the Doges palace and the other in the Accade
mia. T itian , at the age of ninety-five, painted the battle for
274
Philip II, one of his masterpieces of color, which now

hangs in the M adrid Gallery.
O f modern poets no one has seized the spirit of the
event and expressed it so forcefully as has G ilbert Chester
ton in his poem, Lepanto. His intimate description of the
watchful pontiff of Rome keeping vigil is incomparable:
The Pope was in his chapel before the day of battle broke,
(Don John of Austria is hidden in the smoke.)
The hidden room in a mans house where God sits all the
year,
The secret window whence the world looks small and very
dear.
And the lines describing the Christian slaves before their
liberation:
And above the ships are palaces of brown, black-bearded
chiefs,
And below the ships are prisons, where with multitudi
nous griefs,
Christian captives sick and sunless, all a laboring race
repines
Like a race in sunken cities, like a nation in the
mines. . . .
They are countless, voiceless, hopeless as those fallen or
fleeing on
Before the high Kings horses in the granite of Babylon.
And many a one grows witless in his quiet room in hell
Where a yellow face looks inward through the lattice of
his cell.
And after!
Thronging of the diousands up that labour under sea
White for bliss and blind for sun and stunned for liberty.
Vivat Hispanial
Domino Gloria!
Don John of Austria
Has set his people free!
275
Small wonder that when they waked the pontiff to con

firm his vision the aged Pius declared, like Simeon of
old: N unc dimittis servum tuum in pace! As he awaited
the dawn the Pope was too excited with joy to sleep again
that night. W hen he met his cardinals and ambassadors
in audience the next day, he quoted the words of the
Gospel of St. John: F uit homo missus a Deo, cui nomen
erat Joannes, thus referring appropriately to the Christian
name of Don Juan of Austria.
T h e pontiff wrote letters of congratulation to each of
the Christian admirals; and he urged that the Christian
powers follow up this great victory by joining the League
and sharing in future glory for this indefatigable old
warrior-saint had the crusading spirit burning so brightly
within him that he saw not only Europe freed for all
time from the Moslem menace but the recovery of Jeru
salem as well!
Meanwhile Rome awaited the return of the Popes
admiral, Marcantonio Colonna, with impatience. Colonna,
like Don Juan, was youthful and handsome. T h e Romans,
w'ho have always loved magnificent pageantry, were keen
about making the advent of this scion of one of its oldest
and most famous families a historic and symbolic event.
Although their elaborate preparations called for his ar
rival in a gilded chariot after the manner of a returning
Caesar, Pius V was opposed, and the idea was reluctantly
discarded by the pomp-loving Romans. Yet Colonna did
arrive in splendid triumph! It was not until December
that the admiral entered the Eternal City. Rome was
awake in the early morning of the fourth, agog with
excitement. Along the Via Appia, under the gates of St.
Sebastian, the Swiss Guard and conservatori awaited him.
He was a figure to be admired as he rode on a white
charger which the Pope had presented, unarmed and
276
without any other color than the Golden Fleece and his
tunic of gold which shone under the black silk mantle
lined with fur. Upon his head he wore a black velvet
cap with a white plume held in place by a clasp of pearl.
Rome was ablaze with tapestries and banners hung
from palaces in each of its thirteen rioni. T h e cortege
included all the famous and ancient houses of Rome, led
by the Senator of Rome and the conservatori. Giovanni
G iorgio Caesarini, Pompeo Colonna, Onorato Caetani,
and the two nephews of the pontiff, his namesake, Michele,
and Girolam o Bonelli, awaited the trium phal procession.
Along the Appian W ay, under the trium phal arches of
Constantine and T itus, the procession advanced, while
one hundred seventy T urkish prisoners, as exhibits of
victory over the T urkish enemy, followed in chains. T h ey
crossed the Cam pidoglio and approached San Marco, and
came along the Via Papale to St. A n gelos bridge, arriving
at St. Peters. Here, before the tomb of the first Apostle,
Colonna knelt and received the papal blessing. Pius ex
horted the victorious admiral to give to God full glory for
His aid, W ho, despite our sins, has been m erciful and
kind.
W hatever jealousies still existed to thwart and obstruct
the papal aims, Pius V s motives were throughout pure
and unadulterated by any nationalistic inhibitions. T h e
Venetians wanted to use the League for their own ends in
the Levant; w hile Philip II wanted to take action against
the Berbers in northern Africa. P h ilip s attitude was
largely influenced by the very real fear of France, whose
government, after the victory of Lepanto, had proposed
an alliance with the sultan! T h e Spanish king well knew
that at the same time France was conniving with the
Huguenots, with the rebels in the Netherlands, and with
Elizabeth of England. It is altogether likely that he ac
V IC T O R Y AN D D EATH
277
tually feared an alliance which would bring a sim ul

taneous attack by France, the Netherlands, the English,
and the Turks! But the m ilitant pontiff dreamed of the
liberation of the H oly Sepulcher, by first capturing Con
stantinople. H e had the most elaborate and detailed plans
for the accomplishment of these aims. In spite of his
numerous disappointments with the jealousies of the
various powers, the pontiff never ceased to utilize even
the slightest chance to appeal to the European states
through his nuncios. W e are now masters of the sea,
declared the Pope. Now is the time to take full advan
tage of the situation and not recline on our oars. Follow
up the victory of Lepanto by pushing the T urks from the
Dardanelles! T ake G allipoli, the pontiff urged. Pius be
lieved that the crusade was not only necessary, but also
perfectly feasible.
Although the aged and dying pontiff was not to realize
his carefully worked-out plans for a crusade, he did break
the m ight of the T urkish power. From the Battle of
Lepanto dates the slow but steady decline of Ottoman
sea power. For the first time in history the myth of the
invincibility of the naval power of the T urks was de
stroyed. T h is much the Pope of Rome, Pius V, un
doubtedly accomplished.
It is remarkable that, in spite of the pontiffs old ail
ment, he seemed to take on new strength after victory
crowned his tireless efforts. W hen he was advised to take
better care of himself, he only laughed and declared, I
never felt better! Later, when he was obliged to return
to his rigorous diet, he appeared to recover from what
had seemed an ominous lessening of vitality. He asserted
that he would not consult the doctors again. A fter the
victory of Lepanto, his health improved. Clearly it acted
as a tonic and he seemed to recapture his youth! In July
278
of 71, he repaired to his villa. In September the Spanish

ambassador, Zuniga, speaks of Pius good health. Late in
the month of October, on Sunday, the twenty-eighth, Pius
celebrated the Mass in thanksgiving for victory, and he
was present for the Requiem Mass for the fallen, the next
day. O n the last day of October he again made the pil
grimage of the Seven Basilicas of Rome. A t Christmas
Pius V assisted at M idnight Mass and said two low Masses,
giving H oly Com munion to his own household, and then
he pontificated at St. Peters.
His old trouble returned on January the eighth, 1572,
yet the pontiff rallied as he had done so many times. But
by the middle of March it set in with renewed violence,
and his diet of assess m ilk brought no relief. His con
stitution, which had appeared so vigorous, suddenly col
lapsed. A t the end of March the doctors despaired of the
Popes recovery. It was only a matter of time. A t Easter
tide, although he ardently desired to assist at the Pontifi
cal Mass (April 6, 1572), he was unable to rise from his
bed. But one more desire was fulfilled. Although his pain
was excruciating, it was announced that he would bless
his people from the loggia of St. Peters. W ith super
human effort he arose and pronounced the solemn and
comforting words to the kneeling throngs who had come
to receive once more the blessing of this man of God,
which was spoken in clear, distinct tones.
Strange to say, after this painful effort, Pius felt better
for a number of days! H e stoutly refused to consider an
operation, probably from motives of modesty.5 T o his
bodily ailments were added tortures of mind as well. For
he was continually badgered about the dispensation for
Marguerite of Valois marriage to H enry of Navarre by
5Pastor.
V IC TO R Y AND D EA TH
279
Frances threat of breaking off diplomatic relations with

the H oly See; M axim ilian II was endlessly quarreling be
cause of the coronation of Cosimo, while Philip II felt
outraged by the papal attitude in the Carranza affair!
In spite of all these endless contentions, perhaps be
cause of them, Pius V determined to make the pilgrimage
of the Seven Basilicas once more! It was in vain that his
intimates and the physicians protested. A n adamant will
opposed them all. O n A pril the twenty-first, in spite of
a cold breeze from the sea, this dying man traversed more
than an Italian m ile afoot, as he had done so many times
before. T h e crowds thronged about him, to whom he
gave his last blessing with kindly unction. It was his final
m ingling with the Roman people who had learned to
reverence and love him so much. He had lashed his body
to its last duty.
Lingering on for a few days longer, he conducted some
business, but spent most of his time in prayer. Fie com
forted those about him who wept, trying to console them
with the assurance that if it were necessary God would
raise up from the very stones a man to succeed him, upon
whom the Church could lean in the difficult times ahead.
Even in his last moments he thought of the crusade so
dear to his heart and commanded those about him to
continue to fight against the Mohammedan hordes. He
handed over to his treasurer a sum of thirteen thousand
scudi, telling him it would be useful for the League.
O n the last day of A p ril6 Pius had himself clothed in
his m onks habit, for he wished to die a Dominican. He
lay quiet with folded hands awaiting death, occasionally
wracked by violent pains. Lord, increase my pains, but
increase my patience, too! he was heard to pray. After
"The feast day of St. Catherine of Siena.
28o
so much suffering of mind and body, the heroic old man

in the Vatican breathed his last, on the first of May, 1572.
He was sixty-six years of age and had filled Peters Chair
with unfailing trust and patience and rigorous discipline
for six years, seven months, and twenty-three days. H e had
fought the heresy of Luther and all its multitudinous off
shoots, the apostasy of England, the recalcitrance of
France, the lethargy of M axim ilian II, and the laxity of
Sigismund Augustus of Poland. T h e seeds of missionary
labor he planted have never ceased to bring forth abun
dant harvest for the Church. W ith holy zeal Pius V had
dared to beard the T u r k in his own lair on the sea. He
broke the power of the Ottoman tyrants. H e freed Chris
tian slaves. He had, in fact, accomplished the impossible.
For no matter how much acclaim Colonna and Don Juan
received for their splendid exploits, nor what glory Venier,
Doria, and Barbarigo had justly won, it was the indom
itable w ill of Pius V that, in the face of a mountain of
opposition, had made all these brave mens achievements
possible!7
T ru ly a great statesman and a mighty pontiff departed
this earth when Pius V died! T h a t he was a saint was
conceded even by his enemies. It needed only the Churchs
official recognition to proclaim his sainthood. Sixtus V,
his successor, who had Pius V s body translated to Santa
Maria Maggiore in 1588, where it lies today in the same
chapel that enshrines the Crib, began the process of
canonization. It was not, however, until May the tenth,
1672, a century later, that the beatihcation took place
under Clem ent X , to be followed in 1712, on May the
1Von Ranke says of Pius V s death: "His loss was felt more immediately
than he had himself anticipated; but also, there was a unity established,
a force called into existence, by whose inherent power, the course into
which he had directed the nations would inevitably be confirmed and
maintained."
V IC T O R Y AND D EATH
28l
twenty-second, by his canonization by Clem ent X I, wdio

named his feast day May the fifth. Pius V is the last Pope
to have been canonized up to the present time.
On his feast day every year his tomb at Santa Maria
Maggiore is a magnet attracting priests and laymen, wom
en, and little children, who bring flowers and offer prayers
before the remains of the great, heroic, m ilitant pontiff,
Pius V, to whom the Church and the world owe so much.
W hen this valiant soldier of Jesus Christ finally sheathed
the sword of Saint M ichael which he had wielded so gal
lantly all his life in defense of Christendom, he might
well have uttered the words of the Apostle of the G en
tiles: I have fought the good fight, I have finished my
course, I have kept the Faith.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Lives of Saint Pius V
Antony, C. M.; Saint Pius V (Pope of the Holy Rosary), with
a Preface by The Very Reverend Monsignor Benson, M.A.,
Longsmans, Green 8c Co., New York.
Dublin Review, LIX, Oct., 1886.
Falloux, Le Comte de; Histoire de Saint Pie V, Pape de
l Ordre des Frres Prcheurs (Troisime Edition), Impri
mere de J-G Lardinois, Editeur; Rue Soeurs-de-Hasque, No.
I I , Liege, 1852.
Leturia, Pedro; Saint Pius V, in the Historical Bulletin of
March, 1938.
Mendham, Joseph; The Life and Pontificate of St. Pius V
(1503-15J2) (a vicious Polemic), Duncan, London, 1832.
Neligan, Dr.; Lives and Times of the Roman Pontiffs (from St.
Peter to Pius IX), trans. from the French and Edited by Dr.
Neligan, D. and J. Sadlier 8c Co., Barclay St., New York,
1866.
Pastor, Freiherr von, Ludwig; The History of the Popes, from
the German, Edited by Ralph Francis Kerr of the London
Oratory. Vols. XVII Sc XVIII (deal with Pius V: 1566
1572), B. Herder Book Co., 17 South Broadway, St. Louis,
Mo., 1929.
Ranke, von, Leopold; History of the Popes during the Last
Four Centuries, Vol. I, G. Bell and Sons, Ltd. London,
1927 Seppelt, Prof. Francis X. DD., and Loeffler, Prof. Clement,
Ph.D., adapted from the German by Horace A. Fommelt,
Short History of the Popes, Based on the Latest Researches;
Herder Book Co., London, 1932.
Summer School of Catholic Studies; The Papacy, Papers from
School held at Cambridge, August 7-10, 1923, Edited by the
Rev. G. Lattey, S.J. (M.A. Oxon), pub. by Heifer, W. &
Sons, Ltd., Cambridge, England, 1924.
28a
B IB L IO G R A P H Y
283
Dom inicana
Bennett, R. F., M.A., Hulsean Prizeman, late Bye-Fellow, Magdelene College; The Early Dominicans, Studies in Thir
teenth Century Dominican History, Cambridge University
Press, England, 1937.
Catholic World, The, Vol. XXXIII, April-Sept., 1881.
Dominicana, 1937 22, BX 801. D7.
Dominican House of Studies; Dominican Saints, by the Nov
ices, Washington, D. C., with an Introduction by the Rt.
Rev. Thomas J. Shahan, D.D., Rector of the Catholic Uni
versity of America, Dominicana, 487 Michigan Ave., N.E.,
Washington, D. C.
Guirand, Jean; Saint Dominic, trans. by de Mattos, Katherine;
Pub. by Duckworth & Co., 3 Henrietta St., W.C., London,
1901.
Thownsend, Anselm, M.; Dominican Spirituality, trans. by
Thownsend, S.J., Pub. by Bruce Publishing Co., Milwau
kee, Wis., 1934.
T h e Inquisition
Belloc, Hilaire; The Great Heresies, Pub. by Sheed & Ward,
New York, MCM XXXVIII.
Maycock, A. L., M.A.; The Inquisition, from Its Establishment
to the Great Schism, An Introductory Study; with an Intro
duction by Father Ronald Knox, Pub. by Harper &
Brothers, New York and London, 1927.
Turberville, A. S., M.C., M.A., BL.H., Lecturer in Modern
History in the University College of North Wales, Bangor.
Late Scholar of New College, Oxford; Medieval Heresy
and the Inquisition; Pub. by Dutton, E. P. & Co., London,
1931>
Vacandard, E.; The Inquisition: A Critical and Historical
Study of the Coercive Power of the Church, trans. from the
Second Edition by Bertrand Conway, C.S.P., Longsmans,
Green & Co., New York, 1918.
Walsh, William Thomas; Characters of the Inquisition, Pub.
by Kenedy, P. J. & Sons, New York, 1940.
284
B IB LIO G R A P H Y
Related, R eading
Bertier, Fr. J-J., O.P.; Le Convent de Sainte-Sabine a Rome,
Co-operative Typographique, Manuce, rue de Porta Sala
ria, 23-B, Rome, 1912.
Clayton, Joseph, F. R., Hist.S.; Luther and His Work, Bruce
Pub. Co., Milwaukee, Wisconsin.
Creighton, Mandell, M.A., Late Tutor and Fellow of Merton
College, Oxford; The Age of Elizabeth, Charles Scribners
Sons, New York, 1911.
Lewis, Wyndham, D. B.; Charles of Europe (Charles V and a
Rebellious Europe), Coward-McCann, Inc., New York,
i93iLingard, John, D.D.; A History of England from the First In
vasion of the Romans to the Accession of James I, Vol. V.
J. Mawman, 39 Ludgate Street, London, 1823.
Maritain, Jacques, M.; Three Reformers, Charles Scribners 8c
Sons, 1931.
Maynard, Theodore; Queen Elizabeth, Bruce Pub. Co., Mil
waukee, Wisconsin, 1940.
Meyer, Arnold Oskar, Prof. University of Rostock; England
and the Catholic Church under Queen Elizabeth, trans. by
the Rev. J. R. McKee, M.A., of the London Oratory. Kegan
Paul, London; Trench, Trubner 8c Co., Ltd. and by B.
Herder, 17 S. Broadway, St. Louis, Mo., U. S. A., 1916.
Month, The, Vol. CLV, Jan.-June, 1930: The Bull, Regnans
in Excelsis.
Pollen, John Hungerford, S.J.; The English Catholics in the
Reign of Queen Elizabeth. A Study of their Politics, Civil
Life and Government (from the Fall of the Old Church to
the Advent of the Counter Reformation); Longmans-Green
8c Co., 39 Paternoster Row, London.
Roeder, Ralph; Catherine de Medici and the Lost Revolu
tion, The Viking Press, New York, 1937.
Walsh, William Thomas; Philip II, Sheed
MCM XXXVII, London and New York, 1937.
8c Ward,
Young, Col., G. F., C.B.; The Medici, Charles Boni, New York,
1930 -

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THE SWORD

(Second P rintin g 1945)

This book is complete and unabridged and is reprinted in full

HUSSLEIN, S.J., EDITOR

THE SWORD OF SAINT MICHAEL

His Antecedents and Humble Home; Early Domin

The Pope Continues His Monastic Habits; The

Personality of Luther His Doctrine of justifica

The Spanish King, Philip II; Strained Relations

tions; Papal Concessions to Spain; Papal Problems

Seeds of Dissension Planted at Louvain: Baianism;

Brief Review of Catholic England; Results of

Elizabeth; Marys Checkered Career; Pius V Ap

Don Juan Is Universally Acclaimed As Generalis

THE SWORD OF SAINT MICHAEL

PREFACE BY THE GENERAL EDITOR

But to picture comprehensively the scenes presented

PREFACE BY THE GENERAL EDITOR

the loot of churches and of monasteries. T h e cruelties

was the opportunity forced upon him. A ll Western civili

did assure survival on this earth until the consumma

a need w ithin the Church itself, recognized by Catholic

dark period in papal history! Paul IV s appraisal of his

cally-minded Medicean uncle of S. Carlo Borromeo). It

not only of resemblances, but also of differences in the

throughout the centuries and had found its most glorious

T h is was done after Cardinal d Este, who represented the

the ancient custom) ten days after the death of a pontiff,

was ever leveled. Borrom eos intrinsic worth, his integ

agree to his election. T h is opinion seemed to be sub

because he was born on that saints day2 (January 17), in

came to be looked up to by his elders as their model. His

the little spire of the ancient church. In place of the edi

of sin and temptation that you do not lose the savor of

with his distinguished penitent meant a twenty-mile jour

prior. More unw illingly still, he undertook the responsi

G ods hands. W hatever his Master willed was the w ill

volved were excommunicated. T h is served as an example

an age of force and violence. Modern historians, many

were trying to preserve; for Europe was then being held

disinterested considerations of Dominican duty when he

(the easternmost canton in Switzerland). T w o rival candi

was surrounded by assassins. Being warned of the danger

In his new capacity of commissary-general, Father

Pope21 and obtained pardon for the prisoner, who forth

in 1556 (which see he subsequently left for M ondovi in

to this rigorous, well-intentioned man the utter disillu

A bout this time, Cardinal Alessandrino was plagued

purity of Christs Church. Yet how unsullied his motives!

mility: I can always take refuge in my monastery if I

fected the character of the Dominican. Instead of sur

Sword of Saint M ichael in defense of his Church. For this

It was noted that the Pope ate as little as if he were in

many years of his life. So far as was consistent with his

Santa Maria sopra M inerva to preach sermons there, as

trast to all other men. As a consequence he expected

T H E RU LER O F CH RISTEN DOM

upon his own kin. T h e sole exception was a nephew,

and pirates disappeared as if by magic. It became safe to

vents; the only exemption was in case of fire, leprosy,