Allesandro Botticelli’s Iconography of

Mystic Nativity and Mystic Crucifixion;

Fra Girolamo Savonarola’s Influence

March 25, 2010

Research 4210-904

Spring 2010

Jeniffer Harrison
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Fra Girolamo Savonarola, a Dominican Friar who rose to power in the late 1400’s and

significantly influenced politics, religion, and art in Florence, Italy. To art historians there is

much speculation concerning the specific effect of Savonarola on the artists in Florence during

his power over the Florentine religion, politics, and art in Florence’s late 1400s and early 1500s.

Due to the Savonarolan influence it is alleged that Allesandro Botticelli transformed his once

Renaissance Humanitarian philosophies in his artwork toward a more Savonarolan iconography.

Full investigation of Savonarola’s influence on each individual artist of his time would be outside

the scope of this paper’s purpose. The purpose of this paper will be limited to Alessandro

Botticelli’s iconography in the Mystic Nativity and the Mystic Crucifixion as they relate to

Savonarolan iconography, sermons, and teachings as well as some of the iconography and

artwork of Botticelli prior to Savonarola’s influence in works such as the Calumny of Apelles,

Primavera, and the Birth of Venus.

During the late Quattrocento, Allesandro Botticelli created the tempera on canvas

Mystic Nativity, (Figure 1), as well as the tempera and oil on canvas Mystic Crucifixion, (Figure

2), in Savonarola’s Florence. Throughout history several elucidations of the iconography

included of these two paintings have arisen; the popular explanations deviate principally

between two philosophies. Rab Hatfield, PhD a trained professor from Harvard and Professor

at Yale for five years who eventually became the head the Art History Department at Syracuse

University in Florence with a primary focus on Renaissance art. Hatfield has significant

expertise and insight to the work of Botticelli as evidenced in his article, Botticelli’s Mystic

Nativity, Savonarola and The Millennium. Hatfield, among others investigates the first school,
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which is confidently convinced that Savonarola had a significant bearing on Botticelli’s career in

the late 1400’s and early 1500’s, particularly the Mystic Crucifixion and the Mystic Nativity. A

dissimilar school considers that the iconography of Botticelli’s later work as consistent with

other iconography of Florentine artwork during Botticelli’s paintings timeframe. (Hatfield) The

Mystic Nativity is canvas with a tempera medium, 108.6 x 74.9 cm in dimension and resides in

London at the National Gallery (National Gallery London) and The Mystic Crucifixion measuring

73 x 51 cm, which is housed in the Fogg Art Museum in Cambridge, Massachusetts ("Library

of Great Masters - Botti celli" 74) . Lauro Matrines, whose decades of Italian Renaissance

scholarship provide a unique perspective about Savonarola in Fire In The City is consulted to

gain a better appreciation for the Dominican Friar. In order to further narrow the scope of the

study, a concentration of the years 1491 – 1498 BCE are included as a primary focal point of the

paper as those were the time when “Savonarola’s life and the history of Florence were so

joined together that it is impossible to pull them apart (Martines 5). “

Understanding the influence on Allesandro Botticelli by Girolamo Savonarola requires

some understanding of Savonarola and the Dominican Order. Savonarola was born in Ferrara,

Italy in 1452 and joined the Dominicans in Bologna, Italy in 1475. William A. Hinnebusch, O.P.,

D.Ph. (Oxon.), provides a detailed history of the Dominican History. Hinnebusch has a

doctorate in philosophy from the University of Oxford, was a Professor of history at Providence

College, and has spend many years doing research at the Historical Institute of the Dominican

Order in Rome in order to write many articles, encyclopedia contributions, and journal articles

on the Dominican Order. According to Hinnebusch, the establishment of the Dominican Order
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was founded out of Saint Dominic’s dissatisfaction with his own aspiration to preach to non-

Christians and convert them to Christianity. Through many letters written both to and from St.

Dominic a careful chronicling of the groundwork of the principles and theology of the

Dominican zeal was revealed. The recurring theme of zealots and religious zeal rings true from

the inception of the Dominican Order throughout much of their history including the 15 th

Century in Italy. Savonarola was considered to be a ‘penance preacher’ and stressed the need

for reformation of the Catholic Church, restoration of morality, and a need to purge the

corruption of the Pope. (Hinnebusch) Savonarola, an impassioned Dominican Friar, quickly

gained recognition for his apocalyptic and prophetic preaching style in Northern Italy.

Savonarola went to Florence in 1491 at the summoning of Lorenzo the Magnificent and was

named the Prior of San Marco ("Library of Great Masters - Botti celli" 50) . According to

A. Hyatt Mayor, Curator of Prints at the Metropolitan Museum of Art, Savonarola’s influence

over the Florentine citizens and political arena was extreme considering the Friar had not lived

in Florence until his thirties. Savonarola’s thirteen years in Florence were to have a significant

impact on the arts and politics of Florence, primarily due to Savonarola’s understanding of the

arts as a political force (Mayor 66). Savonarola’s preaching against all forms of luxuries would

lead to the infamous ‘Bonfires of the Vanities’, which destroyed works of art, sheets of music,

literary works, clothing, jewelry, and any other item deemed a luxury ("Library of Great

Masters - Botti celli" 50) . Ironically and sadly, the ‘Bonfires of the Vanities’ included

‘worldly’ works of Botticelli (Mayor 68). Florence, feeling the threat of invasion from Charles

VIII of France, believed that Savonarola’s prophecies of the destruction of Florence, their world,
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was about to come true and thereby leaving room for Savonarola to take up an unofficial power

after Piero dei Medici was exiled from Florence. ("Library of Great Masters - Botti celli"

50-51) Savonarola would spend much of his time in the pulpit casting the Christian beliefs into

the faces of the self-professed Christians. A minority of scholars believe that Savonarola’s

preaching’s carried a Humanistic thread through out them in that he believed in and preached

about man’s dignity and the reconciliation promised through God as well as the potential of

humans. The Renaissance Humanistic similarities end there and Savonarola confronted his

listeners repeatedly on the abuse of their potential. Dr. Marcia Brown Hall, PhD of Renaissance

History from Harvard University notes in one of her many research studies a disparity between

what Savonarola preached and what he is remembered as preaching is likely due in part to his

failure to find an appropriate format for his content. Hall additionally notes that his failure to

move past his didactic framework of preaching which typically drove him to scolding his

listeners was not fully working with the content he may have intended to teach. (Hall 494-495)

Savonarola continued to control Florentine politics, arts, and citizens with his apocalyptic and

prophetic sermons for nearly thirteen years. After repeated defiance’s of the Catholic Church

and the Pope himself, the Pope had him charged and convicted of heresy in May 1498.

Savonarola was hung with his two closest collaborators in the Florentine square. The papacy

did not wish to leave any of their remains to be used for relics so they engulfed the bodies with

flames, swept up the ashes and disposed of them into the river, thus insuring that no relics

could be tied to miracles, hence making a martyr and saint out of Savonarola. (Martines 3-4; 6)
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Dr. Charles Dempsey, PhD, Professor of Art History at John’s Hopkins University and

noted Art Historian points out that Savonarola increased his exceptionally apocalyptic

preaching during the end of the Quattrocento, which repeatedly condemned the patrons of the

arts, artists, patrons, and artwork in Florence portraying the Virgin Mary, Christ, and Saints as

wealthy and elite thereby forewarning the penalty for Florence during the apocalypse for its

transgressions and additionally warn the congregation of the imminent apocalypse (Dempsey).

Savonarola notoriously addressed many church members, specifically the patrons of the arts

during his sermons to remind them that Christ was born into poverty and by representing the

religious figures in the luxurious finery of the patrons of the art was to make Mary into a whore

(Martines 6-7; Hall 494). Savonarola in a fictional dialogue from the pulpit said that ‘all that

finery is for the honour of men, and first of all the patrons, a rich merchant and a bishop who

live only to please their senses’. This statement was prophetic in and of itself in that it captured

the disagreements of the fundamental attitudes between the followers of Savonarola and his

enemies. (Martines 6-7) The apparent impact of Savonarola’s sermons was prominent in the

manner and subject matters of Botticelli’s artwork during this time frame (Dempsey). During

the period of this influence, it should be noted that Savonarola was not an iconoclast as he

believed in artwork which had nothing superfluous added which would detract from the

religious content and his primary concern with the state of art at the time is believed by Hall to

be his disapproval for the intent of the rich, not the works themselves (Hall 497).

Botticelli, initially inspired by the ‘Renaissance Humanistic Conceptions’ and the Medici,

epitomized the maturity of the ‘Humanistic Conception’ as told by an influential Florentine

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writer and Renaissance Humanist Polymath, Leon Battista Alberti. The Humanistic influence, in

turn had a direct correlation to the art commissioned by the powerful Medici family. The early

Quattrocento Florence was a time for Botticelli to progressively integrated traits of a country

motif along with prior examination of Classical examples. Unification of these techniques is

apparent in Botticelli’s “supple contours and the contrapposto poses, graceful proportions, and

balanced, natural movement of his figures, which respond to an invisible yet palpable rule of

harmonic number” (Dempsey). Additionally, as a result Botticelli continued to combine the

Renaissance Humanistic culture into his artwork support from the powerful Medici family. The

end product of this mixture was first evident in Primavera, (Figure 3), and attained a pinnacle of

success in the Birth of Venus, (Figure 4), (Dempsey). Botticelli profited financially in his earlier

career primarily via commissions administered by the Pope, the Catholic Church, and the

Medici Family. Later influence on Botticelli resulted primarily from religion according to

Savonarola rather than religion according to Pope Alexander VI and the Catholic Church.

At the end of the Quattrocento, “there is a deeper crisis of style and expression

discernible in Botticelli’s later works, beginning with the Calumny of Apelles, (Figure 5), and

reaching a peak in such paintings as the Mystic Nativity” as well as with the painting Mystic

Crucifixion (Dempsey). These paintings convey Botticelli’s progressive rejection of courtly style

exhibited in his beginning work toward a more retrospective method of artwork. The later

paintings in question contain artistic embellishment only for the deliberate purpose of

enhancing the story line (Dempsey). The Mystic Crucifixion and The Mystic Nativity are

significant paintings portraying the artist’s later religious and philosophical influences, which
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coincided with his momentous departure from the Renaissance Humanistic Iconography toward

a more Savonarolan Iconography.

Many factors are likely to have contributed to the development of Allesandro Botticelli’s

artistic pursuits. Some of those factors included training, artistic guidance; Renaissance

Humanistic philosophies; his patronage of the Medici Family; and Savonarola’s influence over

Florence. (Dempsy) Observable effects of these and other factors on Botticelli are expected, as

people mature and grow personally and professionally via experiences and environment.

Although scholars in the past often-denied Savonarola’s influence on Botticelli, it is evident in

Botticelli’s last paintings specifically the Mystic Nativity and the Mystic Crucifixion, which

contained religious matter included visionary and apocalyptic essentials that he expressed

allegorically were in line with the sermon style of Savonarola. ("Library of Great Masters -

Botti celli" 74) Therefore it is additionally evident that Botticelli put into paint what

Savonarola put into words during his preaching as revealed by the Savonarolan iconography

contained within the Mystic Nativity and the Mystic Crucifixion. These same paintings convey a

broad disposition of religious fanaticism in Florence due to the Savonarolan power. Botticelli’s

dilemma, which was essentially personal in nature most likely influenced his artistic

representations and his pictorial style, was based primarily in the contrasting worlds of his early

years of the Renaissance Humanitarianism culture and his later years exposed to the reforming

ascetic of Savonarola’s Iconography, who utilized Christianity as a guide to a rational civic and

political loyalty. ("Library of Great Masters - Botti celli" 74-76)

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During the later portion of the Cinquecento, Savonarola utilized his theme of resolve by

divine merit as propaganda for Florence’s political and social reformation. The dynamic sermon

delivery style of Savonarola quickly impacted several Florentine artists including Botticelli.

Savonarolan theories about Florence as well as their apparent sway on Allesandro Botticelli

were definitively apparent in the Mystic Crucifixion and Mystic Nativity. Iconography in

Botticelli’s Nativity and Crucifixion can be primarily related to the teachings, preaching,

sermons, and persuasion of the Dominican Friar (Hatfield 110). The iconography of the Nativity

and Crucifixion portrayals should be considered not as a literal depiction, but instead as an

allegorical painting of the nativity (Hatfield 110). Rab Hatfield, authored “Botticelli’s Mystical

Nativity, Savonarola and the Millennium” imparts a comprehensive investigation of the

iconography in the paintings with the concentration on the Mystic Nativity. Hatfield’s

examinations present an opening position on which to expound the connection of Botticelli and

Savonarola. Hatfield introduces five distinctive associations between the Mystic Nativity

painting and the sermons given by the Friar. He first discusses “the Nativity in which angels

accompany mortals and show them the newborn child; secondly, there are three couples of

angels and mortals who embrace and kiss; thirdly, there is a wreath of little crowns; fourthly,

there is a lengthy inscription at the top in (not very good) Greek, with references to the Book of

Revelation; and fifthly, there are five smitten demons (Hatfield 89).” A foreshadowing of a

‘second nativity’ or the second coming of Christ is portrayed in the iconographical

characteristics of the Mystical Nativity. Botticelli’s Mystic Nativity iconography enhances the

portrayal of a Renaissance Triptych; by introducing hell in the lowest segment of the canvas,
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the common, daily portrayal in the central segment of the canvas; and the divine enclosed in

the top segment of the canvas. The tripartite structure, which is common in the Renaissance

portrayal of the Holy Family, displays the levels of heaven, earth, and hell horizontally in the

painting; however Botticelli portrayed his triptych vertically in these paintings rather than the

horizontal.

The Mystic Nativity’s middle section contains quite significant parts of the painting,

which are emblematic of the sphere of humanity. The extreme enlargement of the figures in

the central section in comparison to the shepherds and angels surrounding the Holy Family is

considerable. The size difference is such that should Mary stand up, her height would be so

disproportionate that she would stand taller than the manger. The ox and the ass, typically

associated with the nativity scene in the scriptures are also exaggerated in size. This

exaggerated size of the elements and figures of the central plane are evidence that the

exaggeration in size provides two roles, first to show their significance and second, the

enlargements are necessary to obtain a geometrically visual proportion. Another instance of

the significance of the central section of the canvas consist of the baby Jesus in his swaddling

cloths before an open cave behind the manger, thus calling to mind his impending crucifixion

and foreshadowing his subsequent resurrection. In throwing off his swaddling clothes, Jesus’

arm continues to be raised as if in a pose of a blessing. Jesus’ father Joseph is seated at the left

side of baby Jesus and was Jesus’ mortal father. Joseph is represented as if he is sleeping.

Joseph is commonly portrayed in this manner as his divine knowledge was disseminated to him

while he was dreaming. (Hatfield 89-110)

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Botticelli’s inscription located at the very top portion of the canvas of the Mystic

Nativity in Greek is further indication and evidence of Savonarola’s influence on the artwork

and iconography of both the Mystic Nativity and Mystic Crucifixion. Professor Christopher

Rowland on the Exegesis of Holy Scripture Oxford University has researched and written about

the interpretation of the New Testament and Christianity. In investigating Botticelli’s Mystic

Nativity, Professor Christopher Rowland translated Botticelli’s inscription as “I, Allesandro, was

painting this picture at the end of the year 1500 in the (troubles) of Italy in the half time after

the time according to the chapter of St. John in the second woe of the Apocalypse in the loosing

of the devil for three and a half years. Then he will be chained and we shall see him (about to

be buried/trodden down) as in this picture (Rowland 310).” The inscription undoubtedly

designates a disappearance of the Renaissance Humanistic opinions previously held by Botticelli

and solidifies the influence of Savonarola and his apocalyptic sermons and their effect on

Botticelli’s rendering of his art. (Dempsey) The Greek inscription are verifiably linkable to both

Revelations and Savonarola’s sermon of 1493 during Advent when the Friar read from Psalms

85, “Mercy and truth met together, righteousness, and peace have kissed each other. Truth

shall spring out of the earth; and righteousness shall look down from heaven (Hatfield 89).”

During Botticelli’s time in Florence it was commonly believed that the Antichrist would come in

the year 1500 and he would reach maturity in 1530 thus mirroring the life of Christ. In a

sermon delivered by Savonarola in 1491, the Friar admitted the Antichrist would possibly come

soon. According to Revelations the Antichrist would be born in Babylon. For Botticelli, the

Antichrist was Pope Alexander VI since at the time John wrote Revelations, when John said
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Babylon he meant Rome. (Hatfield 99) Botticelli’s reference to the ‘loosing of the devil for three

and a half years’ in his inscription refers to several situations during Botticelli’s time. The first

important relationship is the use of Savonarola’s Assumption Day sermon which connects the

‘privileges’ of Mary with chapters 11 and 12 of Revelations in which a many references are

made connecting the scripture to the painting, especially Revelations 12.6 in which a Woman

fled into the wilderness to be fed for 1260 days which is three and a half years. According to

Revelations 12 Savonarola would have believed we were already in the Third Woe during the

time that Satan was cast to earth for the same three and a half years. In the Biblioteca

Nazionale Centrale of Florence of 1491, the Bible was full of notations by Fra Domenico da

Pescia for Savonarola’s use. The annotations, particularly in Revelations, are numerous and

directly related to Savonarola’s Apocalypse sermons. (Hatfield 99-100) Christopher Rowland

and Rab Hatfield concur the Greek inscription links Botticelli’s Mystic Nativity to Savonarola and

they agree it is a critical portion of information in furthering the evidence of a depiction of the

second coming of Christ being depicted via iconography in the Mystic Nativity. Additionally, as

noted by Professor of Art and Photographer Ronald M. Steinberg, several of the angels hold

paper scrolls which are entwined with olive branches bearing sections of St. Luke 2:14 and

other writings praising the Virgin Mary (Steinberg 78-79). New source should be introduced to

the reader Every scroll bears a direct association with Savonarola’s twelve privileges pertaining

to the Virgin per the Compendio di Revelatione and they symbolize the allegorical crown the

Florentine people bestowed on the Virgin (Hatfield 94). Twelve angels circle above the Virgin
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Mary’s head with crowns and sheaves of wheat forming her allegorical crown, which is the

symbol of the Virgin Mary as “Queen of Heaven” (Hatfield 97).

Hatfield also relates the Savonarola sermons to the iconography of the Mystic

Crucifixion as well as to the Mystic Nativity as he explores the December 1494 sermon in

Florence. In this sermon, Savonarola preached:

“I have told you several times in the past, Florence, that even though God has

everywhere prepared a great scourge, nevertheless on the other hand he loves you and

is fond of you. And so it can be said that in you has been realized that saying, ‘Mercy

and truth are met together’, that is Mercy and Righteousness have come together in the

city of Florence. From the one side came the scourge, and mercy came towards it from

the other side, and, ‘righteousness and peace have kissed each other’, and have

embraced together, and God has wished to show you justice and on the other hand be

merciful to you, and save you… (Hatfield 93)”

Hatfield explains, “This passage appears to bear not only on the Mystic Nativity, but on the

Mystic Crucifixion as well (Hatfield 93).” There is an abundance of angels throughout in the

Mystic Nativity painting. Faith, Hope, and Charity are represented in the painting by the angels

wearing robes of White, Green, and Red, respectively. At the top of the stable roof, the three

angels form a semi-circle inviting the audience to “read” the book, which they are holding. The

debate among scholars as to what the angels are reading continues; however it is likely the

angels are reading from Revelations chapter 11-12. Kenneth Clark one of Brittan’s authors,

Museum directors, broadcasters, and one of the best known Art Historians of his generation,
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related Revelations 11-12 as fitting into the twofold theme of the nativity and the second

coming of Jesus Christ. (Clark) Additionally, the three angels located just above the trodden

devils at the base of the painting are embracing three mortals all wearing the olive crowns, a

symbol of martyrdom. They are according to one theory by Rab Hatfield, martyrs and saints

who will rise in the First Resurrection (Hatfield 94-97). Speculation as to the identity of the two

martyrs, in the context of the Savonarolan era in Florence would probably make them

Savonarola’s two loyal followers who were hung and burned with Savonarola in Florence, May

1498 (Steinberg 311). An overriding theme in the Mystic Nativity, due to the large quantity of

olive branches in it is may have represented Peace; however, during Botticelli’s time in

Florence, olives and olive branches were representative of Mercy and Savonarola’s 1493

Advent sermon was about Mercy, not Peace who holds the olive branch. Additionally, wreaths

made of olive branches had been utilized in Florence’s public rituals and were representative of

Mercy as well. (Hatfield 94) Immediately below the top section of the canvas, twelve angels

circle to form a crown bearing sheaves of wheat over top of the Virgin Mary. These angels are

not forming not her iconographical twelve-star crown, but rather a twelve-star crown of Mary

to carry the prayers of the people to heaven. At first glance it would appear that the angel of

Hope clad in a green robe is missing from the other angels; however the angel of Hope has

ascended into heaven and now wears a golden robe as Hope is no longer needed in the

Kingdom of Heaven. This representation of Hope is thereby shown in its final consummation.

(Hatfield 96-97).
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The Mystic Crucifixion was likely intended for the boys in Bernardino dei Fancuilli’s

group or another Savonarolan associate (Hatfield 112). The painting includes Christ on the

cross dominating the upper half of the canvas in the foreground over the top of Florence in the

middle ground which is easily identified by Brunelleschi’s dome on the Florence Cathedral. In

the lower ground Mary Magdalene clutching tightly to the cross and is looking at an angel who

is striking an animal, likely a lion, which is the symbol of Florence and another animal is

escaping from her robe. The upper left corner of this triptych is God the father dispatching

several groups of angels with white shields with red crosses painted on them and on the right

of the upper portion is a dark black cloud spreading toward the center of the canvas containing

devils throwing burning torches down. ("Library of Great Masters - Botti celli" 74-75)

In the upper section of the Mystic Crucifixion, the angels being dispersed by God the father

bring to mind the boys who participated in the procession on Palm Sunday 1496 in which each

boy was dressed in white and carrying red crosses as well as olive branches, some of which

were fashioned into wreaths. The procession included two crowns, which were dedicated to

Christ and Mary and additionally carried the painting Entry of Christ into Jerusalem (Hatfield

96). These same iconographical white shields with red crosses also bring to mind the white-clad

“Angels” who rebuked the middle-class citizens in Florence at Savonarola’s prompting and

shamed the citizens into relinquishing their vanities (belongings) which Savonarola deemed

immoral (Hall 499). The most likely interpretation of this painting is achieved when reading it

as an allegory similar to the way the Mystic Nativity was interpreted with Mary Magdalene
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representing a repentant Florence, which is protected from harm by divine intervention.

("Library of Great Masters - Botti celli" 74-75)

For many scholars and for the author of this paper, the Mystic Crucifixion and the Mystic

Nativity convey the broad disposition of the religious fanaticism of Florence during the time of

Savonarola and the portrayal of Savonarolo’s impact is evident via the iconography portrayed in

the both the above mentioned paintings. Both paintings are highly ‘naïve syntax’ with a great

deal of emphasis to be found on the angels and the fact that in both paintings, the symbols of

evil, specifically five smitten devils in the lowest portion of the Mystic Nativity and two small

and insignificant demons in the Mystic Nativity are not portrayed as frightening. As further

evidence to the relationship to Savonarola’s preaching’s, the only volume of collected works of

Bernardino dei Fancuilli contained only two illustrations, one of the nativity and one of the

crucifixion. (Hatfield 112) It should be noted that the opinion of Marcia Hart varies slightly in

that she believed the connection between Botticelli’s iconography with Savonarola’s influence;

however it was her belief that he would have been disappointed with the rendering of

Savonarola’s communication in paint of that message. She goes on to say that the Mystic

Crucifixion portrays a frenetic mood; but the threat of destruction overpowers the possibility

and promise of reward. In the Mystic Nativity she believed that the subject offered an

opportunity of joyful celebration, just need a comma here however became a homily. Hall

believed that the failure to find an appropriate form for the combination of admonition with

celebration was a recurring concern and problem with Savonarola’s preaching which invariably

affected the artist during his reign as well (Hall 503). Plainly evident in Botticelli’s Mystic
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Crucifixion and Mystic Nativity is the fact that while the style renounced shallow naturalism, it

additionally regressed to the manner of painting in a much earlier manner and the Savonarolan

era broke apart the continuity of both patronage and style without satisfying the old style in a

failed attempt to forge a new style.

As written in the ‘International Journals of Ethics’ by renowned philosopher, Eliseo

Vivas, “Plato was absolutely right; If the manner of life of a society can be shown to change as

the modes of its music change, it is the business of the moralist to regulate the modes of its

music. The trouble with regulation is a practical one. Those who have attempted to regulate

life have often been bigoted souls, not really wanting to make men happy, as they profess, but

wanting rather to control them, hating them, because they can occasionally forget the indignity

of living and can laugh in the sun (Vivas 84)”. To these type of men, including the Christian or in

our case the Piagnone and Savonarola, art bears no purpose unless it has a deliberate and

ulterior reason for existing and the intensity in Christian passions such as Savonarola’s make

them narrow in their passions. (Vivas 84, 94) “A hysteria may sweep over a whole country or a

whole age, as it did in Florence, for a brief moment, during Savonarola’s day… When it does

seem men eschew all interests, and no pleasure, no satisfaction, is innocent or valid (Vivas 95).”

Botticelli’s artwork at the end of his life was clearly influenced by Savonarola’s

teachings, sermons, and literature in the late 1400’s and early 1500’s in Florence, Italy.

Botticelli had not fully understood the entire message Savonarola wished to portray thru the

arts; however as stated earlier Savonarola himself was unclear in his message, as he had not

found an appropriate venue for his own message. The influence of Fra Girolamo Savonarola on
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Allesandro Botticelli’s iconography in his later art is undeniable so the question for this author

then becomes how was this episode in Florentine politics and arts effective in conveying a

message to future generations? The answer is that it was effective in that art eventually moved

away from the status quo of the patron’s, such as the Medici and Catholic Church’s control to a

more artist based control and freedom. Artist based control is partially ineffective in that other

country leaders such as Hitler attempted to control what art was appropriate for the Germans

and for the remainder of the world. Hitler failed as Savonarola failed, however the art world

and humanities suffered sever losses due to fanatical leaders and religious zealots such as these

men and priceless artwork, which can never be replaced, has forever been removed from the

world.
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List of Illustrations

Figure 1. Sandro Botticelli, Italian, Mystic Nativity, c. 1500-01, tempera

on canvas, H: 108.6 cm, W: 74.9 cm, National Gallery, London.

Figure 2. Sandro Botticelli, Italian, Mystic Crucifixion, c. approximately 1497,

Tempera and oil on canvas, 73.5 x 50.8 cm, Fogg Art Museum, Cambridge
Massachusetts, Harvard University Art Museums, United States.

Figure 3. Sandro Botticelli, Italian, Primavera, c. 1477- 1478, tempera on panel, 203
x 314 cm, Uffizi, Florence.

Figure 4. Sandro Botticelli, Italian, Birth of Venus, c. 1477-1478, tempera on canvas,

172.5 x 278.5 cm, Uffizi, Florence.

Figure 5. Sandro Botticelli, Italian, Calumny of Apelles, c. 1494- 1495, Tempera on

panel, 62 x 91 cm, Uffizi, Florence.
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Bibliography

Clark, Kenneth. “Mystic Nativity, Looking at Pictures.” The Artchives. The Artchives, Web. 18

Feb 2010. http://www.artchive.com/artchive/B/botticelli/mystical_nativity.jpg.html.

Dempsey, Charles. Oxford Art Online. “Botticelli, Sandro (Filipepei,

Alessandro (diMariano di Vanni.)” Oxford Art Online. Oxford Art, 2008. Web. 2 Mar

2010. http://www.oxfordartonline.com:80/subscriber/article/grove/art/T010385.

Hall, Marcia B. "Savonarola's Preaching and The Patronage of Art." Christianity and The

Renaissance; Image and Religious Images in the Quattrocento. Timothy Verdon and

John Henderson. Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 1990. 492-521. Print.

Hatfield, Rab. “Botticelli’s Mystic Nativity, Savonarola and the Millennium.”

Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes. 58. (1995): 89-

114. Print.

Harvard Art Museum, Collecti on . Harvard Web Associati on,

Collecti on (Fogg Museum), Web. 4 Mar 2010.

<htt p://www.artmuseums.harvard.edu/collecti on/detail.dot?

objecti d=1924.27&startDate=&sort=Accession+
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%23&objti tle=&century=&endDate=&object=&sortInSession=false&histori

calPeriod=&viewlightbox=false&mediaTek=&relatedworks=false&accessio

n=&creati onPlaceTerm=%28Any

%29&origPage=1&arti st=Sandro+Botti celli&creati onPlace=&culture=&fullt

ext=&pc=1&page=1>.

Hinnebusch, William A. "The Dominicans - A Short History." Dominican Central

Province. Library of Congress Cataloging in Publicati on Data, 1975. Web.

7 Apr 2010.

<htt p://www.domcentral.org /trad/shorthistory/default.htm>.

Lightbown, Ronald. Sandro Botti celli . Limited. II. Berkley and Los Angeles:

University California Press, 1978. 99-101. Print.

Martines, Lauro. Fire in the City. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006. 1-7.

Print.

Mayor, A. Hyatt . "Renaissance Pamphleteers Savonarola and Luther."

Metropolitan Museum of Art Bulleti n, New Series 6.2 (1947): 66-72. Web.

7 Apr 2010. <htt p://www.jstor.org /pss/3257336>.

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"Mysti c Nati vity." Nati onal Gallery London . Nati onal Gallery London, n.d.

Web. 23 Mar 2010.

<htt p://www.nati onalgallery.org.uk/server.php?show=conObject.21

9>.

Rowland, Chris. Imagining the Apocalypse. Queen’s College, Oxford, 2005.

303-327. Print.

Salvini, Robert. The Complete Library of World Art: All the Painti ngs of

Botti celli . Part 4. London: Oldbourne Press, 1965. 165-172. Print

Steinberg, Ronald M. Fra Girolamo Savonarola, Florentine Art, and

Renaissance Historiography. Athens: Ohio University Press, 1977. 19-31; 58-61; 679-

801. Print.

The Library of Great Masters - Botti celli . Milan: Amilcare Pizzi S.p.A. – arti

grafi che Cinisello Balsamo, 1997. 50-53; 74; 76. Print.

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Figure 1

Sandro Botticelli, Italian, Mystic Nativity, c. 1500-01, tempera

on canvas, H: 108.6 cm, W: 74.9 cm, National Gallery, London.
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Figure 2

Sandro Botticelli, Italian, Mystic Crucifixion, c. approximately 1497, Tempera and oil on canvas,
73.5 x 50.8 cm, Fogg Art Museum, Cambridge Massachusetts, Harvard University Art Museums,
United States.
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Figure 3

Sandro Botticelli, Italian, Primavera, c. 1477- 1478, tempera on panel, 203 x 314 cm, Uffizi,
Florence.
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Figure 4.

Sandro Botticelli, Italian, Birth of Venus, c. 1477-1478, tempera on canvas, 172.5 x 278.5 cm,
Uffizi, Florence.
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Figure 5.

Sandro Botticelli, Italian, Calumny of Apelles, c. 1494- 1495, Tempera on panel, 62 x 91 cm,
Uffizi, Florence.