Suicide in Yoruba Ontology
Suicide in Yoruba Ontology
Suicide in Yoruba Ontology
INTRODUCTION
In recent times, suicide among youths and adults has been on the increase in Nigeria. In a place
where taking one's life is seen more as a taboo rather than curse, the option to end ones life is
becoming a worrisome trend, especially with reoccurring cases of suicide both in the rural and
urban centers. Gonsalves (1986) defined suicide as the direct killing of oneself on ones own
authority. Halbwachs (1930) further defines it as all those cases of death resulting from action
taken by the victim themselves, and with the intention and prospect of killing oneself. Most
contemporary definitions of suicide rely on two elements, namely a precise outcome (death) and a
prerequisite (the intention or wish to die) (Wasserman & Wasserman, 2009).
The perception of suicide is highly varied between the cultures, religions, legal and social systems
of the world. It is considered a sin or immoral act in many religions, and a crime to commit suicide
in some countries. On the other hand, some cultures have viewed it as an honorable way to exit
certain shameful or hopeless situations. This calls for the need to ask fundamental questions about
death, raising questions about the extent to which we are and should be free to direct our lives and
our deaths. These questions include; is suicide a right judgment on life and on those who live it?
Could suicide be rational and rationally chosen? Could it be the product of fully autonomous
choice?
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CAUSES OF SUICIDE
The World Health Organization (WHO) discovered that, an average of 3,000 people commit
suicide daily all over the world and for every person who completes a suicide, 20 or more may
attempt to end their lives making it the third leading cause of death among the youth and adult in
the world. WHO lists a couple of different factors that lead to suicide: psychological disorders,
substance abuse and living condition. The latter can be divided into three categories: financial and
work/school related problems; interpersonal problems such as loneliness, death of a loved one and
abuse, illness factors like HIV/Aids, feeling intimidated, tyrannized, creates extreme fear,
emptiness and feeling void of creativity.
In 1897, Emile Durkheim, the French Sociologist in his seminal work on suicide, linked high rates
of suicide in societies to breakdown of social norms, values and lack of moral standard, using the
now famous term "state of anomie" to describe such a state of affairs. Many who make a suicide
attempt are seeking relief from feeling ashamed, guilty, or like a burden to others, feeling like a
victim, feelings of rejection, loss, or loneliness, death of a loved one, dependence on drugs or
alcohol, emotional trauma, serious physical illness, unemployment or money problems.
YORUBA CONCEPT OF DEATH
In Nigeria, Yoruba refers to a group of cultures linked by a common language. A group that inhabit
the South- Western part of Nigeria, bounded by the Niger River and the eastern parts of Benin
Republic, formerly Dahomey, and the western part of Togo. Death according to the Yorubas is in
evitable, awaye iku kosi, orun nikan lare mabo (nobody has ever come to this world without
retuning to heaven). We shall all died one day but whoever goes to heaven will not return that is
the reason why we should endeavor to work hard here on earth so as to achieve our goals before
the bell is done. According to Idowu (1962), the common Yoruba belief is that death is a creation
of Olodumare the creator, he was made for the purpose of recalling any person whose time on
earth is fulfilled. Thus death is the inevitable lot of every person who comes into the world. Mbiti
(1980) sees death as a process, which removes a person gradually from the physical existence on
earth and the period after death within which the departed is remembered by relatives and friends
who knew him.
Opoku (1978) throws more light by stating that death is not the end of life, but a transition from
this world to the land of the spirits. Death does not sever family connections, but the dead become
ancestors. Rosalind Hackett (1989) also confirms this view of death among the Efiks of Calabar.
From the foregoing, a picture of the African concept of death emerges as follows: Death is a
creation of God, made for the purpose of removing people from the earth when their time is up
(Idowu, 1962). It happens gradually, starting from the time of ones departure from the earth
physically, to the time when the last person who knew him physically, dies off (Mbiti 1980). Death
is a transition which involves transformation from the physical into the spiritual as the dead
continue to live as ancestors (Opoku, 1978). So death is natural and compulsory for every human
being.
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Sometimes, dignity of a person may be more important than the need to preserve life especially
when all measure to prevent suffering failed then each competent person has a right to decide for
him/her selves that his or her life should end. For the Yoruba, when it comes to the issue of
autonomy and competence as regards deciding on suicide, they would metaphorically claim that
bose wuni lase imole eni (one determines ones faith the way one deems fit). This understanding
of life creates room for suicide. The desire (which sometimes bordered on duty) to preserve
personal and family honor in the face of impending ignominy has being the major factor that
moved many of these individual to commit suicide. Far from being victims, they made the most
of disadvantageous situations and turned such around to earn for themselves sympathy in death
instead of the original ridicule that would have been their lot.
Joel Feinberg argues that competent adults should not be legally prohibited from killing
themselves: It would be an indignity to force . . . others to die against their will, but an equal
indignity to force him to remain alive, against his will. Human dignity is not possible without the
acknowledgement of personal sovereignty. (Feinberg, 1986, p. 354) To Feinberg, human dignity
requires the right to commit suicide. Even if we think that someone is making the wrong
decision to commit suicide, in the sense that the decision is contrary to his own interests, we should
not use coercion to prevent his death: Why should a person be permitted to implement a wrong
or unreasonable decision to die? The only answer possible is simply that it is his decision and
his life, and that the choice falls within the domain of his morally inviolate personal sovereignty.
(Feinberg, 1986, p. 361) Since death is among the most significant events of human life, one has
the right to make a momentous personal decision, such as the timing and manner of ones death
(Dworkin et al., 1996/1998, p. 434). For a person faced with the fear of public ridicule, here called
ignominy can kill themselves to safe their face.
Another crucial point in this theory is the collectivity of honor. This applies to social groups such
as families, lineages and kin groups. Within such groups, an act of dishonor by a single member
will affect all others just as a single member could bask in the honor of the group. Thus, where
status is ascribed by birth, honor derives not only from individual reputation but from
antecedence. (Rivers, 1973) Mbiti (1970) has classically proverbialized the community
determining role of the individual when he wrote, I am because we are and since we are, therefore
I am (p. 108). The community, according to Pantaleon(1994), therefore gives the individual his
existence and education. That existence is not only meaningful, but also possible only in a
community. Thus in the Yoruba land, no one can stand in an isolation, all are member of a
community; to be is to belong, and when one ceases to belong, the path towards annihilation is
opened wide. According to Azeez (2005), When the sense of belonging is lost, mutual trust
betrayed, we-feeling is destroyed and kinship bond broken, then the individual sees no meaning in
living. In the Yoruba society, everybody is somebody; everyone has commitment towards the
other, and shares in the experience of the other. The community gives each person belongingness
and cultural identity for self-fulfillment and social security. The fear of tarnishing collective honor
can cause an individual who found him or her selves at a cross road to commit suicide to save the
community from disgrace.
Whatever is the case, it makes sense to assume that in societies where honor is highly prized,
people would be afraid of conducts that are dishonorable. As to the specific value placed on honor
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in particular societies, only empirical studies will bear this out. And in heterogeneous societies
where many groups prescribe criteria for attaining honor, honor thus becomes a contested
category.(John 2005) Moreover, as honor is emphasized in particular societies, the idea of equality
in dignity for all men becomes more remote because some would certainly enjoy more honor than
others.
Where a leader (or anybody for that matter) was not requested to die by tradition and had not been
officially rejected but found himself in dire straits and deep dilemma, suicide could offer a means
of escape, as in saving him the dishonorable task of doing what will tarnish the image of his
community. And where a dishonorable act had already been committed, suicide also helped in face
saving of relieving one from the consequences of such conduct, or could even be restitutive.
Thus considerations of honor and ignominy, either directly or indirectly were always lurking at
the heart of many suicides, especially in high profile cases in Yoruba land. It is therefore clear that
what was at stake was more than individual honor. The individuals involved were interested in
maintaining their own personal dignity as well as the name of their family/lineage. To them, it was
better to die than face ignominy. A good name in Yoruba land did not necessarily mean moral
rectitude. The individuals that committed suicide were neither morally better nor worse than other
people in the community. They only bowed out when they discovered that their music had ended.
CONCLUSSION
We discovered that, despite the fact that Yoruba as a tribe in Nigeria is against the idea of suicide
to the extent that they believe that such a person would be punished in the hereafter and that he or
she would not be allow a passage into heaven and their soul would be wandering until their
appointed time comes, yet; Yoruba still lay emphasis on the whole idea of dying with dignity
taking into account the philosophical discourse of autonomy and competence. Yoruba conception
of dying with dignity (iku ya j esin) further justify allowing a competent person to decide the
course of his or her life including his death. This view notes that suicide provides an escape from
suffering in certain circumstances, though usually irrational but a genuine, albeit severe, solution
to real problems a line of last resort that can legitimately be taken when the alternative is
considered worse.
REFERENCES
Azeez, B. (2005). Belongingness as a solution to the problem of suicide in Africa. In G. Ukagba
(Ed.). Father Kpim: Philosophy and theology of Pantaleon Iroegbu (pp. 253-261). Ibadan:
Hope.
Dworkin, R., Nagel, T., Nozick, R., Rawls, J., Scanlon, T., & Thomson, J.J. (1996).
Thephilosophers brief. In: M. Battin, R. Rhodes, and A. Silvers (Eds.) (1998).
Physicianassistedsuicide: Expanding the debate (pp. 431441). New York: Routledge.
Emile Durkheim, Suicide: A Study in Sociology (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1952
[originally published in 1897]).
Falade, Kayode. (May 11, 2013). Yoruba culture abhors suicide. National Mirror.
Feinberg, J. (1986). Harm to self: The moral limits of the criminal law (Vol. 3). New York:Oxford
University Press.
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Gonsalves, M. A. (1986). Right and reason: Ethics in theory and practice London: Merrill.
Halbwachs, M. (1930). Lee causes du suicide. Paris: Alcan.Idowu, E. B. Olodumare God in Yoruba
Belief. London: Longman Group, 1962
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