Uk Border 2013
Uk Border 2013
Uk Border 2013
Pakistan
9 August 2013
Contents
Preface
Reports on Pakistan published or accessed between 20 July and 8 August 2013
Useful news sources for further information
Paragraphs
Background Information
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
Human Rights
7.
8.
9.
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10.
11.
12.
13.
14.
15.
16.
17.
18.
19.
Pakistan
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20.
21.
22.
23.
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24.
25.
26.
27.
28.
29.
30.
31.
32.
33.
34.
35.
Pakistan
Annexes
Annex A Chronology of major events
Annex B Political organisations
Annex C Militant groups
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Preface
i
This Country of Origin Information (COI) report has been produced by the COI Service,
Home Office, for use by officials involved in the asylum/human rights determination
process. The report provides general background information about the issues most
commonly raised in asylum/human rights claims made in the United Kingdom. The main
body of the report includes information available up to 19 July 2013. The report was
issued on 9 August 2013.
ii
The report is compiled wholly from material produced by a wide range of external
information sources and does not contain any Home Office opinion or policy. All
information in the Report is attributed, throughout the text, to the original source
material, which is made available to those working in the asylum/human rights
determination process.
iii
The report aims to provide a compilation of extracts from the source material identified,
focusing on the main issues raised in asylum and human rights applications. In some
sections where the topics covered arise infrequently in asylum/human rights claims only
web links may be provided. It is not intended to be a detailed or comprehensive survey.
For a more detailed account, the relevant source documents should be examined
directly.
iv
The structure and format of the report reflects the way it is used by Home Office
decision makers and appeals presenting officers, who require quick electronic access to
information on specific issues and use the contents page to go directly to the subject
required. Key issues are usually covered in some depth within a dedicated section, but
may also be referred to briefly in several other sections. Some repetition is therefore
inherent in the structure of the Report.
The information included in this report is limited to that which can be identified from
source documents. While every effort is made to cover all relevant aspects of a
particular topic it is not always possible to obtain the information concerned. For this
reason, it is important to note that information included in the report should not be taken
to imply anything beyond what is actually stated. For example, if it is stated that a
particular law has been passed, this should not be taken to imply that it has been
effectively implemented unless stated. Similarly, the absence of information does not
necessarily mean that, for example, a particular event or action did not occur.
vi
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vii
The report is based substantially upon source documents issued during the previous
two years. However, some older source documents may have been included because
they contain relevant information not available in more recent documents. All sources
contain information considered relevant at the time this Report was issued.
viii
This report and the accompanying source material are public documents. All reports are
published on the Home Office website and the great majority of the source material for
the report is readily available in the public domain. Where the source documents
identified are available in electronic form, the relevant weblink has been included,
together with the date that the link was accessed. Copies of less accessible source
documents, such as those provided by government offices or subscription services, are
available from COI Service upon request.
ix
Reports are published regularly on the top 20 asylum intake countries. Reports on
countries outside the top 20 countries may also be produced if there is a particular
operational need. UKBA officials also have constant access to an information request
service for specific enquiries.
In producing this report, COI Service has sought to provide an accurate, up to date,
balanced and impartial compilation of extracts of the available source material. Any
comments regarding this report or suggestions for additional source material are very
welcome and should be submitted to COI Service as below.
Country of Origin Information Service
Home Office
Lunar House
40 Wellesley Road
Croydon, CR9 2BY
United Kingdom
Email: cois@homeoffice.gsi.gov.uk
Website: http://www.ukba.homeoffice.gov.uk/policyandlaw/guidance/coi/
The Independent Advisory Group on Country Information (IAGCI) was set up in March
2009 by the Independent Chief Inspector of Borders and Immigration to make
recommendations to him about the content of the Home Offices COI material. The
IAGCI welcomes feedback on UKBAs COI Reports and other COI material. Information
about the IAGCIs work can be found on the Independent Chief Inspectors website at
http://icinspector.independent.gov.uk/country-information-reviews/
xii
In the course of its work the IAGCI reviews the content of selected Home Office COI
documents and makes recommendations specific to those documents and of a more
general nature. A list of the Reports and other documents which have been reviewed by
the IAGCI or the Advisory Panel on Country Information (the independent organisation
which monitored Home Offices COI material from September 2003 to October 2008) is
available at http://icinspector.independent.gov.uk/country-information-reviews/
xiii
Please note: it is not the function of the IAGCI to endorse any Home Office material or
procedures. Some of the material examined by the Group relates to countries
designated or proposed for designation to the Non-Suspensive Appeals (NSA) list. In
such cases, the Groups work should not be taken to imply any endorsement of the
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decision or proposal to designate a particular country for NSA, nor of the NSA process
itself. The IAGCI can be contacted at:
Independent Advisory Group on Country Information
Independent Chief Inspector of Borders and Immigration
5th Floor, Globe House
89 Eccleston Square
London, SW1V 1PN
Email: chiefinspectorukba@icinspector.gsi.gov.uk
Website: http://icinspector.independent.gov.uk/country-information-reviews/
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9 August 2013
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Background Information
1.
Geography
1.01
The CIA World Factbook, noted in its profile on Pakistan, updated 16 April 2013,
accessed 1 May 2013, that Pakistan was located in South Asia, bordering the Arabian
Sea, and between India on the east, Iran and Afghanistan on the west, and China to the
north. The country covered 796,095 square kilometres. [4a] (Geography)
1.02
Pakistan (official name Islamic Republic of Pakistan) is divided into four provinces
Punjab, Sindh, Balochistan and Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa (KP) (formerly known as North
West Frontier Province or NWFP) (US Department of State (USSD) Background Note:
Pakistan, 6 October 2010) [3a] (Government) and two territories the Federally
Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) and the Islamabad Capital Territory. (CIA World
Factbook, Pakistan, 16 April 2013, accessed 1 May 2013) [4a] (Government) The
FATA is composed of seven tribal agencies: Bajaur, Mohmand, Khyber, Kurram,
Orakzai, North Waziristan, and South Waziristan. (USSD Background Note: Pakistan, 6
October 2010) [3a] (Government) The CIA World Factbook added that ... the
Pakistani-administered portion of the disputed Jammu and Kashmir region consists of
two administrative entities: Azad Kashmir and Gilgit-Baltistan. [4a] (Government)
1.03
1.04
As noted in the CIA World Factbook, updated 16 April 2013, accessed 1 May 2013, the
main ethnic groups of Pakistan comprised of Punjabi 44.68%, Pashtun (Pathan)
15.42%, Sindhi 14.1%, Sariaki 8.38%, Muhajirs [Mohajirs] 7.57%, Balochi 3.57%, other
6.28%. [4a] (People) According to the 1998 census, 95 per cent of Pakistans
population was Muslim, the majority being Sunni with Shia minority of approximately 25
per cent. Though prohibited by law to call themselves Muslims, Ahmadis generally
chose not to identify themselves as non-Muslims. Hindus, Christians,
Parsis/Zoroastrians, Bahais, Sikhs, Buddhists and others comprise a further five per
cent. (International Religious Freedom Report for 2012, 20 May 2013) [3k] (Section I)
1.05
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1.06
The CIA World Factbook, updated 16 April 2013, accessed 1 May 2013, stated that the
main languages of Pakistan were Punjabi 48%, Sindhi 12%, Siraiki (a Punjabi variant)
10%, Pashtu 8%, Urdu (official) 8%, Balochi 3%, Hindko 2%, Brahui 1%, English
(official; lingua franca of Pakistani elite and most government ministries), Burushaski,
and other 8%. [4a] (People) Ethnologues Languages of the World, Sixteenth edition,
published in 2009, stated: The number of individual languages listed for Pakistan is 72.
All are living languages. [15] (Languages of Pakistan)
1.07
1.08
Map
1.09
Map of Pakistan, dated 2010, extracted from the University of Texas at Austin, PerryCastaeda Library Map Collection (click on map for full access).
[82a]
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Telecommunications
1.10
The International Organization for Migration (IOM) noted in its Returning to Pakistan
Country Information fact sheet, updated 4 January 2010, that:
The telecommunications industry is growing in Pakistan. Pakistan Telecommunication
Company Limited (PTCL) is Pakistans most reliable and largest converged service
carrier, providing consumers and businesses all over the country with all
telecommunication services, from basic voice telephony to data, Internet, videoconferencing and carrier services. Mobile phone companies have not only increased in
number but they have also expanded their operations to the remotest parts of the
country, offering an excellent service to their clients. [85a] (p24)
1.11
The same source listed the mobile phone companies operating in Pakistan, which
included Mobilink, Ufone, Warid Telecom, Telenor Pakistan and Zong. [85a] (p25)
1.12
With regards to the internet, the IOM fact sheet stated The Internet is available in all the
major cities of the country, as well as in many remote areas. The majority of people use
dial-up connections. [85a] (p24)
Public holidays
1.13
The Economist Intelligence Units Country Report for Pakistan, dated 12 April 2013,
listed Pakistans static public holidays as 23 March Pakistan Day); 1 May (Labour Day);
14 August (Independence Day); 25 December (birth of Quaid-i-Azam). The report cited
the moveable public holidays as Ashura, Eid-i-Milad-un-Nabi, Eid al-Fitr and Eid al-Adha
which were dependent on the Islamic lunar calendar, therefore their dates varied from
year to year. [2c] (Basic data: Public holidays)
1.14
2.
2.01
Economy
The Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP) noted in its annual report, State of
Human Rights in 2011 (HRCP Report 2011), published March 2012, that A working
paper by the National Accounts Committee, an official body, illustrated that in the
aftermath of severe floods and debilitating load shedding, Pakistans Real Gross
Domestic Product (GDP) declined to 2.39 percent in 2010-2011 against the target of 4.5
percent. The largest decline in GDP was due to lack of electricity, gas and water
supply. (p207) The report added that as many as 36 million Pakistanis lived below the
poverty line. [27g] (p192)
See also Humanitarian issues
2.02
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fruits, and vegetables, which together account for more than 75% of the value of total
crop output. Despite intensive farming practices, Pakistan remains a net food importer.
Pakistan exports rice, fish, fruits, and vegetables and imports vegetable oil, wheat,
cotton (net importer), pulses, and consumer foods. [3a] (Agriculture and natural
resources)
2.03
2.04
The same source noted Protests were observed all over the country throughout the
year demanding [the] minimum wage to be substantially increased from the prevailing
Rs. 7,000 per month. The minimum wage remained unchanged at the end of 2011 and
there were numerous reports where even that meagre amount was not paid to the
workers. The report added that non-payment of salaries, pensions, and delays in
payment, continued in 2011. [27g] (p202)
See also Employment rights
2.05
3.
History
For an overview of Pakistans recent history see the Freedom House report, Freedom in
the World: Pakistan and the BBCs Pakistan Profile, which includes a timeline of events.
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4.
4.01
4.02
14
On 15 July 2013 the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP) expressed its
concern at the steep rise in killings in Karachi during the first six months of 2013. The
statistics, based on newspaper reports, cited the deaths of 1,726 people killed in
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sectarian violence, targeted killings and other incidences of violence. During the same
period in 2012, 1,215 violent deaths were recorded. [27i]
See also Security situation: Sectarian violence and Political affiliation: Politically
motivated violence
4.03
4.04
The Foreign and Commonwealth Office noted in its quarterly update for Pakistan, dated
31 March 2013, that:
The start of 2013 has seen a number of terrorist attacks targeting Pakistans Shia
Muslims. On 10 January and 16 February the Hazara community in Quetta was
targeted by bombings which killed over 200 people. On 3 March a bomb was detonated
outside a Shia mosque in Karachi, killing at least 48 people... On 9 March allegations of
blasphemy were made against a member of the Christian community in Joseph Colony
in Lahore which led to violent anti-Christian riots. A mob of several thousand destroyed
over 150 homes and other property. [11b]
Elections 2013
4.05
Pakistans national and provincial elections, held on 11 May 2013, marked the countrys
first transition from one civilian government to another in its 66-year history. (BBC
News, 11 May 2013) [35j] Nawaz Sharif of the Pakistani Muslim League (PML-N) won
the general elections, winning 244 votes, so becoming Prime Minister for the third time.
(Dawn, 5 June 2013) [42f] The Election Commission of Pakistan website, accessed 2
July 2013, provided a breakdown of results in the national and provincial assemblies.
[142a]
4.06
The Report of the Commonwealth Observer Mission on the Pakistan General Elections,
11 May 2013, published 20 June 2013, noted:
Pakistani voters turned out in very large numbers on 11 May 2013 to cast their ballots
and express their will to elect their Provincial and National representatives. The
elections were credible and represent notable progress for Pakistan towards holding
fully democratic elections.
The positive features of the 2013 elections included: an improved legal framework; a
higher level of confidence in the ECP at the national level; a significantly improved voter
registration process; election day procedures which in most instances were well
managed, with the notable exception of parts of Karachi; and a very high turnout of the
electorate to cast their votes.
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Of particular concern were: the level of violence in some parts of the country, which
impacted on the democratic process; the handling of candidate nominations; the low
level of womens participation as voters and candidates, despite some improvements in
this regard; and, the need to further improve mechanisms to ensure compliance with the
Codes of Conduct... [70a] (p25-26)
4.07
On 21 May 2013, the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) reported on
the elections, stating that:
The election has shaken the civilian political landscape. One of the two traditional
parties, in fact the one with support across provinces, was resoundingly thrashed, even
humiliated. The Pakistan Peoples Party headed by the Bhutto family for over 50 years
was deeply wounded by its historic opponent, the eponymous Pakistan Muslim LeagueNawaz headed by Mian Muhammad Nawaz Sharif and his brother, Shahbaz Sharif, the
chief minister of Punjab. Unlike its opponents which were tied almost entirely to a single
province, the PPP had arguably been the dominant party in Pakistan with support in all
four provinces. Now it is left with seats only in its home province of Sindh and two seats
in Punjab while the PML-N is the party with seats in all four provinces. The election has
left the PPP with around 30 seats out of 272 in the National Assembly against 130-140
for PML-N and 30 (an equal number to the PPP) for the upstart PTI of Imran Khan,
which had before won only a single seat and will now form the government in KhyberPakhtunkhwa (K-P) Province. Few observers predicted the PML-N dominance, let alone
the PPP collapse. Most thought that Nawaz would probably receive the plurality of seats
in the Assembly but not that many more than the PPP and therefore that the PPP or
PML-N would be the largest but not the predominant party in a ruling and probably
unruly coalition. Not anymore.
The political landscape of Pakistan is now less predictable than ever before. The
Karachi-based and Muhajir-centered Mutahidda Qaumi Movement, long a majoritycontributing coalition partner of the PPP was reduced in Sindh. The relatively moderate
Awami National Party, based in K-P (and more recently also in Karachi) has been
virtually wiped out with only one seat left in K-P. Both the PPP and the PLM-N have
suffered defeats and victories in the past but they have been relatively more moderate
than in this election. The PML-N will be the core party in the governance of Punjab, the
PTI will be the same in K-P, and the PPP will be reduced to Sindh. There will be no
cross-provincial party with substantial seats in three of the provinces. [148a]
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Election violence
4.08
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4.09
Pakistan
On 8 May 2013, the Economist Intelligence Unit (EIU) reported on the escalating
violence ahead of the 11 May elections, stating that the attacks disproportionately
targeted incumbents and secular parties. The report added:
At least three candidates and over 125 party workers, supporters and bystanders have
been killed in more than 50 separate election-related attacks in the past month.
Geographically, the violence has been concentrated in the provinces of Khyber
Pakhtunkhwa and Balochistan, as well as in Pakistan's largest city, Karachi... Although
no high-profile leaders have been targeted this year, a senior leader of the Awami
National Party (ANP), Bashir Ahmed Bilour, was assassinated in Peshawar in
December 2012.
Although several low-level attacks appear to be the result of rivalries between
candidates, large-scale bombings which are thought to be the work of insurgents
have also occurred. The Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP, also known as the Pakistani
Taliban) has issued multiple statements denouncing the democratic process as
inherently un-Islamic. Insurgents belonging to the group have specifically targeted
leaders of secular, apostate parties, namely the PPP, the ANP and the Karachi-based
Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM). [2g]
4.10
On the day of the elections, 11 May 2013, BBC News reported on sporadic violence
across the country, including:
4.11
Seven people were hurt outside a polling station in the north-western city of
Peshawar when a bomb went off attached to a motorcycle
A suicide bomber blew himself up after police prevented him from entering
another polling station in Peshawar, police told AFP [Agence France Presse]
A clash between two groups at a polling station in Chaman on the border with
Afghanistan left least three people dead and several others hurt
An explosion was also reported in Quetta in the south-west
At least four people were hurt in a blast in Mardan in the north-west. [35j]
The Pak Institute for Peace Studies (PIPS), an independent think-tank, provided an
overview of election-related violence, in its report Elections 2013: Violence against
Political Parties, Candidates and Voters, dated May 2013. [100b]
See also Freedom of religion: Blasphemy laws and Christians
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5.
Constitution
5.01
For its full text plus recent amendments see The Constitution of the Islamic Republic of
Pakistan. [29n]
5.02
Europa World Online, undated, accessed 26 July 2011, noted that The Constitution
was promulgated on 10 April 1973, and amended on a number of subsequent
occasions... [6] (Constitution and Government) The Preamble upholds the principles
of democracy, freedom, equality, tolerance and social justice as enunciated by Islam.
The rights of religious and other minorities are guaranteed Fundamental rights are
guaranteed and include equality of status (women have equal rights with men), freedom
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of thought, speech, worship and the press and freedom of assembly and association
(The Constitution of Pakistan) [29n]
5.03
5.04
5.05
The text of the Eighteenth Amendment Bill was published on the Council on Foreign
Relations website, on 19 April 2010. [90]
5.06
The Freedom House report Freedom in the World 2013 Pakistan, published 10 June
2013, noted Provisions of the 18th Amendment granted power over judicial
appointments to a judicial commission rather than the president, and the 19th
Amendment further strengthened the role of the chief justice and other senior judges in
the commission and appointments process. [5a]
5.07
The Asian Human Rights Commission (AHRC) noted in its report, The State of Human
Rights in Pakistan in 2011 (AHRC Report 2011), published 10 December 2011, that
Through the [18th] amendment the powers of the federal government were devolved to
the provinces but after the passage of more than 18 months the process of devolution
were stopped [for] unseen reasons. [52g] (p6)
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6.
6.01
18
Political system
The Foreign and Commonwealth Office (FCO) noted in its 2012 Human Rights and
Democracy Report, published 15 April 2013, that the Federal and Provincial elections in
May 2013 was ... the first time in Pakistan that a civilian government has completed its
full term and democratically transferred power to another. [11e] (Elections)
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6.02
Pakistan
The Asian Human Rights Commission (AHRC) noted in its report, The State of Human
Rights in Pakistan in 2011 (AHRC Report 2011), published 10 December 2011, that:
Pakistani society and the government remain under the strong hold of the military which
does not allow them to interfere in the affairs of the armed forces. Pakistan remains a
highly militarized society where economic, political, foreign affairs and judicial policies
are dictated by the military. The laws for the benefits of women, religious minorities and
against the torture and enforced disappearances cannot be made without the prior to
approval from the military. The parliament has been made redundant and the decisions
of the parliament are occasionally reverted through the judiciary on the behest of the
military. [52g] (p2)
6.03
The International Crisis Group (ICG) stated in its report Reforming Pakistans Electoral
System, dated 30 March 2011, that:
Electoral rigging has hampered Pakistans democratic development, eroded political
stability and contributed to the breakdown of the rule of law. Facing domestic pressure
for democracy, successive military governments rigged national, provincial and local
polls to ensure regime survival. These elections yielded unrepresentative parliaments
that have rubber-stamped extensive constitutional and political reforms to centralise
power with the military and to empower its civilian allies. Undemocratic rule has also
suppressed other civilian institutions, including the Election Commission of Pakistan
(ECP), which is responsible for holding elections to the national and four provincial
assemblies, and local governments. With the next general election in 2013 if the
Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP)-led government completes its full five-year term the
ruling party and its parliamentary opposition, as well as the international community,
should focus on ensuring a transparent, orderly political transition through free, fair and
transparent elections. [20c] (Executive summary and recommendations)
6.04
The ICG report added that, despite reforms under the eighteenth amendment to the
constitution, further changes were needed:
To curtail opportunities for the military to manipulate the political process, the ECP must
be made independent, impartial and effective. The commission remains poorly
managed, inadequately resourced, under-staffed and under-trained... Highly inaccurate
voters lists are responsible for disenfranchising millions. Polling procedures are often
manipulated; accountability mechanisms for candidates and political parties seldom
employed; and the electoral code of conduct routinely flouted... Many discriminatory
laws remain in place, including easily manipulated qualification criteria requiring
electoral candidates to be of good Islamic character. Moreover, an interventionist
military high command appears bent on shaping the political order to its liking... In the
past, both the PML-N and the PPP have instead chosen to collude with the military at
times. [20c] (Executive summary and recommendations)
Federal legislature
6.05
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Muslims. The term of the National Assembly is five years. The Senate comprises 104
seats; the provincial assemblies directly elect 92 members of whom four have to be
non-Muslims, 16 have to be women and a further 16 technocrats (including ulema ,
Muslim legal scholars) and of the remaining 12 members, the Federally Administered
Tribal Areas return eight members and the remaining four are elected from the Federal
Capital Territory by members of the Provincial Assemblies. The term of the Senate is six
years, with one-half of the membership being renewed every three years. The Prime
Minister is elected by the National Assembly and he/she and the other ministers in the
Cabinet are responsible to it. [6] (Country profile: Constitution and Government)
6.06
The Human Rights Commission of Pakistan noted in its annual report, State of Human
Rights in 2011 (HRCP Report 2011), published March 2012, that:
Rather than being directly elected, members of religious minorities were nominated to
parliament by political partiesheads. The [HRCP] working group said that
parliamentarians nominated in this manner often sought to please the party head rather
than serving the minority community, which the parliamentarians did not deem their
electorate... four senators from the minority communities were to be elected to the
Senate in early 2012... reserved for them under the 18th Amendment. [27g] (p142-143)
6.07
In its country report for Pakistan, dated 15 March 2012, the Economist Intelligence Unit
(EIU) reported on the elections held for nearly one half of the Senate (upper house of
parliament), which were held in March 2012. The EIU stated:
The Pakistan People's Party (PPP), which heads the governing coalition, won 19 of the
45 Senate seats being contested in the March [2012] elections, increasing its majority to
41 members. The PPP along with its allies the Awami National Party (with 12 seats),
the Pakistan Muslim League (Quaid-i-Azam), which holds five seats, and the Muttahida
Qaumi Movement (six seats) now hold a comfortable majority in the Senate. [2b]
(Political scene: The PPP emerges victorious following Senate elections)
6.08
The terms of the Constitution state The President.-(1) There shall be a President of
Pakistan who shall be the Head of State and shall represent the unity of the Republic.
(2) A person shall not be qualified for election as President unless he is a Muslim of not
less than forty-five years of age and is qualified to be elected as member of the National
Assembly. [29n] The US Department of States International Religious Freedom Report
for 2012 (USSD IRF Report 2012), published 20 May 2013, noted All senior officials,
including members of Parliament, must swear an oath to protect the country's Islamic
identity. [3k] (Section II: Legal/Policy Framework)
Provincial governments
6.09
The USSD Background Note: Pakistan, dated 6 October 2010, stated that Each of the
four provinces Punjab, Sindh, Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa [formerly North West Frontier
Province] and Balochistan has a chief minister and a provincial assembly. The
Northern Areas [Gilgit-Baltistan], Azad Kashmir, and the Federally Administered Tribal
Areas (FATA) are administered by the federal government but enjoy considerable
autonomy. The cabinet, National Security Council, and governors serve at the
presidents discretion. [3a] (Government and political organization)
6.10
The UN Human Rights Council Working Group on the Universal Periodic Review (UPR),
National report submitted in accordance with paragraph 5 of the annex to Human
Rights Council resolution 16/21* Pakistan, dated 6 August 2012, stated:
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Pakistan
The 18th Amendment has given more financial and administrative autonomy to the
provinces and transferred subjects of health, education, housing, social welfare, women
development, water and sanitation to the provinces. It has further strengthened the
human rights guaranteed under the Constitution. The Right to Education (Article 25A),
Right to Information (Article 19A) and Right to Fair Trial (Article 10A) have been
established as fundamental rights which cannot be suspended. [ 83b] (paragraph 9)
6.11
The International Crisis Group (ICG) reported on 12 August 2011, that, on that date:
...Pakistani President Asif Ali Zardari signed the extension of the Political Party Order
(2002) to the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA), fulfilling one of his
government's key pledges related to the militancy-ridden tribal belt... This move will
allow political parties to operate legally in FATA for the first time... Now, as proper
members of mainstream political parties, FATA's legislators will represent and be
subject to party policy, and able to campaign on party platforms in the next election.
Political party recruitment and activism, even in a controlled environment, will also help
broaden participation beyond a relatively small tribal elite of maliks (tribal elders), and fill
a political vacuum that militants, smugglers and other criminals, big and small, have
exploited for decades. [20a]
See also Political affiliation
Return to contents
Go to sources
The Freedom House Freedom in the World 2012 Pakistani Kashmir report, published
7 September 2012, stated:
When British India was partitioned into India and Pakistan in 1947, the Hindu
maharajah of Jammu and Kashmir tried to maintain his principalitys independence, but
he eventually ceded it to India in return for autonomy and future self-determination.
Within months, India and Pakistan went to war over the territory. Following a UNbrokered ceasefire in 1949, Pakistan refused to withdraw troops from the roughly onethird of Jammu and Kashmir that it had occupied, but unlike India, it never formally
annexed its portion. The Karachi Agreement of April 1949 divided Pakistaniadministered Kashmir into two distinct entitiesAzad (Free) Kashmir and the Northern
Areas. Pakistan retained direct administrative control over the Northern Areas, while
Azad Kashmir was given a degree of nominal self-government. [5b]
6.13
The same source added ... June [2011] elections in Azad Kashmir produced a new
government led by the Azad Kashmir Peoples Party. As ongoing talks between India
and Pakistan yielded little substantive progress on the Kashmir dispute, China
expanded its military presence and involvement in development projects in the region.
[5b]
6.14
Janes Sentinel Security Risk Assessment for Pakistan noted, in its section on PakistanAdministered Kashmir (PAK), dated 19 April 2013, that:
AJK is still governed by the 1974 interim constitution (the constitution is designated
interim by the Assembly as AJK is not yet independent) that allows for limited selfgovernment through a president, prime minister and state council, although in reality
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21
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9 August 2013
power ultimately rests with the central government in Islamabad... (Constitution) The
national government exercises political control over AJK through the Azad Jammu and
Kashmir Council... (Executive) [which] is a legislative body and the de facto upper
house to the Azad Jammu and Kashmir Legislative Assembly. The council's main
function is to act as a conduit between the federal government of Pakistan and the
administration in PAK. It is chaired by the prime minister of Pakistan, and the vicechairman is the president of AJK. [1a] (Leadership)
6.15
The US Department of State Country Report on Human Rights Practices 2012 (USSD
Report 2012), published 19 April 2013, stated that Azad Kashmir had no representation
in the national parliament, but:
... has an interim constitution, an elected unicameral assembly, a prime minister, and a
president, who is elected by the assembly. Both the president and legislators serve fiveyear terms. Of the 49 assembly seats, 41 are filled through direct elections and eight
are reserved seats (five for women and one each for representatives of overseas
Kashmiris, technocrats, and religious leaders). However, the federal government
exercised considerable control over the structures of government and electoral politics.
Its approval is required to pass legislation, and the federal minister for Kashmir affairs
exercised significant influence over daily administration and the budget. The Kashmir
Council, composed of federal officials and Kashmiri assembly members and chaired by
the federal prime minister, also holds some executive, legislative, and judicial powers.
The military retains a guiding role on issues of politics and governance. Those who do
not support Azad Kashmirs accession to Pakistan were barred from the political
process, government employment, and educational institutions. They also were subject
to surveillance, harassment, and sometimes imprisonment by security services.
(Section 3) The same source noted that Azad Kashmir had ... a court system
independent of the country's judiciary. [3n] (Section 1e)
6.16
The Associated Press of Pakistan (APP) reported on 26 June 2011 that: The Pakistan
Peoples Party (PPP) has secured [a] majority in Azad Jammu and Kashmir (AJK)
Legislative Assembly by securing 19 seats in elections on Sunday. According to
unofficial results of 34 seats so far, Pakistan Muslim League (N) stood at second
position by grabbing nine seats, Muslim Conference got third position with four seats
besides two independents. [123a]
6.17
The USSD Report 2009, published 11 March 2010, stated that Kashmiris displaced
from Indian-held Kashmir that had entered Pakistan were entitled to the same rights as
full citizens. [3b] (Section 2d)
Return to contents
Go to sources
Line of control
6.18
22
Under the Karachi Agreement a cease-fire line was established between Pakistan and
India, supervised UN military observers (UNMOGIP United Nations Military Observer
Group in India and Pakistan). In July 1972, India and Pakistan signed an agreement
defining a Line of Control [LoC] in Kashmir which, with minor deviations, followed the
same course as the ceasefire line established by the Karachi Agreement in 1949. India
took the position that the mandate of UNMOGIP had lapsed, since it related specifically
to the ceasefire line under the Karachi Agreement. Pakistan, however, did not accept
this position. (UNMOGIP Background, date accessed 27 June 2013) [89]
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9 August 2013
6.19
Pakistan
6.20
The Freedom in the World 2012 Pakistani Kashmir report stated: A bus service
linking the capitals of Indian and Pakistani Kashmir was launched in 2005, allowing
some civilians to reunite with family members. A second intra-Kashmir bus route was
launched in 2006, and limited trade across the Line of Control resumed in 2008 for the
first time in over 60 years. [5b]
6.21
Following a 2009 opinion poll, conducted on both sides of the LoC, a Chatham House
paper, Kashmir: Paths to Peace, dated May 2010, stated, with regards to freedom of
movement, that The LoC is an almost complete barrier to movement. 8% of the
respondents claimed to have friends or family living on the other side of the LoC but
only 1% of the total population had visited in the last five years. Less than 5% knew
anyone who had crossed the LoC in the last five years. [86] (p20)
See also: Freedom of movement
Return to contents
Go to sources
Map
6.22
Map of Kashmir region, dated 2004, extracted from the University of Texas at Austin,
Perry-Castaeda Library Map Collection (click on map for full access).
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23
Pakistan
9 August 2013
http://www.un.org/Depts/Cartographic/map/dpko/unmogip.pdf
[82b]
The Freedom House Freedom in the World 2012 Pakistani Kashmir report, published
7 September 2012, noted In Gilgit-Baltistan, nationalist groups demands for greater
autonomy remained unfulfilled in 2011, and there was an increase in demonstrations as
well as harassment and targeted killings of Shiites and political activists during the year.
[5b]
6.24
24
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9 August 2013
Pakistan
6.25
The USSD Report 2010 noted that Gilgit-Baltistan (formerly known as the Northern
Areas) also has a separate judicial system. The Gilgit-Baltistan Self-governance Order
2009 instituted a separate judiciary, legislature, and election commission for the region.
Formerly the laws of the country were extended to the Gilgit-Baltistan at the discretion
of the Ministry for Kashmir and Gilgit-Baltistan. The Gilgit-Baltistan Chief Court did not
have all the powers of a high court. [3g] (Section 1e)
6.26
Janes Sentinel Security Risk Assessment for Pakistan noted, in its section on PakistanAdministered Kashmir (PAK), dated 19 April 2013:
The anomalous constitutional situation of Gilgit-Baltistan has led to resentment within
sections of the population about the territory's lack of political identity... dissatisfaction
has arisen within Gilgit-Baltistan, counter-intuitively leading to demands for separation
from Pakistan despite the region's historical pro-Pakistan policy. Some political and
religious figures have called for either an independent state of Kashmir including AJK
and Indian-administered Kashmir, or a separate state of Balawaristan (from Boloristan,
an older name for Gilgit-Baltistan)... Although still relatively benign, with few indications
of any organised armed groups pursuing these demands, and although to date there
has been little support for their activities, the situation is a concern for the stability of
PAK in the medium term should any group attempt to organise resistance to Pakistani
control. [1a] (Separatism)
For more detailed information on Azad Kashmir and Gilgit Baltistan see the Austrian
Centre for Country of Origin and Asylum Research Documentation (ACCORD) COI
Compilation on Pakistan-administered Kashmir (Azad Kashmir and Gilgit-Baltistan),
dated 7 May 2012, and the Freedom House Freedom in the World 2012 Pakistani
Kashmir, published 7 September 2012.
Return to contents
Go to sources
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25
Pakistan
9 August 2013
Human Rights
7.
7.01
Introduction
The Human Rights Council Universal Periodic Review (UPR), which reviewed Pakistan
on 30 October 2012, provided a brief summary of the UPR Working Group meeting with
Pakistan. The brief noted some positive achievements, acknowledged by the
delegations, including:
7.02
The States participating in the UPR dialogue also made recommendations to Pakistan,
which included:
26
Laws adopted and steps taken to protect women and girls from violence and
discrimination;
The ratification of a number of international instruments;
Efforts to uphold human rights given challenges posed by natural disasters and
vast number of refugees in the country;
The creation of an independent National Human Rights Commission in May
2012 in compliance with the Paris Principles;
The recent constitutional reform undertaken;
The application of a de facto moratorium on the death penalty. [79f]
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9 August 2013
Pakistan
Discrimination Against Women] , the OP to the Convention on the rights of
persons with disabilities, the first OP to the CRC [Convention on the Rights of
the Child], the 1951 Convention on Refugees and its OP, and the Convention
on Statelessness, the Convention on the rights of migrant workers, and ILO
[International Labour Organization] Convention 189. [79f]
7.03
The Foreign and Commonwealth Office (FCO), in its 2012 Human Rights and
Democracy Report (FCO Report 2012), published 15 April 2013, identified Pakistan as
a country of concern with regards to its human rights, and observed that, despite some
positive political and legal developments:
... there remain also acute human rights challenges in a very difficult security
environment. The state carried out the first execution in four years in November and
there continue to be reports of mistreatment and extrajudicial killings by the security
forces with impunity. The past year has seen significant terrorist and sectarian violence
and continuing persecution of religious and ethnic minorities. The government of
Pakistan has made some progress, continuing the legislative successes of 2011, by
passing bills to create a new National Commission for Human Rights and to protect
women from violence, but it needs to go further to ensure that these meet international
standards, and it will also be judged on how well it implements the legislation. The
National Commission was still not up and running six months after the bill establishing it
was passed. [11e]
7.04
The Express Tribune reported on 12 March 2012 that the Senate passed the National
Commission of Human Rights Act 2011. The bill allows the National Commission of
Human Rights (NCHR) to investigate cases of abuse committed by the authorities,
including the armed forces and intelligence agencies, although in such cases would only
be able to make recommendations to the government. The NCHR may also visit any
government detention facility to ensure applicable laws relating to inmates are being
complied with. [92f]
7.05
The Asian Human Rights Commission, commenting on the speech made by Pakistans
foreign minister, Ms. Rabbani Khar, at the UN Human Rights Councils Universal
Periodic Review (UPR) on Pakistan, stated on 4 November 2012 that:
While it is appreciated that the NCHR has been created in accordance with the Paris
Principles the claims by the government that the NCHR will visit detention centres and
monitor the human rights situation and that it will be independent and can summon and
try officers of the armed forces is to be viewed with extreme suspicion in the absence of
a single successful prosecution. In fact, the government has turned a blind eye time and
time again to the arrogance of the police and armed forces in their blatant refusal to
comply with the orders of the courts. Despite the fact that the higher courts are
independent, the officers of these institutions regularly fail to attend hearings. In view of
this it is yet to be seen as to how the NCHR will improve the human rights situation in
the country without having any judicial power. This Commission is likely to prove a futile
exercise and place more burdens on the exchequer. [52m]
7.06
The Asian Human Rights Commission (AHRC) stated in its report, The State of Human
Rights in Pakistan in 2012 (AHRC Report 2012), published 10 December 2012, that:
... continuing political instability, frailty and failure of the countrys institutions related to
the rule of law, ongoing impunity enjoyed by perpetrators of violations notably the
police, military, and intelligence services and persistent grave human rights violations,
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27
Pakistan
9 August 2013
along with the humanitarian problems associated with the most devastating floods in the
history of Pakistan in, mean that the human rights and security situation has worsened
in 2012.
Widespread corruption, religious extremism, armed conflict, terrorism and counterterrorism, allied with weak institutions, and impunity for perpetrators, engender grave
abuses, such as torture, forced disappearances, extra-judicial killings, and
discrimination and violence against religious minorities and women. [52n] (p1)
7.07
7.08
The Human Rights Commission of Pakistan noted in its annual report, State of Human
Rights in 2011 (HRCP Report 2011), published March 2012, welcomed some positive
developments in 2011, including the Ratification of a key child rights instrument,
extension of Political Parties Act to FATA, introduction of laws to promote womens
rights, religious minorities getting representation in the Senate, and a right to statutory
bail for detainees in prisons... [27g] (p1)
7.09
28
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Pakistan
to or complicity with banning women from voting, and curbing disappearances and
extrajudicial killings. The moratorium on executions stayed informal. The prisons
remained at breaking point. Nothing was done to revive elected student unions in
educational institutions or end the glut of weapons across the country. The public
education system remained a scandal, the budgetary allocations to public healthcare fell
even further, the government ceded ground to extremists and was utterly unprepared at
the framework level to cope with internal displacement and its impact. [27g] (p1)
7.10
Human Rights Watch (HRW) noted in its World Report 2013 on Pakistan, published 31
January 2013, that:
Pakistan had a turbulent year in 2012, with the judicial ouster of Prime Minister Yusuf
Raza Gilani, attacks on civilians by militant groups, growing electricity shortages, rising
food and fuel prices, and continuing political dominance of the military, which operates
with almost complete impunity. Religious minorities continued to face insecurity and
persecution as the government failed to provide protection to those threatened or to
hold extremists accountable. Islamist militant groups continued to target and kill Shia
Muslims particularly from the Hazara community with impunity. In September, the
southwestern province of Balochistan experienced massive flooding for the third year
running, displacing some 700,000 people. [7i]
7.11
The same report added Ongoing rights concerns included the breakdown of law
enforcement in the face of terror attacks, continuing abuses across Balochistan,
ongoing torture and ill-treatment of criminal suspects, and unresolved enforced
disappearances of terrorism suspects and opponents of the military. Abuses by
Pakistani police, including extrajudicial killings, also continued to be reported throughout
the country in 2012. [7i]
7.12
The Asian Human Rights Commission (AHRC) reported on 15 March 2011 that more
than 8,000 prisoners remained on death row, some having been there for 20 years.
Despite the number having risen from 5,447 in 2005 there has been no increase in the
capacity of Pakistans prisons. [52c]
7.13
The AHRC Report 2010 added that the Pakistan government ...has been unable to
commute these death sentences because of strong resistance from powerful groups
such as the higher judiciary and the military. [52e] (p1)
See also Death penalty
7.14
Amnesty International noted in its Annual Report 2013, for Pakistan, published 23 May
2013, that:
The Pakistani Talibans assassination attempt on a teenage human rights activist in
October underscored the serious risks faced by human rights defenders and journalists
in the country. Religious minorities suffered persecution and attacks, with targeted
killings by armed groups and religious leaders inciting violence against them. The
Armed Forces and armed groups continued to perpetrate abuses in the tribal areas and
Balochistan province, including enforced disappearances, abductions, torture and
unlawful killings. The courts successfully compelled the authorities to bring a handful of
victims of enforced disappearance before them, but failed to bring perpetrators to justice
in fair trials. In November, the military authorities carried out Pakistans first execution
since 2008. Attacks on health workers had a significant impact on access to medical
services in remote and strife-torn regions of the country. Parliament passed laws, in
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Pakistan
9 August 2013
Pakistan has signed and in some cases ratified a number of international human rights
instruments, including:
8.
Security situation
8.01
The Foreign and Commonwealth Office 2012 Human Rights and Democracy Report,
published 15 April 2013, observed Pakistan continues to deal with a high rate of
terrorist and sectarian violence, in particular in the Federally Administered Tribal Areas
(FATA), Karachi, Peshawar, Quetta and wider Balochistan. State security forces,
supporters of political parties, sectarian groups and wider communities are the most
frequent targets. The perpetrators are rarely caught and brought to justice. [11e]
(Conflict and protection of civilians)
8.02
The Center for Research and Security Studies (CRSS) noted in its section on Conflict
Drivers, accessed 18 June 2013, regarding military operations, that:
Since 2004, [the] Pakistan Army has been carrying out military operations in different
agencies of FATA and also in some settled areas of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP). The
army has also deployed over 100,000 troops along the Pak-Afghan border to curtail
militant infiltration into Afghanistan. Also, intrusion of al Qaeda and Taliban in the tribal
areas forced the army to conduct search and surveillance operations, and also establish
additional check posts. The presence and operations of the army in the tribal areas
enraged the tribesmen, who until then had not been familiar with the army at all. They
found it very difficult to reconcile with the new situation. Right-wing political parties such
as JUI-F [Jamiat-e-Ulema Islam-Fazal ur-Rehman] and Jamaat-e Islami [JI] exploited
these conditions, and have kept calling for the pullout of the army from tribal areas.
[59c] (Military operations)
8.03
The same source added that ... poor populations are most vulnerable to the
propaganda used by extremist groups to recruit more people to their cause. In many
cases, they also provide food and shelter, making it more appealing for poor
populations to turn to violence and extremism. (Poverty) Furthermore ... high levels of
unemployment enable militant organizations to recruit also the better educated, mature
and experienced young people of the society. [59c] (Unemployment)
See also Economy and Humanitarian issues
30
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Pakistan
8.04
The CRSS provided security updates in Pakistan Conflict Tracker Monthly Reports,
accessed 19 June 2013. [59a]
8.05
The Pak Institute for Peace Studies (PIPS) reported in its Pakistan Security Report
2012 (PIPS Report 2012), dated 4 January 2013, that A downward trend in the number
of overall incidents of violence and casualties, which had started in 2010 continued in
2011 and 2012... (p5) However, despite this decline Militant, nationalist insurgent and
violent sectarian groups carried out a total of 1,577 terrorist attacks across Pakistan in
2012, claiming the lives of 2,050 people and causing injuries to another 3,822. [100a]
(p7)
8.06
The South Asia Terrorism Portal (SATP) cited different statistics on terrorist-related
fatalities and stated in its Pakistan Assessment 2013, accessed 21 June 2013, that:
As in 2011, the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) remained the worst
affected region, in terms of fatalities, followed by Sindh. However, Balochistan, which
was ranked fourth and KP, which was at the third position in 2011, reversed their
respective positions in 2012. The Punjab Province remained at its earlier position, the
fifth and least afflicted region of the country... According to partial data compiled by the
South Asia Terrorism Portal (SATP), the country recorded a total of at least 6,211
terrorism-related fatalities, including 3,007 civilians, 2,472 militants and 732 Security
Forces (SF) personnel in 2012 as against 6,303 fatalities, including 2,738 civilians,
2,800 militants and 765 SF personnel in 2011. [Since media access is heavily restricted
in the most disturbed areas of Pakistan, and there is only fitful release of information by
Government agencies and media reportage, the actual figures could be much higher].
The first 69 days of 2013, have already witnessed 1,537 fatalities, including 882
civilians, 116 SF personnel and 539 militants. [61b]
8.07
8.08
Human Rights Watch noted in its World Report 2013 (HRW World Report 2013),
published 31 January 2013, covering 2012 events, that Suicide bombings, armed
attacks, and killings by the Taliban, al Qaeda, and their affiliates continued in 2012,
targeting politicians, journalists, religious minorities, and government security personnel.
Many of these attacks were claimed by groups such as the Haqqani network, the
Lashkar-e-Jhangvi, and other al Qaeda affiliates. (Miliant attacks and
counterterrorism) The report added Sunni militant groups, including those with known
links to the Pakistani military, its intelligence agencies, and affiliated paramilitaries
such as the ostensibly banned Lashkar-e Jhangvi operated with widespread impunity
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31
Pakistan
9 August 2013
across Pakistan, as law enforcement officials effectively turned a blind eye to attacks.
[7i] (Sectarian attacks)
8.09
The Human Rights Commission of Pakistan stated in its annual report, State of Human
Rights in 2012 (HRCP Report 2012), published March 2013, that:
The year 2012 saw the law and order situation in Pakistan deteriorate even further. The
number of target killings in Karachi saw a stark increase as compared to last year,
which itself was very high. It became increasingly clear that the writ of the state was
withering away in the largest, most metropolitan city in Pakistan. The state failed to
provide protection to its religious and ethnic minorities as they were threatened and
attacked repeatedly in various parts of the country. Shia killings increased manifold,
especially in Quetta where the Hazara Shia community remained vulnerable. The year
also saw the targeting of high profile politicians and human rights activists which spoke
volumes about the states inability to provide protection to its citizens.
The entire country was plagued with pockets of areas where terrorists and criminals out
rightly made a mockery of the writ of the state. Sectarian violence at the hands of
banned outfits continued unabated in Balochistan while different criminal elements
targeted rival groups with impunity in Karachi. The intelligence agencies, though
severely criticised by international human rights organisations, continued their kill and
dump operations.
Even though crime rates in Punjab and the number of terror attacks in the country
declined in 2012, the country was far from a safe haven for all its citizens. The Lashkare-Jhangvi, the militant group linked to Al Qaeda, was able to murder the warden of
Central Jail Mach in May by claiming that he treated their imprisoned leaders harshly.
[27b] (p60)
See also Security forces: Intelligence agencies
8.10
Critical Threats, a project of the American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research
(AEI), provided almost daily updates, dated from June 2009 to present, of the security
situation in Pakistan, in its Pakistan Security Brief, accessed 21 June 2013. [101b]
8.11
The CRSS also provided a Timeline of Violent Incidents, from 1 March 2012 to present,
accessed 21 June 2013. [59b]
8.12
The PIPS Report 2012 provided a breakdown of terrorist attacks in Pakistan during
2012 by Province/area, as well as the nature of the attacks. [100a] (p7)
8.13
The South Asia Terrorism Portal (SATP) reported in its Pakistan Assessment 2012,
accessed 21 March 2012, that, overall, terrorist violence in Pakistan caused 6,142
fatalities during 2011, dropping from 7,435 in 2010. The report stated there was a large
increase in the deaths of civilian and Security Force (SF) personnel, although a drop in
militant deaths. According to the SATP database 2,580 civilians, 765 SF personnel and
2,797 militants were killed in 2011. [61b]
8.14
The US Department of State Country Report on Human Rights Practices 2012 (USSD
Report 2012), published 19 April 2013, stated that:
During the year militant and terrorist activity continued in different KP and FATA areas,
and there were numerous suicide and bomb attacks in all four provinces and FATA.
Security forces reportedly committed extrajudicial killings. Militants and terrorist groups,
32
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Pakistan
including the TTP, a militant umbrella group, targeted civilians, journalists, schools,
community leaders, security forces, and law enforcement agents, killing hundreds and
injuring thousands with bombs, suicide attacks, and other forms of violence. Militant and
terrorist groups often attacked religious minorities. A low-level separatist insurgency
continued in Balochistan.
The government implemented some measures to protect the population. The Pakistani
military continued to conduct counterinsurgency and counterterrorism operations in the
FATA to stem the TTP militancy. The government also took actions to weaken terrorist
ties around the country and prevent recruitment by militant organizations. For example,
law enforcement agencies reported the seizure of large caches of weapons in urban
areas such as Islamabad and Karachi. Police arrested Karachi gang members and TTP
commanders who provided logistical support to militants in the tribal areas. Police
arrested would-be suicide bombers in major cities of the country, confiscating weapons,
suicide vests, and attack planning materials. The government continued to operate a
center in Swat to rehabilitate and educate former child soldiers.
Poor security, intimidation by security forces and militants, and the control the
government and security forces exercised over access by nonresidents to FATA
continued to make it difficult for human rights organizations and journalists to report on
military abuses in the region. [3n] (Section 1g)
8.15
Janes noted in the Executive Summary, updated 19 June 2013, of its Sentinel Security
Assessment for Pakistan, that:
Despite a series of offensives, extremist violence remains the most pressing threat to
stability. Recent offensives include Operation Rah-e-Nijat (Road to Deliverance) against
the Pakistani Taliban in South Waziristan, following the death of Baitullah Mehsud, and
the March 2010 offensive in Orakzai tribal agency. While the army may temporarily
secure the key population areas in the Mehsud-dominated parts of the agency, it is
unlikely to be able either to hold these parts over the short term or to extend the writ of
the state to the region over the long term. A series of incidents have highlighted the
deterioration in security and the growing symbiotic relationship between Punjabi-based
and tribal-based jihadist organisations: most notably the 20 September 2008 attack on
the Marriott Hotel and a series of high-profile attacks throughout 2009 in Punjab's key
cities. The most audacious attack to date was the 11 October 2009 storming of the
Pakistani army General Headquarters in Rawalpindi. Tension along the Afghan border,
primarily in the tribal areas, has greatly increased, with areas of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa
also witnessing almost daily violence, especially the capital of Peshawar. [1a]
(Security threats)
Return to contents
Go to sources
US airstrikes
8.16
The Center for Research and Security Studies (CRSS) noted in its Pakistan Conflict
Tracker on Conflict Drivers, undated, that:
Drone attacks, carried out by the US Central Intelligence Agency (CIA),... serve as a
driving factor behind the militant upsurge. Right-wing religio-political parties and
sympathizers of al Qaeda and Taliban condemn the drone attacks as a violation of
Pakistani sovereignty, and therefore also use them to justify their opposition to the
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The Long War Journal, last updated 29 May 2013, accessed 4 June 2013, noted in its
report Charting the data for US airstrikes in Pakistan, 2004 2013, using data obtained
from various Pakistani press sources as well as from its own reporting, that:
The US ramped up the number of strikes in July 2008, and has continued to regularly
hit at Taliban and Al Qaeda targets inside Pakistan. There have been 339 strikes [in]
total since the program began in 2004; 329 of those strikes have taken place since
January 2008. Since 2006, there have been 2,514 leaders and operatives from Taliban,
Al Qaeda, and allied extremist groups killed and 153 civilians killed... Over the past six
years, the strikes have focused on two regions: North and South Waziristan. Over the
past two years, there has been a dramatic shift in the location of the strikes. In 2009,
42% of the strikes took place in North Waziristan and 51% in South Waziristan. In 2010,
89% of the strikes have taken place in North Waziristan and 6% in South Waziristan.
[37a]
8.18
The Bureau of Investigative Journalism recorded in its 3 January 2013 update on drone
strikes in Pakistan, that, since 2004, 370 US airstrikes (318 since the Obama
administration) had killed between 2,548 to 3,549 people in total, which included 411 to
890 civilians. [124a]
8.19
The Long War Journal provided a list, last updated 3 January 2013, accessed 4 June
2013, of Senior al Qaeda and Taliban leaders killed in US airstrikes in Pakistan, 2004 2013. [37b]
8.20
The HRCP Report 2012 noted The number of drone attacks has declined recently but
the fact remains that a certain complicity and silence surrounds this grave issue. Media
reports put the number of drone attacks in 2012 at 48 compared to 74 in 2011. The total
number of casualties as a result of these attacks varied. Conservative estimates put the
number around 240 while some estimates went as high as 400. [27b] (p62)
8.21
In an article dated 4 October 2012, by Ahmed Wali Mujeeb, who visited the region of
Waziristan in May 2012, BBC News reported on the psychological toll on the residents
of the areas affected by drone strikes, as they lived in constant fear of attack. Mujeeb
observed People here tell me that it is not just Taliban and al-Qaeda members who are
targeted, many ordinary citizens have been killed as well... Taliban and local tribesmen
say the drones almost always depend on a local spy, who gives word when the target is
there... Anyone coming under suspicion is unlikely to get a hearing. The Taliban kill first
and decide afterwards if the suspect was involved or not. [35k]
8.22
A joint report Living Under Drones: Death, Injury and Trauma to Civilians from US
Drone Practices in Pakistan, undated, accessed 5 October 2012, by the International
Human Rights and Conflict Resolution Clinic of Stanford Law School (Stanford Clinic)
and the Global Justice Clinic at New York University School of Law (NYU Clinic),
presented evidence of the damaging and counterproductive effects of current US drone
strike policies, following nine months of research from December 2011. [136a]
Return to contents
Go to sources
34
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9 August 2013
Pakistan
Militant activity
8.23
8.24
8.25
The Asian Human Rights Commission, commenting on the speech made by Pakistans
foreign minister, Ms. Rabbani Khar, at the UN Human Rights Councils Universal
Periodic Review (UPR) on Pakistan, stated on 4 November 2012 that:
There have been numerous instances where leaders and spokesmen from banned
organisations, some of them internationally wanted men, are allowed to make hate
speeches in the public in full view of the authorities. These criminal elements collect
public donations, but nothing is done to arrest them for fear of upsetting the extremists.
Half-hearted attempts by the government has self-censored its capacity to deal with
extremists. This has resulted in increase in extremist activities than the number of
actions claimed by the government that it has taken against extremist groups... The
government has arrested thousands of alleged extremists over the past four years but
there have been no successful prosecutions due to the lack of proper witness protection
and half-hearted attempts by the prosecutors to obtain a conviction. [52m]
8.26
8.27
The South Asia Terrorism Portal (SATP) provided a list of Major incidents of Terrorismrelated violence in Pakistan 2013, accessed 24 June 2013. [61n]
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Pakistan
9 August 2013
8.28
Amnesty International stated in its Annual Report 2013, published 23 May 2013, that
The Pakistani Taliban, Lashkar-e-Jhangvi, the Balochistan Liberation Army and other
armed groups targeted security forces and civilians, including members of religious
minorities, aid workers, activists and journalists. They carried out indiscriminate attacks
using improvised explosive devices and suicide bombs. [13h] (Abuses by armed
groups)
8.29
8.30
The State of Human Rights in Pakistan in 2011, by the Asian Human Rights
Commission (AHRC Report 2011), published 10 December 2011, reported on the
abduction of Shahbaz Taseer, son of assassinated governor of Punjab, Salam Taseer,
by the militant banned group Lashkar-e-Jhangvi (LeJ). The report noted:
It is confirmed that he is being held in the tribal badlands of Waziristan; his captors are
religious extremists, and Taseer was sold to Taliban by the LeJ. It was reported that the
LeJ is negotiating through the Punjab government for the release of Qadri [Salam
Taseers assassin, Mumtaz Qadri] in exchange for Shahbaz Taseer. The negotiations
are apparently being carried out under the supervision of the law minister of Punjab
province who is notorious for having relationships with the banned militant groups.
Therefore all efforts for the release of Shahbaz have been in the interests of the militant
organisations. [52g] (p40)
8.31
36
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9 August 2013
Pakistan
8.32
The Economist Intelligence Unit (EIU) noted in its Country Report for Pakistan, dated 7
October 2009, that ... the government and the military have encouraged the creation of
lashkars (village militias) to help to counter the threat posed by TTP and TTP-linked
groups in FATA and neighbouring parts of the NWFP. The government and the military
provide intelligence and logistical support (which may or may not include arms) to the
militias; villagers provide arms of their own, ranging from guns to axes to sticks. [2f]
(The Political Scene)
8.33
8.34
During the course of 2008 through to 2012 and into 2013, there were numerous clashes
between the authorities and militants, primarily in the FATA and Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa
(KP). There were also a number of attacks and suicide bombs against targets in
Pakistans principal cities. The South Asia Terrorism Portal (SATP) provides a
comprehensive timeline of events from 2002 to date, for the country generally and for
individual provinces/territories. [61c]
See also subsection: Federally Administered Tribal Areas and Pakistani Taliban
Return to contents
Go to sources
Balochistan (Baluchistan)
8.35
In its briefing on Pakistan violence, dated 11 April 2013, Reuters stated Baluchistan lies
to the southwest of FATA [Federally Administered Tribal Areas], bordering both Iran and
Afghanistan, and is made up primarily of Baluch and Pashtun ethnic groups. Baluch
tribal militants are fighting a decades-long insurgency for greater political autonomy and
control over local mineral resources. Afghan Taliban fighters also operate in the area,
as do Pakistani militant groups. [10b] (In detail: Baluchistan)
8.36
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Pakistan
9 August 2013
8.38
8.39
The HRCP Report 2012 observed Mutilated bodies of suspected nationalists and
terrorists continue to surface in Balochistan. Official reports said that 125 mutilated
bodies were recovered till October 31, 2012 while unofficial stats were much higher than
the official figures. The issue of missing persons in Balochistan, believed to be in the
custody of security establishments intelligence agencies, was taken up by the Supreme
Court in the year under review. [27b] (p65)
8.40
The SATP noted in its Balochistan Assessment 2013, covering 2012 events, that:
With Sindh and Gilgit Baltistan, Balochistan is the only region in Pakistan which has
witnessed a rise in terrorism related fatalities in 2012. The Province witnessed 954
fatalities, including 690 civilians, 178 Security Force (SF) personnel and 86 militants in
418 incidents of killing in 2012, as against 711 fatalities, including of 542 civilians, 122
SF personnel and 47 militants in 294 incidents of killing in 2011, according to partial
38
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9 August 2013
Pakistan
data compiled by SATP. The first 13 days of 2013 have already recorded 144 fatalities
[these numbers are likely to be underestimates, as access to media and independent
observers is severely restricted in Balochistan]. [61g]
8.41
The SATP noted in its Balochistan Assessment 2010, that there were ...at least six
active insurgent groups in Balochistan: the Balochistan Liberation Army (BLA), the
Baloch Republican Army, the Baloch People's Liberation Front, the Popular Front for
Armed Resistance, the Baloch Liberation Front (BLF) and [the Balochistan Liberation
United Front] BLUF. The same source added that the BLUF was the ...most radical of
the three Baloch separatist groups even though it isn't clear if these are separate or
overlapping factions operating under different names. [61i]
8.42
8.43
8.44
8.45
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39
Pakistan
9 August 2013
political autonomy. The BBC added Human rights organisations say kidnappings and
murders of political dissidents are at an all-time high in the province. [35f]
8.46
8.47
8.48
Janes reported in its Executive Summary, updated 19 June 2013, that in an attempt to
address the route cause of conflict, a Balochistan package (Aghaz-e-Haqooq-iBalochistan) was presented before parliament on 24 November 2009:
Key issues addressed by the 39-point-package include the acknowledgement that the
question of provincial autonomy needs to be revisited and the ownership of the
provinces over their resources reasserted in the constitution and the determination to
correct the wrongs of history, by conferring the political, economic and cultural rights of
the provinces. Specific proposals comprise far-reaching constitutional, political,
administrative and economic measures The chances of positive movement on the
Baloch insurgency have increased as a result of the 2013 election, with Baloch
nationalist parties running and the central government deciding to appoint a nationalist,
Abdul Malik Baloch, as chief minister. Less promising is any movement to dissuade the
Lashkar-e-Jhangvi from targeting the province's Hazara minority, who were the victims
of a series of devastating attacks in 2012-13. [1a] (Balochi Separatism)
8.49
The SATPs Balochistan Assessment 2013 stated that the Aghaz-e-Haqooq-iBalochistan (Initiation of the rights of Balochistan) package, approved by Pakistans
Parliament in 2009 had failed to deliver. SATP noted:
Though Parliamentary Secretary Khurram Jahangir Watto, on October 5, 2012, claimed
that 42 of its 61 points had already been implemented, there has, in fact, been little
progress on the issue of provincial autonomy, which according to the package, should
have been immediately addressed. Though a parliamentary committee to look into the
proposals and recommendations regarding provincial autonomy has been formed, the
committee is yet to reach to any conclusion. Similarly, the proposal regarding initiation
of a political dialogue with all major stakeholders in the political spectrum, to bring them
into the mainstream politics, has not been met, as Government failed to inspire trust in
the Baloch nationalist groups. The Government is yet to release political prisoners,
another proposal in the package. While a range of financial elements in the package
have been announced, implementation on the ground remains, at best, marginal. [61g]
Return to contents
Go to sources
Amnesty International stated in its report As If Hell Fell On Me: The Human Rights
Crisis in Northwest Pakistan, published 10 June 2010, that FATA comprises seven soThe main text of this COI Report contains the most up to date publicly available information as at 19 July 2013.
9 August 2013
Pakistan
called Agencies: Khyber, Kurram, Orakzai, Mohmand, Bajaur, South Waziristan and
North Waziristan. The 1998 census, the last available accurate set of data, registered
close to 3.2 million people living in the Federally Administered Tribal Areas; current
estimates suggest close to 3.9 residents in an area slightly smaller than Belgium at
27.22km[sq]. [13e] (p20)
8.51
The Australian Government Refugee Review Tribunal (RRT) stated in its Issues Paper
The Pakistani Taliban, dated January 2013, that, in FATA Though Pashtun Sunnis
predominate, the region is also home to a relatively small Shia population and a small
number of non-Pashtun tribes. Pashtuns typically follow either of the Hanafi schools of
Islam (Barelvi and Deobandi), in addition to the Pashtunwali, an ancient Pashtun code
of ethics which governs social interaction. (p2) The same source provided a map of the
seven agencies of the FATA and the location of major tribal groups. [134c] (p3)
8.52
Reuters AlertNet noted in its briefing on Pakistan violence, updated 11 April 2013, that
Pakistani Taliban tribal groups have bases in the Federally Administered Tribal Areas
(FATA). They draw much of their resources from jihadi groups and their countrywide
networks of mosques and religious seminaries, or madrasas. [10b] (In detail:
Federally Administered Tribal Areas)
8.53
Critical Threats, a project of the American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research
(AEI), reported on 10 March 2011, that North Waziristan agency is considered to be the
epicenter of international terrorism. In addition to serving as a haven for al Qaedas
leadership, North Waziristan (nestled between eastern Afghanistan and northwest
Pakistan) also provides shelter to organizations such as the Haqqani network, the
Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan (IMU), Lashkar-eJhangvi (LeJ), and Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT), among others. [101a]
8.54
The South Asia Terrorism Portal (SATP) noted in its FATA Assessment 2013, covering
events in 2012, that:
As in previous year[s], violence continues wrack the Tribal Areas of Pakistan, though a
marginal dip in fatalities was registered, in the countrys most volatile region. According
to partial data compiled by the South Asia Terrorism Portal (SATP), FATA registered a
four per cent decline in overall terrorism-related fatalities, from 3,034 in 2011 to 2,901 in
2012. However, fatalities among civilians (549) and SFs (306), remained very high,
increasing by 12.5 and 31.33 per cent, respectively. Terrorist fatalities declined from
2,313 in 2011, to 2,046 in 2012, principally due to the suspension of Army operations in
many areas. Progressive suspension of military operations also resulted in a marginal
decline in the major incidents (each involving three or more fatalities). A total of 261
major incidents were recorded in 2012, as against 281 in 2011. [61h]
8.55
The HRCP Report 2011 stated As many as 643 terrorist attacks were reported in
FATA, the highest for any region in the country... [27g] (p56)
8.56
The main text of this COI Report contains the most up to date publicly available information as at 19 July 2013.
41
Pakistan
9 August 2013
The online version of Encyclopaedia Britannica, accessed 24 June 2013, stated that
Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, the northernmost province of Pakistan, is bordered by
Afghanistan to the west and north, Azad Kashmir and Gilgit Baltistan to the east and
northeast, Punjab province to the southeast and Balochistan to the southwest.
Peshawar is the capital city. The source noted On the western boundary of Khyber
Pakhtunkhwa, along the Afghan border, are the federally administered tribal areas, a
series of semiautonomous areas that are ethnically homogeneous with the province but
not politically connected to it. The population of KP was estimated in 2006 to be
21,392,000 in an area covering 28,773 square miles (74,521 square km). [66a]
8.59
42
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9 August 2013
Pakistan
However, in the same month, insurgents extended their operations into neighbouring
Buner district, effectively breaking the peace accord. [13e] (p37)
8.60
The US Department of States International Religious Freedom Report for 2011 (USSD
IRF 2011), published 30 July 2012, stated that NAR implementation has been delayed
due to military operations against militants, however. In January KP Chief Minister
Ameer Haider Hoti inaugurated Darul Qaza (an appellate or revision court) in Swat as a
step towards full implementation of the NAR. According to Hoti, 27,000 civil and 39,811
criminal cases were decided in 2009-10 under this law. [3p] (Section II)
8.61
The HRCP Report 2011 recorded 497 terrorist attacks in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. Twentyseven suicide attacks accounted for the deaths of 438 people. [27g] (p56)
8.62
The South Asia Terrorism Portal noted in its Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Assessment 2013,
covering 2012 events, that:
Partial data compiled by the South Asia Terrorism Portal (SATP), recorded at least 656
fatalities, including 363 civilians, 195 militants and 98 SF personnel, in 147 terrorismlinked incidents in 2012, as compared 1,206 fatalities, including 511 civilians, 364
militants and 331 SF personnel killed in 242 such incidents in 2011. The trend in
fatalities indicates that the continuing engagement between the SFs and the militants is
at its lowest since 2007. [61o]
See also Section: Security forces, Human rights violations by government forces:
Extrajudicial killings
8.63
Janes Sentinel Security Assessment reported in its section on non-state armed groups,
updated 19 April 2012, that:
The Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) was formed in December 2007 as an umbrella
group that would enable the numerous pro-Taliban groups operating in Pakistan's
Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) and Khyber Pukhtoonkhwa (formerly the
NWFP) to co-ordinate their activities and consolidate their growing influence in the
region. The constituents of the TTP already posed a significant threat throughout FATA
and in areas of Khyber Pukhtoonkhwa, regularly confronting and defeating Pakistani
security forces, while their ability to deploy suicide bombers made them a threat
throughout the rest of Pakistan, even in military strongholds such as the garrison city of
Rawalpindi. In addition, their control of much of the Afghanistan-Pakistan border has
enabled them to forge strong operational links with the Afghan Taliban. Like the Afghan
Taliban, the TTP's ultimate objective is the creation of an Islamic emirate governed
according to their fundamentalist Deobandi interpretation of sharia (Islamic law).
However, unlike earlier Pakistani Taliban groups which focused solely on supporting the
Afghan Taliban against the US-led coalition, the TTP is explicitly revolutionary, and is
committed to overthrowing the Pakistani government. Following the failure of two highprofile government peace initiatives, military operations against the group have
The main text of this COI Report contains the most up to date publicly available information as at 19 July 2013.
43
Pakistan
9 August 2013
increased, particularly with the Bajaur Agency in August 2008; Swat in April/May 2009;
and South Waziristan in October 2009. The TTP suffered an additional setback in
August 2009 when its founder and inspirational leader, Baitullah Mehsud, was killed.
However, the TTP remains a powerful force on the ground in Pakistan's tribal areas
under the new leadership of Hakimullah Mehsud, and remains capable of conducting
high-yield suicide bomb attacks on hard targets throughout the country. [1a] (Islamist
groups)
8.65
In its Issues Paper The Pakistani Taliban, dated January 2013, the Australian
Government Refugee Review Tribunal (RRT) reported, amongst other things, on the
TTPs organisation, areas of influence, aims and connections. [134c]
8.66
8.67
The TNSM rose to prominence in the mid-1990s following Swats merger with Pakistan
in 1969, afterwhich its judicial system broke down due to corruption and lengthy trial
procedures. Prior to the merger Swats judicial system was a mixture of tribal and
Sharia laws, allowing for swift dispensation of justice. Sufi Mohammeds son-in-law,
Maulana Fazlullah, heads a breakaway faction of the TNSM that is the main threat to
government control in Swat and the Makaland division. Fazlullah's group, which belongs
to the umbrella Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) organisation, has led an insurgency in
Swat since 2007. Fazlullah's group ...has set up parallel administrative structures in
some of the districts of the former Malakand division, has burnt down numerous girls'
schools and killed (often by beheading) artists, teachers, government officials,
policemen, paramilitary soldiers and army troops. (Janes, 23 April 2012) [1a]
(Security: Religious Militant)
8.68
Harvard Universitys Belfar Center for Science and International Affairs noted in an
article dated April 2009 that:
The Punjabi Taliban network is a loose conglomeration of members of banned militant
groups of Punjabi origin sectarian as well as those focused on the conflict in Kashmir
that have developed strong connections with Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), Afghan
Taliban and other militant groups based in the Federally Administered Tribal Areas
(FATA) and North-West Frontier Province (NWFP) [Now Khyber Pakhtunkhwa KP].
They shuttle between FATA and the rest of Pakistan, providing logistical support to
FATA- and Afghan-based militants to conduct terrorist operations deep inside Pakistan.
Between March 2005 and March 2007 alone, for example, about 2,000 militants from
southern and northern Punjab Province reportedly moved to South Waziristan and
started different businesses in an effort to create logistical support networks. Given their
knowledge about Punjabi cities and security structure, they have proved to be valuable
partners for the TTP as it targets cities in Punjab, such as Lahore, Rawalpindi and
Islamabad...
44
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9 August 2013
Pakistan
The most recent use of the name began in 2007, when Maulvi Nazir, a militant leader
who with some official Pakistani support challenged Uzbek foreign fighters residing in
South Waziristan, was hailed by some as a leader of the Punjabi Taliban. This
allegation arose because Maulvi Nazir attracted many Punjabi recruits from banned
organizations to fight Uzbek foreign fighters. [116a]
8.69
8.70
The RRT Issues Paper, The Pakistani Taliban, noted that the:
Muqami Tehrik-e-Taliban (MTT) is the name given to an alliance between two former
TTP commanders, Maulana Hafiz Gul Bahadur and Mullah Nazir. The former is an
Uthmanzai Waziri from North Waziristan, while the latter is an Ahmadzai Waziri from
South Waziristan. The two separated from the TTP in June 2008 because of the TTPs
targeting of Pakistani security forces, and to protect Waziri interests (on the tribal nature
of the TTP and MTT, see above under Tribes and Tribal Infighting). As with the TTP,
the members of the MTT operate with a high degree of autonomy within their
designated spheres of control. [134c]
8.71
The Amnesty International report As If Hell Fell On Me: The Human Rights Crisis in
Northwest Pakistan, published 10 June 2010, stated:
It is difficult to delineate exactly how the Pakistani Taleban and their allied insurgent
groups in FATA and northwestern Pakistan are organized, who commands them, and
where they get their support: the groups allegiances have shifted several times in
recent years, and groups or parts of groups have moved from place to place, both within
tribal agencies and across the border into Afghanistan. While most share an extreme
religiously inspired militant ideology and a Pashtun identity, they vary widely in
objectives and focus. However, many of the groups now share an operational plan, and
have demonstrated that they possess effective chains of command and the ability to
impose discipline on their ranks when they so desire. [13e] (p30)
8.72
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45
Pakistan
9 August 2013
the region has a history of insurgency and conservative religious rule, its culture was
based on old tribal norms, which differed significantly from the Talebans ideology. As
discussed below, the Taleban aggressively moved to weaken the existing tribal
structure by killing or intimidating tribal elders and government officials, and their
interpretation of Islamic law was much harsher than that espoused by most of the
residents of northwest Pakistan. The Taleban forced men to maintain long beards; wear
caps; not smoke, watch television, or listen to music; attend religious teachings; and
pray five times a day at mosque. They used violence to force women to stay inside if not
veiled, and to be accompanied by a male relative outside the home. Girls, too, were told
to attend schools, if at all, wearing all-encompassing veils. Taleban forces also began to
launch attacks against the government, those believed to support the government, and
other political rivals. Local tribal elders told Amnesty International that militants began
attacking military look-out posts (also known as pickets), bridges, schools, hospitals,
electricity and mobile telephone towers, markets, and shops, civilian and military
convoys, anti-Taleban tribal elders, and so-called spies. [13e] (p39)
8.73
8.74
8.75
Amnesty International noted in its report, The Hands Of Cruelty Abuses by Armed
Forces and Taliban in Pakistans Tribal Areas, published 13 December 2013, that:
The Taliban continue to commit a range of human rights abuses, from the brutal killing
of captured soldiers and accused spies to indiscriminate attacks that have killed and
injured thousands across Pakistan. In areas where they retain effective control, the
group continues to perpetrate unlawful killing, following quasi-judicial proceedings or
with no proceedings whatsoever, including of captured Armed Forces personnel and
those accused of spying. These execution-style killings violate international
humanitarian law and are an abuse of the right to life. Taliban quasi-judicial proceedings
46
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9 August 2013
Pakistan
also fail to meet even the most basic requirements of fair trial under international human
rights standards and international humanitarian law. [13j] (p9)
8.76
The USCIRF Report 2013, published April 2013, covering events from 31 January 2012
to 31 January 2013, gave examples of sectarian or religiously motivated violence, and
stated ... armed extremists, some with ties to banned militant groups, continued their
attacks on religious minorities, including bombings, against Shia, Ahmadis, Christians,
Hindus and others. [53d] (p120)
See also subsection Sectarian violence and the section on Freedom of religion
8.77
Minority Rights Group International (MRG) noted in its report on minorities in the NWFP,
dated 11 August 2009, that The Taliban have... used terror tactics to intimidate
residents into supporting them. MRG further noted that In addition to public executions
and floggings, the Taliban have distributed videos of violent acts, such as beheadings,
committed against civilians... [88a] (p3)
See also subsections Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Federally Administered Tribal Areas and
Militant activity for detail on clashes between Taliban and government forces. For
information on militant groups see Annex C: Terrorist and extremist groups
Return to contents
Go to sources
Sectarian violence
8.78
Janes noted in its section on Non-State Armed Groups, updated 19 April 2012, that
Pakistan's population is predominantly Sunni Muslim, but there are significant Shia
minorities in some parts of the country. Periodically the Shia community has been
subjected to violent attacks by the Sunni community, some of which have been
reciprocated. [1a] (Sectarian Groups)
8.79
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47
Pakistan
8.80
9 August 2013
The International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS) Armed Conflict Database stated in
its section on Pakistan (Sectarian violence), Military and Security Developments
Annual Report 2012, that:
Sectarian violence increased sharply and fatalities were over 50% higher than in 2011.
The frequency and lethality of the attacks increased and serious measures by the
Pakistani government to tackle sectarian violence in the country was markedly absent.
Sunni militant groups targeted Shia communities in Karachi, Balochistan, Khyber
Pakhtunkhwa (KPK), Gilgit-Baltistan and Punjab regions. FATA areas witnessed
increased sectarian attacks on Shias, especially in Kurram Agency. [137a]
8.81
Human Rights Watch reported on 5 September 2012 that ...attacks against ordinary
Shia have increased dramatically in recent years... In 2012, at least 320 members of the
Shia population have been killed in targeted attacks. Over 100 have been killed in
Balochistan province, the majority from the Hazara community. [7k]
8.82
The South Asia Terrorism Portal noted in its South Asia Intelligence Review, dated 23
April 2012, that:
The idea of Shias as a heretical sect has become an entrenched dogma of
mainstream Sunni politics in Pakistan. On April 18, 2012, National Assembly Standing
Committee (NSC) during a meeting told the National Assembly Human Rights
Committee (NAHRC) that more than 650 Shias in Quetta, the provincial capital of
Balochistan, and 450 in the Dera Ismail Khan District of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP) were
targeted and killed recently (no date was specified) though the statement was issued
in the context of the Shia-Hazara killings between March 29 and April 17, 2012.)
According to partial data compiled by South Asia Terrorism Portal (SATP) there have
been at least 772 incidents of sectarian violence in Pakistan from January 1, 2005, to
April 22, 2012, which have claimed at least 2,175 lives [these are likely to be
underestimates, as information flows from many of the conflict-ridden regions of
Pakistan are severely restricted]. [61l] (Volume 10, No.42)
8.83
8.84
48
The HRCP Report 2012 stated, with regards to sectarian violence in 2012, that:
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9 August 2013
Pakistan
... 202 sectarian-related terrorist attacks, perpetrated by banned sectarian groups, the
TTP and groups affiliated with it claimed the lives of 537 people and caused injuries to
772 people. 531 people, mainly Shias, were killed in sectarian violence across the
country. Lashkar-e-Jhangvi (LeJ), a banned organisation, claimed responsibility for
most of the attacks against the Shia community. More than 100 Shia Hazaras were
killed in Balochistan alone. Bashir Ahmed Bilour, senior minister of Khyber
Pakhtunkhwa, was tragically killed along with eight other people when a suicide bomber
struck at a political meeting in Peshawar on December 22. TTP claimed responsibility
for the attack. [27b] (p62-63)
8.85
The South Asia Terrorism Portal (SATP) provided statistics on sectarian violence in
Pakistan from 1989 to 2013 (based on news reports), accessed 21 June 2013, and
stated that in 2012 there were 507 deaths and 577 people injured in 173 sectarian
incidents. Between 1 January 2013 and 16 June 2013, SATP recorded 58 sectarian
incidents, 285 deaths and 422 people injured. [61a] (Sectarian Violence in Pakistan)
8.86
The Asian Human Rights Commission (AHRC) accounted in its report, The State of
Human Rights in Pakistan in 2011 (AHRC Report 2011), published 10 December 2011,
on the assassination of 26 Shia pilgrims by members of Lashkar-e-Jhangvi (LeJ), 30
miles south of Quetta, Balochistan province. A further three Shias were killed by
unidentified gunmen as they travelled to the incident. [52g] (p41)
8.87
8.88
9.
9.01
Security forces
The Amnesty International report As If Hell Fell On Me: The Human Rights Crisis in
Northwest Pakistan, published 10 June 2010, stated:
In its military operations, Pakistan has deployed a wide array of security forces,
including army soldiers, Inter-Service Intelligence agents, tribal levies called lashkars
(official tribal militias) and khassadars (tribal police), the Frontier Constabulary (an
armed police force operating in FATA border areas), and the Frontier Corps (a
paramilitary force). The army and Frontier Corps (FC) are the two forces with the
primary responsibility for maintaining law and order in FATA. [13e] (p32)
9.02
Amnesty Internationals Annual Report 2013, published 23 May 2013, covering 2012
events, stated Security forces continued to act with impunity and were accused of
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49
Pakistan
9 August 2013
Police
9.04
The US Department of State Country Report on Human Rights Practices 2012 (USSD
Report 2012), published 19 April 2013, stated that:
Police have primary internal security responsibilities for most of the country. By law
control of local police falls under the Ministry of Interior. The Rangers are a paramilitary
organization under the authority of the Ministry of Interior, with branches in Sindh and
Punjab. The armed forces are responsible for external security. During the year there
were times when the government assigned domestic security responsibilities to the
armed forces.
The Frontier Crimes Regulations (FCR) provide the framework for law and order in
FATA. The FCR has long been criticized for several harsh and inhuman provisions,
some of which were mitigated when President Zardari amended the FCR in August
2011. Major changes in the FCR related to banning the collective responsibility of a
tribe, restricting the arbitrary nature of the powers of political agents or district
coordination officers, and granting citizens the right to challenge the decisions of
political agents in courts.
A political agent who reports to the president through the KP is responsible for
implementing the FCR. In lieu of police, multiple law enforcement entities operated in
FATA. These entities included the paramilitary Frontier Scouts, which report to the
Ministry of Interior in peacetime and the army in times of conflict; the Frontier
Constabulary, which patrols the area between FATA and KP; levies, which operate in
FATA and report to the political agent; khassadars (hereditary tribal police), which help
the political agent maintain order; and lashkars (tribal militias), which are convened by
tribal leaders to deal with temporary law and order disturbances.
Police effectiveness varied greatly by district, ranging from reasonably good to
ineffective. Some members of police committed human rights abuses or were
responsive to political interests. [3n] (Section 1d)
See also Judiciary: Frontier Crimes Regulation
50
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9 August 2013
9.05
Pakistan
The Asia Society Report by the Independent Commission on Pakistan Police Reform,
entitled Stabilizing Pakistan through Police Reform, (Asia Society Report), dated July
2012, stated:
The police in Pakistan are perceived to be corrupt as a matter of course, and are
thought to be largely, if not solely, responsible for the breakdown of law and order in the
country and for the steady erosion of the criminal justice system. Apart from its effect on
law and order, police corruption is also responsible for the weak prosecution of
criminals, the failure of trial prisoners to appear in court, flawed court processing, and
an alarmingly high rate of acquittal. Some have argued that police corruption merely
reflects the corruption of Pakistani society at large. They contend that in a sea of
corruption it is impossible to create islands of honesty and integrity... [138a] (p24)
9.06
9.07
9.08
However, the Asia Society Report stated The police in Pakistan have historically
suffered from a poor reputation among a public that retains a highly negative view of its
role and mission. As a result, there is little voluntary flow of vital information relating to
human security from the public to the police. Mistrust of the police is so deeply
embedded across all levels of society that citizens seldom reach out to them, even in
times of crises. [138a] (p38)
9.09
The Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP) and the Commonwealth Human
Rights Initiative (CHRI) noted in its joint report, Police Organisations in Pakistan
(HRCP/CHRI Report 2010), published May 2010, that in 2008 there were a total of
1,392 police stations across the country (p23) with a strength of nearly 325,000 officers.
[27f] (p33)
9.10
Janes noted in its section on Security and Foreign Forces, updated 17 April 2012, that,
as estimated in 2011, the Pakistan police forces total strength was 354,000. The report
noted:
At present Pakistan has only about 354,000 police personnel for a population of 170
million and the mandated strength is rarely reached, especially in rural areas where
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51
Pakistan
9 August 2013
most criminal activity occur. It is estimated that Punjab, Pakistan's most populous
province, has a 180,000-strong police force of which only 40,000 are permanently
stationed in police stations. Lahore, with 10 million inhabitants, has only 25,000 police
and Karachi, the city with the highest incidence of crime and with a population of more
than 16 million, has around 29,000 police. The number of terrorist attacks against police
has dramatically risen in recent years, from 113 in 2005 to around 2,000 in 2009. The
Khyber Pakhtunkhwa police force lost 353 policemen in 2009 in terrorism-related
incidents. In August 2010, the head of the Frontier Constabulary was one of the most
senior security officials ever to be killed by militants in the country. Since May 2011 the
Pakistani Taliban have launched numerous deadly attacks on police targets to avenge
the killing of Al-Qaeda leader Osama bin Laden. These include a suicide attack on a
Frontier Corps training centre, killing at least 80 troops, and an execution-style killing of
16 policemen in Dir district. [1a] (Police)
9.11
The Free and Fair Election Network (FAFEN), a network of 42 civil society organisations
working to foster democratic accountabilities in Pakistan, stated in a press release
dated 20 February 2012, that FAFEN observers visited 131 police stations in 71 districts
of the Punjab, Sindh and Islamabad Captial Territory (ICT) during October and
December 2011. The observers found that a number of sanctioned posts for male staff
were vacant with only 3,114 positions out of 3,993 occupied in Punjab, 1,320 out of
1,905 filled in Sindh, and 49 out of 140 occupied in the ICT. All sanctioned posts for
female staff were occupied at the police stations visited. [130b]
9.12
9.13
52
The FAFEN report dated 20 February 2012 observed that some Station House Officers
(SHOs) expressed their dissatisfaction at understaffing, lack of logistical support, fuel,
stationary, clean drinking water and electricity connections as well as low salaries and
strenuous work hours. [130b]
The main text of this COI Report contains the most up to date publicly available information as at 19 July 2013.
9 August 2013
9.14
Pakistan
Armed forces
9.15
The USSD Report 2012 observed that The armed forces are responsible for external
security. During the year there were times when the government assigned domestic
security responsibilities to the armed forces. [3n] (Section 1d)
9.16
The total strength of Pakistans armed forces was recorded as 590,000 (520,000 Army,
45,000 Air Force and 25,000 Navy personnel), with 500,000 reservists. (Janes: Armed
Forces, 18 May 2012) [1a] (Summary)
9.17
Janes noted in its section on the Army, updated 18 May 2012, that the Pakistan army
is large, well trained, reasonably well equipped and senior leadership is of a high
quality, although there is some evidence of dilution due to rank creep. There is no
evidence of religious extremism among senior officers, largely due to tight monitoring of
promotion and selection boards by successive army chiefs, although it appears there
may be some extremists in junior ranks. (Summary) The report added that Reserves
are intended as individual replacements and reinforcements and training is minimal,
being for a triennial three week period. Reservists, however, are drawn in the main from
recent service-leavers, who remain liable for service to the age of 45 and have readilyemployable skills. [1a] (Sustainment)
9.18
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53
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9 August 2013
existed, prohibits the abuse or misuse of force by the military, and allows for more
transparent treatment of detainees by requiring registration upon apprehension and
providing a legal process for transfer of detainees from military to civilian authorities for
prosecution. It also creates an appeals process for detainees and their relatives and,
importantly, limits the powers of the armed forces in administering the regulation.
Reports in November and December 2011 indicated that transfers of detainees had
begun. [3n] (Section 1d)
See also Judiciary: Military courts and the Army Act
Return to contents
Go to sources
Other government forces of Pakistan include the Border guards, consisting of the
Frontier Corps (FC) with a total strength of 80,000, and Pakistan Rangers, total strength
44,000. The Pakistan Rangers are responsible for policing the border with India along
with other internal security tasks as required. The FC is deployed along the border with
Afghanistan under two commands FC (NWFP [now Khyber Pakhtunkhwa]) and FC
(Balochistan). (Janes, Security and Foreign Forces, 17 April 2012) [1a] Janes noted
that:
in recent years, particularly since the Pakistani Army was deployed to the tribal areas
in 2003 - triggering an ongoing insurgency and a severe deterioration in the security
situation - the FC (NWFP) has suffered from increased demoralisation, exacerbated by
the lack of weaponry, equipment and adequate training. Indeed, the FC (NWFP) has
borne the brunt of the fighting against fellow Pashtun Pakistani tribal militants and
foreign Islamic militants over the past five years. There have been an increasing
number of desertions from the FC, particularly following the insurgencies in South and
North Waziristan agencies in the FATA between 2004 and 2006. In addition, more than
1,000 soldiers, both from the Pakistan Army and the FC, have been killed to date in the
fighting in the tribal areas and in Swat district in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa [formerly NWFP].
The Pakistani government has expanded the Frontier Corps and their role in fighting
Islamist militants. The decision to upgrade the force was the result of extensive
consultations between the governments of Pakistan and the United States, and came
after an agreement to kick-start a multi-year effort to reinforce the FC. [1a] (Border
Guards)
9.20
Other forces include the National Guard with 180,000 personnel and the Maritime
Security Agency (Coast Guard), with 4,000 personnel. (Janes, Security and Foreign
Forces, 17 April 2012) [1a] (Security forces)
9.21
54
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Pakistan
army, relying on the superior local knowledge of tribesmen, has of late encouraged and
in some cases armed such militias to fight insurgents, in the FATA region as well as in
NWFP. Laskhars have fought militants in several of the FATAs seven agencies;
insurgents, in return, have targeted lashkar members and unlawfully killed anti-Taleban
tribal elders who have ties to the laskhars as well as relatives of lashkar members.
[13e] (p33)
Return to contents
Go to sources
Intelligence agencies
9.22
Janes noted in its Security and Foreign Forces section, updated 17 April 2012, that:
Pakistan's three primary intelligence agencies are the Directorate for Inter-Services
Intelligence (ISI), the Intelligence Bureau (IB) and the Military Intelligence (MI). While all
three ostensibly exist to safeguard Pakistan's national security, such is the level of
mistrust between them that this overarching goal is frequently lost among inter-agency
tension. The MI and ISI deal primarily with military matters while IB focuses on internal
affairs.
In April 2009, the federal government established the National Counter Terrorism
Authority (NACTA), which has been given the responsibility of co-ordinating the work of
all intelligence agencies. A former director general of the Federal Investigation Agency
(FIA) and highly experienced police officer, Tariq Pervez, was appointed as its head.
However, Tariq Pervez stepped down in March 2011 after repeated attempts to pass
the NACTA bill failed due to disagreements within the Ministry of the Interior. In June
2011, the Pakistani government transferred director general of the FIA, Malik
Mohammad Iqbal, to head the NACTA. However, the NACTA still requires legislation to
make the body fully functional and has been actively undermined by the ISI. [1a]
(Intelligence agencies)
See also Judiciary: Anti-Terrorism Act and courts
9.23
Reporting on the size of the ISI, Reuters noted on 8 October 2010 that Its size is not
publicly known but is widely believed to employ tens of thousands of agents, with
informers in many spheres of public life. The same source reported that there was
speculation by US defence officials that elements of the ISI were interacting
improperly with the Taliban and other insurgent groups [10d]
9.24
In its country report for Pakistan, dated 15 March 2012, the Economist Intelligence Unit
(EIU) stated that Lieutenant-General Zahir ul-Islam was appointed as the head of
Pakistan's main intelligence agency, the Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI). The EIU
added:
General ul-Islam takes over from Lieutenant-General Ahmed Shuja Pasha, who ran the
ISI from 2008. Although the ISI officially reports to the prime minister, the head of the
agency is considered the country's second most important military figure, after the army
chief, a position that is currently held by General Ashfaq Kayani. General Kayani is said
to have enjoyed a close relationship with General Pasha, which stood the latter in good
stead, particularly when the ISI was rocked by a series of scandals in 2011. Tensions
between the ISI and the US hit a new high last year following the killing by US special
forces of Osama bin Laden, the founder and leader of the al-Qaida global terrorist
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55
Pakistan
9 August 2013
network, in Pakistan in May [2011]. In September the chairman of the US Joint Chiefs of
Staff at the time, Admiral Mike Mullen, alleged that a pro-Taliban terrorist group
operating out of Pakistan, the Haqqani network, was a virtual arm of the ISI. [2b]
(Political scene: A new head of the ISI is appointed)
Return to contents
Go to sources
Amnesty International noted in its report, The Hands Of Cruelty Abuses by Armed
Forces and Taliban in Pakistans Tribal Areas, published 13 December 2013, on the
continued human rights abuses committed by Pakistans armed forces in Pakistans
northwest tribal areas. The report noted:
Many of the men held by the Armed Forces are subjected to enforced disappearance,
tortured or otherwise ill-treated while in custody. Some detainees do not survive and are
returned to their families dead, or their corpses are dumped in remote parts of the Tribal
Areas, without an effective investigation into the circumstances of their death,
compensation for their relatives, or prosecution of those responsible. Detainees who are
released alive and their families are threatened with dire consequences if they speak
publicly about their treatment in detention. [13j] (p9)
9.26
The same source added that, as far as Amnesty International was aware ... no serving
or retired member of Pakistans Armed Forces, law enforcement authorities, or
intelligence services has been prosecuted for their alleged involvement in unlawful
detentions, torture and other ill-treatment, or the unlawful killing of detainees in the
Tribal Areas... [13j] (p9)
9.27
The Asian Human Rights Commission (AHRC) stated in its report, The State of Human
Rights in Pakistan in 2011 (AHRC Report 2011), published 10 December 2011, that
The situation of abductions, forced disappearances and extrajudicial killings has been
prevalent not only in Balochistan but all through Pakistan and the government has done
nothing to rein in the intelligence agencies believed to be responsible, despite
overwhelming evidence that this is so. [52g] (p49)
9.28
9.29
Human Rights Watch noted in its World Report 2013, published 31 January 2013, that
Abuses by Pakistani police, including extrajudicial killings... continued to be reported
throughout the country in 2012. [7i]
Return to contents
Go to sources
56
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9 August 2013
Pakistan
9.31
Human Rights Watch noted in its World Report 2013 (HRW World Report 2013),
published 31January 2013, covering 2012 events, that:
Security forces routinely violated basic rights in the course of counterterrorism
operations. Suspects were frequently detained without charge or were convicted without
a fair trial. Thousands of suspected members of al Qaeda, the Taliban, and other armed
groups who were rounded up in a nationwide crackdown that began in 2009 in Swat
and the Federally Administered Tribal Areas remained in illegal military detention; few
were prosecuted or produced before the courts. The army continued to deny lawyers,
relatives, independent monitors, and humanitarian agency staff access to persons
detained during military operations. Terrorism suspects, particularly in the Swat Valley,
reportedly died inexplicably of natural causes. However, lack of access to the
detainees made independent verification of the cause of death impossible. [7i] (Militant
attacks and counterterrorism)
9.32
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Pakistan
9 August 2013
Torture
9.33
9.34
The Asian Human Rights Commission (AHRC) observed in its report, The State of
Human Rights in Pakistan in 2012 (AHRC Report 2012), published 10 December 2012,
that:
Torture remains endemic, widespread, and is typically accompanied by impunity in
Pakistan. Extreme forms of torture continue to be documented in the country, including,
inter alia: beatings with fists, sticks, and guns on different parts of the body, including
the soles of the feet, face, and sexual organs; death threats and mock executions;
strangulation and asphyxiation; prolonged shackling in painful positions; use of chilliwater in the eyes, throat and nose; exposure to extreme hot and cold temperatures;
mutilation, including of sexual organs; and sexual violence, including rape. Torture is
used by the military and intelligence agencies in the contexts of counter-terrorism and
armed conflict, but is also widespread in routine investigations by the police. [52n] (p5)
9.35
58
The same source added that Security forces and intelligence services are known to be
operating torture centers in many of major cantonments across the country, which are
often in or around major cities. The AHRC has evidence of around 50 such centers
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9 August 2013
Pakistan
currently in operation. The government has taken no action to close these centers.
[52n] (p5)
9.36
The Asian Human Rights Commission, commenting on the speech made by Pakistans
foreign minister, Ms. Rabbani Khar, at the UN Human Rights Councils Universal
Periodic Review (UPR) on Pakistan, stated on 4 November 2012 that:
Due to the absence of a functioning criminal justice framework and weak prosecution,
torture in custody and extrajudicial executions have increased rapidly in comparison
with previous years. Every police station has its own private torture centres besides
their lock ups. Every cantonment area of the armed forces runs at least one torture
centre and the Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) offices have their safe houses. The Air
Force and Navy also operates their torture cells. The AHRC has documented numerous
cases in which these centres are positively identified, and the information sent to the
authorities. But no actions followed to end these illegal and inhuman torture cells.
[52m]
9.37
9.38
9.39
The AHRC Report 2011 noted that the police were the main peretrators of torture, and
stated ... torture cases have to be reported to the police, therefore the police, being the
main perpetrators of torture refuse to register the cases. This is the main reason why
official data about the cases of torture is not available. [52g] (p64)
See also Avenues of complaint
Return to contents
Go to sources
Extra-judicial killings
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Pakistan
9 August 2013
9.40
The Foreign and Commonwealth Office noted in its 2012 Human Rights and Democracy
Report (FCO Report 2012), published 15 April 2013, that there continued to be reports
of extrajudicial killings by the security forces, carried out with impunity. [11e]
9.41
Amnesty Internationals Annual Report 2013, published 23 May 2013, noted that
Hundreds of unlawful killings, including extrajudicial executions and deaths in custody,
were widely reported. They were most common in the northwest tribal areas, and
Balochistan and Sindh provinces. [13h] (Unlawful killings)
9.42
The Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP) noted in its annual report, the
State of Human Rights in 2012, published March 2013, that According to media
monitoring by HRCP, 350 police encounters were reported from across the country in
2012 in which 403 suspects were killed. This was a perceptible rise from the 2011
figures that HRCP had monitored: 254 police encounters leading to the killing of 337
suspects. [27b] (p61)
9.43
Human Rights Watch (HRW) reported on 13 July 2011 on the upsurge of unlawful
killings of suspected militants and opposition figures in Balochistan by the military,
intelligence agencies and the paramilitary Frontier Corps (FC). The report noted:
Across Balochistan since January 2011, at least 150 people have been abducted and
killed and their bodies abandoned acts widely referred to as kill and dump
operations, in which Pakistani security forces engaged in counterinsurgency operations
may be responsible. Assailants have also carried out targeted killings of opposition
leaders and activists. Human Rights Watch has extensively documented enforced
disappearances by Pakistan's security forces in Balochistan, including several cases in
which those disappeared have been found dead... While Baloch nationalist leaders
and activists have long been targeted by the Pakistani security forces, since the
beginning of 2011, human rights activists and academics critical of the military have
also been killed... [7f]
Further information on killings in Balochistan by suspected militants can be found in the
HRW report Their Future is at Stake: Attacks on Teachers and Schools in Pakistans
Balochistan Province, dated 13 December 2010. [7g]
9.44
9.45
On 8 June 2011 an unarmed teenager was shot and killed by paramilitary forces in
Karachi. The incident, caught on film and broadcast on national television, showed the
teenager arguing with soldiers before they shot him in the leg leaving him to die of his
injuries. On 29 June 2011 a Pakistani court charged six members of the Sindh Rangers
and one civilian with murder. (BBC News, 29 June 2011) [35a]
9.46
On 12 August 2011, BBC News reported that a paramilitary soldier had been sentenced
to death for the killing of the unarmed teenager. Six other men were sentenced to life
imprisonment. [35i]
See also Death penalty
60
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9 August 2013
9.47
Pakistan
Reporting on so-called police encounters, whilst stipulating that it was not in a position
to determine how many of the encounters were genuine and where the police had no
option but to kill a person, the HRCP Report 2011 noted that:
Police encounters largely remained [a] euphemism for extrajudicial killings. Use of
lethal force remained the defining characteristic of police encounters in 2011. According
to media reports, one person was killed in a police encounter every 26 hours during the
year. A police encounter occurred every 34 hours on average. In the year under review,
at least 254 police encounters took place across the country. As many as 337 suspects
were killed in these encounters and another 71 were injured. As in previous years, the
number of suspects captured alive after encounters remained very low by comparison.
As many as 117 suspects were arrested following police encounters in 2011. Fiftyseven policemen were killed and 98 were injured in these encounters. In as many as
142 encounters, in which neither a policeman was killed nor injured, as many as 237
suspects were killed and another 51 injured. [27g] (p51-52)
9.48
Disappearances
9.49
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Pakistan
9.50
9 August 2013
Human Rights Watch (HRW) noted in its Universal Periodic Review UPR Submission
April 2012, published 3 May 2012, that Pakistan had failed to adhere to its commitment
to the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced
Disappearance. HRW added:
In Balochistan, Human Rights Watch has documented how Pakistans security forces,
particularly its intelligence agencies, targeted for enforced disappearance ethnic Baloch
suspected of involvement in the Baloch nationalist movement. Abductions are carried
out in broad daylight, often in busy public areas, and in the presence of multiple
witnesses. Victims are taken away from shops and hotels, public buses, university
campuses, homes, and places of work.
Victims of enforced disappearances in cases documented by Human Rights Watch are
predominantly men in their mid-20s to mid-40s, although Human Rights Watch has also
documented disappearances of three children and three instances of victims aged over
60 years. Most victims appear to have been targeted because of alleged participation in
Baloch nationalist parties and movements. In several cases, people appeared to have
been targeted because of their tribal affiliation, especially when a particular tribe, such
as the Bugti or Mengal, was involved in fighting with Pakistans armed forces. [7j]
9.51
Amnesty Internationals open letter to Prime Minister Rajaz Pervez Ashraf stated that,
whilst it welcomed the establishment of the Commission of Enquiry on Enforced
Disappearances in March 2010, to AIs knowledge ... there has been no attempt by the
Commission to systematically interview traced individuals to determine any patterns of
enforced disappearance; to facilitate assistance to them or their families; provide
protection to witnesses who have testified before it; or to investigate named
organisations such as the intelligence agencies or other security forces or individuals
accused of enforced disappearances. [13k]
9.52
9.53
62
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Pakistan
Nationalist political parties in Sindh Province, including JSQM [Jeay Sindh Qaumi
Mahaz], reported disappearances and claimed that some of their members were in the
custody of the intelligence agencies. [3n] (Section 1b)
9.54
Amnesty International noted in its report The Bitterest of Agonies End Enforced
Disappearances in Pakistan, published 30 August 2011, that:
Since Pakistan became a key ally in the US-led war on terror in late 2001, hundreds
of people accused of links to terrorist activity have been arbitrarily detained and held in
secret facilities... Dozens of missing individuals have been transferred from US
detention or have reappeared in Pakistan during the past 10 years, but the whereabouts
of hundreds of others, possibly held in secret detention in Pakistan or other countries,
remain unknown... The clandestine nature of the arrests and detentions makes it
impossible to know exactly how many have been subjected to enforced
disappearance... In 2010, the Ministry for the Interior admitted to 965 disappearance
cases for which there was some record, although there are differing claims on figures
made by families, human rights groups and the state, ranging from 200 to 7,000. [13i]
(p2)
9.55
The HRCP Report 2012 noted that The Supreme Court (SC) held hearings in Quetta
and looked at the question of disappearances in Balochistan in a new petition regarding
the overall situation in the province. However, the apex court did not hold any
substantial hearing on a petition submitted by HRCP on behalf of hundreds of missing
persons at the SCs principal seat in Islamabad. [27b] (p78-79)
9.56
9.57
The AHRC Report 2010 stated, with regards to the Commission of Enquiry, that:
The Commission to probe missing persons cases has not investigated or taken as
seriously the lists of 168 children and 148 women. Two lists of disappeared persons
were released separately, one by Voice for Baloch Missing Persons (VBMP), an NGO
[non-governmental organisation] which works to document the cases of missing
persons from the area and the other by the Provincial Interior Ministry of Balochistan.
The missing people have allegedly been taken by Pakistani intelligence agencies for
interrogation over their alleged link to Balochistan separatists and other militant groups
in the country. [52e] (p35)
See also Children: Childcare and protection
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9 August 2013
9.58
Amnesty International noted in its report The Bitterest of Agonies..., that, at the
Commission of Enquiry There are no witness protection mechanisms in place, and
relatives are often required to give information at the Commission in front of
representatives of the same agencies they accuse of involvement in the
disappearances of their loved ones. [13i] (p7)
9.59
Human Rights Watch (HRW) stated in its report We can torture, kill, or keep you for
years: Enforced Disappearances by Pakistan Security Forces in Balochistan, published
25 July 2011, that:
The practice of enforced disappearances by state security forces has become a
distinctive feature of the conflict in Balochistan. It continues unabated to the present.
The exact number of new disappearances perpetrated in recent years by Pakistans
security forces in the province remains unknown. Baloch nationalists claim thousands
of cases. Balochistan provincial authorities on several occasions have cited the figure of
about 1,000 enforced disappearances. Pakistans Interior Ministry has said that 1,102
Baloch were forcibly disappeared during General Musharrafs rule, which ended in
August 2008. Many cases remain unreported as families and witnesses often prefer not
to report cases to the authorities or human rights organizations because of fear of
retaliation by the authorities. [7a] (p6)
9.60
The HRW report added that it had ... collected information on disappearances that
repeatedly implicates Pakistans intelligence agencies and Frontier Corps, often acting
in conjunction with local police. [7a] (p6)
9.61
9.62
Avenues of complaint
9.63
64
The HRCP/CHRI Report 2010 noted with regards to complaints against the police, that:
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9 August 2013
Pakistan
In the event that a police officer does not fulfil his/her duties, or engages in active
wrongdoing, the average citizen has some avenues of recourse. First, a citizen can
lodge a complaint with the concerned police department as every provincial police
establishment has some form of internal disciplinary proceeding...
To this end, the Police Order, 2002 (and its subsequent amendments) created
accountability mechanisms at the district, provincial and national levels. In regards to
the district level, the Police Order established the District Public Safety and Police
Complaints Commission (DPSPCC). The main responsibilities of the DPSPCC include:
approve the Local Policing Plan; take steps to prevent the police from engaging in any
unlawful activity arising out of compliance with unlawful or mala fide orders; cause
registration of FIR within 48 hours when warranted; hear complaints; conduct factfinding; and refer a matter to the Provincial Public Safety and Police Complaints
Commission if the Head of District Police does not act on the matter. A significant
problem with DPSPCCs is that very few have been set up throughout Pakistan and
when they have been set up, they have little impact since their powers are often merely
recommendatory and not binding. The failure of these bodies to have teeth means that
they are often ignored. [27f] (p30, Section 2.6)
9.64
9.65
9.66
The Asian Human Rights Commission (AHRC) noted in a statement dated 24 June
2011 that there was no means of protection for witnesses of torture by the armed
forces, therefore discouraging victims of such from making complaints. AHRC added
that ... in claims against torture, victims bear the burden of proof, and there are no
independent investigating agencies that are empowered to inquire into a complaint
against torture. [52f]
9.67
The same source added The absence of proper complaint centres and no particular law
to criminalise torture makes the menace of torture wide spread. The torture cases have
to be reported to the police, therefore the police, being the main perpetrators of torture
refuse to register the cases. This is the main reason why official data about the cases of
torture is not available. [52f]
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9 August 2013
Amnesty International noted in its report The Bitterest of Agonies... that, at the
Commission of Enquiry (for disappearances) There are no witness protection
mechanisms in place, and relatives are often required to give information at the
Commission in front of representatives of the same agencies they accuse of
involvement in the disappearances of their loved ones. [13i] (p7)
9.68
See also subsection: Torture, and Corruption: National Accountability Bureau (NAB)
Return to contents
Go to sources
Child Soldiers International (formerly The Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers)
Global Report 2008 on Pakistan, covering the period between April 2004 and October
2007, reported that:
The 1952 Pakistan Army Act allowed compulsory military service to be introduced in
times of emergency, but this provision had not been used. Under Article 39 of the 1973
constitution, The State shall enable people from all parts of Pakistan to participate in
the Armed Forces of Pakistan. The Pakistan National Service Ordinance of 1970 stated
that officers and jawans (soldiers) could be recruited between the ages of 17 and 23,
and had to have at least a years training before taking part in active service. [33]
10.02
The CIA World Factbook, last updated 16 April 2013, accessed 1 May 2013, stated that
soldiers could not be sent into combat until they were 18 years of age. [4a] (Military)
The US Department of Labors 2011 Findings on the Worst Forms of Child Labor,
released 26 September 2012, stated that There are reports of children being used by
non-state militant groups in armed conflict... [91] (p478)
10.03
The US Department of States International Religious Freedom Report for 2012 (USSD
IRF Report 2012), published 20 May 2013, noted that Members of minority religious
groups volunteered for military service in small numbers, and there were no official
obstacles to their advancement; however, in practice non-Muslims rarely rose above the
rank of colonel and were not assigned to politically sensitive positions. A chaplaincy
corps provided services for Muslim soldiers, but no similar services were available for
religious minorities. [3k] (Section II)
Return to contents
Go to sources
11. Judiciary
Organisation
11.01
The Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) World Factbook, updated 16 April 2013,
accessed 1 May 2013, stated that Pakistans legal system is based on a common law
system with Islamic law influence. [4a] (Government: Legal system)
11.02
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The judicial system comprises a Supreme Court, provincial high courts, and Federal
Islamic (or Shari'a) Court. The Supreme Court is Pakistan's highest court. With the 18th
Amendment now in place, the president names the most senior Supreme Court justice
to be chief justice; also, the courts and Parliaments influence are increased through a
new judicial commission to oversee judges appointments. Each province, as well as
Islamabad, has a high court, the justices of which are appointed by the president after
conferring with the chief justice of the Supreme Court and the provincial chief justice.
The judiciary is proscribed from issuing any order contrary to the decisions of the
president. Federal Sharia Court hears cases that primarily involve Sharia, or Islamic
law. Legislation enacted in 1991 gave legal status to Sharia. Although Sharia was
declared the law of the land, it did not replace the existing legal code. [3a]
(Government and Political Organization)
11.03
The US Department of State Country Report on Human Rights Practices 2012 (USSD
Report 2012), published 19 April 2013, stated The jurisdiction of the Supreme Court
and the high courts does not extend to several areas that operate under separate
judicial systems. For example, Azad Kashmir has its own elected president, prime
minister, legislature, and court system independent of the countrys judiciary. GilgitBaltistan also has a separate judicial system. [3n] (Section 1e)
11.04
The Society for the Protection of the Rights of the Child (SPARC) noted in its report,
The State of Pakistans Children 2011 (SPARC Report 2011), published July 2012, that
The long standing demand of extending the jurisdiction of superior judiciary to FATA
[Federally Administered Tribal Areas] has been ignored once again; national laws still
require to be extended to FATA by the President and no legislation is automatically
applicable in the area. [71b] (p.v)
11.05
The Pakistani government website, accessed 20 May 2013, stated that the Supreme
Court was at the apex of the judicial system and:
to the exclusion of every other Court in Pakistan, has the jurisdiction to pronounce
declaratory judgements in any dispute between the Federal Government or a provincial
government or between any two or more provincial governmentsThe Supreme Court,
if it considers that a question of public importance, with reference to the enforcement of
any of the Fundamental Rights ensured by the Constitution of Pakistan is involved, it
has the power to make any appropriate order for the enforcement of fundamental
rightsThe Supreme Court has jurisdiction to hear and determine appeals from
judgements, decrees, final orders or sentences passed by a High Court, the Federal
Shariat Court and the Services Appellate Tribunals. [29c] (Supreme Court)
11.06
The same source added that the Supreme Courts decisions are binding in principle and
in law for all other courts. At the district level there are also Courts of District Judges
and Courts of Civil Judges both dealing with civil cases, while criminal matters are
heard in Courts of Sessions and Courts of Magistrates. Court of Sessions can hear
cases punishable by death and those under the Hudood Ordinances. The Government
website added that An appeal against the sentence passed by a Sessions Judge lies to
the High Court and against the sentence passed by a Magistrate to the Sessions Judge
if the term of sentice [sic] is up to four years, otherwise to the High Court. [29c] (High
Court)
11.07
The same source added that there are also Special Courts and Tribunals to deal with
specific types of cases, which included:
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Special Courts for Trial of Offences in Banks; Special Courts for Recovery of Bank
Loans; Special courts under the Customs Act, Special Traffic Courts; Courts of Special
Juges [sic] Anti-Corruption; Commercial Courts; Drug Courts; Labour Courts; Insurance
Appellate Tribunal; Income Tax Appellate Tribunal and Services Tribunals. Appeals
from the Special Courts lie to the High Courts, except in case of Labour Courts and
Special Traffic Courts, which have separate forums of appeal. The Tribunals lie to the
Supreme Court of PakistanSteps have been taken to overcome the problems of
inordinate delays in dispensing justice and enormous cost involved in litigation- a legacy
of the past [29c] (High Court)
11.08
11.09
The government source additionally noted that there is an Ombudsman overseeing the
courts. The Wafaqi Mohtasib (Ombudsman):
is appointed by the President of Pakistan, holds office for a period of four years. He
is not eligible for any extention [sic] of tenure, or for re-appointment under any
circumstances. He is assured of security of tenure and cannot be removed from office
except on ground of misconduct or of physical or mental incapacity. Even these facts, at
his request, can be determined by the Supreme Judicial Council. Further, his office is
non-partisan and non-politicalThe chief purpose of the Wafaqi Mohtasib is to
diagnose, investigate, redress and rectify any injustice done to a person through
maladministration on the part of a Federal Agency or a Federal Government official. The
primary objective of the office is to institutionalise a system for enforcing administrative
accountability. [29c] (Wafaqi Mohtasib (Ombudsman))
11.10
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Go to sources
11.12
11.13
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11.14
Reporting on the Nizam-e-Adl Regulation (NAR Islamic law), the USSD IRF Report
2011 noted that NAR implementation has been delayed due to military operations
against militants... In January KP Chief Minister Ameer Haider Hoti inaugurated Darul
Qaza (an appellate or revision court) in Swat as a step towards full implementation of
the NAR. According to Hoti, 27,000 civil and 39,811 criminal cases were decided in
2009-10 under this law. [3p] (Section II)
11.15
The USCIRF Report 2013 noted that the NAR regulations remained in place and there
was no effort to repeal them. [53d] (p119)
11.16
The UN Committee on the Rights of the Child noted in its concluding observations to
reports submitted by Pakistan with regards to the UN Convention on the Rights of the
Child (UNCRC), dated 19 October 2009, that it was:
...concerned that the revocation of all laws, instruments, customs or usages in large
areas of NWFP and the imposition of sharia law, as set out in the Sharia Nizam-e-Adl
Regulation of 2009, does not provide adequate guarantee for the implementation of the
Convention. It is also concerned that some existing laws and regulations remain in
conflict with principles and provisions of the Convention, in particular:
(a)
(b)
The Frontier Crimes Regulation of 1901 which remains in force in the Federally
Administered Tribal Areas; and
The Zina and Hadood Ordinances, despite their revision through the Prevention
of Anti-Women Practices (Criminal Law Amendment) Act 2006. [79c]
(paragraph 10)
See also subsections on Hudood Ordinances, Qisas and Diyat Ordinances, Frontier
Crimes Regulation (FCR) and Tribal Justice system and the section on Children
11.18
The USSD Country Reports on Terrorism 2012 - Pakistan, published 30 May 2013,
stated:
Pakistan's Anti-Terrorism Courts have a high acquittal rate. Witnesses routinely recant
their statements or fail to appear because of threats against them and their families. In
June, an Anti-Terrorism Court acquitted four men accused of assisting Faisal Shahzad,
the TTP-trained militant who attempted to explode a car bomb in New York City's Times
Square in 2010, claiming a lack of evidence. The court would not accept evidence
collected by electronic surveillance. The Fair Trial Act, approved by parliament in
December, will allow evidence obtained by electronic interception and surveillance to be
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admitted as evidence in the courts system. [3r] (Chapter 2. Country Reports: South
and Central Asia Overview)
11.19
11.20
The Freedom House Freedom in the World 2013 Pakistan report, published 10 June
2013, noted that Other parts of the judicial system, such as the antiterrorism courts,
operate with limited due process rights. [5a]
11.21
The Pakistan Anti-Terrorism (Amendment) Ordinance, 1999, accessed via the South
Asia Terrorism Portal (SATP) on 24 June 2013, defines an act of terrorism and the
penalties prescribed. [61j]
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Go to sources
Under the amended Army Act civilians can now be tried in military courts for acts of
treason, sedition and less specific offenses such as giving statements conducive to
public mischief. [7b]
11.23
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the Pakistan security forces have long enjoyed impunity for serious abuses, the
amendments to the Army Act will exacerbate the problem. First, by subjecting civilians
to trial by military courts, family members of victims of military abuses will be even less
willing to come forward than ever before. Secondly, the amendment to the Army Act
making it retroactive to 2003 will permit the armed forces to claim as lawful the many
illegal detentions for which it has been responsible in recent years. Before Musharraf
dismissed Supreme Court justices and effectively took control of the Supreme Court, it
was investigating some 400 cases of disappearances. While some of these cases
concerned terrorism suspects, many involved political opponents of the government.
The Supreme Court under Chief Justice Chaudhry publicly stated that it had
overwhelming evidence that Pakistans intelligence agencies were illegally detaining
terror suspects and other opponents and repeatedly urging the authorities to free such
individuals or process them through the legal system. In response to pressure from the
Supreme Court, scores of those who disappeared were freed, but threatened with rearrest or worse if they spoke publicly of their ordeal. [7b] (Amendments to Laws
under Emergency Rule)
11.24
11.25
The Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP) annual report, the State of human
rights 2010, published 14 April 2011, (HRCP Report 2010), noted with regards to court
martials The SC [Supreme Court] ruled (July 16) that it had no jurisdiction to hear
appeals against courtmartial decisions. Two former army officers, Lt. Col Khalid Abbasi
and Lt. Col. Abdul Ghafar Babar, had petitioned the court to hear their appeals against
their removal from service following court-martial proceedings. The CJ told the
petitioners counsel that it had already been decided that appeals of military personnel
against court-martial decisions could not be heard. [27e] (p54)
The USSD Report 2012 noted that there is a separate legal system for the Federally
Administered Tribal Areas (FATA), the Frontier Crimes Regulation (FCR), which:
provide[s] the framework for law and order in FATA. The FCR has long been
criticized for several harsh and inhuman provisions, some of which were mitigated when
President Zardari amended the FCR in August 2011. Major changes in the FCR related
to banning the collective responsibility of a tribe, restricting the arbitrary nature of the
powers of political agents or district coordination officers, and granting citizens the right
to challenge the decisions of political agents in courts. A political agent who reports to
the president through the KP is responsible for implementing the FCR. In lieu of police,
multiple law enforcement entities operated in FATA. These entities included the
paramilitary Frontier Scouts, which report to the Ministry of Interior in peacetime and the
army in times of conflict; the Frontier Constabulary, which patrols the area between
FATA and KP; levies, which operate in FATA and report to the political agent;
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khassadars (hereditary tribal police), which help the political agent maintain order; and
lashkars (tribal militias), which are convened by tribal leaders to deal with temporary law
and order disturbances. [3n] (Section 1e)
11.27
11.28
Amnesty International noted in its report As If Hell Fell On Me: The Human Rights
Crisis in Northwest Pakistan, published 10 June 2010, that:
Though Part II of the Constitution of Pakistan of 1973 lists a range of fundamental
rights, Part XII explicitly excludes most or all of the legal, judicial and parliamentary
system of Pakistan from FATA; articles 247(3) of the Constitution explicitly excludes
FATA from all acts of the Pakistani parliament and Supreme Court, respectively. Instead
these areas are effectively placed under the direct executive control of the President of
Pakistan, while the Governor of the NWFP acts as the Presidents representative. The
President may make regulations with respect to the peace and good governance of
FATA and specify which laws are or are not to be extended to FATA. Adult franchise
was introduced in FATA in 1996; FATA representatives were elected on a non-party
basis not to any FATA parliamentary body but to the National Assembly where they
cannot exercise any legislative powers with regard to FATA. Interestingly, the President
of Pakistan has the authority under the Constitution (article 247(6)) to end at any time
the applicability of the FCR to any agency after consultation with a tribal jirga.
Under the FCR, the federal government effectively, the President of Pakistan
appoints a Political Agent (PA) for each FATA agency who exercises extensive
administrative, judicial and executive powers. In exercise of his judicial powers under
the FCR, on vaguely-defined grounds he can order that individuals or entire
communities be detained without trial for years at a time, seize their property, and
impose fines, all without any requirement of ordinary criminal trial. Except in the case of
procedural flaws, his decision is final: the FCR precludes appeal to any court outside
FATA, as the jurisdiction of Pakistans higher judiciary is explicitly barred under Article
247(7) of the Pakistani constitution. Under Chapter III of the FCR, the PA may consult a
Council of Elders (in practice a tribal jirga) to resolve disputes, including in criminal
cases; such jirgas are traditionally made up of at least three maliks, all men appointed
and dismissed by the PA on his subjective estimation as to whether the individual
concerned adequately serves the interests of the region [13e] (p26-27)
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11.29
The government website of the FATA, accessed 27 February 2012, stated All civil and
criminal cases in FATA are decided under the Frontier Crimes Regulation 1901 by a
jirga (council of elders). Residents of the tribal areas may, however, approach the apex
courts (Supreme Court of Pakistan and Peshawar High Court) with a constitutional writ
challenging a decision issued under the 1901 Regulation. [58a] (Administrative
system)
11.30
However, the International Crisis Group (ICG) reported that on 12 August 2011
President Zardari signed the extension of the Party Political Order (2002) to the
Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA). The ICG noted that the president also
reportedly amended the Frontier Crimes Regulation (FCR):
... to require that a prisoner be produced before the authorities within 24 hours of arrest,
and given the right to bail, something that was previously denied to tribal populations.
The president's spokesman said that FCR provisions that allow collective punishment of
an entire tribe for crimes committed by a member or on their territory, would be
softened indicating that perhaps women, children and elderly will be exempt from
the collective punishment clause, as proposed in 2009. [20a]
See also Arrest and detention legal rights
11.31
In a recent case reported in the HRCP Report 2010 The Peshawar High Court (March
11) ordered the release on bail of Moazzam Khan and Haji Wazir Khan who were being
detained in two separate cases under the collective responsibility provision of the
Frontier Crimes Regulation (FCR). The HRCP noted:
The issues framed by the court were: whether inmates of tribal area are recognized as
human beings by the constitution and as such the fundamental rights guaranteed by it
have been given to them; whether violation of such rights is amenable to the
constitutional jurisdiction of this court, whether the tribal area has been declared as
conflict zones where armed forces are acting in aid of civil administration and whether in
view of the provision contained in Article 245 of the constitution the high court can step
in if and when such rights are violated. The court came to the conclusion that it had a
constitutional obligation to step in to ensure obedience to the constitution and the law.
[27e] (p60)
See also subsections Shariat Courts (Islamic law), Tribal Justice system and Section:
Security situation
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action or make decision that infringe on human rights. The courts have taken serious
notice of these illegal decisions and nullified such verdicts.
In April 2004, Sindh High Court imposed a ban on holding jirgas in the province. In
2008, the Sindh Government issued directives to all District Police Officers to ensure a
complete ban on holding illegal jirgas and arresting those involved. Follow-up
implementation has had mixed results. Despite the verdict of the Sindh High Court there
have been reports of illegal jirgas being held in some parts of the country. [83b]
(paragraph 51-52)
11.33
The Asian Human Rights Commission, commenting on the speech made by Pakistans
foreign minister, Ms. Rabbani Khar, at the UN Human Rights Councils Universal
Periodic Review (UPR) on Pakistan, stated on 4 November 2012 that an area the
government failed to act upon was:
... the Jirgas that are held illegally and are used to humiliate, punish and control
women. No action is taken when these councils declare a couple karo-kari that leads to
honour killings. Likewise, the government does nothing to prevent the exchange of
minor girls as compensation so settle family feuds. It is evident that government
ministers and politicians are heavily involved in the running of Jirgas and have a vested
interest in allowing them to continue. This goes a long way to explain as to why the Bill
against domestic violence has been pending in parliament since 2009. [52m]
11.34
11.35
The government website of the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA), accessed
27 February 2012, stated:
FATA is divided into two administrative categories: protected areas are regions under
the direct control of the government, while non-protected areas are administered
indirectly through local tribes.
In protected areas, criminal and civil cases are decided by political officers vested with
judicial powers. After completing the necessary inquiries and investigations, cognizance
of the case is taken and a jirga is constituted with the consent of the disputing parties.
The case is then referred to the jirga, accompanied by terms of reference. The jirga
hears the parties, examines evidence, conducts further inquiries where needed, and
issues a verdict which may be split or unanimous. The political agent, or an official
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appointed by the political agent for this purpose, examines the verdict in the presence of
parties to the case and members of the jirga. If the verdict is found to be contrary to
customary law or tainted with any irregularity, the case may be remanded to the same
jirga for re-examination or the verdict may be rejected and a fresh jirga constituted.
Where the verdict is held to be in accordance with customary law and free of
irregularities, it is accepted and a decree is issued accordingly. An aggrieved party may
challenge the decree before an appellate court, and a further appeal may be lodged
with a tribunal consisting of the home secretary and law secretary of the federal or
provincial government. Once appeals are exhausted, execution of the verdict is the
responsibility of the political administration.
In non-protected areas, cases are resolved through a local jirga at the agency level.
Local mediators first intervene to achieve a truce (tiga) between parties in a criminal
case, or to obtain security (muchalga) in cash or kind for civil disputes. Thereafter,
parties must arrive at a consensus concerning the mode of settlementarbitration, riwaj
(customary law) or Shariah (Islamic law). Once the mode of settlement is agreed upon,
mediators arrange for the selection of a jirga with the consent of the parties to the case.
Where arbitration is selected, a jirga is nominated by consensus and given an open
mandate (waak), with the understanding that its decision will be accepted by all parties.
Here, the decision of the jirga cannot be challenged. In cases decided according to
customary law or the Shariah, however, an aggrieved party may challenge the jirgas
decision before another jirga of their own choice. The new jirga does not hear the case
afresh but only examines the original decision to see whether it deviates from
customary law or the Shariah. Further appeal may be referred to a third jirga and its
decision is final.
Implementation of jirga decisions in non-protected areas is the responsibility of the
tribe. The jirga may mete out punishment to an offender, imposing a heavy fine.
Occasionally, more serious measures may be taken such as expelling an individual or a
family from the area, and confiscating, destroying or setting fire to homes and property.
In such cases, the entire tribe bands together as a lashkar (army) to enforce the
decision.
While most disputes are settled internally, more serious matters may require the calling
of a larger jirga made up of maliks, elders, the political agent, members of the National
Assembly and Senate, and occasionally even representatives from neighbouring
agencies or FRs [Frontier Regions]. [58a] (Administrative System)
11.36
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11.37
The HRCP Report 2010 stated Despite repeated orders of the superior courts the
institution of the jirga survived, especially in the tribal areas and some parts of the four
provinces. The report gave some examples of jirga justice during 2010. [27e] (p61)
11.38
11.39
The USSD Report 2010 cited In specific areas noted in the Nizam-e-Adl regulation
(often informally called the Sharia law) in PATA [Provincially Administered Tribal Areas],
Sharia law is imposed, and judges, known as qazis, are assisted by religious scholars...
[3g] (Section 1e)
11.40
The Society for the Protection of the Rights of the Child report, The State of Pakistans
Children 2008, published May 2009 (SPARC Report 2008), stated that:
The jirga system is a constitutionally recognised parallel judiciary. It is operational in the
FATA and is controlled by the Frontier Crime Regulations (FCR). The Constitution of
Pakistan acknowledges these Jirgas as substitutes for the Supreme and High Courts,
meaning that the judiciary or judicial systems and the laws applicable to the rest of the
country are not available to them. Pakistan is a semi-feudal society, with powerful feudal
lords. The supreme heads of the communities (Biradaries) make their own laws, their
own system of justice (jirgas and panchayats) in which honour is perceived differently
from the formal laws. In Pakistan, the Jirga system operates at the informal level in all
the four provinces of Pakistan. Some of the features of its operation might differ from
the Jirgas in other parts of the country but the principles and structures follow the same
pattern. Its deep impact and influence is also felt in the cities, which are, extensions and
composites of the rural settings. [71c] (p36)
11.41
The Asian Human Rights Commission (AHRC) noted in its report, The State of Human
Rights in Pakistan 2008 (AHRC Report 2008), published 11 December 2008, that:
In a tribal court, witnesses and hearsay are the primary form of evidence and a verdict
often rests on the reputation or power of a witness. Women are automatically
considered sexually corrupt and their testimonies carry little weight. During a session
spectators will gather and they tend to pick a side, after which they will heckle and
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pressure the decision makers. Needless to say, the most popular verdict may not
always be a just one; it is difficult to reconcile justice with the will of an over-excited
mob. Superstition also comes into play. In certain cases defendants have been told to
walk on hot coals and if they feel and show no pain, then they are innocent... [52b]
(p16)
11.42
In its report, Pakistan: The tribal justice system, dated 30 July 2002, Amnesty
International noted:
Tribal jirgas [literally: meeting; faislo, a Sindhi term for both the meeting and the
decision; panchayat, council of elders] consisting of elders of the tribe and headed by
the sardar [head of a tribe] or, if the dispute is of less importance, local heads of the
tribe, can either be called on an ad hoc basis or take place regularly. They deal with a
range of issues, including conflicting claims to land and water, inheritance, alleged
breaches of the honour code and intra-tribal or inter-tribal killings. Many sardars or
lower tribal leaders hold regular adjudication days which are widely known and
attended by people with a variety of complaints. Sardars have no formal training in
adjudication; sardars have told Amnesty International that they had learned how to
conduct jirgas from their fathers; one sardar said, It's all in my head, there is no need to
codify it ... I have my own intelligence to tell me what is just. Others have claimed that
while not codified, the principles of tribal justice are well defined. [13b] (p7, The jirga
or faislo or panchayat system)
11.43
11.44
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11.45
The USSD Report 2012 noted that The traditional settling of family feuds in tribal areas,
particularly those involving killing, could result in giving daughters of the accused in
marriage to the bereaved. Many tribal councils instituted harsh punishments, such as
the death penalty, honor killings, or watta-satta marriages (exchange of brides
between clans or tribes). [3n] (Section 1e)
11.46
Amnesty International noted in its report As If Hell Fell On Me: The Human Rights
Crisis in Northwest Pakistan, published 10 June 2010, that:
Some of the tribunals established by the Taleban in FATA were mobile while others
permanent. Cases were often adjudicated by two qazis, or judges, appointed by the
Taleban who were supposed to be learned scholars in Shari a. In reality, locals
questioned the knowledge of the qazis; in any case, their trial procedures and
methods of punishment were lacking in any legal basis, were arbitrary, discriminatory,
and unfair, and clear abuse of the internationally-recognised human rights of those
brought before them. [13e] (p43)
11.47
The AHRC Report 2009 stated that More than 4000 people have died in Jirgasanctified murders over the last six years, and two thirds of them have been women.
Their deaths have often occurred under the most barbaric of circumstances. Many are
charged with having a relationship outside of their marriages (an often fabricated claim,)
while others are suspected of planning love marriages, as opposed to the arranged
marriages planned by their families. [52a] (p207)
See also Women: Love marriages
11.48
11.49
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mud and stones were shoveled over their bodies, according to Human Rights Watch.
[104a]
The Asian Human Rights Commission (AHRC) provided further information on the
above incident. [52d]
See also Section Women: Honour killings
Return to contents
Go to sources
Independence
11.50
The USSD Report 2012 noted The law provides for an independent judiciary, but the
judiciary often was subject to external influences, such as fear of reprisal in terrorism
cases. In nonpolitical cases the media and the public generally considered the high
courts and the Supreme Court credible. [3n] (Section 1e)
11.51
The Human Rights Commission of Pakistan stated in its report, State of Human Rights
in 2011 (HRCP Report 2011), published March 2012, that:
Administration of justice in 2011 was overshadowed by what is often described as
judiciarys activism. The matters taken up by the Supreme Court, some on being raised
by interested parties and some others in the exercise of its suo motu jurisdiction,
dominated the public debate, especially the media space, to such an extent that the
other courts and cases attracted little attention. Throughout the year it seemed as if in
addition to its normal work the countrys apex judicial forum was also functioning as an
ombudsmans office, as an administrative court, as an anti-corruption tribunal, as a
supreme investigation agency, and as the sole defender of not only the constitution but
also of public morality.
While this expanded role gained the SC immense popularity, it also raised many
questions regarding the impact of frequent and extensive invocation of suo motu powers
on the courts normal work, the difficulties in avoiding the side effects of selective
justice, and the consequences of the executive-judiciary or parliament-judiciary
confrontation. [27g] (p18-19)
11.52
The AHRC Report 2010 noted ...in some cases the government was hesitant to
implement the decisions of the Supreme Court. However, despite being in dispute with
the government at times, the judiciary asserted its independence from the executive.
[52e] (p1)
11.53
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11.54
Pakistan
The HRCP Report 2011 noted that A large number of the cases taken up by the SC on
urgent basis dealt with corruption in government offices, wrongful appointments and
transfers and governments reluctance or inability to respect court orders. Throughout
the year the executive and the judiciary appeared to be in a state of confrontation with
each other, despite repeated denials from both sides and occasional exchange of
courtesies between them. [27g] (p19)
See also Corruption and Freedom of speech and media
Fair trial
11.55
11.56
The same source added There were extensive case backlogs in the lower and superior
courts, as well as other problems that undermined the right to effective remedy and the
right to a fair and public hearing. According to Chief Justice Chaudhry, more than 1.6
million cases were pending in the district and the superior courts as of August [2012].
Delays in justice in civil and criminal cases were due to antiquated procedural rules,
weak case management systems, costly litigation, and weak legal education. [3n]
(Section 1e)
11.57
The USSD Report 2012 also noted Many lower courts remained corrupt, inefficient, and
subject to pressure from prominent wealthy, religious, and political figures. The
politicized nature of judicial promotions increased the governments control over the
court system. Unfilled judgeships and inefficient court procedures continued to result in
severe backlogs at both the trial and appellate levels. [3n] (Section 1e)
11.58
The Human Rights Watch World Report 2013, published 31 January 2013, stated
Despite the adoption of a National Judicial Policy in 2009, access to justice remained
abysmal and courts remained rife with corruption and incompetence. Case backlogs
remain huge at all levels. The judiciarys use of suo motu proceedings acting on its
own motions was considered so excessive that the International Commission of
Jurists raised concerns about it. [7i] (Judicial activism and independence)
11.59
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aid for the poor, corruption and nepotism. Parallel legal systems make it even more
challenging in terms of uniform and equal access to justice. [83c] (paragraph 37)
See also Security forces: Avenues of complaint
11.60
The Freedom House Freedom in the World 2013 Pakistan report noted that Lower
courts remain plagued by corruption, intimidation, and a backlog of more than a million
cases that results in lengthy pretrial detention. The 2009 National Judicial Policy aimed
to tackle all three problems, and appears to have had some positive effects, with
backlogs dramatically reduced in certain provinces. [5a]
11.61
11.62
With regard to cases dealt with by the National Accountability Bureau (NAB), the USSD
Report 2012 observed that Suspects may be detained for 15 days without charge
(renewable with judicial concurrence) and, prior to being charged, may be deprived of
access to counsel. During the year the NAB rarely exercised this power. All offenses
under the NAB are nonbailable, and only the NAB chairman has the power to decide
whether to release detainees. [3n] (Section 1d)
See also Corruption
11.63
The AHRC Report 2010 stated that there was no specific law concerning to witness
protection in Pakistan. The report noted Due to this and because of the overall failure of
the countrys justice system, it is a practice in the country for the witnesses to be
threatened or even murdered. Murders have happened even within the court premises.
[52e] (p22)
11.64
With regards to charges being made under the blasphemy laws, the US Commission on
International Religious Freedom Annual Report 2013 (USCIRF Report 2013), published
April 2013 and covering events from 31 January 2012 to 31 January 2013, noted:
Once a case is registered and a court hearing is scheduled, militants often pack
courtrooms and publicly threaten violence if there is an acquittal. Lawyers who have
refused to prosecute cases of alleged blasphemy or who defend those accused, as well
as judges who issue acquittals, have been harassed, threatened, and even subjected to
violence. The lack of procedural safeguards empowers accusers to use the laws to
abuse religious freedom, carry out vendettas, or gain an advantage over others in land
or business disputes or in other matters completely unrelated to blasphemy. [53d]
(p125)
See also Freedom of religion: Blasphemy laws
11.65
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Double jeopardy
11.66
Following consultation with a law firm in Pakistan, a letter dated 12 February 2008 from
the Foreign and Commonwealth Office (FCO) stated that:
We [the Pakistan law firm] have reviewed the provisions of law relating to double
jeopardy to ascertain whether any individual who has been convicted in the U.K and has
served time can be tried and sentenced for the same crime on his return to Pakistan
and would advise as:
Under Section 403 of the Criminal Procedure Code, 1898 (the Code) no person who
has once been tried by a Court of competent jurisdiction for an offence and convicted or
acquitted of such offence shall during the pendancy [sic] of the acquittal or conviction be
liable to be tried again for the same offence. However, a person so acquitted or
convicted may be tried for (a) any distinct offence for which a separate charge might
have been made i.e. where more than one offence are committed by the same person;
(b) a different offence arising out of the consequences of the act which constituted the
first offence but which consequences together with the act constitute a different offence
and (c) any other offence constituted by the same acts which constituted the first
offence but which the court which first tried him was not competent to try.
To invoke Section 403 of the Code the following conditions must be satisfied:
i) The accused has already been tried for the offence charged against him,
ii) the trial was held by a court of competent jurisdiction, and
iii) a judgment or order of acquittal or conviction has been issued. [11g]
11.67
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Penal code
11.68
For full text and recent amendments see the Pakistan Penal Code (Act XLV of 1860)
[21a]
11.71
84
The USSD IRF Report 2012 stated The countrys interpretation of Islamic law allows
offenders to offer monetary restitution to victims and allows victims to carry out physical
retribution rather than seeking punishment through the court system. [3k] (Section II)
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11.72
Pakistan
The USSD Report 2010 observed, however, that although the Criminal Law
(Amendment) Act 2005 had increased the penalties for karo kari and other forms of
honour killings, ... human rights groups criticized the act because it allows the victim or
the victim's heirs to negotiate physical or monetary restitution with the perpetrator in
exchange for dropping charges, known as qisas and diyat. [3g] (Section 1e)
See also above sub-sections Shariat Courts (Islamic law) and Tribal Justice System and
Women: Honour killings
Blasphemy Laws
11.73
The USSD IRF Report 2012 observed that Freedom of speech is subject to
reasonable restrictions in the interest of the glory of Islam, as stipulated in sections
295(a), (b), and (c) of the penal code. The consequences for contravening the countrys
blasphemy laws are death for defiling Prophet Muhammad; life imprisonment for
defiling, damaging, or desecrating the Quran; and 10 years imprisonment for
insulting anothers religious feelings. [3k] (Section II)
11.74
19.75
The USCIRF Report 2011 noted with regards to attempts to reform the blasphemy laws:
In November 2010, Sherry Rahman, a PPP parliamentarian, tabled a bill reforming the
blasphemy laws. Rahmans amendments would have: removed the death penalty and
ensured that punishments are proportionate; included the requirement of premeditation
or intent; ensured that anyone making false or frivolous accusations is penalized; and
amended the penal code in accordance with Article 20 of the International Covenant on
Civil and Political Rights to make any advocacy of religious hatred that constitutes
incitement to discrimination or violence a punishable offence. However, her party did not
support the bill and Rahman received numerous death threats. Other quarters of the
political spectrum also expressed support for some reform. In December 2010, the
Council of Islamic Ideology, a government-sponsored advisory board, recommended
that the blasphemy law be amended to prevent its misuse against any individuals
irrespective of their religion, but opposed removing the death penalty.
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After the murders of Governor Taseer and Minister Bhatti, Prime Minister Gilani and
other PPP officials stated that reform was no longer being considered. Since the killings,
the Prime Minister has repeatedly stated that the government will not permit abuse, but
that it has no plans to amend the law. Sherry Rahman was successfully pressured to
withdraw her legislation and is rarely seen in public. [53b] (p116)
11.76
The Asian Human Rights Commission (AHRC) stated in its report, The State of Human
Rights in Pakistan in 2011 (AHRC Report 2011), published 10 December 2011, that the
judge of an Anti-terrorist court who awarded the death sentence to the killer of Punjab
governor, Salman Taseer, was forced to flee Pakistan after receiving threats from
lawyers and religious fundamentalists in protest of his judgement made against Mumtaz
Qadri. [52g] (p44)
11.77
The HRCP Report 2011 stated that Violence and intimidation of those accused of
blasphemy continued as the government distanced itself from any move to reform the
relevant law and surrendered space to extremist elements. [27g] (p82)
For full text and recent amendments see the Pakistan Penal Code (Act XLV of 1860)
[21a] For detail on the provisions of the laws and their impact on various religious
groups, and further information on the deaths of Salman Taseer and Shahbaz Bhatti,
see Section: Freedom of Religion: Blasphemy Laws and Christians
Return to contents
Go to sources
Hudood Ordinances
11.78
The Freedom House Freedom in the World 2013 Pakistan report noted that The
Sharia court enforces the 1979 Hudood Ordinances, which criminalize extramarital sex
and several alcohol, gambling, and property offenses. They provide for Koranic
punishments, including death by stoning for adultery, as well as jail terms and fines. In
part because of strict evidentiary standards, authorities have never carried out the
Koranic punishments. [5a]
11.79
The United States Commission on International Religious Freedom cited in its Annual
Report 2013 (USCIRF Report 2013), published April 2013, that:
The Hudood laws apply to Muslims and non-Muslims alike... In 2006, the Protection of
Women Act removed the crime of rape from the sphere of the Hudood Ordinances and
put it under the penal code, thereby eliminating the requirement that a rape victim
produce four male witnesses to prove the crime. Under the law, convictions for rape
must be based on forensic and circumstantial evidence. The Act also prohibited a case
of rape from being converted into a case of fornication or adultery, which had been
possible under the Hudood laws. Marital rape once again was made a criminal offense,
as it had been prior to the 1979 implementation of the Hudood laws. However, an
offense of fornication was included in the penal code, punishable by imprisonment for
up to five years. In 2010, the Federal Shariat Court ruled that key sections of the 2006
law were unconstitutional and un-Islamic, which threatened to undermine these reforms
entirely. The federal government has taken no action to implement the ruling. [53d]
(p127)
11.80
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4. Zina:
A man and a woman are said to commit Zina if they wilfully have sexual intercourse
without being married to each other. Explanation: Penetration is sufficient to constitute
the sexual intercourse necessary to the offence of Zina.
5. Zina liable to hadd:
(1) Zina is zina liable to hadd if(a) it is committed by a man who is an adult and is not insane with a woman to whom he
is not, and does not suspect himself to be married; or
(b) it is committed by a woman who is an adult and is not insane with a man to whom
she is not, and does not suspect herself to be, married.
(2) Whoever is guilty of Zina liable to hadd shall, subject to the provisions of this
Ordinance, (a) if he or she is a muhsan, be stoned to death at a public place; or
(b) if he or she is not muhsan, be punished, at a public place; with whipping numbering
one hundred stripes. [21b]
11.81
11.82
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provides that anyone who brings or gives false evidence of fornication shall be punished
with imprisonment up to five years and a fine of up to 10,000 Rupees. Very importantly,
once a prosecution for fornication results in an acquittal, the trial judge can, in the same
proceedings, try and sentence the person bringing the charge.
The offence of adultery is the only offence retained by the Zina Ordinance itself. It is an
offence for anyone to make a false accusation of adultery. The punishment for the
offence follows the punishment of fornication in the penal code. A new definition of
confessions has been added to the Ordinance. The new definition serves to prevent
women being placed in the invidious position of having been deemed to have
confessed to Zina when they brought an accusation of rape before the court, which the
court found unproven. [118a] (p5)
11.83
11.84
The Human Rights Commission of Pakistan noted in its report, the State of Human
Rights in 2008 (HRCP Report 2008), published 1 April 2009, that In order to award the
Hadd punishment, the evidence of a non-Muslim can only be accepted if the accused
is also non-Muslim. In addition, Muslims are liable for stricter penal sanctions than nonMuslims for the same crime e.g. Hadd for rape and zina. Muslims can be stoned to
death, while non-Muslims receive 100 lashes. So far, though, Hadd punishment has not
been carried out against anyone. [27a] (p73, Freedom of thought, conscience and
religion)
11.85
On the release of women imprisoned under the Hudood Ordinance, the USSD IRF
Report 2009 stated that Approximately 2,500 women have been released Many were
unable to return to their homes because of social ostracism. A few others remained in
custody, and most were housed in government-run shelters. The women, who were
arrested under the Hudood Ordinance on charges of fornication, adultery, and
possession of liquor, are now having their cases heard under the Women's Protection
Bill. [3c] (Section II)
See also Section: Freedom of Religion: Hudood Ordinances, and Section: Women:
Womens Protection Act
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The United States Department of State Country Report on Human Rights Practices
2012 (USSD Report 2012), published 19 April 2013, stated that:
A First Information Report (FIR) is the legal basis for any arrest. Police ability to initiate
an FIR is limited; however, for certain crimes the police may initiate an FIR. Often a
different party must file the FIR, depending on the type of crime, irrespective of whether
there is reasonable proof of a crime. An FIR allows police to detain a suspect for 24
hours, after which a magistrate can order detention for an additional 14 days if police
show that the detention is material to the investigation. Some authorities did not observe
these limits on detention. There were reports that authorities filed FIRs without
supporting evidence to harass or intimidate detainees or did not file them when
adequate evidence was provided unless the complainant paid a bribe.
There were reports that some police detained individuals arbitrarily without charge or
on false charges to extort bribes for their release. There were reports that some police
also detained relatives of wanted individuals to compel suspects to surrender.
Police routinely did not seek a magistrates approval for investigative detention and
often held detainees without charge until a court challenged the detention. When
requested, magistrates approved investigative detention without requiring further
justification. In cases of insufficient evidence, police and magistrates sometimes
colluded to issue new FIRs, thereby extending detention beyond the 14-day period.
[3n] (Section 1d)
12.02
The Citizens Police Liaison Committee (CPLC) of Pakistan noted on its website,
accessed 14 March 2011, that a First Information Report (FIR):
...is a written document prepared by the police when they receive information about the
commission of a cognizable offence. It is a report of information that reaches the police
first in point of time and that is why it is called the First Information Report. It is generally
a complaint lodged with the police by the victim of a cognizable offence or by someone
on his/her behalf. Anyone can report the commission of a cognizable offence either
orally or in writing to the police. Even a telephonic message can be treated as an FIR. It
is a duty of police to register FIR without any delay or excuses. Non-registration of FIR
is an offence and can be a ground for disciplinary action against the concerned police
officer. [121a]
12.03
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The Free and Fair Election Network (FAFEN), a network of 42 civil society organisations
working to foster democratic accountabilities in Pakistan, stated in a press release
dated 20 February 2012, that FAFEN observers visited 131 police stations in 71 districts
of the Punjab, Sindh and Islamabad Captial Territory (ICT) during October and
December 2011. The report noted that people at 22 per cent of the monitored police
stations stated they had to pay bribes for registering First Information Reports. [130b]
12.05
12.06
On the same subject, the IRB recorded that in correspondence with a Lahore-based
lawyer on 6 October 2010, the lawyer stated:
[T]here is no national system to track FIRs, and there is no systematic coordination
between various police organisations at inter-provincial level or inter-organisation level.
Police officers in one district will not be able to know about the FIRs registered
elsewhere unless a circular is issued intimating them of offence and suspects. So,
unless police is really after the accused, and get orders to search and seize in other
districts or provinces the accused may remain at large. [12q]
12.07
The IRB noted that in connection with terrorist-related cases, the same lawyer added:
[I]n many terrorism cases (suicide bomb attacks etc.) news of the incident spreads like
fire in the jungle. Concerned police often releases sketches of the suspects. Further, in
many terrorism cases if [a] FIR is registered against certain recognisable/named
person(s) that information should travel beyond the originating district but the police are
not efficient, or well resourced. So there can be many lapses even in serious cases.
[T]errorism cases are treated more seriously, so to say. And I believe information on
terrorism suspects is circulated in other districts of the same province or other provinces
more often and quickly. But this does not necessarily mean this is done diligently and
efficiently in every case. [12q]
See also Judiciary: Anti-terrorism Act and courts
12.08
The IRB continued, with regard to the acquisition of a passport when a FIR had been
issued, that:
The HRCP Representative explained that, since the registration of FIRs by police is a
provincial responsibility and passports are issued by the national government, even a
person that was the accused in multiple FIRs would not be barred from obtaining a
passport unless the central government had specifically ordered that a passport not be
issued to him or her... The Lawyer likewise stated that, if the accused remains at large,
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On the subject of exit control in Pakistan, the IRB noted in a Response to Information
Request dated 19 November 2007 that, following correspondence with a Karachi-based
lawyer on 31 October 2007 ... Pakistani citizens who have an FIR [sic] registered
against them can still leave Pakistan, and he added that the lodging of [a] FIR by itself
does not automatically stop a person from leaving Pakistan. Many FIRs are baseless,
bogus and lodged to harass ... opponents but ultimately found frivolous and dismissed.
[12l]
See also Exit and return: Passports and Exit Control List (ECL)
12.10
The International Crisis Group (ICG) reported that on 12 August 2011 President Zardari
signed the extension of the Party Political Order (2002) to the Federally Administered
Tribal Areas (FATA). The ICG noted that the president also reportedly amended the
Frontier Crimes Regulation (FCR):
... to require that a prisoner be produced before the authorities within 24 hours of arrest,
and given the right to bail, something that was previously denied to tribal populations.
The president's spokesman said that FCR provisions that allow collective punishment of
an entire tribe for crimes committed by a member or on their territory, would be
softened indicating that perhaps women, children and elderly will be exempt from the
collective punishment clause, as proposed in 2009. [20a]
See also Judiciary: Frontier Crimes Regulation (FCR)
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12.12
9 August 2013
12.13
The USSD Country Reports on Terrorism 2011, published 31July 2012, stated:
In June, President Zardari signed the Action in Aid of Civil Power Regulation, 2011,
which provides a new framework for the detention of insurgents in the Federally and
Provincially Administered Tribal Areas. The regulation provides a legal framework for
security forces to take, hold, and process detainees captured during conflict. Human
rights organizations have criticized the regulation because it gives broad powers to the
Pakistan military and these groups allege it is inconsistent with Pakistan's international
human rights obligations. However, the Regulation establishes a legal framework that
did not previously exist, and provides for detainee transfer to civilian custody for
potential prosecution under Pakistan's criminal law. Media reports indicated that
Pakistani authorities began implementing the regulation in November and that some
transfer of detainees from military to civilian custody began before year's end.
[3o](Chatper 2. Country reports: South and Central Asia overview)
12.14
The Human Rights Commission of Pakistan noted in its report, State of Human Rights
2009 (HRCP Report 2009), published February 2010, that:
The Supreme Court (CJ [Chief Justice] and five judges) ruled that the prison term of a
convict who was allowed the benefit of section 382-B CrPC [Criminal Code of
Procedure 382B - Period of detention to be considered while awarding sentence of
imprisonment] should be counted from his day of arrest and not from the date of
conviction. The court observed that the pre-sentence period a convict spent in prison
should not go unaccounted for. It ruled that refusal to allow remission of pre-sentence
custody period to a convict, whom the court had granted the benefit of section 382-B
CrPC, was tantamount to deprivation of his liberty within the contemplation of the
constitution. [27c] (p41)
12.15
The HRCP Report 2011 noted with regards to pre-trial detainees that:
As in earlier years, much of the prison population comprised [of] under-trial prisoners.
The preference for custodial sentences swelled prisoners numbers as many remained
jailed for the sole reason that they could not afford to pay the small fines that stood in
the way of their release... In overcrowded jails it was next to impossible to keep
convicted hardened criminals and under-trials or first-time offenders separate... (p60) In
April, the president signed into law a bill that entitled under-trial prisoners to statutory
bail if they were charged with any offence that was not punishable by death and had
been in detention for one year. [27g] (p61)
12.16
92
The same source added As many as 65 percent (35,215) of the prison inmates in
Punjab were yet to be convicted and were detained under trial... As many as 10,865
inmates in the prisons in Sindh were under trial. [27g] (p62)
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9 August 2013
12.17
Pakistan
Convictions in absentia
12.18
The Daily Times noted in an article dated 8 June 2010 that The government contended
that convictions in absentia had no place in the Pakistani law, adding that it had been a
settled principle of the countrys laws since the inception of the state. Conviction in
absentia is contrary to Article 10-A of the constitution, which provides that a person shall
be entitled to a fair trial and due process... [55f]
12.19
The US Department of State Country Report on Human Rights Practices 2012 (USSD
Report 2012), published 19 April 2013, stated that:
Prison conditions often were extremely poor and failed to meet international standards.
Police sometimes tortured and mistreated those in custody and, at times, killed
prisoners inside police facilities. Overcrowding was common, except for the cells of
wealthy or influential prisoners. Provincial governments were the primary managers of
prisons and detention centers. Human rights groups that surveyed prison conditions
found sexual abuse, torture, and prolonged detention prevalent. The groups said that
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The Foreign Prisoner Support Service, dated 24 June 2004, noted in its profile on
Prisons and Prisoners in Pakistan Prisons, undated, that Prisons are not salubrious
places. The common criminal from a poor background is assigned to Class C
confinement, with virtually no amenities. Abuse is common. Prisoners of higher social
status are assigned to Class B prisons, where conditions are better, and they can
procure better food and some amenities from their own pocket. Class A prisons are for
prominent offenders. Conjugal visits are not the rule but are allowed in some cases.
[105] See paragraph 13.14 for further information on prisoners conjugal rights.
13.03
The Human Rights Commission of Pakistan noted in its annual report, the State of
Human Rights in 2012 (HRCP Report 2012), published March 2013, that:
Pakistans prisons continued to be charactrised by overcrowding, a very high proportion
of detainees being held in captivity often even before their trial had commenced, and
reports of corruption to secure even basic needs. The common complaints remained the
behaviour of prison staff, quality of food and water given to detainees, sanitation and
lack of access to adequate healthcare. Besides detention in cramped conditions, family
visits remained an ordeal. Little attention was paid to arranging recreational and positive
activities for the detainees. The long-promised conjugal visits for the prisoners did not
materalise. [27b] (p71)
13.04
The HRCP Report 2012 stated that, despite a prison capacity of 44,578, there were a
total of 75,444 detainees held in Pakistans prisons. Of that number, 49,582 were under
trial. [27b] (p73)
13.05
The HRCP Report 2012 provided a breakdown of the numbers of prisoners in Pakistan,
along with the sanctioned capacity of the detention facilities in each province:
According to statistics provided by prison authorities, every province/region, with the
exception of Gilgit Baltistan, prisons held detainees in excess of authorized capacity at
the end of 2012. In Punjab there were 49,889 prisoners while the authorized capacity
was 21,527. In Sindh they numbered 14,119 against the sanctioned capacity of 11,937.
In Khyber Pakhtunkhwa the capacity was 7,996 and the prisons housed 8,113
detainees, in Balochistan prisons held 2,483 prisoners against the capacity for 2,473. In
Gilgit Baltistan, the prisons held 260 and had the capacity to hold 645. [27b] (p72)
13.06
The same source provided a tabulated breakdown of the prisons and number of
prisoners in Pakistan. [27b] (p82-86)
13.07
On the monitoring of prisons and prisoners, the USSD Report 2012 noted that:
The ICRC [International Committee of the Red Cross] reported great difficulty in
accessing detention sites, in particular those holding security-related detainees. In 2010
the ICRC suspended prison visits in Punjab because it could no longer have regular
access to detainees in that region, and at the end of January it closed its offices in
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Lahore. In August the ICRC published a news release indicating it would continue to
work in the country but on a reduced scale, reducing staff by approximately 75 percent
and its operating locations from 10 to two. The announcement came three months after
the killing of the ICRC health program manager in Quetta.
Despite dialogue with the government, authorities did not authorize ICRC visits to any
detention sites in the provinces most affected by violence KP, FATA, and Balochistan.
However, the governments of Sindh, Gilgit-Baltistan, and Pakistan-administered
Kashmir permitted the ICRC to conduct independent monitoring in civil prisons. ICRC
delegates made confidential reports on their findings, offered recommendations to
authorities, and, where relevant, initiated water-sanitation improvement projects.
Authorities at the local, provincial, and national levels permitted some human rights
groups and journalists to monitor prison conditions for juveniles and female inmates.
[3n] (Section 1c)
13.08
The Freedom House report Freedom in the World 2013 Pakistan, published 10 June
2013, stated:
Feudal landlords, tribal groups, and some militant groups operate private jails where
detainees are regularly maltreated. While a number of cases are investigated and some
prosecutions do occur, impunity for human rights abuses remains the norm. In a
positive step, in May 2012 Zardari authorized the creation of an independent National
Human Rights Commission, which would be empowered to monitor human rights
conditions, investigate cases of violations, and provide recommendations to the
government. However, critics raised concern that the new body would not be able to
address violations committed by the military or intelligence agencies. [5a]
13.09
13.10
The US Department of State International Religious Freedom Report for 2012 (USSD
IRF Report 2012), published 20 May 2013, cited that:
Police reportedly tortured and abused persons in custody on religious charges.
According to the local NGO Center for Legal Aid Assistance and Settlement (CLAAS), in
October, guards at the Central Jail in Mianwali allegedly tortured Younis Masih, who has
been imprisoned since his 2005 death sentence for blasphemy. Masih claimed that
prison authorities beat him, deprived him of proper food and medical attention, and
subsequently charged him with inciting a riot in the prison. Masihs appeal of his death
sentence remained pending at years end. [3k] (Section II: Abuses of Religious
Freedom)
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13.11
The HRCP Report 2011 recorded that The high incidence of death among inmates
continued and at least 92 detainees died in prisons across Pakistan in 2011. At least 99
prisoners were reported to have been injured. [27g] (p61)
13.12
Regarding religious freedom in prison, the HRCP Report 2009, published February
2010, stated that:
During the visits, the HRCP teams found that Muslim prisoners were generally
facilitated with regard to their religious practices. It was learned that there are 25
mosques at Karachi Central Prison. Though non-Muslim prisoners were generally
allowed worship in accordance with their religious beliefs there was no specific place of
worship for them at any of the prisons visited. Jails authorities had no provision or
instructions to cater to dietary needs of religious minorities. However, the HRCP
reported that some prison staff catered to prisoners needs out of goodwill. [27c] (p92)
13.13
The same report noted that In January [2009], Adiala jail became the first prison in the
country to have a church on its premises. The jail authorities had provided land for the
church and the local Christian community provided the Rs [Rupees] 1.2 million needed
for constructing the building for around 250 Christian prisoners in the jail. [27c] (p99)
See also Section: Christians
13.14
The HRCP Report 2011 stated Decisions such as keeping death-row prisoners out of
death cells and allowing conjugal visits were not implemented. Death row prisoners in
Peshawars Central Prison threatened a hunger strike till death if the authorities did not
shift them from the death cells to other barracks, as was required under a law passed in
2010. [27g] (p62)
13.15
With regards to female prisoners, the HRCP Report 2011 recorded at least 991 women
detainees in prisons across Punjab, Sindh and Balochistan. At least 28 of those women
were on death row. [27g] (p62)
For information on prison conditions for children see: Children, subsection Judicial and
penal rights
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96
Pakistan retains the death penalty for ordinary crimes (Amnesty International, Death
Penalty: Abolitionist and Retentionist Countries, accessed 18 November 2010) [13c],
including murder, blasphemy, arms trading, drug trafficking, armed robbery, stripping a
woman of her clothes in public, extra-marital sex and rape. (Human Rights Watch,
Enforcing the International Prohibition on the Juvenile Death Penalty, 30 May 2008)
[7d] (p16) The US Department of State Country Report on Human Rights Practices
2009, Pakistan, (USSD Report 2009), published 11 March 2010, added The penal code
calls for the death sentence or life imprisonment for anyone who blasphemes the
Prophet Muhammad. [3b] (Section 2c)
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9 August 2013
14.02
Pakistan
The Human Rights Commission of Pakistan noted in its report, the State of Human
Rights in 2012 (HRCP Report 2012), published March 2013, that:
The government maintained its informal moratorium on execution of capital punishment
throughout the year except for the hanging in November of one Mohammad Hussain, a
former army man who had been awarded death sentence by a court martial for
murdering an army officer... During the year, 242 people (only one woman among them)
were awarded death sentence in 169 cases, showing a continuing decline in such
convictions 32% less than the 2010 figure of 356 and 22.7% less than the 2011 figure
of 313. [27b] (p54)
14.03
Pakistans first execution in four years took place on 15 November 2012. Soldier
Muhammed Hussain was hanged for the killing of a superior officer and two others.
Government officials told Amnesty International that the execution runs against the
grain of current policy because it was a military case. More than 8,313 people remain
on death row in Pakistan. [13l] (Amnesty International, 15 November 2012)
14.04
The FCO noted in its quarterly update on Pakistan, dated 30 September 2012, that:
Behram Khan, who was sentenced for murdering a lawyer by an Anti-Terrorism Court
in 2003, had been due to be hanged on 30 June 2012, following a stay of execution
from 23 May, but was given a further stay of execution until 30 September. His
execution would have been the first since 2008, when a de facto moratorium on the
death penalty took effect. In July, the Sindh High Court announced a moratorium on the
death penalty until at least the end of the current governments term of office (due to
expire in March 2013). [11b] The country of origin information service could find no
information to indicate that Behram Khans execution actually took place.
14.05
The USSD Report 2009 stated In August [2009] President Zardari issued a decree
making Internet crimes punishable by execution or life imprisonment if they caused the
death of a person; the decree raised the total number of capital offenses to 28. [3b]
(Section 1c)
14.06
14.07
On 12 August 2011, BBC News reported that a paramilitary soldier convicted of killing
an unarmed teenager in Karachi, in June 2011, was sentenced to death. Six other
people were sentenced to life imprisonment for their involvement in the killing. [35i]
See also Security forces: Extrajudicial killings
14.08
The USSD Report 2010 observed On October 11, the HRCP criticized the torture and
humiliation of several death row prisoners at the Singh District prison. Three prisoners
allegedly were stripped naked and were not allowed to urinate for hours, despite being
forced to drink several liters of water. The HRCP brought this incident to the attention of
the Punjab prison chief but never received a response. [3g] (Section 1c)
14.09
Reporting on the more than 8,000 prisoners facing the death sentence, the Asian
Human Rights Commission (AHRC) reported on 15 March 2011 that some have been
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97
Pakistan
9 August 2013
on death row for 20 years. Despite the number having risen from 5,447 in 2005 there
has been no increase in the capacity of Pakistans prisons. [52c]
14.10
The Asian Human Rights Commission report, The State of Human Rights in Pakistan:
2010 (AHRC Report 2010), published February 2010, added that the Pakistan
government ...has been unable to commute these death sentences because of strong
resistance from powerful groups such as the higher judiciary and the military. [52e] (p1)
14.11
Amnesty International (AI) noted in its annual Report 2010, published 28 May 2010,
that:
Promises made in 2008 to commute all death sentences to life imprisonment remained
unfulfilled. In September [2009], President Zardari called on provincial governments to
submit recommendations on commuting the death penalty to prison terms of 24 to 30
years. On 31 August, the Supreme Court suspended an order passed by the Lahore
High Court in April under which death sentences would not be imposed on women and
juveniles in narcotics cases. [13d] (p253, Death penalty)
14.12
14.13
The Human Rights Commission of Pakistan noted in its report, State of Human Rights
in 2009 (HRCP Report 2009), published February 2010, that:
On April 21, the Shariat Appellate Bench of the Supreme Court rejected an appeal
against the Federal Shariat Court [FSC] judgement that had held that death was the
only punishment for blasphemy. The appeal had been filed 18 years earlier. The Shariat
Appellate bench of the Supreme Court upheld the FSC verdict to the effect that in
Hudood cases the President/Governor had no authority to commute or cancel
sentences and dismissed Federations 18-year old appal [sic]. [27c] (p46)
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9 August 2013
Pakistan
independent candidates, in the elections to the national and provincial assemblies. Out
of these only 15 to 20 parties are expected to draw attention. [36a]
The US Department of State Country Report on Human Rights Practices 2012 (USSD
Report 2012), published 19 April 2013, noted that:
The law provides the majority of citizens with the right to change their government
peacefully. The country held national and provincial elections in 2008 that brought
opposition parties to power. Gilgit-Baltistan, Azad Kashmir, and FATA have different
political systems. Of these, only FATA had representation in the national parliament.
Residents of FATA are represented in the national parliament but do not have a voice
in federal decision making over the tribal areas, an authority that belongs to the
president. Tribal residents do not have the right to change their local government,
because unelected civilian bureaucrats nominally ran the tribal agencies. The elected
councils in FATA, set up in 2007 to provide local representation within the tribal areas,
did not have an active role in governing the tribal areas. In August 2011 President
Zardari signed the Extension of the Political Parties Order 2002 to the Tribal Areas.
Through this decree the government allows political parties to operate freely in FATA.
Azad Kashmir has an interim constitution, an elected unicameral assembly, a prime
minister, and a president, who is elected by the assembly. Both the president and
legislators serve five-year terms. Of the 49 assembly seats, 41 are filled through direct
elections and eight are reserved seats (five for women and one each for representatives
of overseas Kashmiris, technocrats, and religious leaders). However, the federal
government exercised considerable control over the structures of government and
electoral politics. Its approval is required to pass legislation, and the federal minister for
Kashmir affairs exercised significant influence over daily administration and the budget.
The Kashmir Council, composed of federal officials and Kashmiri assembly members
and chaired by the federal prime minister, also holds some executive, legislative, and
judicial powers. The military retains a guiding role on issues of politics and governance.
Those who do not support Azad Kashmirs accession to Pakistan were barred from the
political process, government employment, and educational institutions. They also were
subject to surveillance, harassment, and sometimes imprisonment by security services.
[3n] (Section 3)
15.03
The Human Rights Commission of Pakistan observed in its report, the State of Human
Rights in 2011 (HRCP Report 2011), published March 2012, that:
In August, the president extended the Political Parties Act to the Federally Administered
Tribal Areas (FATA), enabling political parties to formally engage in political activities in
the region and to nominate candidates to contest elections. HRCP welcomed the
extension of the law to FATA but considered more steps needed to be taken to facilitate
political activities, especially a mechanism to ensure implementation of fundamental
rights such as the right to association, to freedom of expression and to access
information. Enforcement of these rights was at the whim of the local administration as
FATAwas outside the jurisdiction of the higher judiciary in Pakistan. [27g] (p145)
See also Judiciary: Frontier Crimes Regulation (FCR)
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Pakistan
15.04
9 August 2013
The US Department of States International Religious Freedom Report for 2011 (USSD
IRF Report 2011), published 30 July 2012, stated that:
Religious belief or specific adherence to a religious group was not required for
membership in the ruling party or the moderate opposition parties. All political parties,
including religious parties, had a separate minority wing, and some of the religious
parties provided seats to religious minorities in provincial assemblies after the 2008
general elections. The government did not restrict the formation of political parties
based on a particular religious group, religious belief, or interpretation of religious
doctrine. The government monitored the activities of various Islamist parties and
affiliated clergy due to alleged links to terrorist and extremist organizations...
15.05
15.06
15.07
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country's second-ever female governor of a province; however, she died from cancer on
September 15. [3g] (Section 3)
See Political system and Freedom of speech and media
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The USSD Report 2012 noted that The law provides for freedom of assembly and
freedom of association, subject to restrictions. [3n] (Section 2b)
15.09
15.10
The Human Rights Commission of Pakistan noted in its annual report, State of Human
Rights in 2012 (HRCP Report 2012), published March 2013, that:
Protests, both violent and peaceful, were rife in the country throughout 2012. Large
number of people typically gathered at public places and blocked important roads to
protest issues of concern, including electricity shortages, absence of fuel or increase in
its price, inflation, lawlessness, drone attacks in the tribal regions of Pakistan, alleged
desecration of the Holy Quran by a pastor in the US and the release of content on the
internet that was considered blasphemous. Political parties, including one ruling in the
Punjab, also held rallies against load-shedding and inflation, shifting the blame on the
federal government in the centre. The Punjab chief minister also joined a demonstration
in the city of Lahore to protest against prolonged load-shedding.
Bans were imposed to curtail protests in the name of public order, although sometimes
groups of citizens and political parties disregarded the bans. Through the course of the
year protestors were arrested, beaten and even detained for peaceful assembly,
ostensibly for holding up traffic by protesting on the roads. [27b] (p132-133)
15.11
The HRCP Report 2012 provided a number of examples of people exercising their right
to assemble, as well as curbs those rights, during 2012. [27b] (p134-139)
15.12
On freedom of association, the USSD Report 2012 noted The constitution provides for
the right of association subject to restrictions imposed by law. According to the nowdissolved Ministry of Social Welfare and Special Education, there were more than
100,000 NGOs [non-governmental organisations] working in the country; however, due
to the fragmented legal and regulatory framework, the exact number of NGOs was not
known. [3n] (Section 2b)
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Pakistan
15.13
9 August 2013
The HRCP Report 2012 stated Some of the restrictions on formation of trade unions in
2012 amounted to undue constraints on the freedom to associate. These included the
legal provision barring formation of trade unions in establishments with 50 workers or
less in Punjab and 20 or less workers in other provinces. Informal workers and those
who worked full-time but lacked the proof of employment were also ineligible to form
trade unions. [27b] (p142)
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Go to sources
15.15
The HRCP Report 2011 added While legitimate political, student and workers
organisations faced difficulty in operating, the banned militant groups demonstrated
their resilience and the governments inability to enforce the ban on them. [27g] (p126)
15.16
102
The South Asia Terrorism Portal (SATP) stated in its Pakistan Assessment 2012,
accessed 21 March 2012, regarding target killings, that:
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9 August 2013
Pakistan
In a summary of the publication Conflict dynamics in Karachi, dated October 2012, the
United States Institute of Peace (USIP) reported:
Violence in Karachi, Pakistans largest city, is multifaceted. Different types of violence
including ethnopolitical, militant, sectarian, and criminal have claimed more than 7,000
lives since 2008...
The armed wings of major political parties, including the MQM, PPP, and ANP, are the
main perpetrators of urban violence. The parties clash over city resources and funds
generated through extortion.
Historically, Karachis ethnopolitical violence has pitted Urdu-speaking mohajirs
(migrants) of the MQM against Pashtuns represented by the ANP. But clashes between
the rural, Sindh-based PPP and Karachi-centric MQM are increasing as part of a
broader power struggle between the city- and provincial-level governments.
Militant groups, including the Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) and extremist sectarian
organizations, have consolidated their presence in the city. In addition to drawing new
recruits and generating funds through criminal activities, militants increasingly attack
state and security targets in Karachi.
State initiatives to stem violence are superficial and ad hoc, and routinely fail to address
the underlying causes of Karachis violence, including poor urban planning, politicization
of the police, proliferating seminary networks, and a flawed criminal justice system.
High-level interventions by the Pakistan Army and Supreme Court have helped
tempo-rarily disrupt cycles of violence but do not offer sustainable solutions to Karachis
violent politics. [140a]
15.19
On 15 July 2013 the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP) expressed its
concern at the steep rise in killings in Karachi during the first six months of 2013. The
statistics, based on newspaper reports, cited the deaths of 1,726 people killed in
sectarian violence, targeted killings and other incidences of violence. During the same
period in 2012, 1,215 violent deaths were recorded. [27i]
15.20
The HRCP Report 2012 reported on the law and order situation in Karachi and noted:
Media reports highlighted that on average at least six people were being killed each
day in Karachi alone. Political affiliations of victims were suspected to be the cause of
their targeting. No political parties were spared though; round 61 of the dead belonged
to Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM), 18 to Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP), 19 to
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Pakistan
9 August 2013
The Asian Human Rights Commission (AHRC) noted in its report, The State of Human
Rights in Pakistan in 2011 (AHRC Report 2011), published 10 December 2011, that
1,800 people were killed in Sindh provinces capital, Karachi, in fighting between the
ruling parties and in targeted killings. The report added that only following the Supreme
Courts intervention the killings in Karachi were controlled. [52g] (p38)
15.22
In its analysis of the security situation in Karachi, BBC News reported on 8 July 2011:
Karachi is arguably one of South Asia's most violent cities. It is not only the largest city
and port of Pakistan, but also a major industrial and commercial centre.
The city is plagued by extortion rackets, land-grab mafia and armed groups fighting turf
wars for their share of its resources. The level of violence this week has not been seen
for years. Targeted killings and drive-by shootings are widely blamed on armed gangs
linked to the city's main political parties.
There were always fears that with last week's resignation from the government by the
city's main political party - the MQM [Muttahida Qaumi Movement] - increased violence
and instability would bring Pakistan's economic capital to a grinding halt. [35i]
15.23
The South Asia Terrorism Portal (SATP) reported in its South Asia Intelligence Review
(SAIR), dated 11 July 2011: The current spate of killings in Karachi principally resulted
from clashes between MQM and PPPs [Pakistan Peoples Party] ally, Awami National
Party (ANP), drawing a line of blood between the 45 per cent of Urdu speaking Mohajirs
in the city, on whose behalf the MQM claims to act; and the ANP, representing the
citys 25 per cent Pashtun population. [The remaining 30 per cent comprise Punjabis,
Sindhis, Balochs, etc.] [61f] (Volume 10, No. 1)
15.24
The Economist Intelligence Unit (EIU) stated, in its April 2012 Country Report on
Pakistan, that:
Much of the violence stems from tensions between the MQM, which derives most its
support from the descendants of generally Urdu-speaking Muslims who migrated from
what is now India after partition in 1947, and the Awami National Party (ANP), which
represents ethnic-Pashtun migrants. In recent years Karachi's precarious ethnic
balance has been affected by the arrival of tens of thousands of Pashtuns displaced by
conflict in Pakistan's Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA), attracted by better
economic opportunities or forced out of parts of the country affected by flooding in 201011. [2d] (The Political Scene)
15.25
The SATPs South Asia Intelligence Review dated 7 May 2012 commented on further
violence in Karachi when the Security Forces (SF) commenced an operation in the Lyari
area on 27 April 2012 against the Peoples Aman (Peace) Committee (PAC), allegedly
linked to, and supported by, the Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) and Balochistan
Liberation Army (BLA). By the 5 May, 51 people had been killed, including 26 civilians,
12 SF personnel and 13 criminals. [61m] (Volume 10, No. 44)
15.26
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with the Muttahida Qaumi Movement) and the Islami Jamiat Talaba (affiliated with
Jamaat-e-Islam) clashed with and intimidated other students, instructors, and
administrators over issues such as language, syllabus content, examination policies,
grades, doctrines, and dress. These groups frequently influenced the hiring of staff,
admissions to universities, and sometimes the use of institutional funds. They generally
achieved such influence through a combination of protest rallies, control of campus
media, and threats of mass violence. In response university authorities prohibited
political activity on many campuses, but the ban had limited effect. [3n] (Section 2a)
See also Ethnic groups Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM)
15.27
On political violence elsewhere in the country, the HRCP Report 2011 stated that
targeted killings of several political leaders and activists were reported in Balochistan. In
Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and FATA, political leaders and activists were targeted in terrorist
attacks, including suicide attacks and bombings. [27g] (p151)
See also Annex A: Political organisations and Annex B: Terrorist and extremist groups
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Go to sources
16.02
The Asian Human Rights Commission, commenting on the speech made by Pakistans
foreign minister, Ms. Rabbani Khar, at the UN Human Rights Councils Universal
Periodic Review (UPR) on Pakistan, stated on 4 November 2012 that:
... as Pakistan has remained a national security state it is difficult to imagination how
the Right to Information is now guaranteed. In addition there is also the Official
Secrets Act, 1923 prevailing, with which anyone could be declared an enemy of the
state. This ensures that the media never reports adversely on military operations or
killings by military officers as these entities are given a sacred status. Freedom of
expression is further narrowed by the banning of YouTube and many international
websites on the pretext of blasphemy and obscenity. [52m]
16.03
The US Department of State Country Report on Human Rights Practices 2012 (USSD
Report 2012), published 19 April 2013, noted:
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Pakistan
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The law provides for freedom of speech and press. However, there was some
censorship, and threats, harassment, violence, and killings led journalists and editors to
practice self-censorship.
... the government impeded criticism by monitoring political activity. Citizens could
criticize the government publicly or privately, but they were restricted when criticizing
the military. Blasphemy laws restricted individuals right to free speech concerning
matters of religion and religious doctrine.
The independent media were active and expressed a wide variety of views; journalists
often criticized the government. Previously unreported events, such as persecution of
minorities, were covered; however, journalists were restricted when criticizing or
questioning the role of the military. Section 99 of the penal code allows the government
to restrict information that might be prejudicial to the national interest. Threats and
violence against journalists who reported on sensitive problems such as security force
abuses occurred during the year. The government also impeded criticism by monitoring
political activity and controlling the media [3n] (Section 2a)
See also Freedom of religion: Blasphemy laws
16.04
The Foreign and Commonwealth Office 2012 Human Rights and Democracy Report,
published 15 April 2013, noted that:
Pakistans vibrant media continued to challenge the establishment and stand up for
human rights issues in 2012. Pakistans Foreign Minister, Hina Rabbani Khar,
acknowledged the importance of the media and civil society in this regard in her
statement to the UN for Pakistans Universal Periodic Review in October. However, as
both Reporters Without Borders and the South Asia Free Media Association have
highlighted, Pakistan remains an extremely dangerous place for journalists to operate
and report freely. There have been several reports of threats to journalists, most
publicly by the Pakistani Taliban (TTP) in response to reporting of the shooting of
Malala Yousafzai. [11e]
16.05
The Freedom House report Freedom of the Press 2012, published 3 December 2012,
rated Pakistans press freedom status as Not free and stated that media freedom ...
worsened in 2011 as journalists faced an unprecedented level of violence and threats
from a range of sources, including the military, intelligence services, and militant
groups. [5d]
16.06
The same source added The constitution and other legislation, such as the Official
Secrets Act, authorize the government to curb freedom of speech on subjects including
the constitution itself, the armed forces, the judiciary, and religion. Harsh blasphemy
laws have occasionally been used to suppress the media. [5d]
16.07
Reporters Without Borders ranked Pakistan 159 out of 179 countries in its Press
Freedom Index 2013, published 25 January 2012, a drop of eight points from the
previous year. The report noted Despite having a diverse and lively media, Pakistan
remains one of the worlds most dangerous countries for reporters. [23a] (p11)
16.08
The US Department of States International Religious Freedom Report for 2012 (USSD
IRF Report 2012), published 20 May 2013, observed, in particular with regard to religion
and the blasphemy laws, that:
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16.10
The BBCs Pakistan profile on the media, updated on 15 July 2012, accessed 30 May
2013, observed that:
Television is the dominant medium, and there are dozens of private channels. Most
viewers watch them via cable; there are no private, terrestrially-broadcast stations.
State-run Pakistan Television Corporation (PTV) is the sole national terrestrial
broadcaster. More than 100 private FM radio stations are licensed. They are not
allowed to broadcast their own news. Scores of unlicensed FM stations are said to
operate in the tribal areas of North-West Frontier Province [Khyber Pakhtunkhwa].
Usually operated by clerics, some of the outlets are accused of fanning sectarian
tension.
Pakistan's press is among the most outspoken in South Asia, but its influence is limited
by a low level of literacy. [35c] (Media)
16.11
On internet usage, the Freedom House report Freedom on the Net 2012, published 25
September 2012, noted that, according to International Telecommunications Union
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Pakistan
9 August 2013
(ITU) statistics, ... internet penetration in Pakistan stood at close to 9 percent in 2011...
[5e] (Obstacles to access )
16.12
The BBC Pakistan profile stated There were 29.1 million internet users by December
2011 (Internetworldstats.com). The rapid growth in mobile phone use is boosting the
delivery of online content. [35c] (Media)
16.13
The Internet Service Providers Association of Pakistan (ISPAK) estimated in its internet
facts, updated 26 April 2012, the estimated number of internet users at 25 million.
[106a]
16.14
The Freedom on the Net 2012 report went on to say that access to various websites,
including YouTube, Flickr and Facebook, had been blocked in the past by either
government order or court decisions on account of their blasphemous content,
pornography or religious morality. However, it appeared that some restrictions were a
result of politically motivated censorship. Throughout 2011 and into early 2012 most
social networking and blog sites were accessible although some religious groups
exerted pressure on the government to ban Facebook completely. (Obstacles to
access) In contrast, some Islamic militant groups posted comments inciting violence
against sexual and religious minorities with few restrictions. [5e] (Limits on content)
See also Freedom of religion: Ahmadis
16.15
16.16
108
The USSD IRF Report 2012 added The government does not restrict religious
publishing in general; however, the sale of Ahmadiyya religious literature is banned. The
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9 August 2013
Pakistan
law prohibits publishing any criticism of Islam or its prophets and insults to anothers
religious beliefs. [3k] (Section II: Legal Policy/Framework)
See also Death Penalty
Further information on Pakistans media, its freedom, regulatory framework, and
differenct media groups, can be found in the Initiative for Peacebuilding report, Media
and Governance in Pakistan: A controversial yet essential relationship, dated October
2010. [107a]
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Journalists
16.17
On 2 May 2013, the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) published its annual
Impunity Index, which identifies countries where journalists are murdered regularly and
governments fail to solve the crimes. The 2013 index examines journalist murders that
occurred from January 1, 2003, through December 31, 2012, and remain unsolved. Of
the 12 countries on the Index, Pakistan was listed at number 8.
Pakistans failure to prosecute a single suspect in the 23 journalist murders over the
past decade has pushed it up two spots on the index. A new onslaught of violence
came in 2012, with five murders. One of the few cases to progress from investigation to
trial was derailed last year when an eyewitness to the 2011 murder of Geo TV reporter
Babar was gunned down two days before he was due to testify. Pakistani news media
are vibrant and unified in speaking out against impunity; in March, representatives of
dozens of outlets and groups began crafting a plan to improve journalist safety as part
of the U.N. effort. But any optimism is tempered by a stark reality: CPJ research shows
that journalists face an astonishing array of threats, not only from militants and warlords
but from military, security, and government officials. [74a]
16.18
The Human Rights Commission of Pakistan noted in its annual report, State of Human
Rights in 2012 (HRCP Report 2012), published March 2013, that seven journalists were
killed in 2012. The HRCP stated:
Journalists were targetted in broad daylight and faced repeated threats. Threats made
against highly acclaimed journalists indicated a sense of impunity among the
perpetrators. The threats that the journalists in Balochistan and FATA faced were the
most daunting anywhere in Pakistan. In terms of dangers to journalists, Khuzdar district
was to Balochistan what Balochistan was to Pakistan... (p118) Impunity for perpetrators
of journalists killings continued in 2012 and no headway was made in apprehending or
prosecuting the killers of any of the journalists killed in 2012. Out of the over 80
journalists killed in Pakistan since the year 2000, the perpetrators have been tried only
in one case... (p124) The HRCP Report 2012 cited a list of incidents of violence and
intimidation against journalists during the year. [27b] (p119-124)
16.19
The Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) recorded on its website, accessed 26 June
2013, that since 1992, 52 journalists had been killed in Pakistan. [74b]
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Pakistan
16.20
9 August 2013
The Freedom House Freedom in the World 2013 Pakistan report, published 10 June
2013, stated that Pakistan was one of the most dangerous countries for members of the
press, and noted:
Impunity in cases concerning murdered journalists remains the norm. Intimidation by
the security forces including verbal threats, physical attacks, and arbitrary,
incommunicado detention continues to occur, as do harassment and attacks by
Islamic fundamentalists and hired thugs working for feudal landlords or local politicians.
A number of reporters covering the conflict between the military and Islamist militants in
Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (or KP, as NWFP was renamed in 2010) and the FATA were
detained, threatened, expelled, or otherwise obstructed in 2012, by either government
forces or militants. Conditions for journalists in Balochistan also remained grim. [5a]
16.21
The Human Rights Watch (HRW) World Report 2013, published 31 January 2013,
covering 2012 events, stated that ... journalists vocally critical of the government
experienced less interference from elected officials than in previous years. However,
HRW continued:
At least eight journalists were killed in Pakistan during the year, including four in May
alone. On May 9 and 10 respectively, Tariq Kamal and Aurangzeb Tunio were killed. On
May 18, the bullet-riddled body of Express News correspondent Razzaq Gul was found
dumped in a deserted area near Turbat in Balochistan province. Security agencies are
suspected of involvement in his killing. On May 28, Abdul Qadir Hajizai was shot dead
in Balochistan by armed men on a motorbike. The Baloch Liberation Front reportedly
claimed responsibility for his killing. No one was held accountable in any of these
cases. [7i] (Freedom of expression)
16.22
The 2013 report added A climate of fear impedes media coverage of the state security
forces and militant groups. Journalists rarely report on human rights abuses by the
military in counterterrorism operations, and the Taliban and other armed groups
regularly threatened media outlets over their coverage. [7i] (Freedom of expression)
16.23
16.24
For further information on incidents occurring against the media in Pakistan see
Reporters Without Borders [23b] and the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) [74].
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The US Department of State Country Report on Human Rights Practices 2012 (USSD
Report 2012), published 19 April 2013, noted that:
Domestic and international human rights groups operated without government
restriction, investigating and publishing their findings on human rights cases. Other
groups that reported on issues implicating the government, military, or intelligence
services faced restrictions on their operations. Very few NGOs had access to KP,
FATA, and some areas in Balochistan. While government officials were sometimes
cooperative, they were only somewhat responsive to these groups views. The PPP-led
government delayed or blocked issuance of visas to international staff members of
organizations whose work challenged the image of the government. There were also
reports that security agencies blocked the issuance of visas for international staff
members due to concerns about their activities and links to foreign governments.
Security threats were a problem for NGO workers due to the instability in FATA and KP,
and organizations that promoted womens rights faced particular challenges. [3n]
(Section 5)
17.02
The Human Rights Committee of Pakistan noted in its annual report, the State of
Human Rights in 2012 (HRCP Report 2012), published March 2013, that human rights
work in Pakistan remained perilous in 2012, especially in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and the
Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA). The HRCP cited the deaths of two foreign
aid workers, and the killing of nine anti-polio health workers, shot dead by gunmen in a
string of attacks across Pakistan over a three day period. [27b] (p64)
17.03
The Asia Human Rights Commission (AHRC) noted in its report, The State of Human
Rights in Pakistan in 2012, (AHRC Report 2012), published 10 December 2012, that:
Human rights defenders (HRDs) remain subject to: threats and reprisals against them
and their families; harassment; legal and physical attacks; arbitrary arrests and
detention; forced disappearance; and torture and extra-judicial killing by state and nonstate actors. The government has failed to establish an effective national policy of
protection for HRDs or to combat impunity by effectively investigating and prosecuting
those responsible for such attacks. The lack of effort to combat impunity mirrors the lack
of effort to address the whole range of human rights violations witnessed in Pakistan.
And, this, in turn, stems from institutional failings within the police and justice delivery
mechanisms, and lack of political will on the part of the government to institute effective
institutional reforms. The fact that HRDs expose these failings, places them at particular
risk. [52n] (p6)
17.04
The Freedom House Freedom in the World 2013 Pakistan report, published 10 June
2013, stated that the:
Authorities generally tolerate the work of nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) and
allow them to publish critical material. However, NGOs that focus on female education
and empowerment, and female NGO staff in general, have faced threats, attacks, and a
number of murders by radical Islamists, particularly in the FATA and KP. Citing security
concerns, the government has at times prevented aid groups from operating in
Balochistan, exacerbating the province's humanitarian situation, and access to KP and
the FATA remains challenging. Working or commenting on issues concerning
blasphemy or the intelligence services has become more risky for both local and
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The USSD Report 2012 observed that Poor security, intimidation by security forces and
militants, and the control the government and security forces exercised over access by
nonresidents to FATA continued to make it difficult for human rights organizations and
journalists to report on military abuses in the region. [3n] (Section 1g)
See also Freedom of speech and media
Return to contents
Go to sources
18. Corruption
18.01
18.02
The Foreign and Commonwealth Office 2012 Human Rights and Democracy Report,
published 15 April 2013, stated that Corruption and low standards of integrity plague
law enforcement throughout the country and impact on almost all human rights issues
as offenders are often able to act with impunity. Reports of mistreatment of those in
police custody continue to surface and we see little evidence of the authorities taking
these allegations seriously. [11e] (Access to justice and the rule of law)
18.03
The Freedom House Freedom in the World 2013 Pakistan report, published 10 June
2013, noted that:
Transparency International's local branch in Pakistan continued to face harassment
and threats over its efforts to monitor the disbursement of foreign aid, as well as to
highlight corrupt practices under the Zardari administration. In general, Pakistan has an
extremely low level of tax collection, as many of the country's wealthiest citizens,
including members of Parliament, use legal loopholes to avoid paying taxes. A
December 2012 report by Pakistan's Center for Investigative Journalism found that
around 70 percent of current lawmakers did not file tax returns the previous year. [5a]
18.04
112
The US Department of State Country Report on Human Rights Practices 2012 (USSD
Report 2012), published 19 April 2013, noted that Corruption was widespread within the
government and the police forces, and the government made few attempts to combat
the problem. [Executive summary] The same report added The law provides for
criminal penalties for official corruption; however, the government did not implement the
law effectively, and officials frequently engaged in corrupt practices. Corruption was
pervasive in politics and government, and various politicians and public office holders
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The Asian Human Rights Commission (AHRC) report, The State of Human Rights in
Pakistan 2010 (AHRC Report 2010), published February 2011, noted The corruption in
the government has become endemic and with the passage of time the corruption
makes new records... No mechanism has been evolved to curb the corruption. The
Supreme Court is taking cases of corruption but limited it to the present government not
across the board. [52e] (p2)
18.06
The International Crisis Group (ICG) noted in its report, Reforming Pakistans Police,
dated 14 July 2008, that:
Police officers agree that there is widespread corruption, from petty bribery at the lower
rungs of the hierarchy to more substantial graft at the top. In an attempt to justify their
forces shortcomings, they blame the government for failing to take action and also for
not addressing its own shortcomings. How can corruption in the police go down when
people known to be corrupt are made its bosses? asked an officer. Many in the police,
particularly those at the bottom of the pile, feel that when those at the top are making
money right, left and centre, what incentive is there for them to remain clean? This is
certainly no justification, but those at the top of the police hierarchy must understand
that police professionalism and efficiency and the forces public image are badly
tarnished by such practices... It is nearly impossible to eliminate corruption within the
police until poor salaries and working conditions are improved, particularly for personnel
of and below the rank of inspector... [20b] (p13)
18.07
The AHRC Report 2010 noted, with regards to corruption in the judiciary, that it had:
... increased from the past year because of the increase in pending cases. To get... to
fix [a] date for hearing of... cases [bribing] staff of the court is a common practice, this
practice is not limited to lower judiciary but also at the level of higher judiciary... In the
lower judiciary the readers are openly telling that amount [(the bribe)] goes to [the] judge
also. The lawyers are themselves pressing clients to bribe the staff otherwise their
cases would not come. The higher judiciary is silent on the complaints of corruption
which is blamed by the lawyer community as the political expediency of the higher
judiciary. [52e] (p19)
18.08
The Human Rights Commission of Pakistan noted in its annual report, the State of
human rights in 2010, published 14 April 2011, that As if reports of rampant corruption
by some in the corridors of power were not enough to sully the image of the peoples
representatives in general, the issue of forged educational certificates of
parliamentarians remained in the limelight in 2010. Dozens of parliamentarians from the
treasury and the opposition benches were suspected of or found to be holding forged
academic certificates. [27e] (p187)
See also Section: Security forces, subsection Police
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Go to sources
The Freedom House Freedom in the World 2013 Pakistan report, noted that:
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Corruption is pervasive at all levels of politics and the bureaucracy, and oversight
mechanisms to ensure transparency remain weak. Hundreds of politicians, diplomats,
and officials, including President Asif Ali Zardari, were granted immunity in ongoing
corruption cases under the 2007 National Reconciliation Ordinance (NRO). Though the
Supreme Court revoked the NRO in 2009 and upheld this decision in a 2011 ruling,
prosecution of reopened cases remains uneven and ineffective. [5a]
18.10
On 21 November 2009 a list containing the names of thousands of people who were
protected from corruption charges under the National Reconciliation Ordinance (NRO)
was published by the government. In a news conference, Minister of State for Law,
Afzal Sindhu, stated that A total of 8,041 people benefitted from NRO, including
President Zardari. More than 30 other politicians were also named on the list. (Agence
France Presse (AFP), 21 November 2009) [69a]
18.11
The Human Rights Commission of Pakistan noted in its report, State of Human Rights
in 2010 (HRCP Report 2010), published 14 April 2011, that:
Early in the year the Supreme Court released its detailed judgment on the National
Reconciliation Ordinance (NRO) of 2007. (A short order had been announced at the end
of hearing in December 2009.) The following points were made in the leading judgment:
The Supreme Court had referred the NRO to parliament for being made into an
Act. The ordinance was tabled in the National Assembly and then withdrawn.
Inference: parliament did not consider the measure a valid temporary
legislation.
The NRO could not be considered a legislation for achieving national
reconciliation as it had been promulgated for achieving some individuals
reconciliation.
The NRO, to the extent of S-2, was arbitrary and irrational. It failed the test of
intelligible differentia too as the measure had served the purpose of individual
reconciliation.
The NRO has opened the door of parliament to persons convicted under
National Accountability Ordinance (NAO) and the amendment to NAO is void
ab initio. Parliament acted wisely by not validating the NRO and the SC is
endorsing the will of the elected representatives.
The President was not empowered to issue the NRO as the subjects covered
by its Ss 2, 6 and 7 fell beyond the scope of the federal and concurrent
legislative lists.
Since the NRO as a whole, particularly its Ss 2, 6 and 7 had been declared
void ab initio, for being violative of Arts. 4, 8, 12, 13, 25, 62(f), 63(1) (h), 63(1)
(p), 89, 175 and 227 of the constitution, all steps taken and orders passed by
any authority or court, including orders for the discharge or acquittal of the
accused, were declared never to have existed in the eyes of law and
resultantly of no legal effect. Therefore, all cases of the NRO beneficiaries,
including cases pending on Oct 5, 2007 stand revived. [27e] (p42)
18.12
The National Reconciliation Ordinance, was declared null and void by the Supreme
Court of Pakistan on 16 December 2009. [99]
18.13
The USSD Report 2012 stated that after the NRO was declared null and void, the
Supreme Court:
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... reopened all 8,000 cases against those who had received amnesty, including the
president, ministers, and parliamentarians. In 2010 the Zardari government filed a
review petition challenging the Supreme Courts 2009 decision and requesting its
review. In 2011 the Supreme Court dismissed the governments review petition,
upholding its earlier decision finding the NRO null and void. In November the
government complied with an NRO-related directive instructing it to send a letter to the
Swiss authorities seeking mutual legal assistance over alleged illicit funds that had been
expatriated from Pakistan. Subsequently, the Supreme Court dismissed its review
petition of Prime Minister Raja Pervez Ashraf. [3n] (Section 4)
See also Sections: Security Forces, subsection: Police; and Judiciary, subsection
Independence and Fair Trial
Return to contents
Go to sources
The USSD Report 2012 noted The NAB [National Accountability Bureau] serves as the
highest-level anticorruption organization, with a mandate to eliminate corruption through
awareness, prevention, and enforcement. Government officials forced the former NAB
chairman to resign in June 2010 but did not appoint the new NAB chairman, retired
admiral Fasih Bokhari, until October 2011. [3n] (Section 4)
18.15
The Freedom House Freedom in the World 2012 Pakistan, published 22 August 2012,
report stated that The National Accountability Bureau (NAB), established in 1999 to
combat corruption, has been criticized for failing to act on the judiciarys calls for it to
reopen hundreds of cases. In late 2011, the opposition denounced Zardaris nomination
of an admiral to the post of NAB chairman. [5f]
18.16
18.17
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According to the IGP [Inspector General of Police], Islamabad, dozens of police officers
were suspended during the year 2009 on charges of corruption. Three SHOs of Sialkot
police were suspended by the Regional Police Officer (RPO) Gujranwala region on
charges of corruption and laziness in duties during December 2009. In the first week of
December, the District and Sessions Judge, Karachi South, issued arrest warrants for
the SP [Superintendent of Police], Special Investigation Unit (SIU), and other officials for
keeping citizens in detention illegally. A court bailiff had raided the SIU centre in Karachi
and found four persons illegally detained there. [27c] (p75-76)
See also Judiciary, Independence and Fair Trial
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Go to sources
The US Department of States International Religious Freedom Report for 2012 (USSD
IRF Report 2012), published on 20 May 2013, stated in its introduction to Pakistan that:
The constitution and other laws and policies officially restrict religious freedom and, in
practice, the government enforced many of these restrictions. The governments respect
for and protection of the right to religious freedom continued to be poor. The
governments limited capacity and will to investigate or prosecute the perpetrators of
increasing extremist attacks against religious minorities and on members of the Muslim
majority promoting tolerance, allowed the climate of impunity to continue. The
constitution establishes Islam as the state religion, and it requires that laws be
consistent with Islam. The constitution states that subject to law, public order, and
morality, every citizen shall have the right to profess, practice, and propagate his
religion. Some government practices, however, limited freedom of religion, particularly
for religious minorities. Freedom of speech is constitutionally subject to any reasonable
restrictions imposed by law in the interest of the glory of Islam. Abuses under the
blasphemy law and other discriminatory laws continued; the government did not take
adequate measures to prevent these incidents or reform the laws to prevent abuse. On
August 17, police detained on blasphemy charges Rimsha Masih, a Christian girl who
reportedly suffered from a mental disability, after a local Muslim cleric alleged that he
observed the girl desecrate pages of the Quran. There were instances in which law
enforcement personnel reportedly abused religious minorities in custody. At least 17
people are awaiting execution for blasphemy and 20 others are serving life sentences,
although to date the government has never carried out an execution for blasphemy.
There were reports of societal abuses or discrimination based on religious affiliation,
belief, or practice. During the year, societal intolerance continued while there were
increasing attacks against members of the Shia Muslim community. Human rights and
religious freedom advocates and members of minorities reported self-censorship due to
a climate of intolerance and fear. Acts of violence and intimidation against religious
minorities by violent extremists exacerbated existing sectarian tensions. Violent
extremists in some parts of the country demanded that all citizens follow their
authoritarian interpretation of Islam and threatened brutal consequences if they did not
abide by it.
Violent extremists also targeted Muslims who advocated tolerance and pluralism. There
were scores of attacks on Sufi, Hindu, Ahmadiyya Muslim, Shia, and Christian
gatherings and religious sites, resulting in numerous deaths and extensive damage.
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Some religious groups protested against public debate about potential amendments to
the blasphemy laws or against alleged acts of blasphemy. [3k] (Executive summary)
19.02
19.03
The United States Commission on International Religious Freedom Annual Report 2013
(USCIRF Report 2013), published April 2013, covering events from 31 January 2012 to
31 January 2013, has recommended, since 2002, that the US Department of State
designate Pakistan as a country of particular concern or CPC, and stated that:
The exceedingly poor religious freedom environment in Pakistan worsened during the
reporting period. The Pakistani government failed to effectively intervene against a
spike in targeted violence against the Shii Muslim minority community, as well as
violence against other minorities. With elections scheduled for May 2013, additional
attacks against religious minorities and candidates deemed un-Islamic will likely occur.
Chronic conditions remain, including the poor social and legal status of non-Muslim
religious minorities and the severe obstacles to free discussion of sensitive religious and
social issues faced by the majority Muslim community. The countrys blasphemy law,
used predominantly in Punjab province but also nationwide, targets members of
religious minority communities and dissenting Muslims and frequently results in
imprisonment. USCIRF is aware of at least 16 individuals on death row and 20 more
serving life sentences. The blasphemy law, along with anti-Ahmadi laws that effectively
criminalize various practices of their faith, has created a climate of vigilante violence.
Hindus have suffered from the climate of violence and hundreds have fled Pakistan for
India. Human rights and religious freedom are increasingly under assault, particularly for
women, members of religious minority communities, and those in the majority Muslim
community whose views are deemed un-Islamic. The government has proven
unwilling or unable to confront militants perpetrating acts of violence against other
Muslims and religious minorities. [53d] (p118)
19.04
19.05
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The situation in Pakistan grows worse for the religious minority groups on a daily basis.
The security and law and order situation has become so chaotic that the authorities
seem to have no control over providing protection to these minorities. The
fundamentalist Muslim leaders (Mullahs) have a free rein and relentlessly exploit the
blasphemy laws for their personal interests and these laws were legislated to debilitate
and undermine universal human rights. Members of all faiths have been victims of these
merciless violations of human rights including Christians, Hindus and even Shiites.
However, the main focus of this brutality is the Ahmadi and the killing of Ahmadis is not
considered a crime by the state and the law of the land. [52j]
19.06
The Human Rights Commission of Pakistan observed in its annual report, the State of
Human Rights in 2012 (HRCP Report 2012), published March 2013, that:
Harassment of and violence against religious minority communities and not efforts to
combat them defined Pakistan in terms of freedom of religious belief in 2012. Nothing
during the year suggested that Pakistan had made any headway in ridding itself of
pervasive intolerance that undermined the freedom of religious belief and found
expression in ever increasing incidents of intimidation and violence against religious and
sectarian minorities. While the most severe forms of discrimination were reserved for
members of the Hindu, Christian and Ahmadi communities, members of the Shia sect of
Islam suffered the highest toll in violence. The systematic killing of the Hazaras of
Quetta and the sustained targeted attacks in Karachi did not get the attention they
deserved from religious scholars, writers, intellectuals and the media. Besides the
increasing level of violence and harassment, the religious minority communities also
struggled with safeguarding their rights, on account of lack of codification of personal
laws and absence of effective representation in the legislature. A bill to increase the
seats reserved for religious minorities in the National Assembly was left pending and
allowed to lapse. Many leaders of these communities expressed dissatisfaction over
their meagre representation in parliament.
While statements from political and religious leaders promising respect for rights of
religious minorities abounded, so did impunity for the perpetrators of faith-based
violence and intolerance. Amid a growing sense of insecurity, a number of accounts
were reported of members of religious minority communities trying to leave Pakistan in
search of peaceful existence elsewhere. [27b] (p100)
19.07
19.08
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In addition to Minorities Day, the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan noted in its
annual report, State of Human Rights in 2010 (HRCP Report 2010), published 14 April
2011, that In April [2010], the federal ministry of minorities announced that 10 religious
festivals of the minorities would be celebrated officially in Pakistan. The festivals
included Besakhi, Dewali, Holi, Eid-e-Rizwan, Chelumjust, Nauroz, Christmas and
Easter. [27e] (p135)
19.10
19.11
The Asian Human Rights Commission (AHRC) stated in its report The State of Human
Rights in Pakistan 2010 (AHRC Report 2010), published February 2010:
Women from religious minorities are most common and vulnerable targets of violence:
Women from religious minorities are the most frequent victims of violence, particularly
sexual violence. Members of religious minorities are regularly assaulted, tortured or
murdered and their property and place of worship are ransacked and desecrated. The
blasphemy laws understand blasphemy only as an offence against Islam and are used
by a criminal nexus between the police, the administration and religious fundamentalists
to intimidate Christians, Ahmadis and all religious minorities in Pakistan. Women are
disproportionately affected. It is becoming common in rural areas for Muslim
fundamentalists to abduct, force into marriage, and forcibly convert women to Islam.
Abductions made up nearly 30 percent of all crimes against women in the first half of
2010. [52e] (p62)
See also Women: Violence against women
19.12
The US Department of State Country Report on Human Rights Practices 2009 (USSD
Report 2009), published 11 March 2010, observed that Reprisals and threats of
reprisals against suspected converts from Islam occurred. Members of religious
minorities were subject to violence and harassment, and at times police refused to
prevent such actions or charge persons who committed them, leading to an atmosphere
of impunity. [3b] (Section 2c)
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See also subsection Christian converts and the Section: Security situation
19.13
The USCIRF Report 2013 noted that, despite efforts by the Government since mid-2005
to register all religious schools (madrassas) and expel foreign students:
While most registered, this reportedly has had little if any effect on the curricula, which
in many of these schools includes materials that promote intolerance and violence. The
government also still lacks full knowledge of the madrassas sources of funding. In
2010, the Ministry of Interior, which oversees the madrassa system, and the five main
madrassa boards signed a memorandum of understanding in another attempt to reform
their curriculum and regulate their financing. [53d] (p127)
See also Section: Children Education Madrassas
Return to contents
Go to sources
Demography
19.14
19.15
19.16
The Society for the Protection of the Rights of the Child (SPARC) noted in its report
The State of Pakistans Children 2011 (SPARC Report 2011), published July 2012,
that:
It is important to note that given the disadvantages and stigmatization associated with
being a minority group, many communities choose not to disclose their religious
background. Hence, these statistics may be an underestimate as there are no reliable
population figures available for Pakistans smaller minority communities. With almost
4% of the population, Hindus are equivalent in number to Christians. The largest
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minority population lives in Sindh at 2.64 million. Christians and Sikhs live
predominantly in Punjab, and Hindus live mostly in rural Sindh with smaller communities
elsewhere. Additionally, the Sikhs have smaller traditional communities in Sindh, Khyber
Pakhtunkhwa and the tribal areas. Furthermore, there are around 0.34 million
scheduled caste Hindus also known as Dalits living in Pakistan. However, according to
the representatives of scheduled caste Hindus, there are currently more than two million
scheduled caste Hindus residing in the country. [71b] (p152)
19.17
19.18
The Writenet report, Pakistan: The Situation of Religious Minorities, dated May 2009,
commissioned by the UNHCR and written by Shaun R. Gregory and Simon R.
Valentine, estimated there were three to four million Christians (about two to three per
cent of the population) living in Pakistan, with an approximate equal split between
Protestants and Catholics. Some sources estimated the number of Christians to be at
least twice the official number. The report noted Approximately 80 percent of Christians
live in the Punjab, with around 14 percent in Sindh, 4 percent in the NWFP, and 2
percent in Balochistan. [108a] (p17)
19.19
The same source estimated the number of Hindus living in Pakistan was two and a half
million. [108a] (p21)
19.20
The USSD IRF Report 2012 stated that The constitution establishes Islam as the state
religion. Although it also declares that adequate provisions shall be made for minorities
to profess and practice their religious beliefs freely, other provisions of the constitution
and laws impose limits on this right. [3k] (Section II: Legal/Policy Framework)
19.22
The USCIRF 2013 Report noted that, under what would be the 23rd amendment to the
Pakistan constitution:
...the National Assembly would gain four seats for non-Muslim minorities, bringing the
total to 14. In provincial assemblies, the number of reserved seats in each would
increase at different rates; the Punjab provincial assembly would see an increase of 10
for a total of 18, Sindh increase by 12 for a total of 21, and Khbyer Pakhtunkwa and
Balochistan would both have their current 3 seats increased by an additional 4 for a
total of 7 each. These increases address concerns that previous increases in reserved
seats under the 18th amendment in 2010 did not reflect the size of the non-Muslim
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9 August 2013
community. At the end of the reporting period, the National Assembly had yet to
approve the amendment. [53d] (p128)
19.23
The same source noted that under the 18th amendment ... the Ministry of Minorities
Affairs was removed from the federal cabinet and devolved to the provinces. It is
unclear whether all provinces have established a Minority Affairs Ministry, and if so,
what level of funding and support they receive from the provincial government. Sindh
has reportedly done so and Punjab province already had a ministry that focused on
minority concerns and human rights. [53d] (p129)
19.24
19.25
19.26
The Indian Institute of Dalit Studies (IDSN) Briefing Note Pakistan 2012, noted:
While there are constitutional safeguards in place to prohibit caste-based discrimination
in Pakistan, the GOP has not made a serious effort to implement or enforce those laws.
Despite its commitment to give maximum support to addressing this issue in the first
UPR in 2008, the GOP has taken no specific action aimed at eliminating the practice of
discrimination on the basis of caste or eradicating poverty among Scheduled Castes.
Scheduled Caste populations in Pakistan continue to suffer high degree of poverty, as
no major scheme has been launched for this group. [143a] (p2)
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19.27
Pakistan
19.28
The USSD Report 2009 added that The prime minister, federal ministers, and ministers
of state, as well as elected members of the Senate and National Assembly (including
non-Muslims), must take an oath to strive to preserve the Islamic ideology, the basis
for the creation of the country. [3b] (Section 2c)
Return to contents
Go to sources
Blasphemy laws
19.29
The AHRC Report 2010 stated ... Pakistans infamous Blasphemy Laws remain in
effect. Charges of blasphemy are still punishable with the death penalty, while
desecration of the Holy Quran carries a life sentence. [52e] (p85) The USSD IRF
Report 2012 stated Authorities continued to use the blasphemy laws against Muslims,
Christians, Ahmadiyya Muslims, and members of other groups. [3k] (Section II:
Government practices)
19.30
The Parliamentary Human Rights Group report Rabwah: A Place for Martyrs? (PHRG
Report 2007), published in January 2007, provided a tabulated summary of the
blasphemy laws and the penalties for breaching them:
Pakistan
Penal Code
298a
Description
Penalty
298b
Three years
imprisonment,or fine, or
both
Three years imprisonment
and fine
298c
295
295a
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The USSD IRF Report 2012 noted that Freedom of speech was subject to reasonable
restrictions in the interest of the glory of Islam, as stipulated in sections 295(a), (b), and
(c) of the penal code... In cases in which a minority group claimed its religious feelings
were insulted, the blasphemy laws are rarely enforced, and cases are rarely brought to
the legal system. [3k] (Section II: Legal/Policy Framework)
19.32
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19.34
Pakistan
The Asian Human Rights Commission, commenting on the speech made by Pakistans
foreign minister, Ms. Rabbani Khar, at the UN Human Rights Councils Universal
Periodic Review (UPR) on Pakistan, stated on 4 November 2012 that:
The religious affiliations of the ordinary people are judged and controlled by the
operation of this [blasphemy] law. The law authorises any person to accuse someone of
blasphemy for any petty reason that might suit him or her. The minister totally ignored
the consequences of the blasphemy law and made no mention about the deaths
caused by religious extremists due to the misuse of this law. Since 2008 almost all the
member states of the UN HRC [UN Human Rights Council] have been requesting
Pakistan to repeal this law. [52m]
19.35
The HRCP Report 2012 stated The government did not at all discuss the issue of
blasphemy law reform in 2012. Nothing was done to protect the minority communities
from vigilantes whose religious sensitivities did not wait for the law to take its course,
nor to confirm if charges such as blasphemy or desecration of holy books were even
true. [27b] (p100)
19.36
The USSD IRF Report 2012 noted that some individuals brought charges under the
blasphemy laws to settle personal scores or to intimidate vulnerable individuals. The
report added:
Lower courts often did not adhere to basic evidentiary standards in blasphemy cases,
which led to some accused and convicted persons spending years in jail before higher
courts eventually overturned their convictions and ordered them freed. Trial courts
usually denied bail in blasphemy cases, claiming that because defendants could face
the death penalty, they were likely to flee. Judges and magistrates, seeking to avoid
confrontation with or violence from extremists, often continued trials indefinitely. Lower
courts conducted proceedings in an atmosphere of intimidation by violent extremists
and refused bail due to fear of reprisal. While the law requires that a senior police
official investigate any blasphemy charge before a complaint is filed, this was not
uniformly enforced. [3k] (Section II: Restrictions on Religious Freedom)
19.37
19.38
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The PHRG Report 2010 stated that The State of Pakistan is failing at all levels to
address the problem of malicious complaints of violations of the blasphemy law being
pursued against Ahmadis and Christians, as well as members of other religious
communities. [51b] (p8)
See also sub section Christians and Ahmadis
19.40
The judges in all courts, especially the lower ones, in many cases fail to:
deal with these cases expeditiously, resulting in long delays and adjournments
to grant bail in many cases and then only after long delays and appeals to the
Higher Courts.
As a result, at all levels of the State there is a failure to deter the promotion of religious
intolerance, which is visible in that
126
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state actors at all levels frequently appear fearful of the power and influence of
Muslim extremists and are being paralysed by a small minority of extremist
preachers and their supporters. [51b] (p9-10)
The AHRC Report 2011 stated that the killings of former governor, Salman Taseer, and
former federal minister, Shahbaz Bhatti:
... started after the open threats from the religious leaders and mosque leaders (Imams)
for the killing of those persons who are against the blasphemy law or supporting the
accused persons who committed the blasphemy. The Muslim religious have also
announced head money for the killings and reservation of killers in the paradise. The
civil society was very critical of such threats but the government and law enforcement
authorities did not take action against such religious leaders who got impunity by the
government machineries. The government has not enforced the law against the misuse
of loudspeakers from the mosques. According to law of 2004 the loudspeakers from the
mosque can be used only for the Friday sermons and Azan, five times calling for
prayers. But throughout the country the mosques are using loudspeakers to preach their
hate messages and authorities remain silent. [52g] (p39)
19.42
19.43
19.44
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cases; the accused, however, often remained in jail for years awaiting the court's
decision. Trial courts were reluctant to release on bail or acquit blasphemy defendants
for fear of violence from extremist religious groups. In 2005 a law went into effect
revising the complaint process and requiring senior police officials to review such cases
in an effort to eliminate spurious charges. According to human rights and religious
freedom groups, this process was not effective because senior police officers did not
have the resources to review the cases. [3b] (Section 2c)
19.45
The Freedom House special report Policing Belief: The Impact of Blasphemy Laws on
Human Rights, noted that The low evidentiary threshold required to register cases of
blasphemy, coupled with the sensitive nature of the crime, exacerbates the laws
potential for abuse. [5c] (p75)
19.46
19.47
The report noted further that Although cases against Christians get much of the
attention, the bulk of the law's victims are Muslim. [113a]
19.48
The PHRG Report 2010 noted that its fact-finding mission found Ahmadis, as well as
members of other religions, are frequently charged with the offence of blasphemy, on
grounds which are often spurious in the extreme. It appears that many convictions,
though by no means all, are over-turned on appeal. However, by then the successful
appellants have spent many years behind bars. [51b] (p19)
19.49
The Freedom House special report Policing Belief: The Impact of Blasphemy Laws on
Human Rights, noted that:
... the ratio of Muslims to non-Muslims among blasphemy defendants illustrates the
extent to which these laws are used to persecute religious minorities. Pakistans
minister for minority affairs, Shahbaz Bhatti [deceased], has publicly argued that the
blasphemy law is being used to terrorize minorities in Pakistan. Ahmadis are the most
affected, followed by Christians. However, Muslims are not exempt. Almost half of all
blasphemy cases lodged over the last two decades have been against Muslims,
including both Sunnis and Shiites... However, the use of blasphemy laws against Sunni
and Shiite Muslims does not appear to be based on sectarian differences so much as
personal disputes. [5c] (p77)
19.50
128
The Freedom House Freedom in the World 2013 Pakistan report, published 10 June
2013, stated that:
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Pakistan
Incidents in which police take bribes to file false blasphemy charges against Ahmadis,
Christians, Hindus, and occasionally Muslims continue to occur, with several dozen
cases reported each year. No executions on blasphemy charges have been carried out
to date, but accusations or the charges alone can lead to years of imprisonment, illtreatment in custody, and extralegal persecution by religious extremists or mob
violence... Religious hard-liners have argued that even advocacy of reforming the
blasphemy laws constitutes an act of blasphemy. [5a]
See also Judiciary: Blasphemy Laws
Return to contents
Go to sources
Blasphemy cases
19.51
Listing the blasphemy cases filed in 2012, the HRCP Report 2012, published March
2013, noted:
Twenty-three cases against 27 Muslims, two of them women, were registered in 2012
for offences relating to religion. Eight of them were charged under the blasphemy
provision 295-C of the PPC and the rest under other sections. Fifteen of the 26
cases, in which the address of the accused was available, were from Punjab, five from
Sindh, and one each from Islamabad and Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa.
Two of the accused were burnt to death, one in Punjab and the other one in Sindh. As
regards the cases initiated before 2012, one accused was acquitted, another was
sentenced to death, two were awarded life imprisonment, and one was given
imprisonment for 25 years. [27b] (p49-50)
19.52
19.53
According to the National Commission for Justice and Peace (NCJP), 30 cases were
registered under the blasphemy laws between January and November 2012. Of these,
11 were against Christians, five against Ahmadis, and 14 against Muslims. The NCJP
reported that authorities registered a total of 1,170 blasphemy cases between 1987 and
2012. (USSD IRF Report 2012) [3k] (Section II)
19.54
An April 2013 report, on Pakistans blasphemy laws, by the Centre for Research and
Security Studies (CRSS), stated:
... between 1987 and Aug. 2012 we have seen almost 247 blasphemy cases registered
or raised, directly affecting lives of 435 persons approximately. Moreover, figures
suggest that since 1990, 52 people have been extra-judicially murdered, for being
implicated in blasphemy charges. Among these were 25 Muslims, 15 Christians, five
Ahmadis, one Budhist and a Hindu. The known blasphemy cases in Pakistan show that
from 1953 to July 2012, there were 434 offenders of blasphemy laws in Pakistan and
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among them were, 258 Muslims (Sunni/Shia), 114 Christians, 57 Ahmadis, and 4
Hindus. [59d] (p5)
19.55
The Freedom House special report Policing Belief: The Impact of Blasphemy Laws on
Human Rights, published October 2010, noted that According to data compiled by
nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) and cited by the U.S. State Department, a total
of 695 people were accused of blasphemy in Pakistan between 1986 and April 2006. Of
those, 362 were Muslims, 239 were Ahmadis, 86 were Christians, and 10 were Hindus.
The Pakistani daily newspaper Dawn has reported that some 5,000 cases were
registered between 1984 to 2004, and 964 people were charged with blasphemy. [5c]
(p69)
19.56
The CRSS blaphemy laws report cited a list of blasphemy cases that had been
acquitted by the courts, between 1990 to July 2012, as identified via various media
sources and court records. [59d] (p47-49)
19.57
The International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS) Armed Conflict Database stated in
its section on Pakistan (Sectarian violence), Annual Report 2012 Human Security
Developments, that:
Pakistans blasphemy laws came under intensive debate when a Christian girl with a
learning disability was detained in August after being accused of burning pages of the
Quran. The investigations revealed that a local Imam had planted the Quran pages in
her bag. Although the chairman of the All Pakistan Ulema Council, a national council of
religious scholars in Pakistan, apologised and vowed to protect the victim, the incident
demonstrated the difficulties faced by religious minorities in Pakistan. While many
welcomed the statement by the head of council of religious scholars, it is unlikely that
these developments will lead to changes in blasphemy laws. The girl was finally
released on 23 September and given state protection at an undisclosed location. [137a]
19.58
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On January 17, 2013, the Pakistani Supreme Court accepted a petition filed against the
Pakistani ambassador to the United States, Sherry Rehman, over allegedly
blasphemous comments made two years ago while speaking on television about Aasia
Bibis sentencing under the countrys blasphemy laws. Police were instructed by the two
judge panel to collect evidence. [53d] (p126)
See also sub section Christians and Ahmadis
Return to contents
Go to sources
The USCIRF Report 2013 stated ... blasphemy offenses are considered cognizable, so
that the police file charges and can arrest without a warrant. And blasphemy is a noncompoundable crime, a category that does not allow for out-of-court settlements.
Consequently, once a charge is filed, it is difficult for the case to be quashed, and the
accuser cannot simply drop the charges. [53d] (p125)
19.60
The Foreign and Commonwealth Office (FCO) consulted the National Commission for
Justice and Peace (NCJP), a Christian-based human rights organisation in Pakistan, on
the procedures for bringing a blasphemy charge against an Ahmadi. A legal expert at
the NCJP gave the following responses, in an email dated 2 October 2008, to questions
asked by the UK Border Agency (UKBA):
UKBA: What is the procedure for an individual to initiate a complaint against an Ahmadi
(or any other person) directly with a Magistrates' court?
NCJP: Anyone agreived [sic] by some illegal action or privy to information about a
crime can register a complaint (FIR) [First Information Report] with the police. In case
there is no crime, or the police happen to be the first [to] know, the police can become
a complainant too.
If the police refuse to register a FIR on a complaint, the district and sessions judge (not
a magistrate) can order [a] registration of a FIR under article 199 of the constitution /
section 154 of criminal procedure code, which is the prosecution[s] [account] to be
substaniated [sic] by inquiry / investigation report. Challan is the formal charge framed
in a court.
Section 196 of the criminal procedure code makes the registration of certain FIRs hard,
requiring an inquiry by a senior police officer (in case of Section 295 b and c, a
suprintendant [sic] [this section relates to defiling the Koran and making derogatory
remarks against the prophet respectively])
This is the law however in case of blasphemy allegations, we have seen [the law]
violated and procedures ignored on one pretext or the other.
UKBA: Once such a complaint has been lodged, what procedure does the court follow,
and what are the timescales for such actions?
NCJP: The charge is framed, [the] accused can deny [the charges] [then the]
standard procedure [for] evidence, witnesses, cross examination takes place - if the
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offense is bailable the court may also grant bail whenever requested. [This is followed
by] the judgement, [and an] appeal against the verdict if felt necessary.
298-c, however, is non-bailable unless the accused can successfully contest that the
offense is unfounded or cannot be substantiated. This can happen at investigation or
trial.
UKBA: Who is the court permitted to release documents to with regard to such a
complaint?
NCJP: All parties to the case have the right to acquire documents from any court of law,
even the press can manage [to obtain] the copies of FIRs and decisions. [11i]
19.61
Hudood Ordinances
19.62
Anti-terrorist laws
19.63
132
The USSD IRF Report 2012 stated that under the Anti-Terrorism Act (ATA) ... any
action, including speech, intended to incite religious hatred is punishable by up to seven
years imprisonment. In cases in which a minority group claims its religious feelings
were insulted, the blasphemy laws are rarely enforced, and cases are rarely brought to
the legal system. The law requires that a senior police official investigate any
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Apostasy
19.64
An email regarding apostasy to the UK Border Agency from the Foreign and
Commonwealth (FCO) Office British High Commission in Pakistan, dated 9 January
2009, stated that although apostasy was not illegal, people who change their faith are
regularly charged with blasphemy and insulting Islam. The FCO noted that This is
usually when a conversion is made to an entirely separate religion (e.g. becoming
Christian). Arguably a Sunni Muslim becoming Shia is a conversion of belief within a
single religion [but] we are not currently aware of examples of blasphemy legal
proceedings against Shias by Sunnis. [11d]
19.65
As stated in the USSD IRF Report 2012 Conversion to minority religious beliefs
generally took place in secret to avoid societal backlash. [3k] (Section III)
19.66
On 9 May 2007, Asianews reported that a draft bill on apostasy had been adopted in its
first reading by the National Assembly and had been put before a parliamentary
standing committee for consideration. The article stated that Tabled by a six-party
politico-religious alliance, the Muttahida Majlis-i-Amal or MMA, the Apostasy Act 2006
which the government sent to the committee would impose the death penalty on Muslim
men and life in prison on Muslim women in case they leave Islam. It would also force
them to forfeit their property and lose legal custody of children. [54a] An official at the
Foreign and Commonwealth Office (FCO), British High Commission, Islamabad, stated
in a letter dated 29 November 2010, that The [Apostasy] Bill failed to emerge from
Committee before the dissolution of the National Assembly in 2007. The MMA
boycotted the elections, eventually held in early 2008, and the alliance crumbled. They
have no meaningful parliamentary base in the current Assembly. [11m]
19.67
The Pew Research Center, a US-based non-partisan fact tank, and publisher of the
Pew Global Attitudes Project, which conducts public opinion surveys around the world,
presented its findings from a survey, Concern About Extremist Threat Slips in Pakistan,
dated 29 July 2010. The survey was based on 2,000 face-to-face interviews conducted
from 13 April to 28 April 2010 in predominantly urban areas of Punjab, Sindh, Khyber
Pakhtunkhwa and Balochistan. Covering the subject of religion, law and society, when
asked (of Muslims only) Do you favor or oppose the death penalty for people who
leave the Muslim religion?, 76 per cent voted in favour. [120a] (Chapter 4)
19.68
The survey added ... those who identify with fundamentalists are much more likely than
those who side with the modernizers to support harsh punishments under the law. For
example, 88% of those who say they identify with Islamic fundamentalists favor the
death penalty for people who leave the Muslim religion, compared with 67% of those
who side with the modernizers. [120a] (Chapter 4)
19.69
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from 22 May to 9 June 2009, 78 per cent supported the death penalty for people leaving
Islam. The survey noted Support for strict punishments is equally widespread among
men and women, old and young, and the educated and uneducated. [120b] (p14)
See also Christian converts
Interfaith marriage
19.70
In an email dated 24 June 2008, the FCO British High Commission (BHC), Islamabad,
stated that in Islam a Muslim woman and a non-Muslim man cannot marry. If such a
couple were to have a child, that child would be considered illegitimate on the grounds
that the parents would not, and could not, be legally married. Should a Muslim woman
marry a non-Muslim it would be considered adultery. The BHC went on to say that the
Islamic punishment for adultery is stoning to death although in reality the penalty would
be at least a lengthy prison sentence and considerable social stigma. [11h]
19.71
The USSD IRF Report 2012 noted Marriages generally are performed and registered
according to one's religious group; however there was no legal mechanism in place for
the government to register marriages of Hindus and Sikhs. The marriages of nonMuslim men remained legal upon conversion to Islam. [3k] (Section II)
19.72
The USSD Report 2011 stated Some attacks against minority groups were in protest of
interfaith marriages or relationships. [3p] (Section III)
19.73
The Australian Government Refugee Review Tribunal (RRT), Country Advice Pakistan,
on love marriages, dated 17 November 2010, quoted Dr Shakira Hussein, a fellow at
the Australian National University, as saying, in December 2009 In instances where the
male partner to the marriage was from an ill-regarded community or caste then he, as
much as the female partner to the marriage, could likely find himself the subject of a
violent reprisal. [134a] (p1-2)
See also subsection Hindus and Sikhs and Women: Love marriages
19.74
International Christian Concern (ICC) reported, in an article dated 6 June 2008, of the
death threats received by a Muslim man from Muslim extremists because he had acted
as a witness in a marriage between a Christian man and Muslim woman. The witness
was accused of participating in an un-Islamic activity and a fatwa was issued against
him by the head of the local mosque. ICC stated that In Muslim societies, the father
determines what religion the children will be, and so the marriage of a Christian man to
a Muslim woman is a severe affront to Islam. On the other hand, Muslims have no
problem if a Muslim man marries a Christian woman. This lack of reciprocity is designed
to guard Islam from other religions... [43a]
See also subsection Christians
19.75
134
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Pakistan
19.77
With reference to inter-religious marriages between Shia and Sunni Muslims, the IRB
noted in a response dated 25 May 2005, that:
A professor at the Institute of Islamic Studies at McGill University who specializes in
modern Islamic developments in India and Pakistan, including women's issues, stated
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in a 7 October 2003 telephone interview [to the IRB] that intermarriages between Sunnis
and Shias are less problematic in Pakistan than marriages between Muslims and
Christians. Sunni and Shi'ite Muslims share the same faith and abide by the same five
pillars of Islam... There are no rules forcing a woman to adopt her husband's particular
branch of Islam...
In practice, the marriage agreement between both spouses will determine whether the
woman joins her husband's religious community and whether the children will grow up
in that community... In general, the children born into Sunni-Shia intermarriages are
normally raised within the father's sect; however, there are cases where the children are
brought up in the mother's sect... [12w]
19.78
19.79
The IRB added that In 24 May 2005 correspondence to the Research Directorate, the
Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP) stated that [t]here is no legal
discrimination against inter-religious couples or their children. As far as the social
situation is concerned, it depends on the beliefs of their extended family or the circle
they move in. The society in general does not discriminate against them. [12w]
19.80
A Daily Times article, dated 8 May 2007, reported on a divorce petition, apparently due
to the parental opposition to a Sunni-Shia inter-religious marriage, stating:
The claimants attorney, advocate Raheel, said that the plaintiffs parents had filed for
khula [divorce] on her behalf three months ago. The couple got married in court seven
months ago. The claimant and the defendant are 22 and 25 years old, respectively,
advocate Raheel said. The two had decided to get married without parental consent.
They were having problems convincing their parents due to sectarian difference: the girl
belongs to a Shia family, while the boys family is Sunni...
[The defendant] said that he does not want to divorce the girl, but her family was
persistent. The defendant also said that he had reason to believe that the girl was not
showing up for the [divorce] hearings because she had been sent away or had been
grounded. The couple had had no contact in the past five months ever since they told
their parents about the marriage. [55a]
See also subsection Shia and Sunni Muslims, and the section: Women
Return to contents
Go to sources
136
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19.82
The Asian Human Rights Commission stated in its report, The State of Human Rights in
Pakistan in 2012 (AHRC Report 2012), published 10 December 2012, that it estimated:
... on average some 700 Christian and 300 Hindu girls are forcibly converted to Islam
each year in Pakistan, notably in Punjab, Khyber Pakhtun Kha and Sindh provinces.
Typically, girls are abducted, raped, and kept in Madrassas, where they are forced to
sign marriage certificates and state that they have converted to Islam. Despite the 2011
Prevention of Anti-women Practices Act, which abolishes the practice of forced
marriages and the exchange of girls in settling disputes, as well as the marriage of
minor girls, the police refuse to intervene in such cases and courts are even complicit in
this, by nullifying womens previous non-Islamic marriages and recognizing their forced
marriages instead. [52n] (p8)
19.83
19.84
The same source stated that a lawyer, of a Hindu family whose daughter was forced to
convert to Islam following her abduction by a wealthy Muslim landowner, explained:
... often Hindu women belonging to lower castes are the most vulnerable and
considered sexually available by men of Muslim-dominated communities. In Friday
sermons at mosques in many areas of Sindh, jihad is often declared against Hindus.
Muslims are exhorted to convert Hindu women to Islam by marrying them. When forced
conversion cases make it to court, lawyers themselves avoid taking them up, fearing a
backlash from maulvis [Islamic scholars]. [110a] (p55)
19.85
Reporting on the abduction and forced conversion and marriage of Hindu girls, IRIN
cited on 27 February 2012 that:
The abduction and kidnapping of Hindu girls is becoming more and more common,
Amarnath Motumal, a lawyer and leader of Karachis Hindu community, told IRIN. This
trend has been growing over the past four or five years, and it is getting worse day by
day. He said there were at least 15-20 forced abductions and conversions of young
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girls from Karachi each month, mainly from the multi-ethnic Lyari area. The fact that
more and more people were moving to Karachi from the interior of Sindh Province
added to the dangers, as there were now more Hindus in Karachi, he said. [41e]
19.86
19.87
19.88
The USSD IRF Report 2012 noted that forced and coerced conversions of religious
minorities to Islam occurred at the hands of societal actors and that, according to
religious minorities, government actions addressing such practices were inadequate.
NGOs reported that ... as many as 20 to 25 women and girls from the Hindu community
were abducted every month and forced to convert to Islam. The USSD also cited a
case of alleged abduction and forced conversion of a Christian woman. [3k] (Section II:
Government inaction)
See also Children: Violence against children
Return to contents
Go to sources
FATWA
19.89
138
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19.91
19.92
In another RIR dated 11 January 2008, the IRB recorded the following information
provided to them by the Chairman of the Government of Pakistan's Council of Islamic
Ideology:
[I]n Pakistan, [the] issuance of fatwa is not organized by the state. It is privately
managed by different institutions. As far as religious official institutions are concerned,
there are ministries of Religious Affairs in the centre and also in provinces but they are
not fatwa organizations. The Council of Islamic Ideology is a constitutional body which
advises the government on Islamic legislation but it also does not issue fatwa. There is
no official organization for [the] issuance of fatwa in Pakistan nor is there any official
format of fatwa. The government does not publicize any fatwa because there is no
official fatwa institution or an official Mufti. [12d]
19.93
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Fatwas are issued privately by various scholars in whom the people have trust. The
common practice is that a number of religious teaching institutions (Madrasas) have
organizations of fatwa under their supervision. There are also individual scholars who
issue these fatwas. However, there is no process of official recognition of any mufti or
fatwa. The people consult these institutions and individuals on the basis of their
knowledge and reputation.
It is difficult to define the reach of a fatwa because the acceptability of [a] fatwa does
not depend on official recognition or organization. The reach of [a] fatwa depends on
personal recognition. It also depends on [the] religious group to which the inquirer of the
fatwa belongs.
The Government of Pakistan [has] no control over the issuance of fatwa[s]. There [is]
no legislation for organizing or controlling the fatwa. According to the theory of fatwa, a
fatwa is not binding. It is not synonymous with legal judgment. A person may ask fatwa
on the same question from several scholars. A mufti is allowed to revoke his fatwa
under several circumstances, including new information, on realizing his mistake in the
interpretation of the sources or finding new evidences. The corrected fatwa is issued
with a note explaining the circumstances. [12d]
Return to contents
Go to sources
Voting rights
19.94
19.95
19.96
140
The Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada (IRB) reported in a response, dated 11
January 2013, on the situation of Ahmadis in Pakistan, that:
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9 August 2013
Pakistan
Sources report that, for electoral purposes, Ahmadis are registered in a separate
voters' list... The Asian Human Rights Commission (AHRC) notes that electoral lists are
divided by religious groups in Pakistan... To register as voters, Ahmadis have to sign a
certificate deny[ing] the veracity of the founder of the Ahmadiyya community... They
are also asked to register themselves as non-Muslims... As a consequence, most
Ahmadis boycotted the 2008 elections... The AHRC further indicates that [t]hese
devious and unacceptable procedures have usurped the fundamental civic rights of
Ahmadis and for decades now they cannot stand as candidates for any assembly,
national, provincial or even district... The AHRC provides the example that even in
Rabwah, Punjab Province, whose population is 95 percent Ahmadi, they do not have
representation on the town council... The Express Tribune similarly notes that Ahmadis
do not vote and do not run for elections... [12v]
19.97
The Asian Human Rights Commission reported on 8 May 2012 that Pakistan has now
introduced a form for the registration of all voters but every applicant who ticks himself
as a Muslim is made to sign a certificate printed on the back of the form declaring that
he or she is not associated with the Qadian or Lahori group, or calls himself an
Ahmadi. This form includes a warning that a violation will be punished with
imprisonment. [52k]
19.98
Regarding the 2008 general elections in Pakistan, the HRCP Report 2008 noted that:
The ECP [Election Commission of Pakistan] compiled a separate electoral roll just for
Ahmadis, distinguishing them from the list of all other eligible voters in the country. In
addition to outright religious discrimination, a separate list for Ahmadis completely
disregarded the spirit of the joint electorate, the Constitution of Pakistan, and the
guarantee of international human rights. As had happened in previous elections, the
Ahmadis chose not to participate in the elections. [27a] (p105, Political participation)
See also subsection Ahmadis
19.99
The Legal Framework Order (LFO) 2002 altered article 51 of the Constitution so that ten
seats in the National Assembly were reserved for non-Muslims (including Christians,
Sikhs, Hindus, Parsis and Ahmadis). The LFO also amended article 106 of the
constitution so that the Provincial Assemblies would have seats reserved for nonMuslims: three seats in both Balochistan and NWFP [North West Frontier Province],
eight in Punjab and nine in Sindh (though Ahmadis were not entitled to reserved
representation in Baluchistan). (National Reconstruction Bureau; Legal Framework
Order 2002, 21 August 2002) [29j]
19.100 Of the twenty three seats allocated to minorities in total in the Provincal Assemblies,
nine were set aside for Christians, seven for Hindus, four for Sikhs, Buddhists and
Parsis [together], and three for Ahmadis. (Revival of The Constitution of 1973 Order,
1985, date accessed 20 May 2013) [29p]
19.101 The USSD IRF Report 2012 observed, in regard to Ahmadis, that:
The government designates religious affiliation on passports and requests religious
information in national identity card applications. A citizen must have a national identity
card to vote. Those wishing to be listed as Muslims must swear their belief that the
Prophet Muhammad is the final prophet, and denounce the Ahmadiyya Muslim
movements founder as a false prophet and his followers as non-Muslim. This provision
prevents Ahmadi Muslims from obtaining legal documents and puts pressure on
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members of the community to deny their beliefs in order to enjoy citizenship rights,
including the right to vote. Many Ahmadis are thus effectively excluded from taking part
in elections. [3p] (Section II: Legal/Policy Framework)
Return to contents
Go to sources
Ahmadis
Background
19.102 Al Islam, the official website of the Ahmadiyya Muslim Community, accessed 10 August
2011, noted in its undated overview of Ahmadis, that:
The Ahmadiyya Muslim Community is a dynamic, fast growing international revival
movement within Islam. Founded in 1889, it spans over 195 countries with membership
exceeding tens of millions. Its current headquarters are in the United Kingdom.
Ahmadiyya Muslim Community is the only Islamic organization to believe that the longawaited Messiah has come in the person of Mirza Ghulam Ahmad(as) (1835-1908) of
Qadian. Ahmad(as) claimed to be the metaphorical second coming of Jesus(as) of
Nazareth and the divine guide, whose advent was foretold by the Prophet of Islam,
Muhammad(sa). Ahmadiyya Muslim Community believes that God sent Ahmad(as), like
Jesus(as), to end religious wars, condemn bloodshed and reinstitute morality, justice
and peace. Ahmads(as) advent has brought about an unprecedented era of Islamic
revival. He divested Islam of fanatical beliefs and practices by vigorously championing
Islams true and essential teachings...
His rigorous and rational defenses of Islam unsettled conventional Muslim thinking. As
part of its effort to revive Islam, Ahmadiyya Muslim Community continues to spread
Ahmads(as) teachings of moderation and restraint in the face of bitter opposition from
parts of the Muslim world...
Five spiritual leaders have succeeded Ahmad(as) since his demise in 1908. Its fifth
and current spiritual head, Mirza Masroor Ahmad, resides in the United Kingdom. [17a]
19.103 The website for The Lahore Ahmadiyya Movement in Islam, accessed 10 August 2011,
noted that ...there are two sections of the Ahmadiyya Movement... Ahmadiyya Anjuman
Ishaat-i-Islam Lahore, the head quarters of which is in Lahore, Pakistan. The other
section is the Qadiani Jamaat, the headquarters of which is in Rabwah, Pakistan. The
website, undated, described the main differences between the the Qadiani Jamaat and
the Lahore Ahmadiyya Jamaat:
The Qadiani Jamaat believes that all Muslims who have not entered in the Bai'at
(pledge) of the Founder of the Ahmadiyya Movement are kafirs and out of the pail of
Islam, even though these Muslims never heard the name of the Founder or even though
they may be believing in the Founder's truthfulness. The crux of the matter according to
the Qadiani Jamaat is the formal entry in the Bai'at of the Founder of the Ahmadiyya
Movement on the terms of belief entertained and preached by them.
As against the above Qadiani belief, the Lahore Ahmadiyya Jamaat believes that every
person who recites Kalimah-e-Tayyebah [There is no god but Allah, and Muhammad
is the Messenger of Allah (La ilaha ill-Allah, Muhammad-ur rasul-ullah) The
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Demography
19.104 Official figures obtained from the Government of Pakistans Population Census
Organisation in its last Pakistan census, conducted in 1998, recorded that Ahmadis
represented 0.22% [29r] (Population by religion) of the total Pakistan population (at
that time) of 132,325,279 [29l] (Area, Population, Density and Urban/Rural
Proportion) approximately 291,000 people. The USSD IRF Report 2010 noted that
the number of Ahmadis in Pakistan according to Jamaat-e-Ahmadiyya, is nearly
600,000, although it is difficult to establish an accurate estimate because Ahmadis, who
are legally prohibited from identifying themselves as Muslims, generally choose not to
identify themselves as non-Muslims. [3l] (Section I) The USCIRF Report 2013 stated
that there may be three to four million Ahmadis in Pakistan. [53d] (p119)
19.105 The website Persecution of Ahmadiyya Muslim Community, reporting on the religious
persecution of the Ahmadiyya Muslim community, stated in its annual report,
Persecution of Ahmadis in Pakistan during the Year 2010 (Annual Report 2010), dated
31 December 2010, that the Ahmadi headquarters was based in Rabwah and more
than 95 per cent of its population was Ahmadi. [60a] (p4) Based on official government
figures Rabwah has a population of about 70,000 Ahmadis. (PHRG Report 2007) [51a]
(p2, Section 1, Introduction)
19.106 The Persecution of Ahmadiyya Muslim Community Annual Report 2010 also noted that
Rabwah was now officially named Chenab Nagar despite residents objections. [60a]
(p65)
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19.112 The Journal of Humanitarian Affairs published an article dated 23 September 2011,
which stated:
If you go to a passport office in Pakistan to apply for a new passport, or renew an older
one, you soon find yourself face to face with an instant formula for religious intolerance.
Your religious faith or affiliation is to be printed on your passport and the procedure
requires you to sign a declaration that literally abuses a former Muslim sect that has
long been cast out as infidels. Whats the worst is that you have to sign it or else you
dont get your passport without having to declare yourself a non-Muslim (which means
potential victimization, possibly life-threatening). [46a]
19.113 The USCIRF Report 2013 noted that In recent years, individuals have refused to sign
the religious affirmation clause for a passport and still received the document. [53d]
(p127)
19.114 In a letter to the UK Border Agency, dated 20 January 2011, with regards to recording a
persons religious faith in a Pakistani passport, the British High Commission (BHC) in
Islamabad consulted with an official working within the passport circle in the
Government of Pakistans Federal Investigation Agency. He responded as follows
There is no stamp of Ahmadiyya. Its [sic the persons religion] printed on second
page of the passport...its [a] one time process and it can be printed only... once when
[the] passport is printed. [11p]
19.115 The BHC also consulted with a locally employed member of staff within the British High
Commission, whose opinion was as follows:
The old PAK ppt [Pakistani passport] had [a] religion column on the biodata page. The
new PAK machine readable ppts were introduced in Oct 2004 when religion was not
being mentioned. In 2006 the authorities started putting religion on [the] annotation
page. The passport database is interconnected with the NADRA's [National Database
and Registration Authority] system, where the things are being tallied. During the
database recording for a new PAK ppt, religion question is asked. If there is any
discrepancy the applicants are asked to submit [an] affidavit on this to remove doubts.
[11p]
19.116 The same letter added, in response to the following questions posed by the UK Border
Agency:
UKBA: What is the process to record your faith in a Pakistani passport?
BHC: At the time of data recording for a new passport questions are asked verbally
including religion.
UKBA: Is a stamp issued to confirm the individuals Ahmadiyya faith?
BHC: There has never been any stamp impression (Rubber Stamp) for religion/faith on
the manual (old) PAK ppt. However the faith/religion is printed on the annotation page of
the new PAK ppt. The term Ahmadiyya is printed on page two of the passport. We are
not aware of there being a wet ink stamp.
UKBA: Who applies the stamp in the Pakistani passport?
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BHC: The passport and Immigration authorities are responsible for printing the biodata
and additional info of the applicant (faith/religion) on the passports both on manual and
machine readable.
UKBA: Can the stamp be applied at any stage?
BHC: Yes, but in such cases applicants needs [sic] to reapply for modifications and [a]
new passport will be issued.
UKBA: Could a bribe be paid for an Ahmadiyya stamp to be issued?
BHC: The system can be abused... [in] different ways. It is possible that a bribe could
be paid at the time the passport is issued, but we do not have any direct evidence of
this.
UKBA: Do those with the Ahmadiyya faith declared in their passport have problems
with immigration when departing from Pakistan?
BHC: There isn't any problem in departing from Pakistan for Ahmadis holding Pakistani
ppt. As long as the visa and passport is genuine. [11p]
19.117 The HRCP Report 2009 noted that According to the Federal Minister for Religious
Affairs, International Machine Readable (IMR) passports were made mandatory for
obtaining Hajj visas in 2009. Applications without Computerized National Identity Cards
(CNIC) and IMR passports were not entertained causing great inconvenience to the
pilgrims. [27c] (p120)
See also subsection on Voting rights above, and sections: Citizenship and Nationality;
National identity cards; Exit/entry procedures; Passports, and Forged and fraudulently
obtained official documents
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Khatme Nabuwaat
19.118 The USSD IRF Report 2009, described the Khatme Nabuwwat (Committee to Secure
the Finality of Prophethood) as ... an anti-Ahmadiyya religious clerical group. [3c]
(Section II)
19.119 The PHRG Report 2007 reported on a meeting with the Khatme Nabuwaat in Rabwah.
The report observed:
members of the Islamabad Chapter of Khatme Nabuwwat informed the mission that it
is Khatme Nabuwwats belief that no Prophet can come after Mohammed as he is the
final Prophet. Anyone who claims otherwise is an infidel and their claim is false,
baseless and a crime. Khatme Nabuwwats mission is therefore to spread
understanding of the finality of the Prophet through preaching and books. The source
insisted that they have mutual respect for all, including Ahmadis, as humans. However,
Ahmadis should not assert themselves to be Muslim because they do not believe in the
laws of the Prophet.the purpose of Khatme Nabuwwat is to act against those who do
not accept the finality of the prophet, to contradict them and to invite them to rejoin the
faith. this role means that the focus of Khatme Nabuwwat is on Ahmadis in particular.
According to Khatme Nabuwwat (Islamabad Chapter) the movement against Ahmadis
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started when members of the Muslim community were attacked by Ahmadis at Rabwah
railway station in 1974: the source told the mission that Ahmadis were terrorists, and
they are terrorists today. [51a] (p8)
19.120 The same source also noted that representatives of the Ahmadi community in Rabwah
stated that members or supporters of the Khatme Nabuwaat were the principal
attackers of Ahmadis and their property in Rabwah. [51a] (p8 Section 2, The role of
Khatme Nabuwwat (Committee to Secure the Finality of the Prophethood))
19.121 The website Persecution of Ahmadiyya Muslim Community reported in its Annual
Report 2012 that, despite Khatme Nabuwwat and other anti-Ahmadi groups holding
gatherings in Rabwah (p98-99), All rallies and conferences of Ahmadis in Rabwah...
large or small have been under a ban since April 1984 after the promulgation of antiAhmadiyya ordinance. Even sports events organized by the Community have been
prohibited by the authorities. [60b] (p197)
19.122 On its website, accessed 27 June 2013, Khatm-e-Nubuwwat expressed its opinion on
the Ahmadiyya, which stated:
Qadiyaniat (so called Ahmediyyat) is a non-genuine maneuvered ideology, invented by
anti-Islam imperialist forces, aiming at shaking the very foundations of Islam.
Qadiayanis are nothing but a gang of traitors, apostates and infidels, and yet many still
accompany them out of confusion and lack of knowledge. The purpose of this site is to
disclose the anti-Islamic character of these heretics and provide relevant information to
those who need it. Needless to say that it is the primary religious duty of every Muslim
to struggle against this evil. [109a]
19.123 The same source branded the Ahmadi faith as a cult and stated:
Qadianism (Ahmadism) is pseudo religion whose leadership exploits its members
socially, psychologically and financially. The leaders of this cult have been able to
maintain their hegemony over their ordinary members through treachery, plagiarism,
cruel and inhuman discipline. This cult aims to steal the identity of Islam by
misinterpreting the original sources of Islam. The purpose of this site is to expose the
tactics and logical fallacies of this cult. [109a]
19.124 The South Asia Terrorism Portal (SATP) reported in its South Asia Intelligence Review
Weekly Assessment and Briefings, dated 27 June 2011, that On June 10, 2011, the All
Pakistan Students Khatm-e-Nubuwat (End of Prophethood) Federation issued
pamphlets branding members of the Ahmadiyya community as wajib-ul-qatl (obligatory
to be killed). The pamphlet, circulated in Faisalabad District of Punjab Province, read,
To shoot such people is an act of jihad and to kill such people is an act of sawab
(blessing). [61f] (Volume 9, No. 51, June 27, 2011)
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The Ahmadis are one of the largest minority groups in the country and the members of
this community are outstanding citizens that contribute to the welfare and wellbeing of
the community. However, they are frequently attacked for their beliefs. Their places of
worship are attacked and they are not allowed to carryout their religious observances.
They are a disenfranchised people. They are even not allowed to bury their dead in
public graveyards. [52m]
19.126 The HRCP Report 2012 cited:
The hate campaign and violence against Ahmadi citizens continued without any
obvious challenge across the country in 2012. As many as 20 Ahmadis were killed on
account of their religious identity or belief in the year under review. The incidence of
murderous attacks was the greatest in Karachi where 10 Ahmadis were assassinated in
2012, four of them in the space of 10 days in September and another three in October.
A fourth Ahmadi man injured in an attack in the city in October died in November. Two
Ahmadis were killed in Nawabshah, Sindh, and another two in Quetta, Balochistan. The
other six Ahmadis were killed in Layyah, Sargodha, Chiniot and Sialkot districts of
Punjab, Bannu district of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Harnai district of Balochistan. [27b]
(p103)
19.127 The Parliamentary Human Rights Group Report of the PHRG Fact Finding Mission to
Pakistan to Examine the Human Rights Situation of the Ahmadiyya Community,
published 24 September 2010 (PHRG Report 2010), stated that The Mission were told
about several cases of the murder of Ahmadis, reportedly for their religious beliefs. In
many of these cases it appears that the police are slow to carry out a proper
investigation and that even following a religiously motivated murder, the family of the
deceased is not being given any protection. [51b] (p24)
19.128 The USCIRF Report 2013 stated:
In recent years, scores of Ahmadis have been murdered in attacks which appear to be
religiously motivated. During the reporting period [31 January 2012 to 31 January 2013],
USCIRF received reports of 44 different attacks targeting Ahmadis, with 22 incidents
resulting in the death of 23 individuals. Attacks occurred across the country, including
major cities such as Lahore, Quetta, and Karachi... The poor legal standing of Ahmadis
under Pakistans constitution and criminal code (discussed below) fosters a climate of
impunity, where perpetrators feel empowered to attack them with little or no fear of
arrest or prosecution. [53d] (p122)
19.129 The website Persecution of Ahmadiyya Muslim Community noted in its Annual Report
2012, published 31 December 2012, that 20 Ahmadis were murdered for their faith in
2012, ten of whom were killed in Karachi. (p27) According to the source, between 1984
and 31 December 2012, 226 Ahmadis were murdered for their faith. [60b] p197)
19.130 On 7 May 2012, The Express Tribune, citing a report by Jamaat Ahmaddiya,
Persecution of Ahmedis in Pakistan during the year 2011, published on 2 May, stated
that, since 1984, 210 Ahmadis had been murdered for their faith, with 254 assassination
attempts. [92j]
19.131 The AHRC reported on 12 March 2012 that For some years now, Ahmadi elites in
Pakistan have been targeted. Several businessmen, engineers, doctors, academics and
others have been either killed or kidnapped. Some have been ransomed at a very high
cost and there are others, who have not been traced and the authorities have shown no
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interest in their recovery. Ahmadi teachers have been discriminated against and even
terminated because of their faith. [52j]
19.132 The website, Persecution of Ahmadiyya Muslim Community, accessed 20 June 2013,
provided Monthly Reports of incidents against the Ahmadi community in Pakistan,
dating back from the year 2000. [60c]
19.133 The HRCP Report 2012 stated:
In a number of cases, the police in Punjab either removed the Kalima (Islamic creed)
from Ahmadi worship places or demolished the minarets of the structures. This
happened in Kharian in July, in Lahores localities of Garhi Shahu and Sultanpura in
May, and in Mughalpura (Lahore) and Khushab in September. Ahmadis in Lahore and
Sargodha also complained that in some places the police had barred them from offering
animal sacrifices on Eidul Azha. Several incidents of religionbased harassment of
Ahmadi students were reported from different places... A number of Ahmadi graveyards
were attacked, including one incident in Lahore where around a dozen armed men
vandalised 120 tombstones in the Ahmadi graveyard at Model Town in December.
Police removed Quranic verses and religious texts from tombstones in an Ahamdi
graveyard in Hafizabad in August. In the same district, unidentified men erased Islamic
inscriptions from gravestones in another Ahmadi cemetery in October. [27b] (p103104)
19.134 The PHRG Report 2010 also cited the attack on two Ahmadi mosques that occurred in
May 2010, subsequent to the Missions visit of February 2010. The Report noted that:
The attack happened on Friday the 28th May 2010 when two large Ahmadi mosques
were full of worshippers who had gathered for Friday-prayers. A well coordinated attack
for which the responsibility was claimed by Tehrik-e-Taliban, a hitherto unknown group
but assumed to be a front for a sectarian organisation. Those who survived claimed that
they heard the attackers shouting slogans of Khatm-e-Nabuwaat and kill all!.
Assailants entered the two mosques when the people were worshipping and in the end
85 people were killed and 150 injured. [51b] (p29)
19.135 The same source added that:
Representatives of the Ahmadiyya community told the Mission that the situation [of
discrimation and violence] that currently exists cannot be attributed solely to extremist
Mullahs who openly incite hatred and murder. It is also the state and political parties in
power who are contributing to the discrimination against and persecution of Ahmadis.
The Mission met several state representatives, who without exception stated that state
bodies were pressurised by religious extremists and that their own ability to reign in
these parties was very limited. Representatives of the Islamabad Ahmadiyya community
told the Mission that the reason for the failure of the government to take active steps
against religious extremists was the fact that even the government was reliant on their
support.
In Lahore the Mission was told that [sic] the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan that
extremist Mullahs have developed a power base and now wield much influence
because they are being encouraged by the governments failure to act against them.
While there is impunity there is no reason for these groups to stop. According to the
Commission the government must make examples of extremist Mullahs. At the local
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level, the police are often reluctant to touch the Mullahs again this reflects the failure
of the government to deal with the situation at any level. [51b] (p37-38)
19.136 In its Annual Report 2011, dated 31 December 2011, the Persecution of Ahmadiyya
Muslim Community reported on the ongoing mulla-led hate campaign against Ahmadis,
using tools such as sermons, leaflets, newspapers and the internet. (p13) The report
noted:
The anti-Ahmadi hate campaign is gaining further momentum and its effects are felt by
Ahmadis all over Pakistan. This year, a greater number of Ahmadi communities were
targeted in various cities, towns and villages compared to last year; even educational
institutions have not been spared, and Ahmadi students have consequently suffered.
The authorities have been repeatedly informed of the worsening situation, but little
effective action is taken against the sources and leadership of this well coordinated and
deadly campaign that continues to intensify. [61b] (p23)
19.137 The HRCP Report 2012 concurred and cited Hate speech continued unchallenged with
the Ahmadis being the most common target. Posters and stickers exhorting the faithful
to at the very least boycott the Ahmadis socially were not an uncommon sight on the
walls of main cities and in public and private intra-city buses. [27b] (p100)
19.138 On 7 May 2012, The Express Tribune noted that During 2011 Ahmadis were not
allowed to build any places of worship anywhere in Pakistan. At some places, the police
forcibly stopped the construction... There were 1,008 cases pending against Ahmedis in
courts throughout the country. [92j]
19.139 In its Annual Report 2012, the website Persecution of Ahmadiyya Muslim Community
stated that 56 Ahmadis were booked by the police in 2012, 20 more than in 2011. (p2)
The report also listed the number of criminal cases brought against Ahmadis from April
1984 to 31 December 2012. The list included 447 cases of Ahmadis booked for posing
as Muslims, 747 booked for preaching and 299 charged under the Blasphemy Law,
i.e. PPC 295-C. The summary cited a total of 3,913 cases of Ahmadis being booked or
charged on religious grounds. In addition, the report also noted that the entire
population of Rabwah (more than 60,000 people) was booked under 298-C of the Penal
Code on 8 June 2008. [60b] (p196)
19.140 On 9 July 2008, the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP) reported that a
First Information Report (FIR) was lodged on 8 June 2008 against thousands of Ahmadi
residents of Rabwah. The FIR followed official celebrations of the Ahmadi community
that were held across Pakistan, especially in Rabwah. The FIR stated that ... every
person of every locality of the community was seen involved in these celebrations with
fire works, lighting their places, and greeting each other (which is amounted to
preaching of their faith, a crime according to a controversial law of the country). [27d]
19.141 The USSD Report 2009 noted with regards to the above case that There were no
developments regarding the June 2008 case in which police charged all the residents of
Rabwah in Punjab under anti-Ahmadi laws and arrested Muhammad Yunus for lighting
fireworks and lamps and greeting each other, which the government considered to be
preaching their faith, a crime by law. [3b] (Section 2c)
19.142 The USSD IRF Report 2012 added that At years end, no Ahmadis were in prison;
however, during the year 26 Ahmadis were arrested for their faith and spent time in
prison before being released on bail. [3k] (Section II)
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19.143 The PHRG Report 2010 stated that The Mission was told by a number of witnesses
that the judicial process moved very slowly in the case of Ahmadis and that
discretionary remedies, like the granting of bail, were frequently refused to Ahmadis.
[51b] (p37)
19.144 The same source cited a testimony from a witness whose husband, Mohammed Iqbal,
had been sentenced to 25 years imprisonment for blasphemy. The Mission met and
interviewed Mr Iqbals wife and son, who said that they had been the only Ahmadi family
in their village and that the incident arose because the imam of the local mosque did not
approve of Mr Iqbal coming to the mosque to talk to him. Mr Iqbal appealed against his
sentence but, five years on, the appeal is still pending. In the meantime, Mrs Iqbal
moved to Rabwah, where it it was reported that she feels safer. [51b] (p20)
19.145 In a report to the UN Committee Against Racial Discrimination, Pakistan: The Land of
Religious Apartheid and Jackboot Justice, published August 2007, the Asian Centre for
Human Rights (ACHR) stated that On 26 January 2007, police reportedly registered
cases against five Ahmadi children... under Section 17 of the Maintenance of Public
Order Ordinance in Chora Kalan police station in Khushab district for subscribing to
Jamaat-e-Ahmadiyas monthly childrens magazine Tasheezul Azhan. [67a] (p5:
Persecution under blasphemy laws)
19.146 The USSD IRF Report 2012 also noted that Ahmadis faced restrictions on establishing
places of worship and the authorities:
... consistently refused to grant permission to construct non-Muslim places of worship,
especially for the Ahmadiyya and Bahai communities, citing the need to maintain public
order. Minority religious groups accused the government of inaction in cases where
extremist groups attacked their places of worship. Ahmadis reported that their mosques
and community lands were routinely confiscated by local authorities and given to the
mainstream Muslim community. Ahmadis also reported incidents in which authorities
tried to block construction or renovation of their places of worship. Because the law
prohibits Ahmadi Muslims from reciting or relating to the kalima (Islamic testimony of
faith), authorities forcibly removed the kalima from Ahmadi places of worship in some
instances. District governments often refused to grant Ahmadi Muslims permission to
hold public events; they instead held meetings in members homes. [3k] (Section II)
19.147 All minorities claimed to have experienced discrimination in recruitment for government
jobs, but the Ahmadis particularly suffered and ...contended that a glass ceiling
prevented their promotion to senior positions, and certain government departments
refused to hire or retain qualified Ahmadi Muslims. (USSD IRF Report 2012) [3k]
(Section II)
19.148 The PHRG Report 2010 noted that The Mission received a number of reports and
testimony of witnesses to the effect that it was very difficult for Ahmadis to construct
places of worship. In the most extreme case, the local administration actually
demolished a half finished structure which was intended to be used as a place of
worship. [51b] (p31)
19.149 In interviewing Ahmadi Community Representatives in Rabwah, members of the PHRG
Report 2007 identified that first information reports [charge/allegation reported to the
police] brought against Ahmadis were registered by three main sources, those lodged
by members of Khatme Nabuwwat, those precipitated by police or government
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intervention, and those used to settle personal rivalries or enmity. [51a] (p12, Section
3, Potential Risk Factors Faced by Ahmadis in Rabwah)
19.150 Members of the PHRG were informed by the Ahmadi Community Representatives that
they could not look to the police or the Courts for protection in Rabwah and were unable
to give an example, to the PHRG mission, of the police having provided protection to an
Ahmadi in Rabwah. The report further noted that:
The mission were informed that the state provides no protection to senior Ahmadi
figures or mosques at Rabwah, except for a symbolic presence at the central mosque at
Friday prayers. The Representatives described how during the Khatme Nabuwwat
conference in Rabwah the police line the streets and look on as Khatme Nabuwwat
members march through the town, chanting filthy, dirty slogans and vandalising
Ahmadi property... The Ahmadi Community Representatives concluded that if someone
fled to Rabwah fearing attack in their home area there would be no police protection
available to them. Indeed, the police are seen by the community as actively protecting
the Mullahs and their followers. [51a] (p21, Section 4.2, State protection)
19.151 The PHRG members consulted other sources and similar views were expressed:
Faizur Rehman, President, Amnesty International Pakistan stated that nowhere,
including Rabwah, is safe for Ahmadis as the police would refuse to give protection to
an Ahmadi. When asked if the police might react differently in Rabwah to elsewhere in
Pakistan, Mr Rehman explained that whilst it is not impossible, it has not happened. He
explained that... even relatively senior and educated local police officers find that their
hands are tied by their superiors when dealing with Ahmadi cases. [51a] (p21, Section
4.2, State protection)
19.152 On the subject of internal relocation and Rabwah, the PHRG spoke with Amnesty
International President, Faiz ur Rehman, who noted:
...that it is only Rabwah where the Ahmadi are in the majority and as a result an
Ahmadi may feel a little safe in Rabwah compared to a town or village where they are in
a small minority. Those from outside Rabwah may therefore flee there if they are in fear
in their home area. However, Mr Rehman pointed out that Khatme Nabuwwat have an
office in Rabwah. Thus, whilst those who flee to Rabwah might gain safety for a period
of time, fear of Khatme Nabuwwat is ever present... Broadly agreeing with Mr Rehman,
the HRCP [Human Rights Commission of Pakistan] explained that whilst Rabwah is
safer than most other places in Pakistan for Ahmadis, there are instances of violence
here as well. When asked about whether Rabwah can offer a refuge for those targeted
elsewhere in Pakistan, the HRCP explained that if an Ahmadi was pursued across
Pakistan, they would be caught by their persecutor in Rabwah. Clarifying this point, the
HRCP stated that safety in Rabwah depends on the nature of the persecution and/or
the influence of the persecutor... The HRCP explained that the best way for an Ahmadi
to protect her or himself is to hide their religion: living in Rabwah has the opposite effect
as it is the focus of Khatme Nabuwwat and living in the town marks a person as an
Ahmadi. [51a] (p20, Section 4.1, Community protection)
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19.153 The Human Rights Watch World Report 2013, Pakistan, dated 31 January 2013, stated
that Ahmadis faced ...increasing social discrimination as militant groups used
provisions of the law to prevent Ahmadis from posing as Muslims, forced the
demolition of Ahmadi mosques in Lahore, barred Ahmadis from using their mosques in
Rawalpindi, and vandalized Ahmadi graves across Punjab province. In most instances,
Punjab provincial officials supported militants demands instead of protecting Ahmadis
and their mosques and graveyards. [7i] (Religious minorities and women)
19.154 The HRCP Report 2012 noted The Ahmadis complained that while the authorities
banned their conferences, rallies and major sporting events in Rabwa, the centre of the
Ahmadi community in Pakistan, anti-Ahmadi clerics were given a free hand to hold a
number of provocative rallies in and around Rabwa. [27b] (p104)
19.155 The PHRG Report 2007, considering the social context of the Ahmadis, reported that:
The HRCP [Human Rights Commission of Pakistan] note that there is a class or
economic element motivating this [poor] treatment of Ahmadis, pointing out that the
Hindu community, who belong to a low economic class, receives relatively little popular
attention and low levels of discrimination. The Ahmadis, however, tend to be an
educated and successful community whose members have historically risen to
important positions in government and civil society. Today, Ahmadis are prevented from
accessing senior employment in state defence or civil institutions. Faiz ur Rehman
(President of Amnesty International Pakistan) described the situation in similar terms:
prior to 1974 there had been a large number of Ahmadis in senior positions in the
Pakistan administration. This is now no longer the case: there are no Ahmadi policy
makers, judges, or educationalists. [51a] (p6, Section 2, Position of Ahmadis in
Pakistan)
19.156 The report added that the:
British High Commission (BHC) also noted the role played by the media. The HRCP
described the vernacular press as having become virulently anti-Ahmadi. State
television contains broadcasts of anti-Ahmadi rhetoric, including phrases such as
Ahmadis deserve to die. Even in the traditionally liberal English language press
religious freedom is becoming harder to defend as journalists increasingly fear attack if
they defend Ahmadis. The BHC stated that public opinion on Ahmadis, encouraged by
the vernacular press, is conservative. Whilst Christian rights may be upheld in the
press, Ahmadi rights are not. The effect is that most people have accepted the
proposition that Ahmadis are non-Muslim and this is as far as they take the issue.
However, others use the discrimination as an opportunity for personal or political gain.
[51a] (p6, Section 2, Position of Ahmadis in Pakistan)
19.157 The same source recorded that:
The HRCP stated that the situation faced by Ahmadis today is very poor, and becoming
worse as each year passes. In a country where sectarianism is on the increase, the
Ahmadis were described by HRCP as being in the worst case scenario: the official
policy on religion leaves the group extremely vulnerable. The threat to Ahmadis varies
from place to place: in some villages Ahmadis are able to live safely, whilst in others
they have been driven out. The reports of violence fluctuate each year but the overall
trend of violence against Ahmadis is worseningThe atmosphere of intolerance
towards Ahmadis in which the perpetrators of violence against them are painted as
the injured parties is increasing, and is being indirectly nurtured by the government
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who do not defend Ahmadis. Three years ago a member of the judiciary or government
would have spoken out against violence or stepped in to defend Ahmadis against
attacks in the press, but this is no longer the case [51a] (p7, Section 2.1, Social and
political environment)
19.158 On 7 May 2012, The Express Tribune, citing a report by Jamaat Ahmaddiya,
Persecution of Ahmedis in Pakistan during the year 2011, published on 2 May, stated
The Urdu press and media are contributing to the hate campaign against Ahmedis by
publishing baseless stories,... During 2011 more than 1,173 baseless stories against
Ahmedis were published... [92j]
19.159 In monitoring the mainstream Urdu newspapers during 2010 the HRCP Report 2010
found ... 1,468 news, articles and editorials that promoted hate, intolerance or
discrimination against the Ahmedis. Hate campaigns against the Ahmedi community
also continued across the country through the use of stickers, wall chalking and
distribution of pamphlets. [27e] (p127)
19.160 Amnesty International (AI) reported on 2 February 2012 on threats from religious groups
attempting to block Ahmadis from entering their place on worship in Rawalpindi on 3
February 2012, and called for the Pakistan authorities to do more to protect the Ahmadi
community. The report noted that The call comes a week after some 5,000 people
demonstrated in favour of demolition of the Ewan-e-Tauheed, one of the largest Ahmadi
places of worship in the city of Rawalpindi. Sam Zarifi, Asia-Pacific Director of Amnesty
International, stated: Police provided some protection to the Ewan-e-Tauheed to ensure
its safety during last Fridays rally. That is an important immediate step, but the
Pakistani government must do a lot more to address and reverse the widespread,
systematic campaign of vilification against religious minorities in Pakistan. AI continued
Last Fridays rally, which was organized by traders unions and religious groups
including Jamaatud Dawa, Jamaat-i-Islami and Ahle Sunnat Wal Jamaawas, was also
attended by Zia Ullah Shah, a member of the Punjab Assembly from the Pakistan
Muslim League-Nawaz political party that is in government in the province. [13g]
19.161 On 3 February 2012, the Asian Human Rights Commission (AHRC) also reported on
the anti-Ahmadi demonstrations and stated that the protesters held ...banners and
posters containing the words of hatred and threats for the Ahmadis community and
demanding that they stop their religious practices [including worshipping and
proselytizing]. One banner was conveying the message that the Qadianis must be
forced to stop their unconstitutional activities. [52h]
19.162 Amnesty International also added Ahmadi graves have been damaged across the
Punjab, with around two dozen desecrated in one instance in December last year [2011]
alone. Last month [January 2012], several graves were reportedly damaged in Quetta,
in the province of Balochistan. [13g]
19.163 Citing the Jamaat Ahmaddiya annual report from 2 May 2012, The Express Tribune
noted on 7 May that since 1984 ... 23 Ahmedi places of worship have been demolished
and 28 sealed by the administration. Sixteen places of worship have been taken over,
29 graves have been opened and desecrated. As many as 57 Ahmadis have been
refused burial in common graveyards. [92j]
19.164 The SATP reported in its South Asia Intelligence Review Weekly Assessment and
Briefings, dated 27 June 2011, that On June 10, 2011, the All Pakistan Students
Khatm-e-Nubuwat (End of Prophethood) Federation issued pamphlets branding
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If the conversion is declared in public then such a person has to face severe
consequences and he would be legally declared non-Muslim and liable to be
killed....
If the case is not declared and such conversion remains secret then ... such a
person escapes legal punishment but still faces mental torture and prejudicial
treatment...
In a telephone interview with the Research Directorate, the Eastern Canada Regional
Amir corroborated that some people do not advertise their conversion to the Ahmadi
faith... [12o]
19.170 The USSD IRF Report 2012 stated that discrimination on the admission of Ahmadis to
higher education institutions continued to exist. [3k] (Section II)
Christians
19.171 The SPARC Report 2011 stated, with regards to personal laws of minorities, that:
The only laws concerning Christians are the Christian Marriage Act 1872 and the
Christian Marriage and Divorce Act of 1869. Under the 1869 Act, the only basis for
dissolving a marriage is adultery which is treated under the Islamic Law of Evidence
1984. The Islamic Law states that the accuser has to bring at least four sane, adult
Muslim male witnesses to prove adultery. The other issues arising out of matrimony, for
instance, child custody, inheritance, and adoption, are all dealt with under the general
jurisdiction conferred on the Family Courts by the Family Courts Act 1964... the courts
accept proof of Christian marriages from priests... [71b] (p153)
See also Women: Family laws: marriage, divorce and inheritance
19.172 On 11 August 2010, the Daily Times reported that Prime Minister Yousaf Raza Gilani
on Tuesday [10 August] said that the government was committed for the preservation of
rights of minorities in Pakistan. In his message declaring 11 August as Minorities Day,
the Daily Times quoted Prime Minister Gilani as saying We recognise that our
minorities are responsible and patriotic and are playing their due role in nation building.
We will, therefore, not allow the miscreants to be successful in their ulterior motives...
[55b]
19.173 However, Christian Today, an independent, inter-denominational Christian media
company, reported on 12 August 2010, that Christians across Pakistan observed Black
Day on 11 August, in protest against the discrimination Christians in Pakistan faced.
The report noted The latest protests were staged by Human Rights Focus Pakistan
(HRFP). Representatives of churches, Christian rights groups and believers from all
walks of life, participated in a protest rally which ended at the Lahore Press Club.
[119a]
19.174 The same source added that Naveed Walter, President of HRFP, condemned what was
to be known as Minority Day. He was quoted as saying that the ...increasing incidents
of injustice and discrimination against Pakistani Christians had prompted his group and
other Christian organisations to observe August 11 as Black Day. [119a]
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19.175 Reporting on the recent case in Pakistan which saw a Christian woman sentenced to
death under the blasphemy laws, Reuters news noted on 10 January 2011 that
Christians and Muslims generally live in harmony, but many say they are treat[ed] as
second-class citizens and feel insecure for several reasons, including the blasphemy
law and sporadic militant attacks on churches... While Muslims are charged with
blasphemy in more than 50 percent of cases, human rights activists say the legislation
is often used to persecute minorities, or settle personal scores... [10f]
See also Blasphemy laws and Death penalty
19.176 The HRCP Report 2009 stated:
As the militancy surged in the northwestern parts of the country, enforced migration and
displacement of thousands of Christians from Swat valley, Peshawar, Mardan,
Nowshera and FATA [Federally Administered Tribal Areas] was reported following
threats to them to convert to Islam or face death issued by the militants. Forced to take
refuge with their relatives in Punjab and Sindh provinces, these families faced immense
hardships as the government could not provide adequate succour. At the same time
many Christian families victims of the blasphemy law were forced to live in hiding in
attempts to save their lives. There was little change in their social ostracization. [27c]
(p124)
19.177 The HRCP Report 2009 noted that In January [2009], Adiala jail became the first prison
in the country to have a church on its premises. The jail authorities had provided land
for the church and the local Christian community provided the Rs [Rupees] 1.2 million
needed for constructing the building for around 250 Christian prisoners in the jail. [27c]
(p99)
See also Section: Prison Conditions
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Demography
19.178 The Writenet report, Pakistan: The Situation of Religious Minorities, dated May 2009,
commissioned by the UNHCR and written by Shaun R. Gregory and Simon R.
Valentine, estimated there were three to four million Christians (about two to three per
cent of the population) living in Pakistan, with an approximate equal split between
Protestants and Catholics. Some sources estimated the number of Christians to be at
least twice the official number. The report noted Approximately 80 percent of Christians
live in the Punjab, with around 14 percent in Sindh, 4 percent in the NWFP, and 2
percent in Balochistan. [108a] (p17)
19.179 The USSD IRF Report 2006 stated that:
Christians, officially numbered at 2.09 million, claimed to have 4 million members, 90
percent of whom lived in Punjab. The largest Christian denomination was the umbrella
Protestant Church of Pakistan, a member of the Anglican Communion. Roman
Catholics were the second-largest group, and the remainder belonged to various
evangelical denominations. The Catholic diocese of Karachi estimated that 120
thousand Catholics lived in Karachi, 40 thousand in the rest of Sindh, and 5 thousand in
Quetta, Balochistan. A few tribal Hindus of the lower castes from interior Sindh have
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Pakistans blasphemy laws came under intensive debate when a Christian girl with a
learning disability [Rimsha Masih] was detained in August after being accused of
burning pages of the Quran. The investigations revealed that a local Imam had planted
the Quran pages in her bag. Although the chairman of the All Pakistan Ulema Council, a
national council of religious scholars in Pakistan, apologised and vowed to protect the
victim, the incident demonstrated the difficulties faced by religious minorities in
Pakistan. While many welcomed the statement by the head of council of religious
scholars, it is unlikely that these developments will lead to changes in blasphemy laws.
The girl was finally released on 23 September and given state protection at an
undisclosed location. [137a]
19.184 The Foreign and Commonwealth Office (FCO) noted in its quarterly update for Pakistan,
dated 30 September 2012, with regards to the Rimsha Masih case, that:
President Zardari personally took notice of the case and instructed the government to
ensure a full investigation. A prominent cleric in the Difa-e-Pakistan Council, and
Chairman of the All Pakistan Ulema Council, Allama Tahir Ashrafi, condemned the
treatment of the girl and the wider Christian community, who left their homes due to fear
of persecution. Rimsha was released on bail in early September after a court found that
the evidence against her had been planted. In his speech on 10 August, President
Zardari publically acknowledged the problems faced by Pakistans minorities and
emphasised his governments support for ending discrimination. [11b]
19.185 The BBC News reported on 29 June 2013 that Rimsha Masih and her family had fled to
Canada. The family were forced to go into hiding in Pakistan after receiving death
threats, despite charges against Rimsha being dropped. [35m]
19.186 The USCIRF Report 2013 noted On March 2, 2011, Shahbaz Bhatti, a longtime
Christian activist for religious freedom and the only Christian in Pakistans federal
cabinet, was assassinated outside his mothers home in Islamabad by the Pakistani
Taliban. Bhatti had received multiple death threats because of his advocacy against the
blasphemy law. The investigation into his murder has seemingly ended and no one is
currently in jail. [53d] (p122)
See also Blasphemy laws
19.187 In a response by its Research Directorate, dated 14 January 2013, the Immigration and
Refugee Board of Canada (IRB) cited correspondence sent by the British Pakistani
Christian Association (BCPA), who stated :
... that a significant portion of Islamic clerics incite violence and discrimination against
Christians... Additionally, it indicated that it is common in both urban and rural areas to
use mosque loudspeakers to mobilize hundreds or thousands of militants to take action
against religious minorities... Other sources similarly report that mosques have called
for violence against Christians... The BPCA explained that if a member of a minority
group commits an offence, the whole minority community in the area is considered to be
culpable and deserving of punishment... [12x]
19.188 The USCIRF Report 2013 added:
Marginalization and poverty make the Christian community in Pakistan vulnerable, and
sexual assaults against underage Christian girls by Muslim men continue to be
reported. Catholic NGOs [non-governmental organisations] estimate at least 700
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Christian girls are kidnapped and forced to convert to Islam every year. During the
reporting period, two reports surfaced of Christian women being forcibly converted to
Islam, married, and then raped, with law enforcement either hesitant to act or societal
actors pressuring victims to recant their allegations. Three cases of kidnapping of
Christians were also reported. [53d] (p123)
19.189 The USCIRF Report 2012 noted that during its reporting period, from April 2011 to
February 2012 ... multiple reports surfaced of Christian women being raped, with law
enforcement either hesitant to act or societal actors pressuring victims to recant their
allegations. In September 2011, a Christian woman allegedly was gang-raped and
police reportedly pressured her to not press charges. In September, the NGO CLASS
reported that a court ruled in favor of a Christian girl, sentencing her rapist to jail for 25
years. [53c] (p126)
19.190 The same source reported on court cases that resulted in convictions and sentences:
Two Christian brothers, Pastor Rashid Emmanuel and Sajid Emmanuel, were murdered
in July 2010 in front of a courthouse in Faisalabad, Punjab province, as they were
defending themselves against blasphemy charges. On April 18, 2011, an anti-terrorism
court found the accused guilty and sentenced him to death. Pakistani NGOs report that
this is the first such sentence to be issued for a murder related to blasphemy charges.
Three individuals convicted of killing a Christian in Punjab province for refusing to
convert to Islam were given life sentences in July, which in Pakistan is 25 years. In July
2011, the American Center for Law and Justice reported that three individuals were
sentenced to life in prison for the 2010 murder of a Christian businessman. [53c]
(p126)
19.191 The USSD IRF Report 2012 noted that, according to the National Commission for
Justice and Peace (NCJP), during the year, 11 Christians were alleged to have
committed offences under the blasphemy laws. [3k] (Section II)
19.192 The USSD Report 2012 stated:
In 2009 Muslim villagers accused a Christian woman, Aasia Bibi, of blasphemy after a
dispute at work. Police arrested Bibi, and she was denied bail under the blasphemy
laws. In 2010 a court sentenced Bibi to death, the first woman sentenced to death for
blasphemy. The verdict touched off a massive debate about the blasphemy laws, with
religious extremists calling for her execution and more moderate voices calling for her
pardon or an appeal of the guilty verdict. At years end Bibi was waiting for her appeal to
be heard at the Lahore High Court [3n] (Section 1e)
19.193 The HRCP Report 2010 noted with regards to the Aasia Bibi case that Calls by civil
society and the Christian community for a presidential pardon for Aasia were met by
threats by Taliban and a cleric announcing a reward for anyone who killed her. As
extremist elements riled up angry mobs against any change in Aasias sentence, the
Taliban warned of serious consequences if the government pardoned her. [27e] (p129)
19.194 The USCIRF Report 2013 stated that Aasia Bibi ... remains in jail while her case is on
appeal. NGOs report that Ms. Bibis health has been affected from being kept separate
from the prison population. Her family is in hiding. [53d] (p126)
See also subsection Blasphemy laws and the section Death Penalty
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19.195 In its report State of the Worlds Minorities and Indigenous Peoples 2010, dated 1 July
2010, Minority Rights Group International noted for Pakistan that Pakistan's religious
minorities continued to face a series of human rights violations and targeted attacks.
The country's Christian population face increasing threats to their lives from the
Pakistani Taliban, as well as other Muslim extremists, who demand that they convert to
Islam. At village level, Christians are also vulnerable to arbitrary arrest and detention, as
they have limited access to justice. [88c]
19.196 The Economist Intelligence Unit (EIU) stated in its Country Report for Pakistan, dated
13 August 2009, that:
Taliban ideology has... underpinned an upsurge in attacks against Christians in
Pakistan. On August 1st [2009] around 800 Muslims attacked Christians in the town of
Gojra, in Punjab province. At least eight Christians were killed following the spread of
false rumours that the Quran had been desecrated during a Christian wedding.
Christians in other parts of Punjab have also been attacked in recent weeks... Radical
Muslim groups and preachers are believed to be responsible for the upsurge in attacks.
Demands for sharia law to be applied in Pakistan are linked to the idea that Christians
should be expelled from the country. [2e] (The Political Scene)
19.197 The USCIRF Report 2012 noted During the current reporting period [April 2011February 2012], the prosecutions of the 2009 attacks in Gojra, where eight Christians
were killed and two churches and about 75 houses burned following an accusation that
Christians had desecrated the Quran, effectively ended. Gojra victims reportedly were
pressured to drop their cases. For those that did proceed to trial, all of the alleged
attackers were acquitted or granted bail. [53c] (p126)
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Societal attitudes and discrimination
19.198 The Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada (IRB) noted in a response by its
Research Directorate, on Christians in Pakistan, dated 14 January 2013, that:
In correspondence sent to the Research Directorate, the British Pakistani Christian
Association (BPCA), a London-based NGO focusing on human rights abuses in
Pakistan against Christians and other religious minorities..., indicated that Christians
generally have good relations with other religious minorities and some more liberal
Muslims... The BPCA noted, however, that because of the strong influence of Islamism
over Pakistani society, overall attitudes are overwhelmingly negative...
The BPCA indicated that Christians are considered to be inferior and are largely
politically powerless and impoverished... Quoted in an Agence France-Presse (AFP)
article, the Minister for National Harmony stated that Christians are among the poorest
and most marginalised people in the country and suggested that discrimination against
Christians is motivated not only by religion but also by caste... Other sources similarly
report that anti-Christian sentiment is motivated by caste prejudice... An article
published by the Vancouver-based weekly newspaper the Georgia Straight explains
that the poorest and most despised section of the population converted to Christianity
and, as a result, everybody knows that most Christians are really untouchables...
2012).
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President Asif Ali Zardari has taken exception to the media reports that some members
of the minority communities were denied flood relief assistance and driven out of the
relief camps in Sindh and called for an inquiry and action against officials if found
involved.
Spokesperson to the President Farhatullah Babar said that the President taking note of
media reports of a protest rally in Hyderabad on Monday against the maltreatment of
Dalits in flood relief called for a probe into the matter and steps to ensure that no
discrimination was shown in the relief and rehabilitation operations.
The President said that floods were a national disaster and should serve to unite the
people, not divide them. It will be most unfortunate and reflect poorly on the countrys
image and adversely impact on national unity if relief work was influenced by
considerations of caste, creed or ethnicity. All citizens of the country have equal rights
and more so people who have been hit by the worst natural disaster in the history of the
country, he said, adding also that discrimination on ethnic or religious grounds cannot
be tolerated.
The President called for an inquiry into the reports of discrimination and taking of
appropriate measures to ensure that the relief work was not influenced by such
considerations. The President also called for action against officials if found involved in
discrimination in the relief and rehabilitation works, the Spokesperson said. [29h]
For further information on the Floods of July/August 2010 see Humanitarian issues
19.204 The USSD IRF Report 2006 noted that:
While many Christians belonged to the poorest socioeconomic groups and faced
discrimination, the reason might have more to do with ethnic and social factors than with
religion. Many poor Christians remained in the profession of their low-caste Hindu
ancestors, most of whom were untouchables. Their position in society, although
somewhat better than in the past, did not reflect major progress despite more than one
hundred years of consistent missionary aid and development. Christian students
reportedly were forced to eat at separate tables in public schools that are predominately
Muslim. [3f] (Section III: Societal Abuses and Discrimination)
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Christian converts
19.205 A Foreign and Commonwealth Office (FCO) official at the British High Commission
(BHC) in Islamabad stated in a letter to the UK Border Agency, dated 2 March 2011:
We consulted internally with our Political Section, who deal with humanitarian and
human rights issues. In short, it is difficult to corroborate the real situation, as this is a
frequently hidden problem; our view is that converts would probably not want to draw
additional attention to themselves. However, we have ascertained the following
anecdotal evidence from our dealings with external contacts in Pakistan:-
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Firstly, in our opinion it would be difficult for Christian converts to live freely and openly
in Pakistan, as converts over and above being Christian. It is our view that people who
are known to have converted to Christianity suffer serious discrimination, for example in
the workplace or by the authorities. It is far more difficult for people in Pakistan who are
known to have converted to Christianity, than it is for people who were born Christian.
We understand that it would be rare for someone to convert to Christianity, or at least to
do so openly, in Pakistan. It is therefore something of note for the community, with
potential repercussions.
Our Political Section considered that internal relocation may be possible, in theory, as
there were Christian communities in many urban areas such as Rawalpindi, and across
Punjab and Sindh provinces. Due to the anonymity afforded by moving to an urban
area, it may be feasible to relocate and not reveal the fact of the conversion. However,
our view was also that the Christian communities were themselves becoming
increasingly isolated from other communities. Therefore whilst it may be more difficult to
socially exclude and harass a Christian who lives in a larger Christian community, it
does not necessary preclude that harassment. [11k]
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19.209 The HRCP Report 2012 cited that Forced conversion of Hindu girls often after
abduction was a repeated grievance of the Hindu community in Pakistan, especially in
Sindh. Once converted, these girls were prohibited from meeting their Hindu families.
[27b] (p174) On this issue, the HRCP added that ... the National Assemblys Standing
Committee on Human Rights meeting in October had directed the provincial Home
Department to make amendments to the Criminal Procedure Code and set up safe
houses where the allegedly kidnapped girl could be kept for about a month before
being taken to any court for recording their statements. [27b] (p110)
19.210 Reporting on a missing and reportedly abducted Hindu lawyer, the Asian Human Rights
Commission (AHRC) noted on 30 December 2011, that the police had refused to
register a case, claiming they could not identify which police jurisdiction was
responsible. The AHRC added:
Murders, kidnappings, looting of Hindu families are on high all around... Pakistan. They
are selling their properties at cheap rates and wrapping up their businesses at the cost
of big losses. In the recent months 37 Hindus have left Pakistan for India due to security
reasons. Hundreds of Hindu families leave Pakistan for India or other countries every
year to find safe places for them. Fear has spread among the Sikhs and Hindus of
Pakistan after the atrocious beheading incident involving a young Sikh man because of
his refusal to convert. [52i]
19.211 The USSD IRF Report 2011 cited:
The Hindu communities in Sindh and Balochistan reported that they were increasingly
the target of kidnappings for ransom. Hindus claimed they were forced to pay ransoms
because police did little to recover kidnapping victims. In December 2010, the
kidnapping of a Hindu spiritual leader triggered protest demonstrations across
Balochistan. Maharaja Luckmi Chand Garji, 82, had been kidnapped along with four
companions, near the Surab area of Kalat. He was released in March along with three
companions while another individual remained in captivity. [3p] (Section II)
19.212 The HRCP Report 2010 observed The demolition of a temple adjacent to a Shamshan
Ghat in Rawalpindi in June triggered protests by the Hindu and Sikh communities. The
land had apparently been leased by staff of the government authority administering the
site to a person who had been using it for commercial purposes and who demolished
the temple. The president ordered an inquiry into the demolition. If the findings of the
probe were submitted to the president by the end of the year they were not made
public. [27e] (p131)
19.213 However, on a positive note, the USCIRF Report 2012 added that ... the 160-year-old
Goraknath Hindu temple in Peshawar was reopened on the order of the Peshawar High
Court, allowing Hindus in northwest Pakistan to worship there for the first time in 60
years. In addition, the National Database and Registration Authority (NADRA)
reportedly was directed by the federal government to register Sikh marriages. [53c]
(p127)
19.214 The SPARC Report 2011 stated, with regard to personal laws, that:
Whilst the courts accept proof of Christian marriages from priests, there is no such
authorization for Hindu marriages. The same goes for laws of inheritance, remarriage,
separation and adoption. Likewise, accept for the Hindu Womens Right to Separate
Maintenance and Residence Act 1946, there is hardly any codified law in respect of
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marriage and divorce for Hindus. Similarly, the government has only recently taken
initiatives to institute personal laws for the Sikh community of Pakistan. [71b] (p153)
19.215 The USSD IRF Report 2012 stated The Hindu and Sikh communities, as well as the
Scheduled Caste Rights Movement, continued to demand official registration of their
marriages. The minorities representatives asserted that in the absence of Hindu and
Sikh marriage registration, women faced difficulties inheriting their parents and
husbands property, accessing health services, voting, obtaining a passport, and buying
or selling property. [3k] (Section II)
19.216 The Indian Institute of Dalit Studies (IDSN) Briefing Note Pakistan 2012, noted:
Dalits in Pakistan mostly belong to the Hindu minority and fall victim to double
discrimination due to their religious status as non-Muslims in a Muslim state as well
as their caste. As in neighbouring India, they are officially known as Scheduled Castes
and suffer numerous forms of abuse, from bonded labour to rape. Crimes against them
are often committed with impunity. Officially, the number of Dalits is approximately
330,000 (1998 census), but according to researchers the real figure may be two million,
or even higher. These data do not include lower castes within the Muslim community,
living under similarly depressed conditions. In the first phase of the new national census
process, which was started in 2011, no special efforts have been made to ensure
accuracy of the data based on caste. [143a] (p1)
19.217 Shirkat Gah Womens Resource Centre, Pakistan, made a Stakeholders Joint
Submission for Pakistans Review in The Human Rights Council -14th Session, October
2012 (Shirkat Gah Stakeholders Joint Submission), undated, accessed 8 May 2012, in
which it stated:
Hindu married couples face numerous problems when travelling and lodging outside
their place of residence. Moreover, Hindu women are deprived of their right to property
and other rights conferred upon a divorced or widowed woman, have difficulty in
accessing heath facilities and are unable to contribute to social, economic and political
processes. Hindus have been demanding legislation to register Hindu marriages for
years and in 2011 a Bill was presented in the National Assembly to pass a law to
register Hindu marriages but so far there has been no progress... [132a] (p7)
19.218 The USSD IRF Report 2012 noted Hindus... faced some difficulty in importing books
from India. [3k] (Section II) The USSD IRF Report 2010 added On September 5,
2009, unidentified extremists set ablaze religious books of Sikhs and Hindus in a joint
temple, the Guru Nanak Darbar at Kandhkot, Sindh. The incident deeply disturbed the
Hindus and Sikhs throughout the province, and the Pakistan Hindu Foundation issued a
call for three-day mourning period, after which Hindus observed a strike in various
districts of the province. [3l] (Section II)
19.219 Minority Rights Group International noted in its report State of the Worlds Minorities and
Indigineous Peoples 2011, published 6 July 2011, that:
According to last years edition of State of the Worlds Minorities and Indigenous
Peoples, Sikhs in the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) controlled by the
Taliban were being made to pay a tax, jizya. Pressure on the community has since
increased. A group of Sikhs were kidnapped in the Khyber and Orakzai regions in early
2010. The BBC reported that one of the men was later discovered beheaded, although
other news agencies reported that two were killed. In April, 72 hectares of gurdwara (i.e.
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the Sikh place of worship) property was transferred without due process to the Defense
Housing Association. [88d] (p149)
19.220 The HRCP Report 2011 observed:
In July, the Sikh community was prevented from observing a religious festival in
Gurdwara Shaheed Bhai Taru Singh in Lahore after the Evacuee Trust Property Board
(ETPB) decided to deny Sikhs entry into the gurdwara on the eve of Shab-e-Barat.
Around four years earlier, a group of Muslim young men had claimed that the gurdwara
was built on the site of the burial place of a Muslim saint. The ETPB had allowed both
communities to observe their religious rituals according to their beliefs at the gurdwara
since then. However, police deployed outside the gurdwara prevented the Sikhs from
congregating to commemorate an eighteenth-century saint on July 16 because the
Shab-e-Barat was to be observed two days later. HRCP called police deployment to
prevent the congregation shocking and entirely uncalled for and said that the ETPB had
no right to ask members of a religious faith to pos tpone rituals of their faith inside their
places of worship, or to give precedence to religious rituals of one faith over another.
[27g] (p89)
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The use of the word successor should not be confused to mean that those leaders
that came after the Prophet Muhammad were also prophets - both Shi'a and Sunni
agree that Muhammad was the final prophet. [35e]
Return to contents
Go to sources
Demography
19.223 The USSD IRF Report 2012 noted that the majority of Muslims in the country are Sunni,
with Shi'a representing approximately 25 percent. [3k] (Section I) The USSD IRF
Report 2009 added that Kurram [in the FATA], is the only tribal agency with a
significant Shi'a population, approximately 42 percent of the region's 500,000
inhabitants. Sectarian animosity in Kurram Agency has historically spilled over into
sporadic clashes. In 2008, militants increasingly began to exploit these clashes to gain
control over key transit points in Kurram linking Pakistan and Afghanistan. [3c]
(Section II: Forced Religious Conversion) Shia followers claimed the Shia were ...
split between the Qom (approximately 40 percent) and Najaf (approximately 60 percent)
schools of thought. (US Department of State International Religious Freedom Report
2006 USSD IRF Report 2006) [3f] (Section I)
19.224 The USSD IRF Report 2006 added that:
Government estimates on Shia counted approximately 750,000 Ismailis, most of whom
were spiritual followers of the Aga Khan. An estimated 80 thousand Ismailis belonged to
the Bohra or other smaller schools of thought. Shias were found nationwide but had
population concentrations in Karachi, Gilgit, and parts of Balochistan. Ismailis were
found principally in Hunza, Karachi, and Baltistan. The majority Sunni Muslim
community was divided into three main schools of thought (Brailvi, Deobandi, and Ahl-eHadith) and a socio-political movement, the Jamaat Islami (JI), which had its own
theology, schools, and mosques. Ahl-e-Hadith adherents comprised, at most, 5 percent
of Muslims, and were concentrated in Punjab. No reliable figures on JI adherents
existed, as its membership always claimed adherence to another school. Its adherents,
however, were generally found in urban centers. Brailvi and Deobandi leaders both
claimed that their schools comprised up to 80 percent of the overall Muslim population.
Most disinterested observers believed that the Brailvi remained the largest school,
approximately 60 percent of all Muslims, with the Deobandi at approximately 20 percent
but growing. The Brailvi were the dominant majority in Sindh and Punjab. Deobandi
were generally found in the Pashtun belt from northern Punjab, across the NWFP, and
into northern Balochistan, although there were increasing numbers in Karachi and the
Seraiki areas of Punjab. [3f] (Section I: Religious Demography)
Sectarian Violence
19.225 The South Asia Terrorism Portal (SATP) noted in its South Asia Intelligence Review,
dated 23 April 2012, that:
Violence against the Shiite minority has long been endemic in Pakistan, with a
progressive increase in scale and geographical distribution over time. Living in absolute
fear, the Shia community, variously estimated at between five and 20 per cent of
Pakistans 187 million population, is currently being targeted in an escalating and
vicious cycle of sectarian attacks that have enveloped the entire country.
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Militants and terrorist organizations targeted Shii processions and mosques with
impunity during the reporting period. Organizations such as Human Rights Watch put
the number of Shia killed over the past year at over 400. Attacks occurred across
Pakistan, but particularly large bombings occurred in the province of Balochistan.
Information collected by USCIRF during the reporting period, which is not exhaustive,
documented approximately 50 incidents of violent attacks causing death, as well as 10
different attacks with explosive devises or suicide bombers. Shii activists have referred
to the level and severity of attacks as constituting genocide.
The response by the Pakistani government has been grossly inadequate. While at
times police were present when attacks occurred, they were unable to stop attackers
before people were killed. Recognizing this inadequacy, in September 2012, a panel of
three Supreme Court judges, led by Pakistans Chief Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry, issued a
highly critical statement of government efforts to bring security in Quetta, the capital of
Balochistan. Federal rule was imposed in Balochistan after a large bombing in January
2013. This move came in part as a result of families of the deceased refusing to bury
the dead until there was an adequate governmental response. However, the
government has proven unwilling or unable to crack down on groups that repeatedly
plan, conduct, and claim credit for attacks, or prevent future violence. [53d] (p120-121)
19.229 The SATPs South Asia Intelligence Review, dated 23 April 2012, added:
Anti-Shia extremist groups and Sunni terrorist formations such as the Tehrik-e-Taliban
Pakistan (TTP) share their larger goals of making Pakistan a graveyard for the Shias
and exterminating the community from Pakistan by 2012, in the words of a June 2011
LeJ pamphlet. LeJ, the breakaway faction of the Sipah-e-Sahaba Pakistan (SSP), in
June 2011, distributed pamphlets calling Shias wajib-ul-qatl (obligatory to be killed),
and also issued an open letter against the Hazara-Shia community in Quetta. The letter
of the Balochistan Unit of the outfit read,
All Shias are wajib-ul-qatl. We will rid Pakistan of the unclean race. The real meaning
of Pakistan is pure land and Shias have no right to live here. We have the fatwa
(religious edict) and signatures of the ulama (religious scholar) in which the Shias have
been declared kaafir [infidel]. Just as our fighters have waged a successful jihad against
the Shia-Hazaras in Afghanistan, our mission [in Pakistan] is the abolition of this impure
sect, the Shias and the Shia-Hazaras, from every city, every village, every nook and
corner of Pakistan.... [61l] (Volume 10, No.42)
For further information on Hazaras see Ethnic groups: Hazaras
19.230 Janes Sentinel Security Assessment for Pakistan noted in its chapter on Security,
updated 23 April 2012, that:
Pakistan has experienced a persistently high level of sectarian violence throughout
much of its history, with the minority Shia Muslim community, which makes up
approximately 20 per cent of the population, clashing with the majority Sunni Muslims.
Violence intensified in the 1980s, following Sunni fears of increasing Shia influence
following the Iranian revolution and the subsequent funding of Sunni madrassahs and
institutions by Saudi Arabia throughout the Middle East. The key anti-Shia extremist
group, Lashkar-e-Jhangvi (LeJ), remains a potent threat to security, despite a ban put in
place in 2002. Overall sectarian violence fell steadily in 2003, but the trend was
reversed in 2004. Anti-Shia violence has risen substantially since 2008, and is highly
likely to persist throughout 2012. [1a] (Social stability)
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19.231 The HRCP Report 2012 recorded a number of attacks that occurred during that year,
stating:
No part of Pakistan was spared in the senseless spilling of blood on the basis of
sectarian belief. As many as 159 people were killed in 95 attacks in Karachi (Sindh),
most of whom were professionals; 130 in 51 attacks in Quetta and 31 in five attacks in
Mastung (Balochistan); 22 in one attack in Rahimyar Khan and 23 in one attack in
Rawalpindi (Punjab); 19 each in two separate attacks in Kohistan and Mansehra
districts (Khyber Pakhtunkhwa); 65 in nine attacks in Kurram Agency and 13 in one
attack in Orakzai (FATA); and 10 in 18 attacks in Gilgit and nine in one attack in Diamer
(Gilgit Baltistan). The casualties occurred in drive-by targeted killings, incidents of
multiple execution-style killings of Shia men travelling in vans and buses, suicide
bombings and bomb and grenade explosions. The attackers targeted mosques,
imambargahs, madrassas, students and teachers of seminaries, as well as religious
gatherings, and often anyone subscribing to a particular sect. [27b] (p102)
19.232 The USSD IRF Report 2012 cited Attacks on houses of worship, religious gatherings,
and religious leaders perpetrated by sectarian, violent extremist, and terrorist groups
resulted in hundreds of deaths during the year. Sectarian violence increased during the
year. [3k] (Section II)
19.233 The South Asia Terrorism Portal (SATP) provided statistics on sectarian violence in
Pakistan from 1989 to 2013 (based on news reports), accessed 21 June 2013, and
stated that in 2012 there were 507 deaths and 577 people injured in 173 sectarian
incidents. Between 1 January 2013 and 16 June 2013, SATP recorded 58 sectarian
incidents, 285 deaths and 422 people injured. [61a] (Sectarian Violence in Pakistan)
See also Security situation: Sectarian violence
Return to contents
Go to sources
The Asian Centre for Human Rights stated in its report to the UN Commission Against
Racial Discrimination, published August 2007, that:
The key ethnic groups in Pakistan are Punjabis (44.15% of the population) followed by
Pakhtuns (15.42%), Sindhis (14.1%), Seraikis (10.53%), Muhajirs (7.57%) and Balochis
(3.57%). The others smaller ethnic groups include Turwalis, Kafiristanis, Burusho,
Hindko, Brahui, Kashmiris, Khowar, and Shina, and the Kalash etc. In addition, Pakistan
had accommodated largest number of Afghan refugees comprising of the Pakhtuns,
Tajiks, Uzbeks, Turkmen, Hazaras, etc and many of these refugees permanently settled
in the country. A large number of Bengalis, Arabs, Burmese, and African Muslim
refugees have also permanently settled in Karachi, whilst hundreds of thousands of
Iranian migrants are scattered throughout the country. [67a] (p13)
20.02
The US Department of State Country Report on Human Rights Practices 2012 (USSD
Report 2012), published 19 April 2013, observed that The constitution provides for
equality for all citizens and broadly prohibits discrimination based on race, religion,
caste, residence, or place of birth; however, in practice there was significant
discrimination based on each of these factors. [3n] (Section 6)
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Baloch
20.03
Minority Rights Group International recorded in its Pakistan profile on the Baloch
(Baluch) people, updated June 2009, that:
The Baluchis are the indigenous peoples of Baluchistan, which is split between the
Pakistani province of Baluchistan and Iranian Baluchistan. The majority of the Baluch
people reside in the Baluchistan province of Pakistan. Baluchistan is the largest of all
provinces of modern-day Pakistan, making up nearly two-fifths of the entire country...
According to the most recent population census held in 1998, the total population of
Baluchistan consisted of 6.5 million out of the total Pakistani population of 131 million. In
2006 the population of Baluchis in Pakistan was estimated as 8.2 million... Baluchis are
largely Sunni Muslims, followers of the Hanafi school. [88b]
20.04
20.05
The Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organization (UNPO) noted in a press release
on 8 June 2009, regarding an event to discuss the human rights situation in
Balochistan, that the Baloch are:
...a minority community who have been politically and economically marginalized by the
Pakistani government. These violations include indiscriminate use of force against
civilians, targeted killings and the disappearance of political activists and journalists.
Hundreds of thousands of civilians are said to have been displaced across province
boundaries into Sindh and Punjab and state boundaries into Afghanistan, underlining
the regional and international nature of the problem. [87]
20.06
UNPO further noted that The region [of Balochistan] is exceptionally rich in natural
resources which has encouraged exploitative domestic and external intervention. [87]
See also Section: Security situation: Militant Activity: Balochistan
Return to contents
Go to sources
Hazaras
20.07
BBC News reported on 1 May 2013 that at least 600,000 Hazaras lived in Quetta,
Balochistan, most of whom were Shia Muslim. The report noted Hazaras are ethnically
Mongolian, with oriental features and light skin, different from much of Pakistan's
population. The article reported on the deaths of more than 120 people, mostly from the
Hazara Shia community, following two bomb attacks in Quetta on 10 January 2013.
[35l]
20.08
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The vast majority of ethnic Hazaras in Pakistan are Shiite Muslims, primarily of the
Twelver sect. Of the estimated 600,000 Hazaras living throughout Pakistan, at least half
live in the province of Baluchistan. However, Australias Department of Foreign Affairs
and Trade (DFAT) states that, by its estimation, there are at least 350,000 Hazaras
living in Quetta alone, with as many as 70,000 living in the Quetta suburb of Hazara
Town... (p1)
While the city of Quetta is home to the largest ethnic Hazara community in Pakistan,
there are approximately 300,000 Hazaras living outside of Baluchistan... The Hazaras
in the Hazara Division of Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa who feature regularly in news coverage
are not Persian/Dari speaking ethnic Hazaras, but in fact un-related Hindko-speaking
Pashtuns. Hazara Colony, a large suburb of Karachi that also features regularly in news
coverage is also primarily populated by Hindko-speaking Pashtuns from Hazara
Division. [134e] (p3)
20.08
On 17 February 2013, at least 84 people, the majority Shia Hazaras, were killed when a
bomb exploded at a vegetable market in Quetta. The armed group, Lashkar-e-Jhangvi
(LeJ), claimed responsibility for this attack, and the one on 10 January, cited above.
(Amnesty International, 18 February 2013) [13m]
20.09
The Human Rights Commission of Pakistan noted in its annual report, State of Human
Rights in 2012 (HRCP Report 2012), published March 2013, on violence against the
Hazara-Shia community in Balochistan. The report stated:
Although the Hazaras of Balochistan, an ethnically distinct group that is almost
exclusively Shia, have suffered repeated massacres over the last decade and a half
only because of their belief, they have been targeted much more frequently than even
the other Shias in Quetta and its surroundings. That is because the Hazaras are easily
recognisable on account of their distinct features. As many as 119 Hazaras were killed
in targeted attacks in Quetta and its peripheries in 2012. An HRCP fact-finding mission
that visited Balochistan from May 15 to 19 in order to assess the situation of human
rights in the province met with members of the Hazara community. They believed that if
the authorities wanted to protect them the state had the capacity to do so.
In June, Lashkar-e-Jhangvi terrorists attacked a bus of Balochistan IT University
carrying Hazara students, killing five of them. The frequency of attacks on the Hazaras
was such that non-Hazara students of the university stated their unwillingness to share
a bus with the Hazaras for fear of being targeted. Persecuted for their belief, the
Hazaras of Quetta have retreated to just two localities of the city for the sake of safety.
The two localities have been increasingly attacked in recent years, often with dozens of
casualties. [27b] (p101-102)
20.10
Human Rights Watch noted in its World Report 2012, Pakistan, dated 22 January 2012,
that:
On September 19 [2011], 26 members of the Hazara community travelling by bus to
Iran to visit Shia holy sites were forced to disembark by gunmen near the town of
Mastung and shot dead. Three others were killed as they took the injured to a hospital.
Lashkar-e-Jhangvi claimed responsibility. On October 4, gunmen riding on motorbikes
stopped a bus carrying mostly Hazara Shia Muslims who were headed to work at a
vegetable market on the outskirts of Quetta, Balochistans capital. The attackers forced
the passengers off the bus, made them stand in a row, and opened fire, killing 13 and
wounding 6. [7h] (Religious Minorities)
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20.11
9 August 2013
The website Hazara.net, a non-profit site focused on the human rights of Hazaras and
the promotion of Hazara culture, accessed 27 June 2013, provided news and reports on
human rights issues involving members of the Hazara community. [98a]
See also Security situation: Sectarian violence
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Mohajirs
20.12
The website Minorities at Risk (MAR), dated 31 December 2006, reported that,
constituting eight per cent of the population, the Mohajirs, literally meaning refugee:
... are the Urdu-speaking Muslims who fled India after the 1947 partition of the subcontinent and their descendents. Group members are concentrated in Sindh Province,
particularly in urban areas... [They] are primarily Sunni Muslims, though some are Shi'a.
However, most Mohajirs primary identity is not religious but revolves around their
outsider status. Competition with native Sindhis has defined Mohajirs political and
economic situation in Pakistan more than any other factor... Mohajirs are mainly
represented by the MQM and its various factions. [32a]
20.14
20.15
Global Security.org also noted In 1992, a breakway MQM faction, led by Afaq Ahmed
and Aamir Khan, launched the MQM Haqiqi (MQM-H), literally the real MQM. Many
Pakistani observers alleged that the MQM-H was supported by the government of
Pakistan to weaken the main MQM led by Altaf Hussein... [63a]
20.16
Janes Sentinel Country Risk Assessments noted in its section on Security, updated 23
April 2012, that the Mohajirs main representative was:
... the United National Movement, known in Pakistan and India as the Muttahida
(initially Mohajir) Qaumi Movement, or MQM. Throughout the mid- to late 1990s, the
MQM effectively effectively caused considerable violence across Karachi, targeting
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police and government officials as well as their families. The MQM is divided between a
parliamentary wing that has gained representation in the provincial legislatures and
National Assembly and a terrorist wing campaigning for greater autonomy or
separatism. The campaign against MQM-supporting terrorist groups has been largely
successful, but Karachi remains mired in violence, with several ethnic groups involved
in acts of terrorism against each other and the state. More than 750 people died in
politically motivated attacks in Karachi in 2010. More than 50 people were killed when
violence broke out on 16 October during a by-election for a provincial assembly seat
that was previously held by local MQM politician Raza Haider, who was murdered in a
Karachi mosque on 2 August 2010. Violence and a spate of targeted killings in midJanuary 2011 raised tensions across the city. A former MQM deputy and political
activists were among the dead. After a brief lull, the killing spree resumed in mid-March
with rights groups reporting over 150 casualties by the end of May, forcing the PPP to
counsel restraint. Violence in Karachi shows no sign of abating with over 300 casualties
reported in July alone. [1a] (Social Stability)
20.17
The HRCP Report 2010 stated For the past five years, the Muttahida Qaumi Movement
(MQM) had been striving to extend its outreach to Punjab. In 2010, the MQM again
stepped up its political activities in the province and nominated 2,800 office-bearers in
the province. The Punjab government, however, refused the MQM permission to hold a
public meeting in Lahore for security reasons. However, the provincial government
allowed the party to hold a convention in a building on The Mall. [27e] (p175)
20.18
The Nation reported on 26 May 2011 that Aamir Khan, chief of Mohajir Qaumi
Movement-Haqqiqi (MQM-H), announced he was rejoining the Muttahida Qaumi
Movement (MQM, also known as MQM-A) led by Altaf Hussain, after two decades of
rivalry. The report noted Aamir Khan former senior member of MQM left the party in
1991 and formed its own party MQM-Haqqiqi with Afaq Ahmed in 1992 but the
association of both the leaders ended after the differences in 2006. Muttahida Qaumi
Movement Chief Altaf Hussain has accepted Aamir Khans apology, making way for him
to rejoin the party and reinstate his party membership. [103a]
See also Political affiliation: Politically motivated violence
Return to contents
Go to sources
The International Gay and Lesbian Human Rights Commission (IGLHRC) noted in its
report Human Rights and Transgender People in Pakistan, published February 2008
(IGLHRC Report 2008), that:
There is no known grassroots activism among lesbians, gays, bisexuals, transsexuals
and transgender (zenana) communities in Pakistan. This lack of activism, the silences
around sexualit(ies), and deeply closeted status of most gays and lesbians in Pakistan
(many of whom live double lives to avoid revealing their sexual orientation) makes it
difficult to accurately assess their living conditions and human rights situation.
Anecdotal information from Pakistani gay people who have left the country describes
fear, secrecy, isolation, suicides, forced marriage, family and community pressure to
conform to heterosexual norms. [49]
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Information on the legal rights and treatment of lesbians, bisexual men and women, and
intersex persons, was limited, or could not be found by COI Service amongst the
sources accessed in this section, at the time of writing (July 2013).
Information on the legal rights and treatment of lesbians was limited, or could not be
found by COI Service amongst the sources accessed in this section, at the time of
writing (July 2013).
To help understand the position of lesbians and bisexual women in Pakistan, please
refer to the sections on Women and Children, for an overview of the status of women
and girls in Pakistan society in general.
Legal rights
21.03
The full text of Section 377 of the Pakistan Penal Code reads:
377. Unnatural offences: Whoever voluntarily has carnal intercourse against the order
of nature with any man, woman or animal, shall be punished with imprisonment for life,
or with imprisonment of either description for a term which shall not be less than two
years nor more than ten years, and shall also be liable to fine.
Explanation: Penetration is sufficient to constitute the carnal intercourse necessary to
the offence described in this section. [21a]
21.04
The Sodomy laws website, last edited on 24 November 2007, reported that the penalty
may also include ... a possible corporal punishment of a 100 lashes. The same source
added that:
Islamic law was reintroduced in 1990. Pakistani civil law punishes those who have
gay sex with two years to life in prison, while Islamic law, which also can be enforced
legally, calls for up to 100 lashes or death by stoning... [While it seems unlikely that
Section 377 would apply to lesbians, it seems likely that Islamic law would] . Arrests and
trials do not occur As elsewhere with unenforced sodomy prescriptions, the existence
of the law is a threat - a threat conducive to blackmail. While the law is largely irrelevant
to life in Pakistan, those acting in its name are notPolice recurrently take money
and/or sex from those they know to be involved in same-sex sex (commercial or not).
(Chapter on Pakistan by Stephen O Murray and Badruddin Khan in Sociolegal Control
of Homosexuality). [50]
21.05
An Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada (IRB) report, dated 29 November 2007,
on gay relationships in Pakistan noted that:
Homosexual acts are illegal in Pakistan. Under Section 377 of the country's penal code,
homosexuality is not explicitly mentioned, but carnal intercourse against the order of
nature is punishable by a fine and/or imprisonment for a period of two years to life.
Under the country's Sharia law, introduced in 1990, homosexual acts are punishable by
corporal punishment (whipping), imprisonment, or death. Likewise, gay marriage is
illegal in Pakistan. However, in October 2005, a marriage was said to have taken
place between two men in the Khyber region. A tribal council reportedly told the couple
to leave the area or face death for breaking religious and tribal values. In May 2007, a
married couple was imprisoned after the Lahore high court decided that the husband,
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who had undergone sex-change surgery, was still a woman. The couple had originally
sought the court's protection against members of the bride's family who were harassing
them; however, the court found the couple guilty of perjury, ruling that they had lied
about the husband's gender and that their same-sex marriage was un-Islamic. One
month later, following an appeal to Pakistan's Supreme Court, the couple was released
on bail... [12c]
See also Transgender persons
Return to contents
Go to sources
The US Department of State Country Report on Human Rights Practices 2012 (USSD
Report 2012), published 19 April 2013, cited that:
Consensual same-sex sexual conduct is a criminal offense; in practice, the government
rarely prosecuted cases. Gay men and lesbians rarely revealed their sexual orientation.
No laws protect against discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation or gender
identity. Systematic discrimination against lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender
persons was widely acknowledged privately, but insufficient data existed for accurate
reporting on these forms of discrimination, due in part to severe societal stigma and fear
of recrimination for those who come forward. [3n] (Section 6)
21.07
The IRB Research Directorate stated in a response regarding the treatment of sexual
minorities by society, government and religious authorities in Pakistan, dated 30
November 2011, that According to the WEWA [Women Employees Welfare
Association] representative, discrimination by the state of Pakistan against sexual
minorities is encoded, institutionalized and enforced... This is done through
discriminatory legal provisions that criminalize homosexuality and lack of expressed
constitutional provisions on non-discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation...
[12t]
21.08
The same source noted that, according to the WEWA representative, In addition, at
both national and local levels, the government does not legally or socially accept sexual
minorities and [t]heir basic fundamental rights to existence, education and earning
livelihood opportunities are openly infringed... The Neengar Society representative also
noted that government authorities discriminate against sexual minorities... [12t]
21.09
The IRB Research Directorate added that ...according to the Neengar Society, in 2011,
the organization is aware of 10 cases in the Punjab city of Multan that fell under Article
377 on unnatural offenses... In follow-up correspondence, the Neengar society
representative noted that all 10 cases were prosecuted, with 2 resulting in a 10-year
prison sentence... As of 6 November 2011, the rest of the cases were still in the high
court of Multan with hearings taking place... [12t]
21.10
The Express Tribune reported on 6 March 2012 that Pakistan along with all 57
countries belonging to the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) at the UN have
declared opposition to the upcoming UN Human Rights Councils discussion on
discrimination and violence against lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT)
people. [92k]
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21.11
The report noted that, in a letter to the UN Human Rights Council, Pakistani
Ambassador to the UN, Zamir Akram, stated LGBT rights had nothing to do with
fundamental human rights, declared same-sex relationships as abnormal sexual
behaviour and that the issue of sexual orientation is unacceptable to the OIC. The
letter concluded by saying that the Member States of the OIC would like to place on
record their opposition to the holding of this panel and will not accept its considerations
and recommendations. [92k]
21.12
Reuters India reported on 25 May 2010 that police in Peshawar arrested an entire
wedding party, including the bride and groom, at a ceremony between a man and a
transgender person, stating they had ...registered a case against them for promoting
homosexuality in the society. However, the so-called groom claimed the party was for
his birthday. The pair were remanded in custody for two weeks. [10a]
21.13
The Spartacus International Gay Guide 2009, undated, stated in the section on Pakistan
that there was no gay movement or gay groups in Pakistan. The Guide noted that
Despite the strict laws of Islam regarding moral standards, gay men, transvestites and
transexuals live relatively undisturbed from the police. However, the Guide noted gay
men would receive little protection from the authorities. The same source stated that
The general population and the family does not see homosexuality in a positive light at
all, but is generally tolerant enough to accept the situation as long as they are not
affected. [25] (p686)
21.14
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21.15
Pakistan
21.16
On 3 November 2012, The New York Times reported on a support group for lesbian,
gay, bisexual and transgender Pakistanis, based in Lahore that met irregularly, at a
secret location. The report noted that, despite homosexual acts being illegal and no civil
legislation to protect LGBT persons from discrimination:
... the states willful blindness has provided space enough for gays and lesbians. They
socialize, organize, date and even live together as couples, though discreetly.
One journalist, in his early 40s, has been living as a gay man in Pakistan for almost two
decades. Its very easy being gay here, to be honest, he said, though he and several
others interviewed did not want their names used for fear of the social and legal
repercussions. You can live without being hassled about it, he said, as long as you
are not wearing a pink tutu and running down the street carrying a rainbow flag. [115a]
21.17
The report continued ... while the notion of homosexuality may be taboo, homosocial,
and even homosexual, behavior is common enough. Pakistani society is sharply
segregated on gender lines, with taboos about extramarital sex that make it almost
harder to conduct a secret heterosexual romance than a homosexual one. Displays of
affection between men in public, like hugging and holding hands, are common. A guy
can be with a guy anytime, anywhere, and no one will raise an eyebrow, the journalist
said. [115a]
21.18
The IRB Research Directorate noted in its response dated 30 November 2011 that:
A representative of the Neengar Society, a non-profit organization working in Pakistan
for the rights of religious and sexual minorities..., noted in correspondence with the
Research Directorate that Pakistani society has a very diverse attitude towards sexual
minorities depending on the type of sexual identity of a person... In contrast, the
WEWA representative stated that Pakistan is a traditional and conservative society
where sexual minorities, irrespective of sexual identity, are treated adversely[,]
suffer various forms of discrimination in both public and private spheres [and] are
victimized by state, society, religious groups and the family...
Sources indicate that homosexual males and females are reluctant to reveal their
sexual identity... The representative of the Neengar Society noted that, if a person's
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21.20
21.21
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avoid scandalising their families. Another article from IRIN notes that, while the
atmosphere in larger cities such as Islamabad, Karachi and Lahore is mildly more
tolerant, in rural areas, conservatism is extreme and homosexuals remain closeted.
Two sources indicate that cultural practices in Pakistan, which permit public displays of
affection between members of the same gender, make it possible for gay men to
socialize without attracting attention. [12c]
21.22
On the subject of female couples, the International Gay and Lesbian Human Rights
Commission (IGLHRC) Report 2008 observed that In Pakistan, two women can share a
home, but not as intimate partners. [49]
21.23
With regards to treatment of LGBT persons by religious authorities, the IRB response of
30 November 2011 stated:
According to the Neengar Society representative, religious authorities are anti-sexual
minorities... The WEWA representative stated that religious authorities take nonheterosexual behaviour as a serious and immoral offence and can turn to violence,
suggesting punishments such as stoning or [being] buried alive...
The IGLHRC country adviser noted that religious authorities operate with impunity...
According to the Country Adviser, activists are careful in promoting and propagating
[their] causes because the over arching Blasphemy Law can get anyone into trouble...
He also noted that mullahs do not have to take anyone to the police that they think is
homosexual, and they can brutalize, shave heads, gang rape the zenanas, men who
identify themselves as women, on the pretext of teaching them [a] lesson... [12t]
See also Transgender persons
21.24
The same source reported on the US embassys gay pride event in June 2011, stating:
Agence France Presse (AFP) reports that on 4 July 2011 there were Islamist protests
against a lesbian, gay, bi-sexual, and transgender (LGBT) pride event hosted by the US
embassy on 26 June 2011... According to AFP, there were 100 protesters in Karachi,
who called the event an assault on Pakistan's Islamic culture, with demonstrations
also occurring in Islamabad (30 protesters) and Lahore (150 students and two dozen
pro-Taliban activists)... Dawn.com states that in Islamabad, in a clash with the
protesters, ten members of the police received injuries, with two cases described as
serious...
Jafria News reports that a statement issued a week after the US LGBT rights event by
All the Religious and Big Political Parties group, which includes the Jafria Alliance
Pakistan and the Shia Ulema Council, stated that homosexuality was the extreme form
of human degradation... Pink News quotes the head of Jamaat-e-Islami, the largest
Islamic party in the country, as saying that LGBT people are 'the curse of society and
social garbage...
The Nation, an Islamabad-based newspaper, reports that Jamaat-e-Islami lawmakers
referred the issue of the US-sponsored LGBT pride event to Parliament; the Senate
severely condemned the event and sent the matter to the Senate Standing
Committee on Foreign Affairs for taking any possible action... [12t]
21.25
The New York Times article, dated 3 November 2012, on LGBT activism in Lahore,
stated that one 33-year-old female gay rights activist believed the US embassys gay
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pride event was detrimental to Pakistans gay community, saying The damage that the
U.S. pride event has done is colossal,... just in terms of creating an atmosphere of fear
that was not there before. The public eye is not what we need right now. [115a]
Return to contents
Go to sources
Transgender persons
21.26
The Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada (IRB) Research Directorate stated in a
response regarding the treatment of sexual minorities by society, government and
religious authorities in Pakistan, dated 30 November 2011, that The BBC reports that
an estimated 300,000 hijras live in Pakistan [and] ... an estimated 50,000 transgendered
people in Pakistan... Cable News Network (CNN) reports that human rights groups in
Pakistan say that approximately 400,000 men live as women in the country... [12t]
21.27
Reuters India reported on 25 May 2010 that: Community leaders estimate the number
of hijras in Pakistan at about 300,000. [10a]
Legal rights
21.28
21.29
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acknowledges the fluid nature of sexual identity and marks a break with the male/female
binary. Prior to this ruling the Khawaja Sarra had exercised their right to vote and
registration for National Identity Cards on the basis of an arbitrary determination of
gender as male or female. Now they can vote and register as transgender individuals. In
response to the judgment, state institutions such as NADRA have set up processes to
facilitate their access to Computerized National Identity Cards as transgender
individuals. Other signs of progress include the allocation of seven job positions in their
offices across Pakistan by NADRA, the employment of Khawaja Sarra individuals to
administer the polio vaccine by the Sindh Health Department and the use of their
services for the recovery of dues by the Clifton Cantonment Board, Karachi.
Significant as first steps, these initiatives are clearly not enough to cater to the Khawaja
Saras estimated population of around 800,000, nor has anything being [sic] done to
facilitate their access to education and health services or to protect them from sexual
exploitation and violence. At the same time social prejudice combined with poor
implementation procedures are instrumental in denying Khawaja Sarra individuals their
inheritance rights. As stated by one transgender individual, the judiciary is listening and
doing its bit, but we have yet to see the government come forward without the [Supreme
Court] nudging it. This is a matter of grave concern and the state needs to take
systematic action to ensure the rights of transgender communities. [57e] (p80-81,
Major development after 2009)
21.30
The Foreign and Commonwealth Office (FCO) consulted local experts on transgender
and transexuals in Pakistan, including a journalist and producer from the private
television station, Geo TV, who had made a documentary on the subject. Following this
consultation, the FCO noted in a letter to the UK Border Agency (then the Border and
Immigration Agency), dated 6 February 2008, with regard to Sharia law on transgender
persons, that:
... the Sharia Law does not recognize any such [gender reassignment] operations and
forbids them strictly. It is under this law that the various cases of gender operations
have been arrested and charged in Paki[stan] courts. Depending on the severity [of
transsexualism] various punishments have been prescribed in each case.
... Depending on the reasons [for undergoing a sex-change operation] that [the court]
deduce, the transsexuals might be put in jail or prescribed lashes. In strict Sharia Law
there can be worse punishments like stoning to death, but haven't been practiced by
law yet. Stoning to death has been done in some rural areas where the local elders hold
court to decide the matter... the constitution states that discrimination on basis of sex
will not be entertained anywhere in the country. But it has failed to safeguard the rights
of these people [transexuals] too. [11f] (Paragraph 1)
21.31
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due to a severe and extremely dangerous health risk for the patient. Under religious law
there should be absolutely no alternative for the patient and once the patient undergoes
the operation, then s/he should be treated according to the new gender. This is a quote
from an Islamic scholar of the progressive school. His name is Khursheed Nadeem and
he is the Country Director of an NGO called Organization for Research and Education
in Islamabad. Classic and conventional Islamic interpretation prescribes to lashings and
stonings - a practice that was prescribed for adultery in early Islam... stonings and
lashings are carried out at the highest degree of sexual crime. So far a legal court in
Pakistan has not ordered this punishment for any such criminal (...there are only a
handful cases tried in courts). But when these cases are caught in rural areas, under
feudal and tribal laws and customs, eunuchs and transsexuals are lashed in public. The
reported incidence of this is few and far between because the transsexuals flee to areas
where there [sic] communities are relatively more accepted. [11f] (Paragraph 2)
21.32
The letter further noted that if a transexual committed a crime the treatment given out by
law would be the same as other offenders. [11f] (Paragraph 9)
21.33
The Human Rights Commission of Pakistan noted in its report, State of Human Rights
in 2011 (HRCP Report 2011), published March 2012, that Women from sexual
minorities the hijra or transgendered community who mostly identify themselves as
women were granted the status of citizens of the State, but the only employment
opportunity provided to them by the State was as tax collectors out to harass defaulters.
This official gesture not only demeaned them as people and reinforced cultural biases of
their nuisance value, but also set a precedent for how they were to be treated socially.
[27ij] (p157)
21.34
However, regarding the ruling on trans-gender rights, the Foreign and Commonwealth
Office (FCO) noted, in a letter dated 9 November 2009, that ...the Court's rulings in this
case are essentially declaratory and have little binding effect on the government;
declaring that the plaintiffs are Pakistani citizens and entitled to basic state provisions
like education and the protection of law will not do anything to actually remove the
disadvantages they [Hijras] face in society. [11l]
21.35
The International Gay and Lesbian Human Rights Commission (IGLHRC) noted in its
report Human Rights and Transgender People in Pakistan, published February 2008
(IGLHRC Report 2008), covering 2007 events, that, following an appeal to the Supreme
Court:
... a landmark case involving transgender rights is currently unfolding in Pakistan.
Nighat Saeed Khan, director of ASR [Applied Socia-Economic Research] Resource
Centre in Lahore, Pakistan notes that, Transgender individuals in Pakistan have
typically faced a myriad of dangers from police, family, community, and religious
authorities, and had to leave the country. The current case challenges this status quo.
It marks an attempt by a female-to-male transgender man and his wife to have their
marriage recognized, an outcome that is predicated on the courts recognition of the
right to transgender identity the case is precedent setting... because the issue of
gender identity has been sent to the Supreme Court. [49]
21.36
184
An update dated 14 August 2007 on the website of Women Living under Muslim Laws,
on the court case of a married couple where the husband had undergone partial sexrealignment treatment, observed that Legally she [Shamial Raj, the husband] can live
where she likes and two women can live together. They can also live together as they
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are but need to be very quiet about this. If they are not married and if they are woman
and man then society could have a problem. [62]
21.37
21.38
The couple were later released on bail, although consideration of the case by the courts
as to whether the couple could remain married was delayed by the disruption to the
judiciary as result of the State of the Emergency in November 2007 and the subsequent
political turmoil in early 2008. (IGLHRC, February 2008) [49]
Return to contents
Go to sources
Reporting on Pakistans national elections (held 11 May 2013), The Guardian stated on
9 May 2013 that, following a Supreme Court ruling in 2012, allowing transgender
persons to register for national identity cards as a third gender rather than male or
female, a small number of so-called hijras were standing as candidates in the
elections. [113b]
21.40
Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty reported on 10 May 2013 that In past polls, the
minority group was barred from voting because its members were not willing to classify
themselves as men or women to receive official documentation. [9b]
21.41
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21.42
However, Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty observed that In a blow to the community,
more than 5,000 hijras in the restive northwestern Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Province will
not be able to cast their vote on May 11 due to the failure of the National Database
Registration Authority to deliver computerized national identification cards to them. [9b]
21.43
21.44
The HRCP noted in its report, the State of Human Rights in 2012, published March
2013, that In November the Punjab government launched the Punjab Accelerated
Literacy Promotion (PALP) programme which aimed at educating and providing
technical skills to the population which was usually denied access to education, such as
transgender persons, prisoners and child labourers. [27b] (p227)
21.45
The journalist and producer from GEO TV said that they had spoken to several
transexuals who stated that when attempting to acquire new ID cards or travel
documents they had been refused. The letter noted ...Officials at these offices demand
health and operation records for [transexuals] but since the operation is illegal in
Pakistan no doctor can issue a sex change certificate that supports the transsexuals'
claim. Public humiliation, aggravation and bureaucracy are part and parcel of this
process.... NADRA [National Database and Registration Authority] does not appear to
have a clear policy on this, as such applications are seen as exceptional cases. [11f]
(Paragraph 11)
21.46
NDTV reported on 28 May 2010 on a court ruling allowing a man to undergo gender
reassignment surgery. The report noted that doctors advised the man, diagnosed as
having gender identity disorder, to seek permission for surgery from the court as no
laws existed in Pakistan allowing for such an operation. [147a]
21.47
Dawn reported on 12 July 2011 that The Khyber Pakhtunkhwa government... devised a
code for transvestites, performing in wedding parties and other festivities, to curtail
incidents of their harassment. [42a]
21.48
The report noted that on 10 July 2011 Some persons near Bakhsho area of Kazana
police station reportedly abused and beaten [sic] up a group of transvestites besides
shaving off their heads [sic]... after they performed in a wedding party. On Monday [11
July 2011], a number of transvestites under the banners of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa
Shemale Association staged a protest demonstration against the incident and
demanded protection for their community. Provincial government spokesman, Mian
Iftikhar Hussain, condemned the incident and said nine people had been arrested. He
was reported as saying Transvestites are human beings and they have equal rights as
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men and women enjoy in our country. So we want to make it clear that providing
protection to this segment is also responsibility of government and we will ensure it.
[42a]
21.49
Dawn added To avoid such type of incidents in future... the government in consultation
with the representatives of transvestites decided that those wishing to take transvestites
for performance in their parties would get their particulars registered at the police station
concerned... Mr Hussain asked people not to tease transvestites. He said that the code
would be implemented initially in the provincial capital but it could be replicated in other
places, wherever such problems were reported. [42a]
21.50
Reuters India reported on 25 May 2010 that police in Peshawar arrested an entire
wedding party, including the bride and groom, at a ceremony between a man and a
transgender person, stating they had ...registered a case against them for promoting
homosexuality in the society. However, the so-called groom claimed the party was for
his birthday. The pair were remanded in custody for two weeks. [10a]
Return to contents
Go to sources
21.52
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21.53
The same letter stated [that] men who behave, act, undergo operation[s], suffer with
biological, psychological issues of gender are all termed as Hijras in Pakistan. The
letter noted that instances of women undergoing an operation to become a man were
very rare and that they would not be referred to as Hijras. [11f] (Paragraph 7)
21.54
The IRB Research Directorate noted in its response of 30 November 2012 that,
according to the International Gay and Lesbian Human Rights Commission (IGLHRC)
Country Adviser:
... zenanas are a sexual minority separate from hijras... He further states that the
zenana non-conformity to the biological construct is unacceptable across all economic
groups... However, those from lower economic groups generally around puberty
leave or run away from their homes because the pressure of conforming to the
biological construct starts increasing from the males of the household and most of the
time takes a mentally and physically abusive turn... Most zenanas, according to the
Country Adviser, end up as sex workers on the street...
According to the Country Adviser, human rights abuses against zenanas include rape
(including by police and religious zealots), police harassment, and policing by
religious zealots, who may shave the head and eyebrows of a zenana, which is
considered an insult... The Neengar Society representative also noted that, because
they are visible, transgendered people face more problems with the police, such as
arrests and sexual abuse... [12t]
21.55
The Gender Interactive Alliance (GIA) Pakistan stated on its website, accessed 1 May
2013, that it was ... an organization working for the equality and civil rights of
transgender people in Pakistan. The GIA stated that Transgender persons do not have
the same level of rights as other Pakistanis. They are also routinely harassed, face
discrimination, and in some cases are subjected to violence simply for being
transgender. [8a] (About)
21.57
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21.58
Pakistan
The GIA noted that it provided the following services under its Awareness Programme:
In-centre services:
Out-reach services:
To visit the trans-gender people along road-sides, under the bridges, in public
parks and play-grounds, around railway stations and bus stops and at their
homes to:
Tell them about the risk of HIV/AIDS,STIS
Educate them about safe sex so that they may be aware of the spread of
HIV/AIDS through sexual activity including proper usage of condoms.
Guiding them on available alternative means of employment
Providing them access to basic education. [8b] (Awareness programme)
21.59
Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty (RFE/RL) reported on 8 June 2010 that the Shemale
Rights Foundation, based in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, was a new group, the first of its kind
in the region, aimed at ... representing Pakistani transvestites, transsexuals, and
eunuchs... and was ... demanding greater rights protection for the community... The
article quoted newly elected chairperson, Farzana, who said There is a long history of
discrimination against us. We are a laughing-stock for people and they make fun of us.
Police officials most often forcefully arrest our community members and take them to
the police station... They arrest us for nothing and there is no one to speak for us. Now
we ourselves will fight for our rights. [9a]
21.60
RFE/RL noted that No reliable data exist, but Farzana said an estimated 10,000 hijras
live in the region. Last week, hijras protested in Peshawar about what they called the
heavy-handedness of police. [9a]
Return to contents
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22. Disability
22.01
The US Department of State Country Report on Human Rights Practices 2012 (USSD
Report 2012), published 19 April 2013, stated that:
The law provides for equality of the rights of persons with disabilities, but the provisions
were not always implemented in practice. After dissolution of the former Ministry of
Social Welfare and Special Education in April 2011, its affiliated departments, including
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the Directorate General for Special Education, National Council for the Rehabilitation of
the Disabled, and National Trust for the Disabled, were handed over to the Capital
Administration and Development Division. The special education and social welfare
offices were devolved to the provinces and are responsible for protecting the rights of
persons with disabilities.
In the provinces social welfare departments worked for the welfare and education of
persons with disabilities. In Sindh the minister for bonded labor and special education is
mandated to address the educational needs of persons with disabilities. At the highereducation level, special departments provided special education at Allama Iqbal Open
University, the University of the Punjab, and Karachi University. According to the
Leonard Cheshire Foundation, most children with disabilities did not attend school; at
the primary level specifically, the percentages for those out of school were 50 percent
for girls and 28 percent for boys.
The government declared the federal capital and provincial capitals as disabled-friendly
cities and granted permission to persons with disabilities to take central superior service
exams. It also established 127 special education centers in main cities. Employment
quotas at the federal and provincial levels require public and private organizations to
reserve at least 2 percent of jobs for qualified persons with disabilities. In practice, this
right was protected only partially due to a lack of adequate enforcement mechanisms.
Families cared for most individuals with physical and mental disabilities. In some cases
criminals forced persons with disabilities into begging and took most of the proceeds
they received.
Organizations that refused to hire persons with disabilities could choose to pay a fine to
a disability assistance fund. This obligation was rarely enforced. The National Council
for the Rehabilitation of the Disabled provided job placement and loan facilities as well
as subsistence funding. There were no restrictions on the rights of persons with
disabilities to vote or participate in civil affairs. However, voting was challenging for
persons with disabilities because of severe difficulties in obtaining transportation and
access to polling stations. [3n] (Section 6)
22.02
Pakistan ratified the UN Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities on 6 June
2011. On signing, President Zardari said:
... the Directorate General of Special Education has also taken various initiatives for the
welfare of special people. Establishment of Special Education Departments at Allama
Iqbal Open University, University of the Punjab and Karachi University, a bill on
provision in building codes to give accessibility to special people, construction of Special
Education Buildings in main cities, declaring federal capital and provincial headquarters
as disabled friendly cities, permission to special persons to appear in CSS exams and
establishment of 127 Special Education Centres in main cities were among those
initiatives... (Daily Times, 7 June 2011) [55h]
22.03
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health, social services, social events and cultural activities. It was also concerned at the
lack of adequate infrastructure for them and at the low level of support received by
these children and their families.
UNCT [United Nations Country Team] noted that there remains a considerable
attitudinal and behavioural form of exclusion of persons with disabilities. Significant
steps are required in terms of shifting the charity-oriented approach towards those
persons. [83c] (paragraphs 66-67)
22.04
The Human Rights Commission of Pakistan noted in its report, the State of Human
Rights in 2012, published March 2013, that:
Children with disabilities were also a largely ignored segment of the population in the
country in 2012, with the exception of a few sporadic measures during the course of the
year. Pakistan Baitul Mal provided 90,000 wheelchairs, 20,000 white canes, 30,000
hearing aids as well as uniforms for children of the four Special Education Centres in
Islamabad working under the Directorate General of Special Education and Social
Welfare, Ministry of Capital Administration and Development. In October, the Secretary
Capital Administration and Development (CAD) announced the establishment of special
desks in all government hospitals to provide free medical treatment to persons with
disabilities on priority. In December, the Federal Minister for Capital Administration and
Development also announced government plans to establish a degree college for
persons with disabilities. At the provincial level, the Punjab chief minister ordered the
Punjab Education Endowment Fund to provide scholarships to special children, adding
that vouchers should also be given to deserving disabled children for free education
under the education voucher scheme of the Punjab Education Foundation. He said that
the provincial government would formulate a comprehensive policy to provide education
and impart skills trainings to special children. Six projects were approved for the Sindh
Special Education Department under the Annual Development Program 2012-2013.
The projects dealt with raising awareness on disabilities, training of teachers and
upgrading of existing educational facilities. [27b] (p191-192)
22.05
A paper entitiled Services and Facilities Available to Children with Disabilities in Special
Schools of Karachi Region, dated May 2012, by Dr Shaista Naz of Sindh Madrasa-tulIslam University, Karachi, and Dr Nasir Sulman of the University of Karachi, published
by the Interdisciplinary Journal of Contemporary Research in Business, noted:
After the 18th amendment in the constitution of Pakistan, there are twelve special
education institutions devolved in Sindh province, which were previously run by federal
government. Now, there are 48 institutions working actively in the province which are
providing the following facilities: Justified and transparent provision of facilities to the
students of its special education centers/ schools/ institutes including uniform; free pick
and drop facility; nutrition; school bags, books, pencils, reading / learning material at
free of cost; provision of voice hearing aids / equipment; wheel chair for persons with
physical handicapped [sic]; and white can[e] for children with blindness. Finally, provide
stipend to the staff who [are] working on [a] voluntary basis in 19 special education
centers in the Sindh province.
In the Sindh province, Persons with disabilities face numerous challenges that result in
their exclusion from the mainstream of society, making it difficult for them to access their
fundamental social, political and economic rights. Many make their way through life
impoverished, abandoned, uneducated, malnourished, discriminated against, neglected
and vulnerable. For them, life is a daily struggle to survive. Whether they live in urban
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centers or in rural areas, they share these common problems. They are largely
excluded from essential services and they lack the protection of the family and
community, and are often at risk of exploitation and abuse. The factors contributing to
this pathetic situation are many and varied but include poverty, unemployment, and
social isolation, environmental, institutional, attitudinal, and economic barriers. [145a]
(1.2 Provision of Special Education)
22.06
The paper noted that, of the 60 surveyed schools, only three (five per cent) provided
inclusive education (3.2 Philosophical basis of special schools) and only 12
organisations (20 per cent) provided a wheelchair ramp for accessibility. (3.8 Availability
of Physical Facilities) Physical disabilities were catered for in eight (13 per cent) of the
schools. [145a] (Table 4)
See also Children: Education and Health and welfare
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Go to sources
23. Women
Overview
23.01
The Foreign and Commonwealth Office observed in its 2012 Human Rights and
Democracy Report (FCO Report 2012), published 15 April 2013, that There have been
a number of federal legislative successes over the last two years on womens rights.
These have been particularly aimed at protecting women from violence, including acid
attacks. In 2012, however, Pakistan fell to 134th out of 135 countries in the World
Economic Forums Gender Gap Index, scoring particularly low in education, economic
participation and health. [11e] (Womens rights)
23.02
23.03
23.04
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23.05
The Asian Human Rights Commission, commenting on the speech made by Pakistans
foreign minister, Ms. Rabbani Khar, at the UPR, stated on 4 November 2012 that,
despite the passing of laws to protect women, the Pakistan government had failed to
enforce these legislations. [52m]
23.06
The Human Rights Commission of Pakistan stated in its report, the State of Human
Rights in 2011 (HRCP Report 2011), published March 2012, that:
While gender constitutes one of the factors that makes people socially vulnerable and
discriminated against, the issues of women have to be calibrated against a number of
variables. Not all women suffer social vulnerability in quite the same manner or extent
and their situation may differ in accordance with their social positioning in terms of
class, religion, education, economic independence, geographical location inclusive of
distance from urban centres caste, educational profile, marital status, number of
children and so on.
So, while all women continue to do poorly in terms of their status as citizens of the
State, a fact reflected in the poorer statistics for womens education and health, for
instance, and discriminatory laws that make them socially vulnerable, their vulnerability
is experientially different according to their social position and their access to avenues
of empowerment.
Over the year 2011, the social indices of development such as educational
opportunities, employment, and health pertaining to women remained dismal with 65
percent of the workforce engaged in low paid and unrepresented homebased work. The
floods continued to affect women and children adversely, with 120,000 pregnant women
suffering from trauma, fatigue, malnutrition, and poor hygiene. The health indicators for
women, particularly in rural areas, remained abysmal, with breast cancer being amongst
the highest in South Asia and 40,000 deaths recorded annually. In urban centres, drug
addiction amongst women with school and college degrees was recorded, and the
percentage of attempted suicides by ingesting poison, the most discrete form of suicide
rose, with up to five to six cases of teenage suicide attempts coming in daily in Karachi
alone. [27g] (p155-156)
23.07
Minority Rights Group International noted in its report State of the Worlds Minorities and
Indigineous Peoples 2012, published 28 June 2012, that Women in tribal areas of
north-west Pakistan are particularly threatened by the Taliban. The Taliban continue to
oppose education for girls, setting back education targets for minority women in areas
where the Taliban hold sway. Maryum Bibi, an official with Peshawar-based NGO
Khwendo Kor, told media that women remain fearful: Despite the official stance that the
Taliban have been defeated, they remain present in remote areas. [88e] (p141)
See also Children: Education and Militant attacks on schools
23.08
In its Concluding observations on the fourth periodic report of Pakistan dated 1 March
2013, the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women noted the
devolution of powers to the provinces under the 18th Constitutional amendment, which
included all matters relating to the development of women, and expressed concern
about:
... the governance challenges embodied in the devolution of powers, including the
integration and coordination of policies aimed at the advancement of women from the
national to the provincial level. It is further concerned that the State party lacks the
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23.10
The UN Committee on the Rights of the Child noted in its concluding observations to
Pakistans report regarding the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child (UNCRC),
dated 19 October 2009, that:
The Committee remains extremely concerned at the evidence of serious discrimination
against women and girls in the State party, as attested by the acute gender differentials
in infant mortality rates and school enrolment rates and the continuing existence of early
marriages and exchanges of girls for debt settlement, domestic violence affecting
women and girls, and other such situations including bonded labour and economic
exploitation of girls... there seems to be little or no improvement in the country. [79c]
(paragraph 28)
See also Children
23.11
Minority Rights Group International noted in its report State of the Worlds Minorities and
Indigineous Peoples 2011, published 6 July 2011, discussing the day-to-day
discrimination and marginalisation of minorities in Pakistan, particularly with regards to
minority women, that:
... this is compounded by the discrimination that they experience as women, and may
also be compounded by caste-based discrimination. A recent survey reported by the
AHRC [Asian Human Rights Commission] found that primary school enrolment rates for
girls belonging to scheduled Hindu castes in Pakistan were just 10.2 per cent; the
national female primary enrolment rate was given as 48 per cent. Overall, 87 per cent of
women from scheduled Hindu castes were illiterate, compared to 58 per cent of women
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Legal rights
23.12
The Pakistan constitution states that All citizens are equal before [the] law and are
entitled to equal protection of lawThere shall be no discrimination on the basis of sex
aloneNothing in this Article shall prevent the State from making any special provision
for the protection of women and children. [29n] (Part II, Chapter 1, Section 25)
23.13
The US Department of State Country Report on Human Rights Practices 2012 (USSD
Report 2012), published 19 April 2013, observed that The law prohibits discrimination
on the basis of sex, but authorities did not enforce this provision. Women faced
discrimination in family law, property law, and the judicial system. [3n] (Section 6)
23.14
23.15
23.16
The Express Tribune reported on 3 February 2012 that the Senate unanimously passed
the National Commission for Status of Women, 2012, bill. The report noted that bill
would allow the Commission to:
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23.17
The Express Tribune also reported, on 12 December 2011, on the passing of the
Prevention of Anti-Women Practices (Criminal Law Amendment) Bill 2008. The Bills
aims included:
23.18
Amnesty International stated in its report As If Hell Fell On Me: The Human Rights
Crisis in Northwest Pakistan, published 10 June 2010, that The reliance on jirgas under
the FCR [Frontier Crimes Regulation] in practice discriminates against women by
providing them no access to the tribal councils that in the case of many disputes may
decide their fate and whose procedures include few or no rights or protections for those
affected. [13e] (p28)
See also Judiciary: Frontier Crimes Regulation (FCR)
Return to contents
Go to sources
On 1 December 2006 President Musharraf signed into law the Womens Protection Act
(WPA). (USSD IRF Report 2008) [3m] (Section II) The US Department of State JulyDecember, 2010 International Religious Freedom Report (USSD IRF Report 2010),
published 13 September 2011, stated Until the passage of the 2006 Protection of
Women (Criminal Laws Amendment) Act (WPA), cases of rape and adultery were also
heard under the Hudood Ordinance, which led to numerous abuses against women.
The 2006 law moved these cases to secular rather than Sharia courts; thousands of
women have now been released from jail, although social ostracism continued in some
cases. [3l] (Section II)
23.20
A Response to Information Request (RIR) by the IRB dated 3 December 2007 noted
that the WPA also prohibits charging women with fornication offences in the cases
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where women allege they were victims of rape but cannot prove their absence of
consent Heterosexual consensual sex outside of marriage continues to be
criminalized; however, the Act provides that such complaints will be investigated by a
court before formal charges are laid [12f]
23.21
23.22
The UN Committee on the Rights of the Child report, dated 19 March 2009, stated that:
Amendments have been made in the Hadood [Hudood] Ordinance through the
Prevention of Anti-Women Practices (Criminal Law) Amendment Act, 2006. The new
law has been designed to end practices such as preventing or obstructing women to get
their share in inheritance, sale of woman, forced marriage, Nikah [Islamic wedding
ceremony] with the Holy Quran, custom of Vani or giving a woman in marriage to
settle a feud and pronouncement of divorce three times. These inhuman practices have
been made offences under the Pakistan Penal Code. [79b] (paragraph 32)
See also Children: Underage/forced marriage
23.23
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23.24
9 August 2013
Regarding the FSCs verdict, the HRCP Report 2011 noted that In 2011, there was
widespread protest by women and civil rights groups over this backsliding... They
opposed the FSCs aim to trivialise the rights of women through legitimising
discrimination against them. The FSC decisionwas also challenged and an appeal
made to the Supreme Court (the Federal Shariat Apellate Bench) by a number of
womens rights organizations. The appeal was still pending at the end of 2011. [27g]
(p158-159)
See also Sections Judiciary: Shariat courts (Islamic law) and Hudood Ordinances,
Freedom of Religion: Hudood Ordinances and Children: Childcare and protection
Return to contents
Go to sources
Political rights
23.25
23.26
The Report of the Commonwealth Observer Mission on the Pakistan General Elections,
11 May 2013, published 20 June 2013, noted, with regards to the participation and
representation of women in the elections, that:
The level of representation of women as candidates remains relatively low. For
instance, while there are 60 reserved seats for women in the 342-seat National
Assembly, women represented just over 3% of the total number of candidates
contesting the general seats for the Assembly18. The level of women as registered
voters also remains relatively low and despite some improvements in the number of
women on the voter register and some positive initiatives by the ECP there remains,
according to ECP data, a shortfall of over 10 million women compared to men on the
Electoral Rolls. [70a] (p27)
23.27
198
In its Concluding observations on the fourth periodic report of Pakistan, dated 1 March
2013, the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women reiterated its
concern at:
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... the low level of participation of women in political and public life, especially in
decision-making positions and in the local administration, as well as in the diplomatic
service. It is concerned that women have only 17% of reserved seats in the National
Assembly, Provincial Assemblies and the Senate. It is further concerned that patriarchal
attitudes and rooted stereotypes on the roles of women and men in society result in the
forced disenfranchisement of women and impede and discourage their participation in
elections (as candidates and voters). It reiterates its concern at the low participation of
women in the judiciary in the Superior Courts and the total absence of women judges in
the Supreme Court... [79g] (paragraph 25)
23.28
The HRCP Report 2012 stated, with regards to women judges, that There was not a
single woman judge among the 17 judges of the Supreme Court in 2012. A woman has
never been elevated to the apex court in the countrys history. Of the five high courts,
there were only three women judges out of a total of 103 high court judges. Two of the
women high court judges were appointed in 2012. [27b] (p166-167)
See also Judiciary
23.29
23.30
The Asian Human Rights Commission noted in its report, The State of Human Rights in
Pakistan 2008 (AHRC Report 2008), published 11 December 2008, that the women in
the National Assembly ...are not directly elected, they are merely placed into the
positions by their party, which limits their value as political figures. Critics complain of
nepotism. [52b] (p10)
23.31
The HRCP Report 2010 noted Some women parliamentarians complained of lack of
attention to the issues raised by them as well as the general attitudes towards women
voters and politicians. They said womens presence in parliament would produce a
change only if their voices were heard. [27e] (p206)
23.32
The International Federation for Human Rights (FiDH) reported on 3 November 2010
that it welcomed ...election of its Vice-president, Ms Asma Jahangir, as president of
Pakistan's Supreme Court Bar Association. She is now the first woman to lead the most
prestigious association of the legal community in Pakistan... The election of Asma
Jahangir to the Supreme Court Bar Association constitutes an important step not only
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for the defence of the independence of the judiciary but also for the defense of human
rights in general in Pakistan. [24a]
23.33
The HRCP Report 2009 stated that In 2009, the abolition of the local government
system of 2001 came as a setback to womens participation in the political process. The
system, for the first time in the history of the country, had given women 33 per cent
representation at the local level and provided them an opportunity to participate in
decision-making. At many places, women councillors had played an active role in
addressing womens complaints and providing relief to women victims. [27c] (p187)
23.34
23.35
On the oppression of women participating in public life in Pakistan, the ACHR South
Asia Human Rights Index 2008 recorded that:
Chief Minister of Sindh Dr. Arbab Ghulam Rahim stated during the launch of the
election campaign for his party on 26 August 2007 in Thatta that womens leadership
was a curse on society.
On 29 March 2007, tribal elders in Bannu district of North West Frontier Province
barred women from casting their vote in the by-election of National Assembly Seat-26.
Most women councillors of Upper Dir district in NWFP have not attended sessions of
district and union councils since 2005 because of an unofficial ban imposed by a local
jirga. Unelected male relatives had represented them since 2005, in sessions of the
district and union councils. These self-nominated representatives of women
councillors apparently fathers, sons, brothers and husbands enter councils rooms,
sign the attendance roster and take part in the debate on behalf of the women
councilors with complete acquiescence of the state. [67b] (p75)
23.36
The HRCP Report 2011 stated In November, in a by-election for a provincial assembly
constituency of Kohistan district of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, only men participated in the
voting. Media reports said that a jirga held ahead of the polling day had decided not to
allow women voters to turn up at polling stations, calling their participation against tribal
tradition. [27g] (p144)
23.37
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In its Concluding observations on the fourth periodic report of Pakistan, dated 1 March
2013, the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women expressed
concern at ... the persistence of patriarchal attitudes and deep-rooted stereotypes
concerning womens roles and responsibilities that discriminate against them and
perpetuate their subordination within the family and society, all of which have recently
been exacerbated by the influence of non-State actors in the State party. [79g]
(paragraph 21)
23.39
23.40
23.41
23.42
The Asian Human Rights Commission stated in its report The State of Human Rights in
Pakistan 2009 (AHRC Report 2009), published July 2010, that:
As an explicitly Muslim state, the women of Pakistan are beholden to a number of
Islamic principles. For one, the family is seen as the nucleus of society, the fundamental
building block from which the rest of society emerges and evolves. Women are seen to
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be responsible for maintaining the sanctity of the family, and are thus those who are
most likely to disrupt this sanctity. As such, the woman becomes the lynch pin of an
ordered society; it is on her back that responsibility and power lies, both for her family
and by extension, for all of society. While the violence against women enacted in this
society occurs for manifold reasons, it seems that this understanding of women as both
the lynch pin and the one with the power to unravel society, is a contributing factor to
the continual mistreatment of women in Pakistan. [52a] (p201)
See also Violence against women
23.43
23.44
Amnesty International noted in its report As If Hell Fell On Me: The Human Rights
Crisis in Northwest Pakistan, published 10 June 2010, that:
The Pakistani Taleban systematically imposed restrictions on womens activities, their
movement or employment outside the home. The Talebans systematic discrimination
against women was notable even by the standards of conservative religiosity practiced
in FATA and NWFP. Dozens of people, men and women, from different FATA Agencies
complained to Amnesty International that the new rules imposed on women and girls by
the Taleban were a primary reason for their fleeing their homes.
In Khyber Agency, in November 2008, the Taleban threatened local women who were
going to the offices of NADRA (the National Database and Registration Authority, which
provides new registration for Pakistanis), as it was registering women for the Benazir
Income Support Program. Taleban forces were apparently angry that the office took
photographs of women beneficiaries for identification and registration. One man told
Amnesty International: There were no women at the NADRA office to take photograph
of the local women for the registration cards. All the other staff was male. And this is
why the militants, and also the local tribesmen, opposed the women's [sic] visiting the
NADRA office... Posters were pasted on walls in Landi Kotal warning people not to send
women to the NADRA office. The handwritten posters said the practice of taking
photographs of women is un-Islamic and males should not allow their women to visit the
NADRA offices. The writings warned that they would take action if someone defied the
orders.
The Talebans efforts to bar women from registering for new national identification
cards meant that they were essentially outside the governments official records an
omission that created significant problems later when many women fled conflict-affected
areas but could not register to receive government relief services, including food, shelter
and medical assistance because they lacked the requisite documents... [13e] (p41)
See also Sections: Security situation: Pakistani Taliban, and Citizenship and Nationality
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23.45
Pakistan
In its Concluding observations on the fourth periodic report of Pakistan, dated 1 March
2013, the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women were
concerned about:
... the prevalence of customs and traditional practices, which limit the degree of
involvement of rural women in development programmes and prevent them from
inheriting or acquiring land and other property. It is concerned that rural women farmers
are not recognized as such, because in the State party a farmer (kisan) is the person
who owns land. It is also concerned at the difficulties faced by rural women in accessing
health and social services and to participate in decision-making processes at the
community level. [79g] (paragraph 33)
23.46
The AHRC Report 2008 recorded that Middle-class women generally have more social
and economic freedom in Pakistan, but in rural and tribal areas an estimated 12.5
million women are still denied the right to vote. Many have little or no independence on
any level. The advances at the top need to be taken into the villages and onto the street
and practically enforced. Businesses and local authorities such as the police and
judiciary remain profoundly male oriented. [52b] (p10)
See also subsection Political rights
The Muslim Family Laws Ordinance, 1961, stated that It extends to [the] whole of
Pakistan, and applies to all Muslim citizens of Pakistan, wherever they may be. The
ordinance covers marriage, polygamy, divorce and maintenance. [30] The Dissolution
of Muslim Marriages Act 1939 lays down the grounds on which a woman may divorce
her husband. [31] The Offence of Zina (Enforcement of Hudood) Ordinance, 1979,
stated that an adult male is defined as having attained the age of 18 years, a female as
having attained the age of 16, or reached puberty. [21b]
23.48
The USSD Report 2012 stated Although forced marriage is a criminal offense and
many cases were filed, prosecution remained a problem. There were reports of citizens
abroad bringing their daughters back to the country, taking away their legal documents,
and forcing them into marriage against their will. [3n] (Section 6)
23.49
In its Concluding observations on the fourth periodic report of Pakistan, dated 1 March
2013, the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women were
concerned about:
... the existence of multiple legal systems with regard to marriage and family relations in
the State party and its discriminatory impact on women. It is concerned about the
current status of Hindu and Christian law on marriage and divorce and the fact that
under Muslim law women have unequal rights to inheritance, upon dissolution of
marriage and its economic consequences as well as unequal rights in respect to
guardianship of children. It is concerned about the persistence of child and forced
marriages and at the fact that the minimum age of marriage for girls is 16 years. It is
deeply concerned about the abduction of women and girls belonging to religious
minorities for the purpose of forced conversion and forced marriages. It is also
concerned that polygamy is permitted under certain circumstances. The Committee also
notes with concern that property relations are governed by a regime of separate
property, which often discriminates against women. [79g] (paragraph 37)
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See also Freedom of religion: Christians and Hindus and Sikhs, and Children:
Underage/forced marriage
Return to contents
Go to sources
Marriage
23.50
23.51
23.52
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Bahais was the lack of a mechanism for registration of marriages. Married couples did
not have any official certificate showing that they were married, which became a hurdle
for married women in acquiring passports. The couples had to make individual petitions
in courts and although the courts issued such orders they applied only to the petitioners
and were not the ideal solution to the absence of a marriage registrationmechanism.
Lack of registration ofmarriages also had implications for legal recourse for spouses in
case of matrimonial disputes. [27e] (p136)
See also Freedom of religion: Hindus and Sikhs
23.53
23.54
Also on the subject of marriage the USSD Report 2012 stated that Although the
government generally did not interfere with the right to marry, local officials on occasion
assisted influential families in preventing marriages that the families opposed. The
government also failed to prosecute cases in which families punished members
(generally women) for marrying or seeking a divorce against the wishes of other family
members. [3n] (Section 1f)
23.55
The same source noted Women are legally free to marry without family consent, but
women who did so frequently were ostracized or faced becoming the victims of honor
crimes. [3n] (Section 6)
23.56
23.57
The USSD Report 2009 stated Upon conversion to Islam, women's marriages
performed under the rites of their previous religion were considered dissolved, but the
marriages of men who converted remained intact. [3b] (Section 1f)
23.58
The USSD Report 2012 added A World Population Foundation survey in 2009 found
that 49 percent of women between the ages of 20 and 24 were married before the age
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of 18. In 2008 the Family Planning Association of Pakistan estimated that child
marriages made up 32 percent of marriages in the country. In rural areas poor parents
sometimes sold their daughters into marriage, in some cases to settle debts or
disputes. [3n] (Section 6)
23.59
23.60
23.61
23.62
The Freedom House Freedom in the World 2013 Pakistan report also noted that
Illegal forms of child and forced marriage remain problems... Most interfaith marriages
are considered illegal, and the children of such unions would be illegitimate. [5a]
See also Children: Underage/forced marriage
23.63
206
On marriages by proxy, a Foreign and Commonwealth Office official from the British
High Commission (BHC) in Islamabad stated in an email dated 10 November 2010 that:
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9 August 2013
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... proxy (telephonic) marriage is acceptable in Islam and also under the Muslim Family
laws ordinance 1961. The condition is that both the parties (Bride and the Groom)
should be present at both ends with their witnesses. Whereas in Ahmadis the proxy
marriage can be contracted even without the presence of the bride and the groom and
with only the presence of their Waliys (representatives).
If a marriage is contracted with one of the above procedures and the marriage
certificate has all the necessary attestations and is registered with the concerned
authorities it can be considered as a valid marriage. [11n]
23.64
A further email from an official in the Consular Section of the BHC, dated 9 November
2010, stated that they ... do not recognise a proxy marriage done where one of the
party was in the UK, and the other was in Pakistan. [11o]
Return to contents
Go to sources
Divorce
23.65
The USSD Report 2012 reported that Family law provides protection for women in
cases of divorce, including requirements for maintenance, and lays out clear guidelines
for custody of minor children and their maintenance. However, many women were
unaware of these legal protections or unable to obtain legal counsel to enforce them.
Divorced women often were left with no means of support, as their families ostracized
them. [3n] (Section 6)
23.66
The IRB noted in a Response to Information Request, dated 4 December 2007, that:
... According to Muslim family laws in Pakistan, a Muslim man has a unilateral right to
divorce his wife. This is known as Talaq, whereas a Muslim woman can [only] dissolve
her marriage with the intervention of [a] court. She does not have the unilateral right to
pronounce talaq unless that right is delegated to her by the husband under marriage
contract but this right is usually not delegated to [the] wife. While under Christian Family
[laws], Christian women seeking to legally dissolve marriage confront such obstacles in
terms of very strict grounds to prove, that many have ended up converting. And
conversion means termination of any link with their community. Parents do not
encourage their daughters to return home for fear of being stigmatized a divorcee
which [is] tantamount to being a social pariah while husband's ill conduct is not
questioned generally. [12j]
23.67
On 9 January 2013 Reuters reported on divorced women in Pakistan. The article spoke
of the stigma and dangers of divorce, including honour killings, and the difficulties faced
by women in remarrying. [10c]
23.68
The Express Tribune reported in May 2012 that, although societys attitudes were
becoming more tolerant of divorced women remarrying, the majority still faced
considerable stigma from society and their own families. The article noted that divorced
or widowed women became ... an easy target for all sorts of disparaging remarks and
have to ward off questions that are put to their reputation. [92b]
23.69
Citing the experiences of some divorced women living in Pakistan, the article stated:
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While Shahana [a divorced single mother] tries to survive as a single woman in a mans
world, every single interaction with society at large brings yet another reminder of how
deep-seated certain perceptions are. When I go to an office to get some work done, I
have seen that I am respected only until my computerised national identity card comes
out. As soon as people find out that I dont have a husband, I see a complete change in
their approach towards me, she says. [92b]
23.70
Facing disapproval from her family, another divorced woman was quoted as saying A
daughter is a daughter only so long as shes unmarried. Once she gets married, she is
treated like a guest in her parents home and if her marriage fails, she is treated as an
outsider and a burden... [92b]
See also Single women and Honour killings
23.71
On the subject of divorce rights of Muslim women in Pakistan, the IRB noted in a
Response to Information Request, dated 17 November 2010, that:
A Muslim marriage, says the Sustainable Development Policy Institute (SDPI), a
Pakistan-based independent non-profit organization founded in 1992 to serve as a
source of expertise for policy analysis and development..., is a contract and can be
dissolved like any other contract... Marriage among Muslims is similarly described as a
civil contract that can be the subject of dissolution for good cause by Mian Muhibullah
Kakakhel, the founder of Kakakhel Law Associates and a senior advocate of Pakistans
Supreme Court... As a contract, explains the SDPI, both wife and husband have legal
and religious rights to dissolve a marriage...
According to the SDPI, while a man has the unilateral right of talaq... the absolute
and inherent power to repudiate his wife without offering any reason... women legally
dissolve their marriage under the following three circumstances:
23.72
23.73
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Under the Dissolution of Muslim Marriages Act, 1939, a woman who regards the
husband [as] at fault can initiate a judicial divorce through a family court..., which were
established under the West Pakistan Family Courts Act, 1964, to adjudicate upon ...
matters relating to the dissolution of marriage... According to the SDPI, unless the
couple reconciles, the family court issues a decree dissolving the marriage and sends it
to a union council..., an elected local government body of 13 councillors headed by a
nazim, or mayor, and a naib nazim, or deputy mayor... The divorce does not come into
effect until the end of iddat... a prescribed waiting period during which a woman cannot
remarry...; iddat can last either 90 days after the union council has received the
dissolution decree or, if the wife is pregnant, until the birth of a child... If the divorce is
granted, the union council issues a divorce certificate and the woman keeps her mehr...,
or mahr..., a dower given to the wife by the husband... [12r]
23.74
(i) that the whereabouts of the husband have not been known for a period of
four years;
(ii) that the husband has neglected or has filed [sic] to provide for her
maintenance for a period of two years;
(ii-A) that the husband has taken an additional wife in contravention of the
provisions of the Muslim Family Laws Ordinance, 1961;
(iii) that the husband has been sentenced to imprisonment for a period of
seven years or upwards;
(iv) that the husband has failed to perform, without reasonable cause, his
marital obligations for a period of three years;
(v) that the husband was impotent at the time of the marriage and continues to
be so;
(vi) that the husband has been insane for a period of two years or is suffering
from leprosy or a virulent venereal disease; ...
(viii) that the husband treats her with cruelty, that is to say:
(a) habitually assaults her or makes her life miserable by cruelty of conduct
even if such conduct does not amount to physical ill-treatment, or
(b) associates with women of evil repute of leads an infamous life, or
(c) attempts to force her to lead an immoral life, or
(d) disposes of her property or prevents her exercising her legal rights over it,
or
(e) obstructs her in the observance of her religious profession or practice, or
(f) if he has more wives than one, does not treat her equitably in accordance
with the injunctions of the Quran;
(ix) on any other ground which is recognized as valid for the dissolution of
marriages under Muslim Law .... (Pakistan 1939)
Section 2 also allows a woman to repudiate a marriage that was contracted by her
parents or guardians while she was still a minor, provided that the marriage was not
consummated... or consummated before she was 16 years old... [12r]
23.75
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With regards to divorce for Christian, Hindu and Parsi women, the IRB noted:
The SDPI indicates that unlike the reforms such as the Muslim Family Laws Ordinance
of 1961 which have benefited Muslim women, there has been no development since
colonial times of the personal laws relating to [Christian, Hindu and Parsi] communities.
The Hindu community in particular do[es] not have any specific codified laws relating to
family matters which are instead governed by custom...
However, reports the SDPI, [m]embers of minority communities can and do approach
the countrys regular Family Courts since the Family Courts Act of 1964 does not restrict
its jurisdiction to Muslims alone...
More specifically, the SDPI indicates that Christian marriages, unlike Muslim marriages,
are regarded as a holy union... Dissolution of a Christian marriage occurs primarily
through the death of one of the spouses; divorce is permitted only on very restricted
grounds for both husband and wife... However, The Divorce Act 1869 does provide
grounds for divorce, which include offences such as adultery, rape, and adultery
coupled with cruelty... Parsi marriage, on the other hand, is governed by The Parsi
Marriage and Divorce Act 1936. The marriage can be dissolved by the husband or the
wife through a family court if, for example, a spouse is of unsound mind (although only
after three years of marriage), has deserted the marriage, has been jailed for seven or
more years or has committed adultery or rape... As for Hindu marriages, the SDPI says
that, [i]n general, there is no concept of divorce among Hindus, although some file
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divorce suits in the Family Courts pleading the existence of the custom in their
community... [12r]
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Go to sources
With regard to inheritance laws, the USSD Report 2012 observed that the law clearly
discriminates against women; however, the Anti-Women Practices Act, passed in
December 2011, makes it illegal to deny women inheritance of property by deceitful
means. Female children are entitled to one-half the inheritance of male children. Wives
inherit one-eighth of their husbands estate. In practice women often received far less
than their legal entitlement. [3n] (Section 6)
23.78
23.79
The US Department of State (USSD) recorded in its travel section by the Bureau of
Consular Affairs on International Parental Child Abduction, Pakistan, undated, accessed
10 August 2011, that:
Under Pakistani family law, which is based on Islamic law, the father controls virtually
all aspects of his family's life. He decides where his wife and children will live, how the
children are to be educated and whether or where they may travel. Courts rarely, if ever,
give custody of children to a woman who is not a Muslim, who will not raise the children
as Muslims, does not plan to raise them in Pakistan, or has remarried. In all probability,
even if the mother wins custody, the children would still need the father's permission, to
leave the country. Any matter of custody in Pakistan can only be resolved through the
appropriate local judicial system...In Pakistan, most mothers do not earn an income.
The courts keep this is mind in determining what is in the best interests of the child. A
father is legally bound to take care of his children no matter what since he is the income
earner. A mother is not so bound. That is why, in most cases, the father is granted
custody... Laws protecting the rights of mothers are written into the Quran (Koran).
Under Islamic law, a woman has the right to keep a boy child up to the age of seven
years and a girl child up to the age of twelve... [3i]
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The Foreign and Commonwealth Office (FCO) noted in its section on Parental Child
Abduction, Pakistan, dated 20 March 2013, that:
Both civil and religious laws are used in custody cases in Pakistan. Under Muslim
personal law the father is the natural guardian of a child and the mother is allowed
physical or actual custody (hizanat) of a male child up to the age of seven years and of
a female child until puberty (at 16 years). Under Sunni law, a mother has custody of a
male child until the age of seven and of a female child until the age of puberty (at 16
years). Under Sharia law a mother has custody of a male child until the age of two and
of a female child until the age of seven. However, a guardian judge has the power to
award legal guardianship to either parent or even a third person if in the best interests of
the child. [11j] (Custody issues)
23.81
The same source added Under the provisions of the Guardians and Wards Act, 1890,
which focuses on the welfare of the child, the guardian court is empowered to override
religious laws where, in the view of the court, the childs welfare is at stake. Therefore
the court may decide not to give custody to the mother even during the period of
hizanat if the court finds that the mother is unsuitable to look after the child. [11j]
(Custody issues)
23.82
With regards to a parent taking their child out of Pakistan, the FCO noted If a parent
has custody of a child in Pakistan, he or she automatically has the right to remove the
child from the country as long as no restrictions have been imposed on their travel by a
guardian judge. No special application needs to be made to remove the child, whether
for a holiday or other purpose. If any restrictions have been imposed the parent needs
permission from the court to leave the country with the child. [11j] (Custody issues)
See also Sections: Children: Legal rights and Underage/forced marriage, Freedom of
religion: Inter-faith marriage and Exit and return
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Adoption
23.83
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involves the permanent and absolute transfer of parental rights to adoptive
parents, a denial of ancestry and falsifying of bloodlines...
Despite this, Pakistan law enables children to be placed under the guardianship of a
suitable individual as an alternative means of care. In 1994, the Pakistan government
provided the following information concerning in-country adoptions, and the situation
appears to remain current:
Adoption is not governed by any law in Pakistan/Islam. It does not mean that
adoption is literally prohibited in Pakistan. Children in especial circumstances
are placed under the guardianship of their near relatives or suitable person
appointed by Court. In that case the children do not automatically adopt the
parentage of their guardians. They will legally enjoy all social and economic
rights except for inheritance of property from their guardian...
Please advise the situation regarding customary adoptions? Are such processes
available and if so, what are they?
In Pakistan, kafala defines a system of alternative care that could be considered a form
of customary adoption. It provides a model of alternative care that unlike legal
adoption preserves the blood ties between the child and its biological parents an
acceptable practice under Islam. An excerpt from The Politics of Adoption provides a
definition of kafala:
Kafala is an Arabic legal term for a formal pledge to support and care for a
specific orphaned or abandoned child until he or she reaches majority. A form of
unilateral contract, it is used in various Islamic nations to assure protection for
such minors, as these nations generally do not legally recognize the concept of
adoption.
Under kafala, children are placed under the guardianship of an individual always the
male in the case of a married couple through either an informal or formal
arrangement:
In Islam what can be termed adoption is at best an alternative care
arrangement for a child whose parents have died or are unable to provide the
necessary physical care, love and protection. Such children are then cared for
by a set of parents or guardians who act as caregivers with the consent,
whether written or verbal, from the natural parents or next of kin. Natural
parents do not give up their parental rights. Instead, by mutual agreement, they
make care arrangements with others for the upbringing of their child.
Importantly, under kafala, adopted children have no inheritance rights and typically do
not take on the family surname. This is due to the primacy Islam places on family
relationships, parentage and lineage. However, adoptive parents may bequeath
property rights on their adopted children, according to OHalloran:
Islam places great importance upon respecting the inviolable integrity of the
natural family unit. While he or she [the child] has no inherent legal rights of
inheritance in relation to their adopters, the latter may make arrangements
during their lifetime to confer property rights on their adopted children.
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Kafala appears to take place without the state involvement in certain circumstances, for
example between members of an extended family. Put by OHalloran:
By far the majority of adoptions in Islamic states take the form of informal, longterm, first party, care arrangements (or kafala) within the childs extended family
and, as there are no placement rights as such, the parties are essentially left to
their own devices. In third party domestic adoptions, where all rights in respect
of the orphan or abandoned child are vested in the designated government
agency, the placement procedure is controlled by that agency.
Kafala is also a practice that has UN recognition under the Convention on the Rights of
the Child, to which Pakistan is a signatory:
UN Convention on the Rights of the Child
Article 20
1. A child temporarily or permanently deprived of his or her family environment,
or in whose own best interests cannot be allowed to remain in that environment,
shall be entitled to special protection and assistance provided by the State.
2. States Parties shall in accordance with their national laws ensure alternative
care for such a child.
3. Such care could include, inter alia, foster placement, kafalah of Islamic law,
adoption or if necessary placement in suitable institutions for the care of
children. When considering and to the childs ethnic, religious, cultural and
linguistic background.
It appears that the Guardianship and Wards Act 1890 governs custody of children in
Pakistan. Is this relevant to either legal or customary adoption?
The Guardians and Wards Act 1890 (originally promulgated under the British system) is
relevant to customary adoption in that it formalises the guardianward relationship.
Under the Act, the relevant district court can issue a guardianship order:
Guardians and Wards Act 1890
Article 7. Power of the court to make order as to guardianship
(1) Where the court is satisfied that it is for the welfare of a minor that an order
should be made(a) appointing a guardian of his person or property, or both, or
(b) declaring a person to be such a guardian, the court may make an order
accordingly.
The Act enables an individual to obtain legal guardianship of a child (a practice
consistent with kafala but not mandatory). All sources appear to indicate that kafala can
be done in conjunction with the state, but this is probably more common when an
orphanage or third party is involved.
To obtain legal guardianship, an application must be submitted to the relevant district
court for consideration. OHalloran provides an overview of the judicial process in
Pakistan:
Generally, domestic adoption arrangements in Islamic states proceed with a
minimum of formality. In Pakistan, applicants may seek a guardianship order
in respect of an orphan or foundling and, as a first step, will be assessed by
government officials known as Deputy Commissioners. The assessment will
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take the form of a home study report accompanied by the usual references and
an assessment of their eligibility and suitability to provide a home environment
likely to safeguard the welfare of the child concerned. If approved, the child will
then be transferred from an orphanage to their care and they will be vested with
custody and guardianship rights. If the childs parents are known to the
authorities, and the applicants wish to adopt, then they will have to enter into
an irrevocable, bilateral, intra-familial agreement in writing in which the birth
parent/s clearly waive any right to reclaim their child.
Despite the availability of this process, the practice of kafala does not appear to
stipulate a requirement to legalise guardianship. Moreover, OHalloran notes that in
Islamic countries, most domestic adoptions are first party informal care arrangements
or kafala and are not necessarily endorsed by court orders. Jillani & Associates a
Pakistan-based law firm specialising in family law also provides the following
information:
A guardian can be a de facto or a de jure one. Legal guardians and those
appointed by the court are de jure guardians. A father is the natural guardian of
a child under the age of 18 years under the GWA [Guardians and Wards Act
1890].
As opposed to a de jure guardian, a person, like the mother, brother, uncle,
other relations except father and fathers father, or an institution like an
orphanage, may voluntarily place himself or herself in charge of the person or
property of the minor; a mother, however, is the next possible guardian after a
father, unless the latter, by his will, has appointed another person as the
guardian of the child. She under certain circumstances can appoint a guardian
by will. She can do so during the lifetime of her husband if he is incapable of
acting; or after his death. A de facto guardian, as opposed to a de jure guardian,
is merely a custodian of the person and property of the minor.
Consequently, it would be reasonable to expect that not all adoptions are formalised
in Pakistan. However, there is no information to indicate the extent to which either de
jure or de facto guardianship is practised, nor is there any information to indicate which
is preferred.
Please provide any other information which would shed light on how adoptions take
place in Pakistan.
... OHalloran has provided some additional information on adoptions in Pakistan...:
Fostering, in theory, is positively encouraged because it does not involve any
transfer of parental rights nor does it obscure a childs identity. Indeed, there is
always the possibility of such children being fostered by non-relatives. Childless
couples (even foreign Muslim childless couples) may take in a child from an
orphanage, or a spare child from a large family, and then later, in another
country, may adopt that child. In Pakistan, for example, as long as the child is to
be brought up as a Muslim, the courts will agree to such arrangements and will
give permission for the child to be taken abroad... [134b]
See also Children: Legal rights
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In its Concluding observations on the fourth periodic report of Pakistan, dated 1 March
2013, the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women were
concerned about:
... the low participation of women in the formal sector, the job segregation and
concentration of women in low-paid and low-skilled jobs and the widening pay gap and
lack of legal provisions guaranteeing the principle of equal pay for work of equal value.
It is concerned at the situation of women working in the informal sector (agriculture,
domestic and home-based work) the fact that they are not recognized in the existing
labour legislation as workers are unprotected and do not have access to social security
and benefits. [79g] (paragraph 29)
23.85
The USSD Report 2012 observed, with regard to womens rights at work, that Women
faced significant discrimination in employment and frequently were paid less than men
for similar work. In many rural areas of the country, strong societal pressure prevented
women from working outside the home. Some tribes continued the traditional practice of
sequestering women from all contact with men other than relatives. [3n] (Section 6)
23.86
The United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) noted
in its EFA [Education for All] Global Monitoring Report 2012 that, in Pakistan ... men
earn 60% more than women, on average. The wage gap is widest for those with low
levels of literacy and numeracy. Yet education can make a big difference to womens
earnings... women with a high level of literacy earned 95% more than women with no
literacy skills, whereas the differential was only 33% among men. [141a] (p17)
23.87
23.88
The HRCP Report 2010 stated with regards to recently introduced legislation that:
A positive development was the enactment of two laws to deal with sexual harassment.
One of these laws amended the Pakistan Penal Code to provide for a harsher penalty
for the offence under Section 509 besides offering a better definition of sexual abuse.
The other law, adopted in March [2010], was the Protection against Sexual Harassment
at Workplace Act, which laid down a code of conduct devised to prevent and punish
sexual harassment at workplace. A number of public and private establishments agreed
to adopt the code. [27e] (p204)
23.89
216
The HRCP Report 2011 noted however, that the Sexual Harassment Act ... had not
been implemented by many ministries, including interior, defence production,
investment, ports and shipping, and textile industries. Only three hospitals nationwide
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had adopted the law. The Environment Ministry adopted the code in late January
[2011]. In April [2011], there was focus on provincial-level implementation of the law, as
well as ensuring appointment of ombudspersons in provinces. [27g] (p160)
23.90
The same source reported that in January 2011 ... the government announced its plans
to construct hostels in major cities of the country, including Islamabad, Lahore and
Karachi, keeping in view the residential problems of working women, and
implementation was keenly awaited. [27g] (p161)
23.91
Socio-economic indicators
23.92
In its Concluding observations on the fourth periodic report of Pakistan, dated 1 March
2013, the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women stated
concern at:
... the pervasive gender inequality in the field of education, which is characterized by
high illiteracy rate amongst women, the low enrolment of girls, particularly at the
secondary level, and their high dropout rate, especially in the rural areas. It is further
concerned about the negative impact on girls of prioritization of boys education over
girls , the lack of qualified female teachers and school infrastructure, and the long
distances to school, all of which have a negative impact on girls education. It is also
concerned at the lack of measures to readmit girls in school after pregnancy and the
high number of child marriages in the State party. [79g] (paragraph 27)
23.93
The World Health Organisation (WHO) Annual Report of the Regional Director 2011
Country statistical profiles, undated, listed a number of socio-economic statistics for
men and women in Pakistan. Based on figures from 2010, girls/women are less likely to
be educated than boys/men (82 per cent of girls were in primary school, 49 per cent in
secondary school, compared to 98 per cent and 65 per cent of boys respectively) and
have lower literacy rates than men (42 per cent of women over 15 years are literate;
compared to 67 per cent of men). [14a]
23.94
The same WHO report also provided some basic healthcare data that directly related to
women with access to primary health care services: antenatal care was provided to 61
per cent of the population (in 2007); and, as of 2009, 87 per cent of births were attended
by skilled health personnel. [14a]
23.95
The HRCP Report 2009 stated with regards to the gender gap in Pakistan that:
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The Gender Gap Index [GGI] is used to measure the level of inequality that exists
between women and men through gaps in different indicators. The four pillars of the
index are: economic participation and opportunity, educational attainment, political
empowerment and health and survival. A GGI study revealed that Sindh had a value of
0.58 in the economic participation and opportunity index, followed by NWFP (0.312) and
Balochistan (0.2514). With an index value of 0.1718 Punjab, surprisingly, has the lowest
value in economic participation and education. NWFP leads all the provinces in the
educational attainment index with a value of [0].249, followed by Punjab with a value of
0.163 and Balochistan representing a value of 0.148. Punjab has the minimum gender
gap in the health and survival index with a value of 0.236, followed by NWFP (0.2088)
The overall value of [GGI] for Pakistan is 0.551 which is ranked 126th among 128
countries, indicating womens overall low societal status in the country. [27c] (p189)
See also Sections: Medical Issues; and Children - Education
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Single women
23.96
The Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada (IRB) noted in a response by its
Research Directorate, dated 14 January 2013, that, according to a representative from
the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP) ... it is next to impossible for a
single woman to live alone in Pakistan due to prejudices against women and economic
dependence. [12u] (5. Shelters)
23.97
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23.98
Pakistan
23.99
23.100 The IRB put into context the regional differences with regards to single women, which
stated:
In a follow-up to initial correspondence with the Research Directorate, the Assistant
Professor explained that of Pakistans four provinces-Sindh, Punjab, Balochistan and
Khayber Pakhtunkhah (KP) (formerly the North-West Frontier Province [NWFP]) the
urban centres in Punjab and Sindh are more educated and liberal while cities in
Balochistan and KP have a very conservative culture. It would be easier for an
educated single woman to live alone in Karachi or Lahore but not in Peshawar or
Quetta... The Assistant Professor added that [s]ocial and physical mobility of single
women in Pakistan is not an easy thing. An educated woman working in a multinational
[organisation] may move easily from Karachi to Lahore or Islamabad (capital city) [but]
not to the rural areas or to the smaller cities. If she is hiding from her family or her
husband, it would be much difficult for her do that...
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Similarly, the Law Professor said that maybe an educated, professional woman, with
resources, could relocate and live alone in a city... But, the Law Professor cautioned, if
she is young and does not have a male relative, it would be difficult... [12r]
23.101 In a Response to Information Request dated 4 December 2007, the IRB noted, following
correspondence with an adjunct professor of gender studies and international studies at
the University of Denver, that:
It is very hard for a single woman to live alone both in urban and rural areas. ... It
depends on age, class, education, and urban or rural setting. Young unmarried/divorced
women in all classes in urban areas find it difficult to live alone. They cannot get
apartments to be rented. If they own a property, they can more conveniently opt to live
alone but again there is social pressure around them and they have to face all kinds of
gossips and scandals. In such case, age is their biggest problem. Older women can live
alone but still they feel insecure socially and physically. We do have examples now in
the big cities where highly educated and economically independent women opt to live
alone but their percentage is very low. In the rural areas they mostly live with joint family
even if they do not get along with them... [12j]
23.102 After consulting a representative from an NGO specialising in womens issues,
specifically with regards to women affected by Islamic laws and customs, the IRB also
noted in the same Request that:
After having lived in Pakistan for one year, the Representative stated that she had only
encountered one woman living alone; the Representative explained that this woman
was able to live alone because she was an activist, was aware of her rights and
understood the cultural system which permitted her to navigate daily challenges. She
added that she was aware of other women who had tried to rent apartments on their
own but were unable to do so because of resistance from landlords who assumed they
were planning to open a brothel. The Representative specified that it is also rare for
men to live alone in Pakistan because people are expected to live with their families
until they get married and set up households of their own. The Representative added
that even though it is not illegal for women to live alone, there would be obstacles for a
woman to try to rent an apartment or house on her own and [c]ultural pressures and
personal security would continue to be issues, especially if it was common knowledge
[that] a woman was living alone.
A representative of Shirkat Gah Women's Resource Centre, a civil society organization
in Pakistan promoting and advocating women's rights for the past 30 years, provided
corroboration in correspondence dated 4 December 2007 to the Research Directorate
that the situation of women living alone Pakistan depends on their social and economic
status. The Representative also provided the following information: There has been an
increasing trend in both urban and rural areas where husbands leave home for better
employment options abroad. So wives of those usually live alone but the important
aspect in such living situation is social acceptance and support from the family.
Financial stability is often considered a strength by such women and they do not face
negative criticism. [12j]
23.103 However, in a Response to Information Request dated 26 November 2009, on
Resources available to female victims of violence in Karachi, Islamabad and Lahore, the
IRB noted that, according to a report by the South Manchester Legal Centre (SMLC),
dated January 2008, ... the Director of HRCP indicated that women cannot rent
accommodations alone in Pakistan... Mdecins du monde [an international
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humanitarian organisation] similarly indicates that it is not socially acceptable for women
to live alone in Pakistan; though the report also indicates that because it is easier to find
employment in Lahore, a woman may be able to live independently there... [12n]
23.104 The IRB noted in its Response to Information Request, dated 4 December 2007, that:
The following information was provided in correspondence received on 22 November
2007 by a professor of law at the University of Warwick who specializes in women's
human rights and gender and the law, who has written various publications on Pakistan
and who is also a professor at the University of Oslo:
The response to your question depends upon the circumstances, location, socioeconomic, educational and professional status of the single female. Generally, it would
be accurate to say that single women are rarely able to live on their own without a male
member of the family in Pakistan. Reasons for this are numerous but they primarily
stem from custom and culture that requires a woman to have a male family member to
be in a protective and supervisory role. Society also frowns upon women living on their
own and would not help the reputation of the single woman. You may find one in a
million single woman who has the means and can live in a big city with helpers, etc. to
assist and protect her. This of course is a minority and an exception rather than the
rule. [12j]
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23.108 The Asia Society Report by the Independent Commission on Pakistan Police Reform,
entitled Stabilizing Pakistan through Police Reform, (Asia Society Report), dated July
2012, stated:
Because of the prevailing patriarchal and misogynistic culture in Pakistan, women are
victims of violence in both the private (domestic abuse) and public spheres (abuse in
state agencies, in the workplace, and in educational institutions). Likewise, women face
a form of violence in their interactions with law enforcement agencies as complainants.
This structural violence manifests itself in the form of insensitivity within the justice
system toward female complainants, negligence in responding, delay in action, and
outright refusal to recognize the occurrence of violence. [138a] (p88)
23.109 On 13 August 2012, the UN General Assembly published a summarised Compilation
[of reports] prepared by the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights in
accordance with paragraph 5 of the annex to Human Rights Council resolution 16/2
Pakistan for the Human Rights Council Working Group on the Universal Periodic
Review (UPR) in October/November 2012. The report stated UNCT [United Nations
Country Team] noted that victims of violence against women and gender-based
violence generally do not report the cases or disclose them publicly because of the risk
of stigmatization and repercussion from the perpetrators. It remained concerned as to
the effectiveness of community-based Alternate Dispute Resolution (ADR) and
harmonization with international commitments. [83c] (paragraph 17)
23.110 The Asian Human Rights Commission stated in its report, The State of Human Rights in
Pakistan: 2009 (AHRC Report 2009), published July 2010, that:
As an explicitly Muslim state, the women of Pakistan are beholden to a number of
Islamic principles. For one, the family is seen as the nucleus of society, the fundamental
building block from which the rest of society emerges and evolves. Women are seen to
be responsible for maintaining the sanctity of the family, and are thus those who are
most likely to disrupt this sanctity. As such, the woman becomes the lynch pin of an
ordered society; it is on her back that responsibility and power lies, both for her family
and by extension, for all of society. While the violence against women enacted in this
society occurs for manifold reasons, it seems that this understanding of women as both
the lynch pin and the one with the power to unravel society, is a contributing factor to
the continual mistreatment of women in Pakistan.
Women face all kinds of violence perpetuated by the state and its agents, ranging from
rape, gang rape, torture by state agents, registration of false cases of adultery, killing in
the name of honour, Jirga (an illegal and parallel judicial system for the exchange of
minor girls in land disputes) no free choice of marriages, restriction of freedom of
movement and expression, domestic violence, sexual harassment at the workplace,
forceful conversion to Islam, arbitrary punishment for blasphemy, deprivation of property
rights, disappearance after arrest and being used as sex slaves in military torture cells.
In extreme cases, punishments can include being buried alive or having acid thrown on
them. [52a] (p201-202)
23.111 The Asia Society Report noted:
The behavior of the police toward women in Pakistan reflects the general attitude of
Pakistani society as a whole, which is intent on denying the existence of violence and
sending women back to their homes in the custody of a male guardian. If a woman
seeks justice, she first has to register a case through as a First Information Report
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(FIR) with the police. Even before doing so, she is immediately viewed as suspect, as
it is generally believed that no decent woman would venture into a police station. If the
case involves a family member, the police will brush it aside as a private matter to be
resolved at home. Bribery, extortion, and coercion are all used to discourage or falsify
registration.
See also Arrest and detention legal rights
Physical abuse is not recognized unless the injury is bone deep. If the injury is a
simple bruise or minor laceration, it does not qualify as a crime under the Criminal
Procedures Code, and the police are unable to act. The police can, however, apply to a
magistrate for a declaration to proceed with prosecution on behalf of the victim. They
can exert pressure on an abusive person to change his behavior by taking him to court
for a Binding Over to Be of Good Behaviour Order from a magistrate. Thus, even
within the present system, options for addressing violence against women exist. The will
and understanding to act, however, are missing. [138a] (p88)
23.112 The Express Tribune stated on 3 November 2012 that a report, based on media
monitoring by the Awaz Foundation Centre for Development, cited 2,713 cases of
violence against women (VAW) in southern Punjab during 2012. Cases of VAW
(numbers in brackets) included:
... aas-aaf custom (10) in which women accused of bringing shame to the family
take an oath of innocence on the Holy Quran and then walk on burning coals spread
over six metres, abduction and torture after abduction (577), acid attacks (20), burning
by throwing kerosene oil and petrol (17), kaala kaali (25), assault after divorce (45),
assault by in-laws (100), honour killings (112), murder and assault for contracting a
marriage with their free will (114), murder (162), victims of panchayat decisions where
women were either sold or killed (37), rape (304), assault by police (20), suicide in
reaction to family pressure, rape or other forms of violence (444), torture leading to
physical or mental disability (489), wani (37), watta satta (25) and cases of gender
discrimination and disinheritance (175). [92l]
23.113 In a press briefing, Incidents of Violence against Women in Pakistan: Reported during
2011, undated, accessed 13 March 2012, the Aurat Foundation (AF) provided a
breakdown of major offences of violence against women (VAW) during the reporting
period. The Aurat Foundation stated that it observed a 6.74 per cent increase in
reported cases of VAW in 2011 compared to 2010, with 8,539 in 2011 against 8,000 in
2010. Of the 8,539 cases only 6,745 First Information Reports (FIRs) were lodged.
Province wise, 6,188 cases were reported from Punjab; 1,316 from Sindh; 694 from
Khyber Pakhtunkhwa; 193 from Balochistan; and 148 from the Islamabad Capital
Territory (ICT). The AF considered that, since its data was collected from media reports,
a large number of VAW cases remained unknown as many went unreported. [57c]
23.114 The Aurat Foundations full report on Violence Against Women in Pakistan: A qualititive
review of statistics 2011, published July 2012, provided a comprehensive review of data
and analysis on violence against women (VAW) in Pakistan during 2011. The report
included tables of statistics on VAW across the districts of Pakistan. [57d]
23.115 The HRCP Report 2011 stated:
Abduction and kidnapping remained the most common crimes (1,137 cases), with
murder (799 cases), rape and murder (396 cases) being the second and third most
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commonly reported crimes. The figures for the Punjab were higher than those for Sindh,
which was a change from last year, but the figures may be a result of what is reported
and what remains silenced due to cultural pressures... In February 2011, the Senate
was informed that over the past two years 8,433 cases of violence against women were
registered in Punjab and a total of 11,798 all over the country. [27g] (p166)
23.116 Amnesty Internationals Annual Report 2010 on Pakistan stated that In NWFP and the
tribal areas, Taleban groups closed or burned down girls schools, forced women to
wear a veil and prohibited them from leaving their homes unless accompanied by male
relatives. Several women were punished, shot dead or mutilated for alleged immoral
activities. Legal redress sought for abuses of womens rights remained difficult to
obtain. [13d] (p253; Violence against women and girls)
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Honour killings
See also Children: Violence against children
23.133 The IRB in a Response to Information Request (RIR) entitled Pakistan: Honour killings
targeting men and women, especially in the northern areas (2001 - 2006), dated 24
January 2007, provided a brief description of the custom and to whom it applied:
There is an extensive amount of information on honour killings in Pakistan primarily
focusing on female victims. Honour killings are described as a custom in which mostly
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women and some men are murdered after accusations of sexual infidelity. The killers
seek to avenge the shame that victims are accused of bringing to their families.
However, even girls and, on a smaller scale, boys are victims of the practice. Honour
killings are known by different names depending on the area in Pakistan in which they
are practised. In Sindh province they are referred to as karo kari, where karo refers to
the blackened or dishonoured man and kali [kari] to the blackened woman; they are
called tor tora in the North-West Frontier Province (NWFP), where tor refers to the
accused man and tora to the accused woman; kala kali in Punjab province, where kala
refers to the accused man and kali refers to the accused woman; and sinyahkari in
Balochistan. [12e]
23.134 The same source also provided detail about the motivations and justifications for honour
killings, and states that such killings:
are often carried out by men who believe their honour has been breached by the
sexual misconduct of female family members, even when it is only an allegation. The
tribal justice system, for example, makes it incumbent upon husbands and male
relatives to restore family honour damaged by allegations of a woman's sexual
misdeed, usually by killing the woman and her alleged lover. The NCSW [National
Commission on the Status of Women] indicates that it is not just honour killings but all
forms of domestic violence that are frequently intended to punish a woman for a
perceived insubordination supposedly impacting on male honour. The media in
Pakistan reports stories indicating that the male companion of the accused female will
also be killed in the name of protecting family honour, or for marrying a woman from
another tribal group without the consent of her parents, to restore the honour of her
tribe. [12e]
23.135 The Aurat Foundation provided a glossary of terms in its Annual Report JanuaryDecember 2010, Violence Against Women in Pakistan: A qualitative review of statistics
2010 (Aurat Foundation Annual Report 2010), published June 2010. The report
described an honour killing as:
A customary practice where male family members kill female relatives in the name of
family honour for sexual activity outside marriage, either suspected or forced, even
when they have been victims of rape. Often young teenage boys are chosen to perform
the crime because their sentences are generally lighter than those for adults. The
practice is deeply rooted in patriarchal/tribal traditions where males are looked upon by
society as the sole protectors of females; and because of this duty conferred on the
man, he has complete control over the female. In case the mans protection is violated
through the perceived immoral behaviour of the woman, the man loses his honour in
society, as it is interpreted, as a failure either to protect the woman adequately or to
educate her properly. [57b] (Global glossary)
23.136 The IRB RIR summarised the motives for honour killings:
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marriage (14%), honour killings (3%), and word, gesture or act intended to insult the
modesty of a woman (1%). [130a]
23.142 Regarding the recording of honour killings, the Aurat Foundation noted in its 2009
annual report on violence against women, published June 2010, that:
... it can be safely assumed that all such cases are not reported since perpetrators are
mostly family members immediate and extended like a husband, a brother or a cousin.
In some cases, women are killed by their spouses suspecting extra-marital relations
while in others, they are killed for having chosen their husband rather than accepting the
one their family chose for them. Often, honor can also be an excuse for a cold-blooded
murder. The greatest number of honor killings is committed in the karo-kari or kalakali tradition. Karo or kala (black man) and kari or kali (black woman) are terms for
adulterer and adulteress. A man is entitled to kill his wife and her alleged lover if he
declares her kari or kali. [57a]
23.143 In its report, The State of Pakistans Children 2008 (SPARC Report 2008), the Society
for the Protection of the Rights of the Child (SPARC) noted that:
The selective use of religion and patriarchy, which interplay in the institution of the
family, and the endorsement of it by the parallel judiciary systems [jirgas] provide a
license to men to inflict violence and murder on their spouses/sisters/daughters in the
name of honour, not only on the grounds of illicit relations but for multiple reasons
such as seeking divorce, rape, fake honour killings and to safeguard family property
etc... The tribal system of retribution, and the formal legal system, both subject women
and girl child to cruel treatment and judgements are passed which are highly
unfavourable to women. As state institutions the law enforcement apparatus and the
judiciary have dealt with such crimes against women with extraordinary leniency, and as
the law provides many loopholes for murderers in the name of honour to get away, the
tradition of honour killings continue unabated. [71c] (p37)
23.144 Commenting on the revised laws for honour killings, the UN Committee on the Rights of
the Child report, dated 19 March 2009, noted that the low level implementation of laws
was a problem, which was Mostly... due to lack of adequate training to appropriately
deal with the situation and apply the relevant provisions of the law. [79b] (paragraph
137)
23.145 The USSD Report 2010 also noted the 2005 law that established penalties for honour
killings. However, the report noted that ... human rights groups criticized the act
because it allows the victim or the victim's heirs to negotiate physical or monetary
restitution with the perpetrator in exchange for dropping charges, known as qisas and
diyat.... Because honor crimes generally occurred within families, many went
unreported. However, police and NGOs reported that increased media coverage
enabled law enforcement to take action against perpetrators. [3g] (Section 6)
23.146 Human Rights Watch noted in their submission to the Human Rights Council, on 5 May
2008, that According to Pakistan's Interior Ministry, there have been more than 4,100
honor killings since 2001 and also noted that provisions of the Qisas and Diyat law
which allow the next of kin to forgive the murderer in exchange for monetary
compensation remain in force, and continue to be used by offenders to escape
punishment in cases of so-called honor killings. Such laws which in effect allow men to
pay to kill women act as no deterrent to those who would engage in so-called honor
killings. [7c]
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Love marriages
23.148 An article from the Asian Human Rights Commission publication Ethics in Action, dated
October 2009, stated:
The issue of love marriages is highly contentious in Pakistan, a traditionally patriarchal
and feudal-based society. According to prevalent social and cultural norms, women are
objects under the control and protection of male family members. Their rights and
freedoms are severely restricted. Such a society sees marriage as a trade or business
deal between different families. The idea of women choosing their own marriage
partners is considered outrageous and unacceptable behavior. [52l]
23.149 The article added:
It is common for legal authorities, particularly the police to mishandle cases involving
love marriages or other family issues For this reason, violence against women in
Pakistan (including violence against women in love marriages) remains very high.
Furthermore, the countrys social infrastructure and institutions are largely operated and
staffed by men, most of whom carry various cultural and gender biases. Cases involving
women whether at police stations or in the court system are inevitably prejudiced,
prone to violence, and illegal. A pregnant woman in Punjab province for instance, was
severely beaten by the police in August 2007 for secretly marrying and living with a man
despite her parents having already chosen her bridegroom. Her husband was falsely
charged with her abduction, while she was punished by being raped by her intended
bridegroom. [52l]
23.150 The same source cited other examples of families that were moved to use violence in
opposing love marriages, including kidnapping their daughters, attacking the relatives of
the males in a relationship and obtaining help from police to track down partners who
marry without family approval. [52l]
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23.151 The Australian Government Refugee Review Tribunal (RRT), Country Advice Pakistan,
on love marriages, dated 17 November 2010, quoted Dr Shakira Hussein, a fellow at
the Australian National University, as saying, in December 2009:
Arranged marriages within a persons own ethnic community tend to be the norm. This
is very much the case across Pakistan as a whole. Western observers are often
surprised to discover that affluent urban Pakistani families (who may otherwise seem
outwardly no different to a Western family in their dress and behaviours) will
nonetheless still expect their children to meet the expectation of entering into an
arranged marriage with a partner from their own ethnic community Moreover, love
marriages which transgress family expectations can result in considerable family
pressure being brought to bear. Again, violence could be a part of such pressure. In
instances where the male partner to the marriage was from an ill-regarded community
or caste then he, as much as the female partner to the marriage, could likely find
himself the subject of a violent reprisal. [134a] (p1-2)
23.152 The RRT also noted Multiple sources indicate that parties to love marriages have been
subjected to significant pressures, threats, and violence from their families. The most
extreme example of harm against parties entering into a love marriage is the act of
honour killing. An honour killing is the culturally acceptable murder of a woman who
marries without consent or who refuses to marry a chosen partner. [134a] (p2)
23.153 The RRT further noted that Dr Shakira Hussein ... advised that love marriage partners
may be pressured or pursued by police acting on behalf of disapproving family
members. She also advised that the legal system did not offer much recourse or
restitution. She stated:
above it could not be guaranteed that police would assist a couple who were being
threatened by family members in such instances. It is just as likely that local police
would assist the family in asserting pressure on the transgressing couple rather than
offering effective protection to them.
There have been some cases where higher courts have ruled in favour of couples in
such predicaments in recent years but it should be noted that the progression of such a
case to higher courts can take years and, in most cases, the offending couple will not
have the opportunity or the means to argue their case in this way. The statistics
associated with honour killing indicate the extent to which numerous individuals are
never able to survive family reprisals. Moreover, in the lower courtssuch killings may
be forgiven, or subject to little punishment or a financial settlement, if such is the choice
of the murdered victims family. [134a] (p4-5)
23.154 An article published in the Duke Journal of Gender Law and Policy, Whats the
Constitution Got to Do With It? Regulating Marriage In Pakistan, dated August 2009,
stated:
Despite the judicial vindication of womens right to marry, traditional perceptions of
honor still severely limit some of the most basic rights of women. Regrettably, many
love marriages who disregarded their families wishes find themselves subject to
harassment by the Pakistani police, who raid and search their homes, arrest them, and
may even charge them with pre- marital sex a severe offense under the infamous
Zina Ordinance criminalizing adultery and fornication. The police may even go so far as
to harass the husbands family members to pressure him to divorce his wife. One such
case reached the Pakistani court system. The Court enlisted the constitutional
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Rape
See subsections on the Womens Protection Act and Section: Judiciary: Hudood
Ordinances for changes on legislation with regard to rape; also see subsection above:
Honour killings
23.156 The USSD Report 2012 stated that There were no reliable national, provincial, or local
statistics on rape due to underreporting and the lack of any centralized law enforcement
data collection system. [3n] (Section 6) However, the HRCP Report 2010 stated that:
According to statistics provided by the police departments in the four provinces, cases
of rape of 2,903 women, nearly eight women a day, were reported to the police. These
included at least 51 cases of gang rape. Official figures for rape from Khyber
Pakhtunkhwa could not be ascertained but according to police statistics at least 52
women had been abducted in the province. In the province of Sindh there were 239
cases of rape and 50 cases of gang rape. There were 161 incidents of Karo Kari as
well. In Balochistan, police figures suggested that there were 32 cases of rape and one
gang rape. There were 23 incidents of Karo Kari/Siyah Kari. In Punjab 2,581 cases of
rape were reported to the police. These figures were believed to be only a fraction of the
actual problem as cases are often not reported or are hushed up. [27e] (p207)
23.157 The AHRC Report 2012 stated that:
Investigations on rape and other forms of violence against women are often faulty and
intentionally carried out with feebleness. Police are also reluctant to files cases, as often
those responsible of the reported crimes are influent people. Therefore, victims are
invited to withdrawn their complaint under the suggestion of settlement offers.
Furthermore, many times it is also the case of police officers who accept bribes from the
accused parties in order to highly discourage victims to report violence. In doing so,
they become themselves big culprits of the offense... (p82)
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For a woman who has been raped, it is mainly the case of proving her innocence,
rather than being listened to and being in the position to discuss the states evidence.
Laws are made by men, police officers are men, and Courts are mainly made up by
men. Many judges tend to adopt sexist behaviors during trials, for instance by requiring
the victims to provide the Court intimate details about the way in which the sexual
harassment was conducted. Such lack of delicacy and empathy, regarding the violation
of womens rights, leads to double humiliation and disgrace for victims. Judges, police
staff members and other public officials definitely need to be sensitized on gender
issues, through gender-sensitive training, better education and awareness programs.
[52n] (p85)
23.158 The Aurat Foundations Incidents of Violence against Women in Pakistan Reported
during 2011, undated, reported 827 cases of rape/gang rape in 2011, compared to 928
in 2010. [57c]
23.159 The Freedom House Freedom in the World 2013 Pakistan report observed that:
Traditional norms, discriminatory laws, and weak policing contribute to a high incidence
of rape, domestic abuse, and other forms of violence including acid attacks against
women. According to the HRCP, up to 80 percent of women are victims of such abuse
during their lifetimes. Female victims of sexual crimes are often pressured by police not
to file charges, and they are sometimes urged by their families to commit suicide. Gang
rapes sanctioned by village councils to punish the targeted woman's relatives continue
to be reported, even though perpetrators in some cases have received harsh
sentences. The 2006 Women's Protection Act requires judges to try rape cases under
criminal law rather than Sharia. However, extramarital sex is still criminalized, and
spousal rape is not recognized as a crime. [5a]
See also subsection Honour killings
23.160 The HRCP Report 2008 reported that:
Several panchayats and jirgas gave verdicts in 2008 where female relatives of the
accused were ordered to be raped by the victims party. Women and girls were also
raped in revenge for seeking divorce, refusing marriage proposals, marrying of their
own choice, defying cultural norms, and for many other efforts at independent-decisionmaking. Numerous cases were observed where girls were raped by their own fathers
and other close family members and married women were molested by their in-laws.
Women were also sexually harassed at work, a majority of whom were domestic help.
Reports of girls being raped by teachers and at madrassahs were also received. A
shocking trend of filming rape has also emerged and in many cases it was reported that
the films were used to blackmail the victim for more sexual exploitation or money or the
videos were sold on the black market. Several arrests were also made in this context
bringing this aspect of the crime on the radar of law enforcement agencies. [27a]
(p124)
23.161 The USSD Report 2012 noted that:
Rape is a criminal offense, with punishment that ranges from a minimum of 10 to 25
years in prison and a fine to the death penalty. The penalty for gang rape is either death
or life imprisonment, but in practice sentences were often less severe. Although rape
was frequent, prosecutions were rare. Spousal rape is not a crime under the penal
code.
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patients are denied treatment because of a lack of burn units in major public hospitals.
[132a] (p4-5)
23.164 Providing information on assistance available to women victims of domestic violence,
dated 14 January 2013, the Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada (IRB) cited
correspondence with a human rights activist and representative of Shirkat Gah, who
stated that, in their opinion, there should be more shelters for women, noting also that
shelter for women and their children was offered for at least three months. [12u] (5.
Shelters)
23.165 The IRB response of 14 January 2013 also noted that a representative from the Human
Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP) ...indicated that NGO-run shelters are better
than government-run shelters... The IRB response added that there were reports of
abuse at some womens shelters, and that some women were prohibited from leaving
the shelter premises, particularly if they had been sent there by court-order. [12u] (5.
Shelters)
23.166 The IRB response continued:
The representative of Shirkat Gah indicated that women in shelters live in miserable
conditions... The HRCP representative similarly stated that government-run shelters
are overcrowded, and added that they are old, not well-maintained, and do not have
either proper facilities or adequately trained staff... He said that women are afraid to go
to government-run shelters and prefer NGO-run shelters...
Sources indicate that shelters, both government and NGO-run, try to reconcile victims
with the perpetrator of domestic violence... According to the Shirkat Gah representative,
this occurs sometimes, as managers of shelters often believe that it is safer for
women to go home... She added that, depending on the nature of the case, such
reconciliation attempts are also made at Dastak and Panah [NGO-run shelters in
Lahore and Karachi respectively]... Approximately 70 percent of the women that have
stayed at Dastak reportedly return to their families after mediation... Panah's website
indicates that they assess the viability of reintegrating victims, including through
mediation with their families... According to the HRCP representative, reconciliation
attempts are made by shelters because it is next to impossible for a single woman to
live alone in Pakistan due to prejudices against women and economic dependence...
[12u] (5. Shelters)
See also subsection Single women
23.167 In a response, dated 26 November 2009, on Resources available to female victims of
violence in Karachi, Islamabad and Lahore, the Immigration and Refugee Board of
Canada (IRB) noted that:
The South Manchester Law Centre (SMLC), in partnership with Manchester
Metropolitan University, published a January 2008 report that evaluated the services
available to female victims of violence in Pakistan and indicated the following in regard
to crisis centres in Pakistan:
A crisis centre is the first stage of contact for a woman before admission to a shelter.
Crisis centres play a crucial role in assessing a woman's needs and the risks she faces.
A woman is never turned away without full assessment of her case. If necessary,
immediate action is taken to protect her. Lawyers, advice workers and counsellors are
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available to offer immediate support to women at the centres. After the initial
assessment the woman is then referred to a shelter...
The SMLC report also states that when a woman is accepted into a shelter, shelter staff
will immediately inform the woman's family... Additionally, the report indicates that crisis
centre staff assist women with mediation and reconciliation... [12n]
23.168 The same source noted that:
The 2008 SMLC report offers the following summary of shelters in Pakistan: shelters for
women are seen as a temporary refuge where they can stay until their problems are
resolved. This could be in the form of reconciliation, re-marriage or divorce. There is no
provision for aftercare work or rehabilitation except for one refuge in Karachi that
actively assists women with rehabilitation. This is done in the form of finding work, rehousing and giving financial assistance for a short-term period... [12n]
23.169 The IRB response continued:
The report indicates that, in general, the lack of follow-up work is of particular concern,
because once women have reconciled or are forced to return to their husbands, no
contact is maintained with them... Additionally, the SMLC report indicates that both
government-run and private shelters do not admit boys over the age of 5 years with
their mothers, whereas previously boys were admitted into shelters until the age of 11
years... Shirkat Gah's legal department states that male children 10 years of age and
older are not permitted to reside with their mothers in government or private shelters...
[12n]
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Government Assistance
23.170 On 6 August 2012 the UN General Assembly reproduced Pakistans National report
submitted in accordance with paragraph 5 of the annex to Human Rights Council
resolution 16/21, for the Human Rights Council Working Group on the Universal
Periodic Review (UPR) in October/November 2012. The report stated:
Besides taking legal measures to provide protection to women, a number of new
administrative measures have been taken. These include:
At the direction of the Supreme Court, the High Courts and the Bar
236
Associations have set up legal aid committees to help women victims in cases
of vani and swara.
The Women in Distress and Detention Fund was made functional in 2012 to
extend financial and legal assistance to women in jail and to other destitute
women.
Shaheed Benazir Bhutto Centers for Women have been set up to provide
immediate relief to female victims of violence. Each Centre has a management
committee which includes representatives from the civil society. The centers
have panels of lawyers at their disposal to assist women in need of legal aid.
Dar-ul-Amaans provide protection and shelter to women in distress. Services
offered include: health and vocational training, to women under the supervision
of trained sociologists and psychologists.
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To facilitate women, eleven exclusive women police stations are working in the
four provinces and the federal capital. These are in addition to regular police
stations where there is increased emphasis on gender sensitivity.
Gender issues are now integrated into the curriculum of training institutes for
judiciary, police and other government officials.
A Gender Crime Centre functions in the National Police Bureau (NPB).
Programmes developed by the Centre have been included in police training
institutes. [83b] (paragraph 47)
23.171 With regard to the availability of centres to assist women, the USSD Report 2012
commented that:
The government operated the Crisis Center for Women in Distress, which referred
abused women to NGOs for assistance. A total of 26 government-funded Shaheed
Benazir Bhutto centers for women across the country provided women with temporary
shelter, legal aid, medical treatment, and psychosocial counseling. These centers
served women who were victims of exploitation and violence. Victims later were referred
to a darul aman or a shelter house (approximately 200 centers for women and children
who were victims were established with funds from the Provincial Women Development
Department). These centers provided shelter, access to medical treatment, limited legal
representation, and some vocational training. Many government centers were full
beyond capacity and lacked sufficient staff and resources. In some cases women were
abused at the government-run shelters, found their movements severely restricted, or
were pressured to return to their abusers. [3n] (Section 6)
23.172 The same source noted Police in Sindh established karo-kari cells with a toll-free
telephone number in the districts of Sukkur, Ghotki, Khairpur, and Nausharo Feroze for
persons to report karo-kari incidents. Because honor crimes generally occurred within
families, many went unreported. However, police and NGOs reported that increased
media coverage enabled law enforcement to take some action against a limited number
of perpetrators. [3n] (Section 6)
23.173 The Express Tribune reported on 23 June 2011 that the Punjab Government had not
allocated funds to its provinces Benazir Bhutto Womens Crisis Centres, claiming that
...there is already a network of public darul amans (shelters) in the province and so the
centres, which are run in partnerships with NGOs, are not needed. The report added:
The crisis centres provide services to women not available at darul amans, said
prominent women at a press conference at the Lahore Press Club. These centres are
as important as the 1122 service, said Justice (retired) Nasira Javid Iqbal. They
provide psychological and medical aid, relocation and counselling...
MPA Amna Ulfat of the PML-Quaid said that the government-run womens shelters
were inadequate. There is nothing in darul amans for homeless women. Saying that
they are enough is very disturbing to women, she said. [92g]
23.174 An article published by the Inter Press Service News Agency dated 8 March 2007
reported on help centres to assist women and stated Considering that Pakistan is a
country where violence against women is all pervasive, one should find a flurry of
activity at the women's centres of the phone ringing incessantly, of psychiatrists
attending to battered women and of lawyers preparing briefs. Instead the centres are
deserted. In commenting on the centre in Karachi the article continued, quoting a
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lawyer working for a local NGO that the lack of women attending the centre was down
to poor commitment, co-ordination and a lack of guidelines. Additionally the centre
lacked resources to provide basic services, like food and toiletries. The article also
observed that of the four centres in the province of Sindh, the Karachi centre was the
only one functioning. [16]
23.175 Following correspondence with a representative of Shirkat Gah Women's Resource
Centre, the IRB noted in a Response to Information Request on single women living
alone, dated 4 December 2007, that:
women always have to face criticism by the society and survival for single woman not
having support from the family becomes toughest. This complexity coupled with the lack
of information and access to State support institutions have intertwined to suppress
women from taking steps for themselves. At governmental level there does not exist
community social support centres thus resulting in confining women to abusive
relationships lacking ability to resist violations... Government run shelters lack
appropriate measures as they aim at providing temporary stay and also there have not
been any policy measures for rehabilitation of these women when the duration of stay
expires. [12j]
23.176 The same source noted, with regards to women moving from rural to urban areas to find
employment, that They [the women] face a number of challenges including lack of
working women hostels, procedural complications in getting admission and negative
societal attitudes towards these women hostel[s]. In Lahore (second largest city of
Pakistan) alone where government estimates now put the population at somewhere
around 10 million, there are only two working women hostels and very few private ones.
[12j]
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Women police stations have also proved ineffective so far, as most of the police stations
across the country have just registered one or two cases in 10 to 15 years. [55j]
23.179 The IRB noted in its response dated 14 January 2013, regarding support for women
victims of domestic violence, that sources differed on the number of women police
stations in Pakistan, ranging from nine to 19. The IRB also noted that according to a
representative of the HRCP, women police stations were not very effective, too few
and therefore difficult to access. The IRB provided the following information on womens
police stations in provinces:
The Punjab police indicate that full-fledged women police stations exist in Lahore,
Rawalpindi, and Faisalabad... The Punjab police indicate that these stations help female
victims of crime and domestic violence, and provide legal advice and counselling to
women... The Capital City Police Lahore indicate that the women's police station in
Lahore was established in 1995... The Capital City Police Lahore also indicate that,
although female officers are authorized to register and investigate cases in the women's
police station, female police officers are not active investigation officers in police
stations outside of the women's police station...
The Islamabad Capital Territory Police indicate that they inaugurated their women's
police station in 1994... They also indicate that this police station conducts all police
work, but that it is the only station with female staff... According to the Islamabad Capital
Territory Police, the women's police station is successful in handing cases concerning
female felons... The Islamabad Capital Territory Police state that women's police
stations have been created to avoid the misbehaviour of male police officers towards
female prisoners, and that Pakistani women are joining the police force to protect
women from the violence and harassment that they face in police stations...
The Lahore police indicate that there are women complaint centres in Gulberg, Muslim
Town, Lower Mall, and Race Course Road, all of which are staffed with female police
officers... APP reports that ladies complaint units have been set up in two police stations
in Islamabad... The Sindh government indicated on its website plans for the fiscal year
2010-11 to create women complaint cells in Karachi, Sukkur, Larkana, Hyderabad, and
Shaheed Benazirabad... These complaint cells were being set up for the appropriate
and timely disposal of complaints and speedy access to justice and to provide medical
and legal aid... The Sindh Minister of Women Development was reported in February
2012 as saying that five centres had been set up... [12u] (3.2 Womens police
stations)
23.180 The IRBs response, Resources available to female victims of violence in Karachi,
Islamabad and Lahore, noted that they were provided with the following information, on
womens police stations, from Shirkat Gah, a womens resource centre, on 20
November 2009:
The Women's Police Station faces many problems; they have only one vehicle for use
with a very limited petrol allowance, they are understaffed and overburdened, and they
have been granted less authority than their male counterparts; for example, they cannot
register an FIR without the prior approval of the Deputy Superintendent of Police and
Superintendent of Police. Even if the case has been registered the following
investigation remains problematic. The investigation requires visiting the area of
incidence, collecting evidence and arresting the accused, but lack of resources such as
staff and transport make the task extremely challenging. No special treatment is
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afforded to female victims of violence, nor is any modern equipment made available to
facilitate addressing their grievances. [12n]
See also Security forces: Police
Return to contents
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experienced in dealing with women's issues, many NGOs located in urban centres are
under resourced and have to limit the assistance offered... With respect to legal
assistance offered by a small number of NGOs and law firms in urban centres of
Pakistan, Shirkat Gah's legal department indicated that the number of women they are
able to assist is very small in proportion to the number in need... [12n]
23.185 The same source noted that:
The SMLC report provides details on the specific provisions offered by an
internationally funded shelter, called Dastak, and a privately funded shelter, called Edhi,
that both operate in Lahore... In addition to providing food and shelter, women staying at
Dastak and Edhi can access free legal representation... The report also describes the
services offered at an NGO shelter in Karachi, called Pannah, which also provides food
and legal assistance... Additionally, both Edhi and Pannah offer free medical
treatment...
The SMLC reports that women can stay at Dastak for three months, whereas the Edhi
shelter does not have a limit on the duration of accommodations... The report also
indicates that staff at most shelters encourage women to reconcile with their partners,
because of the generally held view that women cannot survive without men in
Pakistan ... [12n]
23.186 The HRCP Report 2008 noted that Private shelters continued to run and provide refuge
as well as rehabilitation services allowed by their resources and outreach. Nevertheless,
these facilities were small-scaled [sic], few and far between and relatively unknown to
the masses which brought out the need for maximum government input and action.
[27a] (p128, Women: Shelter for women)
23.187 The website Madadgaar, undated, accessed 24 June 2013, provided details of its
Helpline for women and children, and stated Madadgaar Helpline provides telephonic
counseling, face to face counseling to walk-in survivors, crisis intervention, guidance,
legal advises and legal aid and referral services to children and women. [68]
See also Sections Trafficking, and Human Rights Institutions, Organisations and
Activists
Return to contents
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Womens health
See also Children: Health and welfare
23.188 In its Concluding observations on the fourth periodic report of Pakistan, dated 1 March
2013, the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women were
concerned about:
... the high maternal mortality rate in the State party, womens lack of adequate access
to family planning services, including contraceptives, restrictive abortion laws and the
large number of women resorting to unsafe abortions as well as the lack of adequate
post-abortion care services. It is further concerned at the wide privatization of the
health system and inadequate budget allocated to the health sector, in particular with
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regard to sexual and reproductive health care services, especially in rural remote
areas. [79g] (paragraph 31)
23.189 On 13 August 2012, the UN General Assembly published a summarised Compilation
[of reports] prepared by the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights in
accordance with paragraph 5 of the annex to Human Rights Council resolution 16/2
Pakistan for the Human Rights Council Working Group on the Universal Periodic
Review (UPR) in October/November 2012. The report stated:
UNCT [United Nations Country Team] stated that approximately 1 in 89 women in
Pakistan will die of maternal causes. WHO [World Health Organization] noted that
nearly 11,000 women and girls die annually while giving birth. CRC [Committee on the
Rights of the Child] remained concerned at the lack of access to sexual and
reproductive health counselling and services and at the link between the high rate of
abortion and low contraceptive use. It noted with concern that clandestine abortion was
a major cause of maternal mortality. (paragraph 54) Womens limited access to health
care and behaviours which result in women not seeking health care are also of
concern. [83c] (paragraph 56)
23.190 Save the Children stated in its State of the Worlds Mothers 2012 report, published
May 2012, that maternal mortality dropped by nearly half in the period 1990-2008. The
report also noted:
Pakistan began training and deploying Lady Health Workers in 1994. There are now
more than 90,000 female health workers throughout the country, serving 70 percent of
the rural population. Lady Health Workers focus largely on essential maternal and
newborn care. Their training emphasizes maternal nutrition, iron and folate use, rest
during pregnancy and promotion of breastfeeding. Each Lady Health Worker looks after
a population of about 1,000 individuals. At group meetings, she will discuss issues
related to better health, hygiene, nutrition, sanitation and family planning, emphasizing
their benefits towards improved quality of life. In household visits, she will treat iron
deficiency anemia in women and young children, and provide nutritional education with
emphasis on breastfeeding and complementary feeding practices, and maternal
nutrition, including ways to reduce micronutrient malnutrition. [133a] (p36)
23.191 UNICEFs National Report 2012: Pakistan Situation Analysis of children and women in
Pakistan, dated June 2012, stated:
The overall Maternal Mortality Ratio (MMR) for Pakistan is 280 deaths per 100,000 live
births, according to UNICEF, or 276 per 100,000 according to the 2006-07 DHS. In rural
areas the ratio is 319 per 100,000, more than 80 per cent higher than the ratio of 175
per hundred thousand found in urban areas, where a continuum of antenatal care and
assisted delivery is more likely to be available... Overall, one in every 89 Pakistani
women will die due to causes related to childbirth. This compared to 1 in 8,000 in the
developed world. [72b] (p48, section 5.3)
23.192 The HRCP Report 2012 stated The infant mortality rate at 63 deaths per 1,000 live
births and the under-five year mortality rate at 86.5 per 1,000 children remain serious
concerns. The high mortality figures are largely due to poor diet, water-borne diseases
and malnutrition. [27b] (p234-235)
23.193 UNICEF noted in its National Report 2012: Pakistan, that
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A national MNCH [Maternal and newborn child health] programme has been developed
to fill gaps in maternal and child health care by training and deploying 12,000
community midwives, particularly in rural areas, to increase the skilled birth attendance
rate... In addition it is upgrading 112 District Headquarters (DHQ) and 122 Tehsil
Headquarters (THQ) hospitals in the country to provide full emergency obstetric and
neonatal care services, and another 15 DHQ and 48 THQ hospitals and 599 rural health
centres (RHCs) and civil hospitals to provide basic EmONC [Emergency Obstetric and
Neonatal Care] services. [72b] (p49, section 5.3.1)
23.194 Responding to the UN Committee on the Rights of the Child, the Pakistan Government
reported on 12 August 2009 that over 4,500 Community Midwives (CMW) students
were under training across Punjab, Sindh, NWFP and Balochistan. [79a] (p8)
23.195 The HRCP Report 2008 noted in its section on health that In 2008... no female doctors
were available in FATA [Federally Administered Tribal Areas] hospitals, which was a
crucial problem for women in the area as many of them refused or were prevented from
seeing a male doctor. [27a] (p172, Health: Public hospitals)
23.196 The HRCP Report 2012 cited, from media reporting, at least 626 cases of female
suicide. [27b] (p236) The Aurat Foundation recorded 633 suicides of women in 2010
and 758 in 2011, in its Incidents of Violence against Women in Pakistan Reported
during 2011, (undated.) [57c]
See also Section: Medical issues
Return to contents
Go to sources
24. Children
Overview
24.01
The Pakistan Overview on the United Nations Childrens Fund (UNICEF) website,
accessed 26 June 2013, summarised the position of children in Pakistan:
Children in Pakistan face a variety of serious challenges ranging from malnutrition and
poor access to education and health facilities to exploitation in the form of child labour.
Their low status in society can leave them victim to daily violence at home and in school
as well as to organised trafficking and sexual exploitation. Girls are specially affected as
conservative attitudes may impede them attending or finishing school. Recent natural
disasters have increased the vulnerability of thousands of children. [72a]
(Background)
24.02
The same source indicated that children face considerable difficulties in Pakistan. It
observed that:
One in ten children does not survive their fifth birthday... Thirty per cent of children are
chronically malnourished and lack safe water and household sanitation, especially in
rural areas. Pakistan spends less than 2.5 per cent of its GDP [Gross Domestic
Product] on the education sector. Just over half of the 19 million children of primary
school going age are enrolled in primary education. Compared to 58 per cent of boys,
there are 48 per cent of girls enrolled in primary school. Just over a third of Pakistani
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women are literate. An estimated 3.6 million children under the age of 14 work, mostly
in exploitative and hazardous labour. [72a] (Background)
24.03
The UNICEF Pakistan Annual Report 2011, published 2012, noted some positive
achievements affecting children, which included:
More than 5.13 million children were immunised against measles... Nearly 33 million
children were vaccinated [against polio] during the year... The Water, Sanitation and
Hygiene programme provided safe drinking water to 4.8 million people, 2.4 million of
them children. A total of 3.5 million people, half of them children, received access to
safe sanitation... About 1.6 million children received health screening and deworming
treatment through the School Health Programme... Article 25A of the 18th Amendment
to the Constitution affirmed free primary education for every child, a big step forward for
the one in ten Pakistani children not currently in school. [72c] (Foreward)
See subsection Health and welfare and Education
24.04
The Human Rights Commission of Pakistan noted in its annual report, the State of
Human Rights in 2012 (HRCP Report 2012), published March 2013, that:
Protection of child rights yet again did not appear to be a priority for the government in
2012 and, despite several promises and positive projections for the year, the incidence
of child rights violations remained essentially unchanged. Recommendations made to
Pakistan by the Human Rights Council and Committee on the Rights of the Child at the
UN Universal Periodic Review (2008-2012) for the country indicated that Pakistan had
seriously lagged in its commitments to child rights as more than half of the
recommendations pertained to child rights. Situational Analysis of Women and Children
in Pakistan 2012 by UNICEF also painted a very dismal child rights situation in the
country. [27b] (p178)
24.05
The Society for the Protection of the Rights of the Child (SPARC) noted in its report
The State of Pakistans Children 2012 (SPARC Report 2012), published May 2013,
that:
In 2012, negligible efforts were made towards instituting a comprehensive legal
framework which can provide protection to children against child labour and various
forms of violence, abuse and exploitation. In this regard, the government failed to adopt
a number of bills that were directly related to child protection and child welfare...
Furthermore, the existing laws on child rights remained poorly implemented because of
weak administration and inadequate budgetary allocations. [71a] (p iii Introduction)
24.06
The UNICEF Pakistan Annual Report 2011, published 2012, stated In many areas of
Pakistan, children are rarely registered at birth. The consequences of this may last a
lifetime, because as children and even as adults, women face severe challenges in
gaining the protections and services due to them. Once again, there are significant
geographical and socioeconomic disparities; in Balochistan province, registration rates
are as low as 0.8 per cent, compared to 77 per cent in Punjab province. [72c] (p42)
See also Women
24.07
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24.09
The CIA World Factbook, updated 16 April 2013, accessed 1 May 2013, stated that
soldiers could not be sent into combat until they were 18 years of age. [4a] (Military)
The US Department of Labor stated that There are reports of children being used by
non-state militant groups in armed conflict. [91] (p478)
See also subsection: Domestic legislation, Underage/forced marriage, Child labour, and
Sections: Military Service; and Women
Return to contents
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Legal rights
24.10
The SPARC Report 2012 noted that, three years after the 18th Constitutional
Amendment ... negligible efforts have been made by the provincial governments to
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pass child rights legislation relating to underage employment, violence against children,
administration of juvenile justice and childrens right to education. [71a] (p4 Child
rights)
24.11
24.12
The Child Rights Information Network (CRIN) provided a briefing on the status of the
Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) in national law, the status of children
involved in legal proceedings, the legal means to challenge violations of childrens rights
and the practical considerations involved in challenging violations, in its report Pakistan:
Legal status of the child, dated 12 June 2013. [34b]
Domestic legislation
24.13
The SPARC Report 2012 noted some positive developments regarding national
legislation, which included the passing of the following laws:
Domestic Violence (Prevention and Protection) Act 2012 (applicable in the
Islamabad Capital Territory ICT)
National Commission for Human Rights Act 2012
Juvenile Justice System (Amendment) Ordinance 2012
Right to Free and Compulsory Education Act 2012 [71a] (p10-11, Child rights)
24.14
The HRCP Report 2012 noted that during Pakistans Universial Periodic Review (UPR)
in October 2012, recommendations included the adoption of all pending bills, including:
... the Criminal Law Amendment (Child Protection) Bill 2009, the National Commission
on the Rights of Children Bill 2009, the Prohibition of Corporal Punishment Bill, the Child
Marriages Restraint (Amendment) Bill and the Charter of Child Rights Bill 2009. [27b]
(p182)
24.15
On 19 October 2009, the UN Committee on the Rights of the Child expressed concerns
...about legal inconsistencies concerning the definition of a child at federal, provincial
and territorial levels and between secular and sharia law. It notes in particular the
difference between the minimum legal age for marriage of boys (18 years) and that of
girls (16 years) and the definition of a girl child contained in the Zina and Hadood
Ordinances (1979) (until 16 years or puberty). [79c] (paragraph 26)
See also subsections: Underage/forced marriage and Childcare and protection and
Section: Women: Family laws: marriage, divorce and inheritance
24.16
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hours, including a one-hour break after three hours of labor, and sets permissible times
of day for work and time off. Children are not allowed to work overtime or at night, and a
child should have one day off per week. In addition, the law requires employers to keep
a register of children working for them for labor inspectors to verify. These prohibitions
and regulations do not apply to family businesses or government schools.
The law protects all children younger than age 18 from exploitation and defines
exploitative entertainment as all activities related to human sports or sexual practices
and other abusive practices. Parents who exploit their children are also liable under the
law. The law makes bonded labor by children punishable by up to five years in prison
and 50,000 rupees ($515) in fines. The government considers four occupations and 34
processes illegal for children, including street vending, surgical instrument
manufacturing, deep-sea fishing, leather manufacturing, brick making, production of
soccer balls, and carpet weaving. Despite this, there were reports of children working in
all of these areas. [3n] (Section 7c)
24.17
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24.19
The same source stated In May 2012, Juvenile Justice System (Amendment)
Ordinance 2012 under Article 89 of the Constitution was passed that empowered the
federal government to extend the law to Islamabad capital territory. According to the
newly inserted provision, the federal government may designate an existing AntiTerrorism Court established under the Anti-terrorism Act, 1997 to exercise the power of
a juvenile court in the territory of the federal capital. [27b] (p187-188)
24.20
The SPARC website, accessed 16 March 2012, described the juvenile justice system in
Pakistan and stated that the Juvenile Justice System Ordinance (JJSO) 2000: Lays
down the criteria to be followed at all stages of the juvenile trial proceedings, including
arrest and bail, and the establishment of juvenile courts. It brought about improvement
in two major areas, defining a child as a person below the age of 18 years and
prohibiting the death penalty for children. [71e] (Juvenile Justice, National Laws)
24.21
The SPARC Report 2013 stated that, in March 2013, the federal cabinet agreed to raise
the criminal age of responsibility from seven to 12 years under the Criminal Law
(Amendment) Bill. However, the legislation had still to be passed. [71a] (p15 Child
rights)
24.22
The Committee on the Rights of the Child, in its Concluding observations to Pakistan,
dated 19 October 2009, remained deeply concerned that:
(a)
(b)
(c)
(d)
(e)
(f)
24.23
Amnesty International stated in its annual Report 2010 for Pakistan (covering events
between January and December 2009) that The Juvenile Justice System Ordinance of
2000 remained inadequately implemented. Its provision to detain children separately
from adults remained unimplemented. [13d] (p253; Childrens rights)
24.24
Human Rights Watch stated in its report Enforcing the International Prohibition on the
Juvenile Death Penalty, dated 30 May 2008, that:
The Juvenile Justice System Ordinance of 2000 bans the death penalty for crimes
committed by persons under 18 at the time of the offense, and requires juvenile courts
to order a medical examination when a defendants age is in doubt. The ordinance was
reportedly extended to apply to Azad Jammu and Kashmir until 2003, and to the
Provincially Administered Tribal Areas and the Federally Administered Tribal Areas in
late 2004. However, implementation remains very limited because many areas lack the
underlying courts and other structures called for in the law... Pakistans Supreme Court
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sometimes rejected death penalty appeals by juvenile offenders when their age was not
recorded at the time of the original trial. [7d] (p16)
24.25
The SPARC Report 2011 noted, however, that the Actions (in Aid for Civil Power)
Regulation 2011 for the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) fails to provide a
specific definition of a child. Therefore, If this law takes into account the age of the child
provided in the Frontier Crimes (Amendment) Regulation 2011, then children between
the ages of 16 and 18 years convicted under the regulation could possibly be given the
death sentence or life imprisonment. [71b] (p145)
See also Judiciary: Frontier Crimes Regulation (FCR)
24.26
The Express Tribune reported on 16 January 2012 that, despite the JJSO prohibiting
the death penalty for children, they could still be sentenced to death under other laws.
The report noted:
Currently, there are five prisoners in Mach Jail in Balochistan on death row, and all of
them were sentenced to death when they were children. The first is Mewal Shah. He is
now 20 years old and was sentenced to death by the anti-terrorism court in Mastung.
After four years in solitary confinement his sentence was commuted by the Balochistan
High Court to 25 years rigorous imprisonment. He was 13 at the time he committed his
offence. The second, Sarfaraz, was 16 or 17 at the time when he is said to have
committed a murder. He was sentenced to death in 2009 and his appeal is pending in
the Balochistan High Court.
The third is Bhai Khan, son of Shah Mohammad Chandio. He is now 18 years of age
but was a minor when he was sentenced to death by the district and sessions judge of
Dera Allah Yar. The fourth case involves Naseerullah who at the age of 17, is still a
minor. He was sentenced to death in March 2010. The last one is a prisoner by the
name Zahoor Ahmed, son of Sajawal Jakhrani. He is 17 years old and was given the
death sentence in March 2010 by the district and sessions judge of Dera Allah Yar.
[92b]
24.27
The Amnesty International Report 2010 stated that On 31 August, the Supreme Court
suspended an order passed by the Lahore High Court in April under which death
sentences would not be imposed on women and juveniles in narcotics cases. [13d]
(p253; Death penalty)
See also section on Death penalty
24.28
24.29
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System Ordinance (JJSO) 2000. That was believed to be a contributory factor to the
high ratio of under-trial juveniles in prisons. [27b] (p74)
24.30
The Government of Pakistan reported to the UN Committee on the Rights of the Child
that Children have been convicted under the Zina and Hadood Ordinance during the
reporting period [dates not confirmed]. However, their number remains very low. As on
31 December 2008, there were 15 juveniles convicted under different sections of the
Zina and Hadood Ordinance. It is indeed important to note that on the above-mentioned
date there were [a] total [of] 153 convicted juveniles all across Pakistan. [79a] (p13)
See also Section Judiciary: Hudood Ordinances
24.31
The Pakistan government is obliged to provide free legal aid to juvenile offenders under
section three of the Juvenile Justice System Ordinance. However, the ACHR South
Asia Human Rights Index 2008 stated that most offenders continue to be denied
access to legal aid primarily due to the failure of panel of lawyers to provide legal aid.
[67b] (p78)
For further information on juvenile justice see the Child Rights International Network
(CRIN) report Inhuman sentencing of children in Pakistan, dated May 2011. [34a]
See also Section Prison conditions
Return to contents
Go to sources
24.33
24.34
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Child abuse was widespread. Young girls and boys used as domestic servants were
abused, beaten, and made to work long hours by employers, who in some cases were
relatives. According to an August 2011 article in Dawn, more than 170,000 children
lived on the streets. Up to 90 percent were abused sexually on the first night that they
slept outside, and 60 percent accused police of sexually abusing them.
The penal code defines statutory rape as sexual intercourse with a female younger
than age 16. The punishment for rape is death or 10 to 25 years imprisonment and a
fine. Gang rape is punishable by death or life imprisonment. [3n] (Section 6)
24.35
24.36
24.37
24.38
The HRCP Report 2012 noted that at the end of 2012 there was no progress on passing
the Prohibition of Corporal Punishment Bill, 2010, and that few measures to prevent
corporal punishment at a provincial level had been taken. The report noted Media
reports highlighted at least 23 cases of corporal punishment where students were
brutally beaten resulting in serious injury or death. The cases reported from Punjab
resulted in the death of two children (in Hasan Abdal and Lahore), two children
committed suicide in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa due to fear of punishment and in eight cases
the students suffered from fractured limbs due to incessant beating by their teachers.
[27b] (p190)
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The SPARC Report 2012 cited some of the harmful traditional practices (HTPs) that
blighted women and childrens lives in Pakistans patriarchal society. Such HTPs
included early and child marriage, honour killings, exchange marriages, and marriages
contracted to settle disputes. [71a] (p175 Violence against chldren)
See also Women: Violence against women
24.40
Amnesty Internationals annual Report 2010 on Pakistan stated that In NWFP and the
tribal areas, Taleban groups closed or burned down girls schools, forced women to
wear a veil and prohibited them from leaving their homes unless accompanied by male
relatives. Several women were punished, shot dead or mutilated for alleged immoral
activities. Legal redress sought for abuses of womens rights remained difficult to
obtain. [13d] (p253; Violence against women and girls)
See also Militant attacks on schools
24.41
24.42
The US Department of Labors 2011 Findings on the Worst Forms of Child Labor,
published 26 September 2012, stated that:
There are reports of children being used by non-state militant groups in armed conflict
and some evidence that Afghan and Pakistani children are trafficked across the border
for use by these groups... Non-state groups kidnap children or coerce parents into
giving away their children to spy, fight or die in suicide attacks... These children are
subjected to physical, sexual and psychological abuse... Reports indicate that children
as young as age 11 are recruited by pro-Taliban insurgents, trained as suicide bombers
and trafficked between Afghanistan and Pakistan... [91] (p478)
24.43
252
The SPARC Report 2011 noted In 2011, 250 children died because of armed conflict in
different parts of the country. [The] majority of cases were reported from Khyber
Pakhtunkhwa (167 cases) where children died as child soldiers or in crossfire between
the armed forces and terrorists. [71b] (p197)
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Pakistan
See also Sections Security situation; Women: Violence against women; and for
treatment of children in prison see subsection on Judicial and penal rights.
Return to contents
Go to sources
Underage/forced marriage
24.44
In the SPARC Report 2012, it was noted that the Child Marriages Restraint Act has set
the minimum age of marriage; 16 years for girls and 18 years for boys. The penalty for
solemnizing or contracting a child marriage is punishable with a fine of Rs1,000 and
imprisonment of one month. The report noted that the penalties were too low,
considering the harmful physical and emotional impacts. [71a] (p177)
24.45
24.46
The HRCP Report 2012 stated that As many forced marriages went unnoticed and
unreported, exact figures were not easily available, but reports suggested that in just the
month of January [2012] about 338 cases of forced marriages took place in 31 districts
across Pakistan. The tradition of girls being married before reaching adulthood or even
puberty remained an outstanding issue. [27b] (p174-175)
24.47
The Freedom House Freedom in the World 2013 Pakistan report stated Illegal forms
of child and forced marriage remain problems. [5a]
24.48
The HRCP Report 2011 noted that in 2011 the Prevention of Anti-Women Practices
(amendment) Bill 2008, was passed by the Senate.
Under this law customary practices of giving females in marriages for settling disputes
such as swara, vani and badal-e-sulh, their marriage with the Holy Quran and denying
the rights of inheritance to women, are now criminal offences. Children were
beneficiaries by extension of this law which sought to curb anti-women practices. Under
this law, a person coercing a woman into marriage, marriage to Quran, badal-e-sulh,
vani or swara was liable to a minimum of three years of imprisonment and Rs. 500,000
fine. [27g] (p184)
24.49
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highlighted around 30 cases of underage forced marriage, out of which five were cases
of swara and 12 of vani, the majority of which took place in Sindh and Khyber
Pakhtunkhwa. In May 2012, the Law and Justice Commission of Pakistan took serious
note of the practice of giving girls away in marriage to settle disputes on the intervention
of a jirga or panchayat. The LJCP suggested amendments to the relevant laws to award
rigorous punishment to those who abet, instigate, demand or receive a female in
marriage as Badal-i-Sulha (in exchange for compromise). The Commission proposed
that the punishment for such action should be extended to a maximum of 14 years, but
must not be less than 10 years, along with a fine. [27b] (p192)
24.50
Amnesty International (AI) stated in its annual Report 2008 on Pakistan that The higher
judiciary on several occasions ordered the prosecution of people responsible for swara,
the handing over of a girl or woman for marriage to opponents to settle a dispute. The
practice was made punishable with up to 10 years imprisonment by a 2005 law, but
continued to be widespread. [13a] (Violence against women) In its annual Report
2010 for Pakistan, covering 2009 events, AI noted that the forced marriage of girls to
settle disputes continued. [13d] (p 253, Childrens rights)
24.51
The ACHR South Asia Human Rights Index 2008 reported that The girl child continues
to be considered as the personal property of the family and used as a means to settle
debt or family dispute. The report gave instances where such practices had occurred.
[67b] (p77)
See also Section: Women: Socio-Economic Rights and Freedom of religion: Hindus and
Sikhs
Child labour
24.52
24.53
The US Department of Labors 2011 Findings on the Worst Forms of Child Labor,
published 26 September 2012, stated that:
In 2011, Pakistan made no advancement in efforts to eliminate the worst forms of child
labor. Although the Government continued to implement programs to address the
problem, it continued to lack sufficient legal protections for working children. There is no
minimum age for work and the minimum age for hazardous work is 4 years below the
international standard age of 18. Enforcement efforts remain weak. Efforts to combat
exploitative child labor were complicated in 2011 when federal-level agencies charged
with coordinating the national response to the worst forms of child labor were dissolved
during a process of dispersing many government functions to the provinces. Children
continue to engage in the worst forms of child labor in dangerous forms of agriculture
and are subject to bonded labor. [91] (p477)
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24.54
24.55
The Asian Human Rights Commission, commenting on the speech made by Pakistans
foreign minister, Ms. Rabbani Khar, at the UN Human Rights Councils Universal
Periodic Review (UPR) on Pakistan, stated on 4 November 2012 that:
Child labour is a very common practice and it is estimated that as many as 20 million
children are engaged in manual labour in Pakistan. This is particularly common in the
rural areas where children are used as bonded labour to pay off their parents' debts.
Also in the rural areas over 70 percent of the children are denied education and health
care.
Often the children in the informal sectors such as brick kilns and engineering sectors
are not paid money, but their wages given as food, once a day. There are reports that
over two million children have gone missing and are feared to have been trafficked.
There is also the question of children being used in the sex industry. Neither of these
points have been examined by the government or responsibly dealt with in the
minister's report. [52m]
24.56
The US Department of Labor 2011 report stated Children in urban areas are often
employed as domestic servants and may be subjected to extreme abuse. Reports
indicate that some child domestic servants have even been killed by their employers.
[91] (p477)
24.57
On the issue of forced and bonded labour of children, the USSD Report 2012 noted
that:
Children were forced to work in the brick-kiln, glass bangle, and carpet-weaving
industries, as well as agriculture, as part of fulfilling their families debt obligation to
feudal landowners or brick-kiln owners. UNICEF estimated the number of children
working in brick kilns at 250,000. In August researchers estimated that there were
approximately two million bonded laborers, many of whom included entire families with
children.
Poor rural families sometimes sold their children into domestic servitude or other types
of work, or they paid agents to arrange for such work, often believing that their children
would work under decent conditions. Some children sent to work for relatives or
acquaintances in exchange for education or other opportunities ended up in exploitative
conditions or forced labor. [3n] (Section 7c)
24.58
The HRCP Report 2009 noted that On an average, children worked 6 hours a day, 6
days a week and 11 months a year, earning only Rs. 1,145 per month. Almost one-third
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of the children were unpaid workers who worked with their parents or elder siblings in
the field. [27c] (p229)
24.59
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24.61
The SPARC Report 2011 noted that the Child Protection (Criminal Law Amendment)
Bill, which criminalises the sale of children, child prostitution, child pornography and
internal trafficking of children, has remained pending since 2009 despite calls to the
federal government from the President to expedite the process for enactment of the bill.
[71b] (p4-5)
See also subsection Domestic legislation, and Trafficking
24.62
24.63
The same source noted that three Child Protection Centres had been established, one
in Islamabad and two in Balochistan. [79a] (p18)
See also Domestic legislation
24.64
The UNICEF Pakistan Annual Report 2011, published 2012, stated that, through its
Child Protection Programme:
About 136,000 children received services through 16 Child Protection Units, nine
helplines, four child sexual abuse units, 22 child protection desks in police stations and
38 non-formal literacy centres for street children and working children in Balochistan,
Punjab and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. In the Federally Administered Tribal Areas and
Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, 96 community-based Child Protection Centres were established
to benefit IDP children and 1,600 community-based Child Protection Committees were
formed in areas affected by floods.
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Training was provided to more than 17,000 people of different professional categories
related to child protection, including five Child Complaints Offices under the federal and
provincial ombudsmen. [72c] (p43)
See also Humanitarian issues
24.65
The Children Complaints Office (CCO), placed in the office of Wafaqi Mohtasib
(Ombudsman) of Pakistan, stated that its main function was ...The CCOs main function
is to serve as a dedicated mechanism for receiving and resolving complaints from and
about children, against maladministration by any federal agency and will help Pakistan
implement the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (UNCRC). From
2009 to 2012 the CCO has received a total of 663 complaints. The CCO has
designated Investigation Officers for handling child related complaints in Peshawar,
Lahore, Quetta and Karachi. Its headquarters is based at the Wafabi Mohtasib office in
Islamabad. (Childrens Complaint Office, undated, accessed 20 May 2013) [29k]
24.66
The Child Protection and Welfare Bureau, accessed 24 June 2013, an autonomous
body under the administrative control of the Home Department, Government of Punjab,
was established in accordance with the Punjab Destitute and Neglected Childrens Act
Amendment Act 2007. [64a] The Child Protection and Welfare Bureau offer a range of
services to support children and families, including: the Child Protection Unit for the
...rescue, recovery, custody, rehabilitation, reintegration and follow up of destitute &
neglected children; [64b] Child Help Line, a 24 hour, seven day week telephone
helpline; [64c] and; Open and Mobile Reception Centers providing help to abused
and/or street children. [64d] [64e]
24.67
24.68
The Society for the Protection of the Rights of the Child (SPARC) noted on its website,
accessed 16 March 2012, that it had established Drop-in Centers (DICs) in Peshawar,
Rawalpindi, Hyderabad and Multan for children living or working on the streets. SPARC
noted that There are ongoing efforts to assist street children through various
programmes including rehabilitation centers by the government and drop in centers by
civil society organizations that provide psycho- social counseling, some basic health
and education services. Some of them attempt to reunite street and runaway children
with their families. [71d]
24.69
With regards to child sexual abuse and the law protecting victims, the UN Committee on
the Rights of the Child stated in its report dated 19 March 2009 that:
Pakistan Penal Code and Hadood [Hudood] Ordinances of 1979 can be used to
prosecute some child sexual abuse cases. The Pakistani Criminal Justice System does
not deal with sexual offences against children any differently than sexual offences
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against adults. Similarly, the abuse of children or sexual abuse not involving penetration
could be dealt with under section 511 of the PPC whoever attempts to commit an
offence punishable by this code with imprisonment for life or imprisonment, or to cause
such an offence to be committed, and as such attempt does any act towards the
commission of offence, shall, where no express provision is provided by this code for
the punishment of such attempt, be punished with imprisonment of any description
provided for the offence, for a term which my extend to one half of the longest term of
imprisonment provided for that offence or such fine as is provided for the offence, or
with both. [79b] (paragraph 628)
See also Women: Women Protection Act (WPA)
Return to contents
Go to sources
Childrens homes
24.70
SOS Childrens Villages International noted in its Pakistan Overview, accessed 20 May
2013, that ... there are ten SOS Children's Villages in Pakistan, six SOS Youth
Facilities, six SOS Hermann Gmeiner Schools, five SOS Vocational Training Centres,
five SOS Social Centres, one SOS Medical Centre, and two SOS Emergency Relief
Programmes. Two SOS Childrens Villages and one Hermann Gmeiner school are
under construction. [28b] SOS Childrens Villages were located in Lahore, Dhodial,
Rawalpindi, Faisalabad, Karachi, Sargodha, Sialkot, Multan and Quetta. [28a]
(Children villages)
24.71
The Child Protection and Welfare Bureau, Punjab, accessed 24 June 2013, stated that
it had Child Protection Institutions providing children with ...high quality residential,
educational, vocational and recreational facilities. [64f]
24.72
Reporting to the UN Committee on the Rights of the Child on 1 September 2009, the
Government of Pakistan stated that There are 8,356 children deprived of their family
environment placed in 92 institutions all over the country. In the NWFP, 17 institutions
housed 2,510 children, whereas in Sindh, 23 institutions housed 1681 children. In
Punjab, 3,955 children placed in 49 institutions, whereas in Balochistan, 170 children
placed in two institutions. In Federal Administered Tribal Areas 40 children placed in
one institution. The same source noted that in 2008 there were 361 children placed in
foster families. [79a] (p24)
24.73
The Edhi Foundation, the largest social welfare organisation in Pakistan, noted on its
website, accessed 9 May 2013, that it had 335 Edhi Centres across Pakistan, which,
amongst other things, provided shelter for destitute orphans. [19a] (About us)
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Go to sources
Education
For information on educational facilities for disabled children, see the section Disability
24.74
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pupils were enrolled in primary school, 5,501 million in middle school and 2,581 million
in secondary school. [29e] (Chapter 10: Education)
24.75
UNICEF stated in its Overview for Pakistan, undated, accessed 26 June 2013, that Just
over half of the 19 million children of primary school going age are enrolled in primary
education. Compared to 58 per cent of boys, there are 48 per cent of girls enrolled in
primary school. [72a] (Background)
24.76
The United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) noted
in its EFA [Education for All] Global Monitoring Report 2012 that:
Pakistan has the second largest number of children out of school 5.1 million yet
reduced its spending on education from 2.6% to 2.3% of GNP over the decade... (p9)
In Pakistan, the Punjab Education Foundation has been implementing a programme
since 2006 that provides vouchers to children from disadvantaged backgrounds that
allow them to choose from among more than 1,000 low fee private schools... In a
country of 5.1 million out-of-school children, the programme is reaching a small number:
267 schools and 80,000 pupils... Punjab is also the part of Pakistan where enrolment is
already highest; consequently, the voucher programme is not helping extend access to
the parts of the country where it is most needed. [141a] (p77)
24.77
24.78
24.79
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24.80
With regards to the subjects taught in schools, the Government of Pakistan reported to
the UN Committee on the Rights of the Child, dated 1 September 2009, that Islamiyat
will be taught as a separate compulsory subject from Class-III to XII... English is to be
taught from class-I onwards as a compulsory subject alongside Urdu... Medium of
instruction for all science subjects will be English... [79a] (p20)
24.81
The USSD Report 2012 stated that The constitution mandates that the government
provide free and compulsory education to all children between the ages of five and 16.
In practice government schools often charged parents for the cost of books, uniforms,
and other materials. Parents of lower economic means sometimes chose to send
children to madrassahs, where they received free room and board, or to NGO-operated
schools. [3n] (Section 6)
See also Madrassas
24.82
24.83
The US Department of State International Religious Freedom Report for 2012 (USSD
IRF Report 2012), published 20 May 2013, noted that:
The constitution safeguards educational institutions with respect to religion. No
student can be forced to receive religious instruction or participate in religious worship in
other than his or her own religion. The denial of religious instruction for students of any
religious community or denomination also is prohibited.
Islamiyyat (Islamic studies) is compulsory for all Muslim students in state-run schools.
Although students of other religious groups are not legally required to study Islam, they
generally are not offered parallel studies in their own religious beliefs and by default are
required to take the Islamic studies class. In some schools, non-Muslim students may
study akhlaqiyyat, or ethics. Parents may send children to private religious schools, at
the familys expense, and private schools are generally free to teach or not to teach
religious studies as they choose.
The constitution specifically prohibits discriminatory admission to any governmental
educational institution solely based on religious affiliation. Officials have stated that the
only factors affecting admission to government schools are students grades and home
provinces; however, students must declare their religious affiliation on application forms.
This declaration also is required for private educational institutions, including
universities. Students who identify themselves as Muslim must declare in writing that
they believe that the Prophet Muhammad is the final prophet, a measure that singles
out Ahmadi Muslims. Non-Muslims are required to have their religious affiliation verified
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by the head of their local religious communities. [3k] (Section II: Legal/Policy
Framework)
24.84
The United States Commission on International Religious Freedom Annual Report 2011
(USCIRF Report 2011), published May 2011, covering events from 1 April 2010 to 31
March 2011, noted that:
Pakistani primary and secondary schools continue to use textbooks that foster
prejudice and intolerance of religious minorities, especially Hindus and Christians. Fifthgrade students read official textbooks claiming that Hindus and Muslims are not one
nation but two different nations. The Hindus could never become sincere in their
dealings with the Muslims. Hindu beliefs and practices are contrasted negatively with
those of Islam. Bangladeshs struggle for independence from Pakistan is blamed in part
on the influence of Hindus in the education sector of the former East Pakistan. Such
references are not restricted to Islamic studies textbooks but take place in both early
elementary and more advanced social studies texts used by all public school students,
including non-Muslims. Moreover, the textbooks contain stories, biographies, and
poems with an Islamic religious character. [53b] (p118)
24.85
The HRCP Report 2010 stated that Recommendations were made by civil society
groups for civic education at schools to be made a compulsory subject at primary level
instead of being taught as an optional subject in 9th grade. It was also demanded that
textbooks should promote religious and political tolerance, gender equality, human
rights, basic principles of citizenship and care for the environment. However, the report
expressed concern ... at the long gap between policy formulation and implementation...
many public schools did not have access to textbooks with the new curriculum. [27e]
(p265-266)
24.86
24.87
In an attempt to address the high number of out of school children, the Government of
Pakistan told the UN Committee on the Rights of the Child, in a report dated 1
September 2009, that:
Poor and disadvantaged children are being provided with incentives in the form of food,
nutrition and edible oil etc. Budget for education is being enhanced from the existing 2.2
per cent to 4 per cent of GDP. For the promotion of girl education a project has been
implemented in collaboration with UNFPA [UN Population Fund]. Under the project
existing girl primary schools have been renovated and incentives provided to the girl
child of deprived families enabling them to continue their education. Free text books are
being provided to all students of the primary school. Primary education in the public
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sector is almost free. Around 13,000 non formal basic education schools have been
opened for out of school children. The said number is likely to increase to 20,000 in the
next two years. The Compulsory Primary Education Act has been enacted in three out
of four provinces of the country as well as in Islamabad Capital Territory. [79a] (p14)
24.88
The website Enterprising Schools, reporting on the Affordable Private School (APS)
market, accessed 16 March 2012, stated that:
There are more than 90,000 affordable private schools in Pakistan and more than 60%
of them are recognized by the Department of Education. From 1999-2009 private
provision multiplied almost three fold from 36,000 schools to over 90,000 at primary and
secondary levels spreading across urban and rural areas. Punjab has the highest
growth out of all provinces, with over 32% of primary school students enrolled in private
schools. Private provision in Pakistan is seen to be providing a choice for even poor
families who are willing to buy quality education for their children. [95a]
24.89
On the cost of private schooling an undated report published by the Global Poverty
Research Group, The Quality of School Provision in Pakistan: Are Girls Worse Off?,
accessed 23 January 2012, stated Private school fees range from exorbitantly high to
relatively small amounts. In its sample the report found that average private school fees
ranged from 116 rupees per month to 3,766 rupees per month. [127a] (p6)
24.90
A 2001 study on schooling choices of low-income families in urban Lahore found that
the cost of private schooling was comparable to government schools, which charged for
uniforms, books and supplies. (Journal of Human Resources, 2001) [128a] (p12)
24.91
A report dated 21 March 2002, The Rise of Private Schooling in Pakistan: Catering to
the Urban Elite or Educating the Rural Poor?, by Tahir Andrabi, Pomona College,
Jishnu Das, The World Bank, and Asim Ijaz Khwaja, Harvard University, cited the
average tuition fees for self-owned (for profit) primary schools in urban and rural areas
of Pakistans provinces. [129a] (p13-14)
Return to contents
Go to sources
In its Concluding observations on the fourth periodic report of Pakistan, dated 1 March
2013, the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women expressed
deep concern at reports of ... on-going violent attacks and public threats on female
students, teachers and professors by various non-State actors, as well as the escalating
number of attacks on educational institutions, in particular a large number of girls only
schools, which has disproportionately affected girls and womens access to education.
The Committee expresses its deep concern at recent attacks on school buses targeting
children, including girls. [79g] (paragraph 27)
24.93
Reporting on armed groups, including the Taliban, al Qaeda and affiliated groups,
tageting students, teachers and schools, Human Rights Watch (HRW) stated on 19
October 2012 that it had:
... collected reports of 96 school attacks in Pakistan this year alone. Most of these
attacks took place in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province (KP) and the Federally
Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) bordering Afghanistan. Fourteen attacks were
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reported from Mohmand Agency in the tribal areas. Dozens of attacks were reported
from various districts of KP. Thirteen schools were attacked in Swabi district, 12 in
Charsadda district, and 11 in Mardan district. Schools have also been attacked in
Balochistan and Sindh provinces.The United Nations reported 152 incidents of partial or
complete destruction of school facilities in FATA and KP in 2011. [7l]
24.94
HRW also cited the case of schoolgirl Malala Yousufzai, an outspoken advocate for
childrens right to education, who was shot and wounded by the Pakistani Taliban on 9
October 2012. Adding Just three days later, at least three Shia university students
both male and female were critically hurt when extremists threw acid at their faces
while they were on their way home to Parachinar, in FATA, after taking exams in Kohat,
KP. According to a local nongovernmental organization, this was the first such acid
throwing case in FATA. The Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan also claimed responsibility for
this attack. [7l]
24.95
The SPARC Report 2011 stated that According to media reports, over the last two
years, a total of 710 schools have been destroyed or damaged by the militants in
Khyber Pakhtunkhwa... The Malakand division was worst hit as a total of 640 schools
were destroyed in this region while 70 institutions were destroyed or damaged in
various other districts across the province. [741f] (p54)
24.96
24.97
The HRCP Report 2012 stated More than 14 schools were bombed in Peshawar and
FATA [Federally Administered Tribal Areas] by terrorists. The bombed schools included
one middle school, 4 boys schools, 3 girls schools and six primary schools. [27b]
(p62)
24.98
Amnesty International noted in its report As If Hell Fell On Me: The Human Rights
Crisis in Northwest Pakistan, published 10 June 2010, that:
The Taleban targeted schools teaching the national curriculum, and in particular, the
few operating schools for women and girls both in the NWFP and FATA throughout
2008 and 2009. According to statistics from the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan,
165 schools were destroyed in NWFP and FATA in 2008, 136 of them girls schools;
and more than 180 schools were destroyed and 318 were partially destroyed in 2009.
In Darra Adam Khel, a Frontier Region, a 25-year-old man told Amnesty International in
late 2008 that the Taleban had warned parents not to send their girls to school and later
attacked the schools: First they warned owners of private schools to end co-education.
Then they told the governments girls schools to close. When they refused, the Taleban
bombed several of them and the rest of the schools were closed for fear of bombing. At
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the same time, parents also stopped sending their children to schools for fear of the
Taleban. [13e] (p42)
24.99
Madrassas
24.100 On the availability and services by madrassas (religious schools) the USSD IRF Report
2012 noted that:
Private schools run by Islamic clerics, or madrassahs, vary greatly in their curriculum
and character. In some rural communities government schools may be in poor condition
or far away, making madrassahs the only form of education available to poor students.
By law, madrassahs are prohibited from teaching sectarian or religious hatred or
encouraging sectarian or religious violence. In practice, however, hardline clerics who
preach intolerance toward other sects are common, and in recent years, a small yet
influential number of madrassahs have taught violent extremist doctrine in support of
terrorism in violation of the law. In an attempt to curb the spread of extremism, the 2002
Madrassah Registration Ordinance requires all madrassahs to register with one of the
five independent boards (wafaqs) or directly with the government, cease accepting
foreign financing, and accept foreign students only with the consent of their
governments. According to the Ministry of Religious Affairs, as of December 31, 2010,
19,421 madrassahs had been registered. However, many civil society organizations and
education experts disputed the number of madrassahs operating across the country.
According to the Ittehad Tanzeem ul Madaris Pakistan (IMTP), a council consisting of
the heads of the five major wafaqs, there are approximately 25,000-30,000 registered
madrassahs. [3p] (Section II)
24.101 On 13 August 2012, the UN General Assembly published a summarised Compilation
[of reports] prepared by the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights in
accordance with paragraph 5 of the annex to Human Rights Council resolution 16/2
Pakistan for the Human Rights Council Working Group on the Universal Periodic
Review (UPR) in October/November 2012. The report stated:
CRC [Committee on the Rights of the Child] regretted that there was still a large
number of unregistered madrasas and that the introduction of secular subjects in the
curricula has only been partially implemented. Furthermore, it was deeply concerned at
reports of violence, ill-treatment, corporal punishment, sexual abuse and illegal
detention within madrasas and of madrasas being used for military training. CRC and
the Office of the Special Representative of the Secretary-General for Children and
Armed Conflict called on the Government to strengthen its current efforts to address the
recruitment of children into armed groups and their use in hostilities. The United Nations
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considered illegal. According to the minister, there were 24,000 registered seminaries in
the country. [27g] (p177)
24.106 The USSD IRF Report 2011, published 30 July 2012, stated that:
On October 7, 2010, the Ministry of the Interior signed a memorandum of agreement
(MOA) with the IMTP [Ittehad Tanzeem ul Madaris Pakistan]. The agreement requires
the madrassahs to teach secular subjects, to refrain from teaching or publishing
literature promoting militancy or extremism, and to establish an independent board to
monitor madrassah education. In return, the government would recognize madrassah
graduation certificates. The agreement was to be followed by legislation at the federal
level. Following the devolution of the Federal Ministry of Education to the provinces in
May, the legislation stalled and the provinces were tasked with preparing
recommendations for reforming the madrassah system. [3p] (Section II)
24.107 The USCIRF Report 2010 noted that:
A significant minority of Pakistans thousands of religious schools, or madrassas,
reportedly continue to provide ongoing ideological training and motivation to those who
take part in religiously-motivated violence in Pakistan and abroad. In mid-2005, the
Pakistani central government required all madrassas to register with the government
and expel all foreign students. While most registered, the registration process reportedly
has had little if any effect on the curricula, which in many of these schools includes
materials that promote intolerance and exhortations to violence. The government also
still lacks controls on the madrassas sources of funding. A memorandum of
understanding was signed in October 2010 between the Ministry of Interior, which
oversees the madrassas system, and the five main madrassas boards in another
attempt to better regulate their curriculum and financing. [53b] (p118)
24.108 On students subjected to abuse in madrassas, the HRCP Report 2010 stated
Conditions at many madrassas remained extremely dismal and corporal punishment
was a common practice. Reports from Multan, Attock, Peshawar and other areas stated
that children were subjected to torture and sexual abuse on a regular basis. [27e]
(p265)
24.109 Cable News Network (CNN) reported on 13 December 2011 that 54 men and 14 boys,
some as young as eight years old, were rescued from a madrassa and drug
rehabilitation facility in a suburb of Karachi, where they were found chained together in
an underground room. The Islamic religious school was registered with the government.
[77a]
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1,200 Pakistani children under five years of age die every day.
More than half of child deaths occur in the first month of life.
276 out of every 100,000 women who give birth die of causes related to
pregnancy or childbirth.
Only 39 per cent of births are attended by trained birth attendants,
contributing to these high mortality rates.
In 2011, 198 cases of polio were reported in Pakistan the highest in
the world.
35 per cent of child deaths are linked to malnutrition and 60 per cent are
due to diseases related to water and sanitation.
More than 40 per cent of children under five are stunted; only 8 per cent
of children aged 624 months receive a minimum diet nation-wide.
Only 34 per cent of rural Pakistanis have access to improved sanitation.
[72c] (p2 Fast facts)
24.114 The SPARC Report 2012 noted One of the most alarming indications of the health
crisis facing children is the increase in Polio, Measles and malnutrition. It is projected
that in the absence of rigorous policy and administrative initiatives, Pakistan could face
a Polio epidemic along with an increase in malnutrition and stunting rates given the
dismal state of the economy. [71a] (p95 Health)
24.115 The Child Aid Association (CAA), accessed 14 February 2012, a voluntary organisation
working within the paediatric oncology unit at the National Institute for Child Health,
Karachi, provided free treatment to underprivileged child cancer patients. [81a]
24.116 The HRCP Report 2009 noted that According to the Pakistan Medical Association
(PMA), substance abuse amongst street children reached alarming levels children
were found hooked to glue, paint and petrol sniffing and this became a serious problem
in the bigger cities. There were around 14,000 street children in Karachi who were
addicted to glue sniffing, thus risking damage to their brain, kidneys, liver, heart and
myocardium. [27c] (p218)
Basic statistical information can be obtained on the United Nations Childrens Fund
(UNICEF) website.
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See also Section: Medical Issues, Disability and Women: Womens health
Return to contents
Go to sources
Documentation
24.117 The USSD Report 2012 noted, for Pakistan, that:
Citizenship is derived by birth in the country; however, for children born abroad after
2000, citizenship can be derived by descent, if either the mother or the father is a citizen
and the child is registered with the proper authorities... [see paragraph 25.131 for an
exception regarding Afghan refugees]
Reporting of births is voluntary, and records are not kept uniformly, particularly in rural
areas where children are born at home. In lieu of a birth certificate, individuals often
used school records attested to by the headmaster or principal of the school or
matriculation certificates, both of which identify the father and the date of birth. NADRA
[National Database and Registration Authority] issues identity documents, including
birth certificates, and uses mobile teams to register children in rural areas. The number
of unregistered births was not available. While the government reported that more than
75 percent of the population was registered, actual figures may be lower. Public
services, such as education and health care, were available to children without a birth
certificate. [3n] (Section 6)
24.118 A Child Registration Certificate (CRC) should be issued to every Pakistani child aged 18
years or under and includes ...the minors name and registration number, date of birth,
place of birth, gender, and parents names and CNIC numbers. The Child is allotted
[the] same registration number when he/she applies for CNIC upon attaining 18 years of
age. It is the responsibility of every childs parents/guardians to get registered the
children under 18 years of age [sic]. (Report to UN Committee on the Rights of the
Child, 4 January 2008) [79b] (paragraph 174)
24.119 The National Database and Registration Authority (NADRA), accessed 16 November
2012, provided information on the procedure for obtaining a Child Registration
Certificate. NADRA noted that to obtain a CRC, no documents were required for child
applicants under the age of ten years, and a birth or school certificate was required for
children aged over ten years. [29s]
24.120 The SPARC Report 2011 noted that The National Database and Registration Authority
(NADRA) will include children with unknown parentage in its database under the names
of their guardians. In this regard, a senior NADRA official stated that registration of
children with unknown parents was essential as it was impossible for the authority to
ascertain the exact number of abandoned children in the country unless they were
registered in the NADRA database... [71b] (p16)
24.121 The Pakistan government Directorate General of Immigration and Passports website,
accessed 20 May 2013, noted that ordinary machine readable passports were issued to
Pakistani citizens aged under 18, providing the relevant documents were submitted on
application. [29a] (Ordinary passport)
24.122 The USSD Report 2012 cited that:
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Since 1979 the government has provided temporary protection to millions of refugees
from Afghanistan. According to the UNHCR, at years end an estimated 1.66 million
registered Afghan refugees remained in the country, while another 83,423 voluntarily
repatriated to Afghanistan. Two additional Voluntary Repatriation Centers became
operational in March in Bannu and Timergara in KP, but the government closed the
Bannu center in August due to security concerns. There were no credible estimates of
how many Afghans were undocumented or unregistered, but estimates put the number
at more than one million. The law states that anyone born in the country is a citizen.
However, the courts interpretation of this law was that the principle of birth in the
country could not be read in isolation and independently of the other sections of the act
concerning citizenship by descent in the case of the children of Afghan refugees. The
courts decided that due to the temporary nature of Afghans presence in the country,
the law would not apply to the Afghan population, and Afghan children therefore were
not granted Pakistani citizenship. Under the Secure Card for Afghan Citizens project,
the National Database and Registration Authority (NADRA) issued birth certificates to
776, 683 Afghan children below the age of 18, identifying them as Afghan citizens. [3n]
(Section 2d)
See also Citizenship and nationality, and Foreign refugees: Afghan refugees
Return to contents
Go to sources
25. Trafficking
Overview
25.01
The US Department of State Trafficking in Persons Report 2013 (USSD TIP Report
2012), published on 19 June 2013, noted in its section on Pakistan that the government:
... does not fully comply with the minimum standards for the elimination of human
trafficking; however, it is making significant efforts to do so. Despite these measures,
the government still showed insufficient political will and capacity to address trafficking
fully, as evidenced by ineffective law enforcement measures, the punishment of
trafficking victims, and limited efforts in trafficking prevention. Government officials
complicity in human trafficking was a persistent, serious problem. [3e]
25.03
270
The Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP) recorded in its State of Human
Rights in 2008 report (HRCP Report 2008), published 1 April 2009, that:
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At the beginning of the year, the federal ministry for human rights acknowledged the
seriousness of trafficking of young girls to the Gulf States by organised groups. These
groups posed as promoters of cultural events abroad and hired numerous girls from all
over the country, especially Lahore and Karachi, and usually took them to Dubai to
perform in dramas, musical events and other such affairs. However, these women could
be sold off for sexual purposes once they reached the destination. The girls were
sometimes as young as 10-11-year-old. A majority of the families, who became aware
of their girls fate, chose silence to avoid shame and disgrace, which made it harder to
identify and apprehend the culprits. [27a] (p126, Women: Trafficking of women)
25.04
The HRCP stated in its report, the State of Human Rights in 2009 (HRCP Report 2009),
published February 2010, that If newspaper reports are to be believed, the trafficking of
children for camel races in Dubai has been eliminated. The Punjab government
acquired land measuring 3.5 acres in RahimYar Khan to build a child protection institute
at a cost of Rs. [Rupees] 40 million. As many as 450 camel jockeys were said to have
been brought back to Rahim Yar Khan since 2005. [27c] (p75)
25.05
However, on 29 November 2010 UCA News reported that a survey undertaken by the
charity Caritas Pakistan suggested camel jockey trafficking continued. The report noted
...poor children in the country are increasingly vulnerable to exploitation and abuse as
camel jockeys and are in need of protection. Most of the children, aged six to nine
years, were smuggled as camel jockeys out of the country,... The survey indicated
...that the victims families are mostly poor laborers and farmers in southern Punjab and
Sindh provinces. [114a]
See also subsection: Assistance to victims of trafficking
In its Concluding observations on the fourth periodic report of Pakistan, dated 1 March
2013, the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women expressed
concern at reports ... indicating that children, in particular girls who are internally
trafficked are subject to bonded labour, domestic servitude and child marriages. It is
also concerned at the lack of statistical data and information about the extent of
womens and girls exploitation for the purpose of prostitution. [79g] (paragraph 23)
25.07
On the subject of internal trafficking, the USSD TIP Report 2013 noted that:
The countrys largest human trafficking problem is bonded labor, in which traffickers or
recruiters exploit an initial debt assumed by a worker as part of the terms of
employment, which sometimes persist through generations. Bonded labor is
concentrated in the Sindh and Punjab provinces, but also takes place in the Balochistan
and Khyber Paktunkhwa provinces, in agriculture and brick-making and to a lesser
extent in the mining, carpet-making, and fishing industries. In some cases, when
bonded laborers attempt to escape or seek legal redress, police return them to the
landowners and brick kiln owners who then hold laborers and their families, including
children, in chains in private jails. Boys and girls as young as five years old are bought,
sold, rented, or kidnapped and placed in organized begging rings, domestic servitude,
small shops and factories, and prostitution, according to child rights experts; NGOs
report that boys are particularly vulnerable to sex trafficking, particularly around hotels,
truck stops, bus stations, and shrines. Illegal labor agents charge high recruitment fees
to parents for giving work to their children, who are subsequently subjected to forced
labor and sometimes forced into prostitution. Trafficking experts describe a structured
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9 August 2013
system for forcing women and girls into prostitution, including the presence of physical
markets in which victims are offered for sale. [3e] (Pakistan)
See Section: Children: Violence against children and Child labour
Further information on internal trafficking can be found in the Aurat Foundation report
dated December 2012, Internal trafficking of women and girls in Pakistan A research
study. [57f]
Prosecution
25.08
25.09
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NGOs reported that government officials often detained, fined, or jailed trafficking
victims. For example, rural police were inclined to return runaway bonded laborers to
brick kiln and landowners on the grounds that they tried to avoid repayment of debts.
Undocumented foreign nationals were detained and charged under the penal code
regardless of whether they had been subjected to human trafficking. Authorities
detained returning Pakistani adults and boys, some of whom were trafficking victims, for
having left the country illegally. Victims of sex trafficking were often charged with
crimes, while their traffickers remained free. Various government-run jail-like facilities
that did not allow women to leave without a male relative or a court order, commonly
called womens shelters, were available to female trafficking victims; there were not
only reports of abuse and severe lack of freedom of movement in these centers, but
also allegations that staff and police sold some women unclaimed by their families to
men under the guise of marriage. Some child trafficking victims received shelter or other
protective services through broad child protection programs and centers offered by
provincial governments, although there was no information on how many victims were
assisted. [3e] (Pakistan: Protection)
25.11
25.12
With regards to the prevention of trafficking, the USSD TIP Report 2013 noted that:
The Pakistani government made only limited efforts to prevent human trafficking during
the year. The FIA reportedly placed anti-trafficking posters at airports and border
crossings to raise awareness of transnational trafficking. Many of the district vigilance
committees charged with curbing bonded labor and mandated by law continued to be
either inactive or ineffectual. Under the governments devolution process, which started
in 2010, labor regulation and other civil matters, as well as social service delivery, were
devolved from the central government to provincial jurisdictions, which often did not
have the financial resources and technical capacity to carry them out; this hampered the
governments overall efforts to effectively address forced labor and to provide protective
services to trafficking victims. There was no information on whether Pakistani forces
deployed to UN peacekeeping missions received training on combating human
trafficking prior to their deployment abroad. The governments efforts to reduce the
demand for commercial sex acts by arresting some clients of prostitution were mitigated
by the governments punishing of females in prostitution without ensuring that they were
not victims of trafficking. Pakistan is not a party to the 2000 UN TIP Protocol. [3e]
(Pakistan: Prevention)
25.13
The Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP) stated in its annual report, the
State of human rights 2010, published 14 April 2011, (HRCP Report 2010), that The SC
[Supreme Court] directed the authorities (June 11) to take immediate steps to stop the
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trafficking of children from Pakistan to Gulf states for employment as camel jockeys.
The court had taken suo motu notice of the inhuman practice. The court also ordered
immediate payment of compensation money to the children who had been used earlier
as camel kids. [27e] (p59)
Return to contents
Go to sources
IRIN reported on 17 May 2013 that Health care in Pakistan is identified as one of the
countrys most corrupt sectors, according to surveys by Transparency International;
general surveys suggest the majority of Pakistanis are unhappy with the health services
they are offered. IRIN cited a report published in The Lancet, which stated Pakistan
has no national health insurance system and 78 percent of the population pay health
care expenses themselves. It is the only country in the world without a National Health
Ministry. [41g]
26.02
26.03
The Human Rights Commission of Pakistan recorded in its annual report, the State of
Human Rights in 2011 (HRCP Report 2011), published March 2012, that In the fiscal
year 2010-2011, the health budget was as low as 0.23 percent of the federal budget,
the lowest in over ten years. Of that, 47 percent went unutilised by the end of the year
although there was no explanation of how this came to be. According to unofficial
sources, corruption in the health sector was the cause of much wastage. The same
source added that:
According to government statistics, there is one doctor for every 1,222 people in the
country, one dentist for 16,854 people, and one hospital bed to 1,701 people. According
to the Economic Survey of Pakistan 2010-2011, the target set for the national health
policy was to increase the number of doctors by 5,000, dentists by 450, and have
another 35,000 nurses, 5,500 paramedics and 500 traditional health attendants. For
rural areas, there were to be 14 new Rural Health Centres (RHCs), 40 new Basic Health
Units (BHUs) and the upgrade of 45 RHCs and 900 BHUs. [27g] (p226)
26.04
The Econmist Intelligence Unit (EIU) noted in its article Pakistan: Healthcare and
Pharmaceuticals Report, dated 1 April 2012 that The private sector has around 20,000
clinics, 520 hospitals, 300 maternity and child-health centres, 340 dispensaries and 450
diagnostic centres. The average private hospital has 30 beds. [2a]
26.05
The same source added The healthcare sector is undeveloped, with almost one-half of
the population lacking access to primary healthcare. Most people will continue to rely on
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Pakistan
traditional doctors for treatment. Healthcare will remain far more readily available in
urban areas, where the majority of doctors and hospitals are concentrated. Healthcare
in rural areas is often sought from hakims (traditional healers), who have little or no
formal medical training. [2a]
26.06
The website Medics Travel, accessed 9 May 2013, published a list of medical institutes
in Pakistan. [22] Further information on medical facilities in Islamabad and Rawalpindi is
provided by the US Embassy, Islamabad, accessed 10 August 2011. [56a]
26.07
The USSDs Consular Information Sheet on Pakistan, last updated 31 August 2012,
reported that:
Adequate basic non-emergency medical care is available in major Pakistani cities, but
is limited in rural areas. Facilities in the cities vary in level and range of services,
resources, and cleanliness... Effective emergency response to personal injury and
illness is virtually non-existent in Pakistan. Ambulances are few and are not necessarily
staffed by medical personnel... generic brands from well-known pharmaceuticals usually
are [available]. The quality of the locally-produced medications is uneven. [3j] (Medical
facitilies and health information)
26.08
The HRCP Report 2009 also provided basic information on the condition of some of
Pakistans hospitals. [27c] (p255)
26.09
The International Organization for Migration (IOM) recorded in its Information on Return
and Reintegration in the Countries of Origin (IRRICO) factsheet for Pakistan, updated 4
January 2010, that:
Various professional bodies in Pakistan are concerned with medical resources and
needs. They include the Pakistan Medical and Dental Council (PMDC), the Pakistan
Dental Association (PDA), and the College of Physicians and Surgeons (CPSP). In
addition, the National Institute of Cardiovascular Diseases (NICVD) was established to
meet the increasing demand for the diagnosis, management and prevention of
cardiovascular diseases, as well as to keep up to date with the rapid technological
advances in the field through research and development. Likewise, the implementation
of the National Programme for Family Planning and Primary Health Care is a timely and
much-needed response to the health care needs of the rural communities in the
country. The Shaukat Khanum Memorial Cancer Hospital & Research Centre
(SKMCH&RC) has been providing comprehensive care, free of charge, to thousands of
homeless cancer patients. Health care services across the country have visibly
increased. Basic Health Units (BHU), Rural Health Centres (RHC), and civil
dispensaries have been created in the remote rural areas to meet the health needs of
the local communities. In the cities, there are both state and private hospitals with
modern technologies to meet a variety of health needs. [85a]
26.10
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26.11
9 August 2013
26.12
The EIU noted on 8 April 2011 that the average cost of a routine check-up with a family
doctor, or a single xray at a doctors office or hospital, cost over 65 per cent of the
average Pakistanis monthy personable disposable income. [2a]
The same source added that Pakistan continues to lag behind in the provision of critical
care medicine which could be provided by private hospitals. This includes the treatment
of asthma attacks, severe infections, complicated deliveries, road traffic accidents and
many other conditions that can cause the death of otherwise healthy persons within a
few hours... [27a] (p173, Health: Critical care)
26.15
Pakistans Ministry of Health (accessed via the World Health Organization) provided a
National Essential Drugs List, 2003 Third Edition. [29m] The International Organization
for Migrations Return and Reintegration in the Countries of Origin (IOM IRRICO)
factsheet for Pakistan, updated 4 January 2010, stated that the list was ... of essential
drugs (as defined by the World Health Organisation) that satisfies the health care needs
of the majority of the population. It is approved by the government with the aim that all
the medications listed should be available at all times in adequate dosage in hospitals,
clinics and pharmacies. [85a]
26.16
The website PakMediNet, accessed 27 June 2013, also provides a database of drugs
available in Pakistan. [97]
26.17
The HRCP Report 2009 stated It was a common experience that from time to time
some essential drugs were in short supply in the market thereby putting the lives of
patients in jeopardy. [27c] (p260)
26.18
Correspondence to the UK Border Agency, dated 13 October 2008, from UNHCR via
their partner agency SACH (Struggle for Change) stated that:
Foreign patients are not entitled for [sic] free medicines/consultation/tests/medication
etc [in Pakistan]. National laws do not give any indication or provision to provide free
treatment to foreign patients.
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Free services are available to residents of Pakistan who either possess the Zakat form
attested from the area counselor or to government employees. Other categories of
Pakistan nationals have to bear medicine cost, not available in hospital, and surgical
item cost. Vaccination and family planning measures are available to all free of cost.
Basic Health units and central health units provid[e] free of cost treatment for minor
ailment[s], and free obstetric care is provided to Pakistan nationals and to Afghan
nationals in North West Frontier Province of Pakistan.
[The] North West Frontier provincial government hospitals do entertain Afghan
nationals for health care in their government hospitals but [most have] to pay for
medicines and surgical items. [40a]
See also Sections: Womens health, and Children: Health and welfare
Return to contents
Go to sources
The Society for the Protection of the Rights of the Child (SPARC) noted in its report
The State of Pakistans Children 2012 (SPARC Report 2012), published May 2013,
that, according to UNAIDS, there are an estimated 96,000 people living with HIV in
Pakistan, with an increasing prevalence among Injected Drug Users (IDUs) and
commercial sex workers. [71a] (p110)
26.20
The same source added There are seven centers for the Prevention of Parent to Child
Transmission of HIV (PPTCT): two each in Lahore and Karachi, and one each in
Islamabade, Peshawar and Quetta. They provide diagnosis, free antiretroviral treatment
(ARV), and counseling, as well as referral services for mothers with HIV. [71a] (p111)
26.21
The SPARC Report 2011 stated that, in 2011, ... the first ever Family Care Center for
HIV/AIDS patients of Pakistan was established in the Hayatabad Medical Complex in
Peshawar... The center will cater to the needs of all HIV patients with a special focus on
the treatment of women and children. [71b] (p111)
See also Women: Womens health and Children: Health and welfare
26.22
The US Department of State Country Report on Human Rights Practices 2012 (USSD
Report 2012), published 19 April 2013, reported that:
Societal attitudes toward HIV-positive individuals were changing, but social
discrimination continued. Cases of discrimination often went unreported due to the
stigma faced by HIV/AIDS patients. In addition to operating treatment centers, the
National Aids Control Program held rallies and public campaigns and spoke in mosques
about birth control and AIDS awareness. The Ministry of Health established 13 HIV
treatment and care centers nationwide, which provided comprehensive HIV care
services. [3n] (Section 6)
26.23
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From being prevalent amongst injectable drug users and sex workers, the disease has
spread to the rest of the population, to women and children, from transfusion. Data
suggests that most of the infected population is younger than 25. There is still a lot of
misinformation and social stigma attached to the immune system disorder which is
considered to be a disease affecting homosexuals or those leading promiscuous lives.
This keeps the disease under the wraps and the general misconception is that it is
transmitted through touch exposes patients to social problems. [27g] (p235)
Tuberculosis
26.24
Cancer treatment
26.25
26.26
On 2 December 2005, the Aga Khan Development Network issued a press release
which stated that:
His Highness the Aga Khan, Chairman of the Aga Khan Development Network (AKDN)
and Chancellor of Aga Khan University (AKU) today inaugurated the US $8.4 million Ibn
Zuhr Building for Oncology Services at AKUs Karachi campus. The buildingis a
comprehensive cancer centre with state-of-the-art equipment, offering a wide range of
facilities such as screening, diagnostic and treatment services, including high quality
nuclear imaging, chemotherapy, radiation therapy, surgical oncology services, and
cancer research facilities all under one roof. The new addition to the 654-bed Aga
Khan University Hospital (AKUH) in Karachi is the first of its kind in Sindh and will
provide a much needed service in a country where five to ten percent of the population
could suffer from cancer in their lifetime. At AKUH alone, approximately 12,000 patients
are diagnosed with cancer each year. The Chancellor also expressed satisfaction that
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services provided at the Ibn Zuhr Building will be accessible to those who cannot afford
the full cost of their treatment, through the support of the University Hospitals Patient
Welfare Programme. [47]
26.27
26.28
In an article dated 30 July 2007 on hospice and palliative care in Pakistan, the Daily
Times reported that There are no hospice at home programme[s] or palliative care
unit[s] in the true sense in the Govt hospitals. There are [a] few NGO/Charitable
organisations running cancer care centers and convalescent homes, but they too lack
the palliative care support essence. In general most of the doctors and nurses lack
specialized training in cancer pain management. [55d]
26.29
The Child Aid Association (CAA), accessed 26 june 2013, a voluntary organisation
working within the oncology department at the NICH [National Institute for Child Health],
provided free medicines, support and specialist care to underprivileged child cancer
patients. [81a]
26.30
An article in the International Network for Cancer Treatment and Research (INCTR)
newsletter of winter 2003/4 stated, with regard to the availability of cancer treatment in
Pakistan, that:
Facilities for treatment of cancer patients are available in a few larger cities in both
public and private hospitals. There are 18 radiotherapy centers with 65 practicing
radiation oncologists; the quality of these centers is extremely variable depending on
the expertise of the physician and available equipment. There are only 15 medical
oncologists practicing in major cities. State-of-the-art surgical oncology is practiced in
only a few hospitals, and as a result, the majority of patients undergo sub-optimal
surgery. In Pakistan, profound differences exist with respect to the availability of medical
care to different segments of the population. Good quality hospital care is available to
the affluent class, either from a small number of excellent public sector hospitals, or
from the private sector. The less affluent classes are provided free services in the
government hospitals but again, the quality of these services is extremely variable,
depending on the available resources and trained personnel. The financial burden of
treatment is borne by the patients, which makes it difficult for the poor to receive stateof-the-art treatment. They are supported by monetary donations from individuals as well
as government funds and Zakat, a tax that the more wealthy Muslims pay specifically to
help the poor. These contributions tend to be insufficient and erratic. Clearly these
resources are inadequate to deal with the ever increasing economic burden of cancer
patients. It is estimated that fewer than 30% of patients receive the minimal
recommended treatment for their disease. [73]
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Go to sources
Kidney dialysis
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Pakistan
26.31
9 August 2013
The Noor Foundation UK, accessed 10 June 2013, stated that it:
... currently has twenty state of the art Kidney dialysis centres located along the length
and breadth of Pakistan. We currently have centres in all five provinces, from Sindh and
Balochistan provinces in the south, to Punjab, Azad Kashmir and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa
Province which borders Afghanistan and China.
All our centres are housed in government hospitals and are managed on a day to day
basis by our two sister NGO's in Pakistan, The Anjuman Felaho Behbood Insaniat (The
Society for the betterment of humanity), and The Noor Foundation Pakistan. [48]
Return to contents
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Mental health
26.32
Dawn reported on 23 September 2012 that ... after the 18th constitutional amendment
was passed in April 2010, the provision of psychiatric healthcare was devolved from the
federation to the provinces in Pakistan. This constitutional amendment in effect
abrogated the 2001 Mental Health Act which had been premised on federal (and not
provincial) psychiatric regulatory institutions. At present, in practice there is no law
which protects mentally disordered patients in Pakistan. The report noted that the
government of Sindh was considering the Sindh Mental Health Bill of 2012. [42d]
26.33
26.34
The New Statesman reported in an article dated 22 October 2008 90% of mental
healthcare in Pakistan is private... On average, it costs between 600-1500 rupees to
see a psychiatrist - half the salary of a low-paid worker... there are just 4000 5000
beds in psychiatric wards, serving a population of well over 160 million. [93a]
26.35
26.36
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According to the head of the institute [Institute of Psychiatry, Rawalpindi] neither the
federal nor the provincial government gave any attention to the provision of health
facilities to a large section of the countrys population suffering from mental disorders
and problems. A glaring example of the governments apathy in the matter was the
construction of a new block of the institute on self-help basis. The institute published a
brochure titled Mental Health in Need of Your Wealth to collect funds from the public.
The institute, which was established in 1973, is providing mental health facilities to a
large number of people, with patients coming from all four provinces of Pakistan. [27c]
(p255)
26.37
26.38
The World Health Organisations Mental Health Atlas 2005 for Pakistan stated that:
The primary sources of mental health financing in descending order are out of pocket
expenditure by the patient or family, tax based, social insurance and private insurances.
The country has disability benefits for persons with mental disorders. Disability benefit is
paid to individuals who are not able to work due to mental illness. Mental health is a part
of primary health care system. Actual treatment of severe mental disorders is available
at the primary level. The programme has initially started in Punjab, the largest province,
in 1985 and is being extended to others over the years.
There are many residential and day-care facilities, especially for people with learning
disabilities providing social, vocational and educational activities. Regular training of
primary care professionals is carried out in the field of mental health. Training
programmes have started in the province of Punjab as a part of in-service training for
primary care personnel. Till now, approximately 2000 primary care physicians and 42
000 primary care workers have been trained. Community activists from NGOs (e.g.
National Rural Support Programme (NRSP) are also being trained. Though there are
training programmes for physicians, nurses and psychologists, there are no such
facilities for social workers. Mental health training has been included in the programme
of the District Health Development Centres.
The Institute of Psychiatry Rawalpindi Medical College was the first WHO collaborating
Centre-EMR and is acting as a resource centre at national and regional level for
training, services information system and research. Multiple training manuals for primary
health care physicians, paramedics, community workers and teachers have been
developed. In an additional training package on counselling skills for health
professionals, a package for rehabilitation of mentally ill has been developed There
are community care facilities for patients with mental disorders. ..More than 78 junior
psychiatrists have been trained in community mental health to act as resource persons
in the development of programmes in their areas. The National Steering Committee
evaluates the quality of care delivery on a regular basis. [14b]
26.39
On health services for specific groups, including women and children, the report
observed that:
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9 August 2013
The country has specific programmes for mental health for refugees and children.
NGOs are involved in service provision and advocacy for the above groups. Afghan
refugees are being provided services by international organizations. There are also
facilities for women and victims of torture. There are some facilities for children in the
larger hospitals and regional hospitals, but the most parts of the country have no
facilities for child and adolescent psychiatry. There are many residential and day care
facilities for people with learning disabilities, especially in big cities. There is a school
mental health programme and it aims to develop awareness of mental health among
schoolchildren, schoolteachers and the community; to provide essential knowledge
about mental health to teachers so that they are able to impart that to the students and
are able to recognize and provide some counselling to the students for basic
psychological problems [14b]
26.40
The Mental Health Atlas listed the following therapeutic drugs as generally being
available at the primary health care level of the country: carbamazepine, phenobarbital,
chlorpromazine, diazepam, haloperidol; imipramine (is supplied instead of
amitriptylline); and procyclidine. [14b]
Return to contents
Go to sources
27.02
The Center for Research and Security Studies (CRSS) noted in its section on Conflict
Drivers, with regards to poverty in Pakistan, undated, that:
Pakistan faces extreme food insecurity, which puts individual security in danger posing
a threat to the security of the state, the region and ultimately the globe. According to
conservative estimates, 63 percent of the poor in Pakistan are in the category of
transitory poor. The rest of the 32 percent and five percent of the population
subsisting below the poverty line are chronic and extremely poor, respectively.
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Chronic and extremely poor are those households that are always below the poverty
line. Similarly, on the other side, 13 percent and 21 percent of the total non-poor (above
the poverty line) have been classified as transitory vulnerable and transitory nonpoor, respectively... With most of the countrys resources directed to debt-servicing, the
military and its ongoing campaigns against militants, very little is available to address
chronic poverty in Pakistan. [59c] (Poverty)
See also Economy, Security situation and Children: Health and welfare
Floods 2011/2012
27.03
The United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) reported
in its Situation Report No.6, Pakistan Monsoon 2012, dated 2 November 2012, that five
million people were affected by the recent monsoon rains in the flood-affected areas of
Balochistan, Punjab and Sindh. [125b]
27.04
The OCHA reported in its Situation Report No.1, Pakistan Monsoon 2011, dated 9
September 2011, that:
One year on from the devastating floods of 2010, Pakistan is again facing a rain-related
emergency. The spell of monsoon rains that started in the second week of August 2011,
evolved into a large-scale disaster, causing damage in various parts of the country.
Sindh, however, remains by far the worst affected province. Government sources put
the number of people affected to date at five million people mostly in the 22 out of 23
districts of Sindh province. To date, there are 199 confirmed deaths, according to the
Sindh Provincial Disaster Management Authority (PDMA). PDMA statistics show that
over 222,941 individuals have been displaced to 2,243 camps in the province. The
camps are housing people primarily in Government schools, buildings and makeshifttented settlements. Nearly a million houses have been damaged or destroyed while
thousands of livestock have also been lost. The loss of standing crops exceeds 1.59
million acres which further accentuates the vulnerability of the agrarian based
communities, many of whom are still trying to recover from the 2010 floods. Many cities
are flooded and the affected population is without access to electricity and essential
services for extended periods of time. [125a]
See also Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs)
Return to contents
Go to sources
The Human Rights Commission of Pakistan noted in its annual report, State of Human
Rights in 2012 (HRCP Report 2012), published March 2013, that:
The year 2012 witnessed frequent restrictions on the freedom of movement, both from
state and non-state actors. The restrictions imposed by the statewere mostly
continuation of past practices and institutional barriers, whichincluded banning of clerics
from entering particular cities during the Shiamourning month of Moharram, and the
customary reliance on the Exit ControlList. The usual difficulties faced in the issuance of
passports remained largelyunaddressed. An agreement for a new and relaxed visa
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28.03
The HRCP Report 2012 observed that the security situation and outbreaks of violence
in various cities and provinces restricted the safe passage of citizens across the
country. [27b] (p92-98)
See also Security situation: Sectarian violence
28.04
In respect of freedom of movement within the country, foreign travel, emigration, and
repatriation, the US Department of State Country Report on Human Rights Practices
2012 (USSD Report 2012), published 19 April 2013, noted that the law provides for
these rights, although the government limited them in practice. The report noted that
The law prohibits travel to Israel, and the country's passports include a statement that
they are valid for all countries except Israel. Government employees and students
must obtain no objection certificates from the government before traveling abroad.
This requirement rarely was enforced for students. [3n] (Section 2d)
28.05
284
The Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre (IDMC) reported on 12 June 2013 that:
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Counter-terrorism and counter-insurgency operations and violent clashes between nonstate armed groups continue to lead to major, rapid movements of internally displaced
people (IDPs) in Pakistans volatile north-west. Within the Federally Administered Tribal
Areas (FATA), Khyber and Kurram agencies are currently the worst-affected areas.
More than 415,000 people were newly displaced in 2012, and at least 131,000 more
have fled their homes since mid-March this year... There are now 1.1 million IDPs
registered as displaced by conflict in the north-west, and many more are unregistered in
the region and elsewhere...
An estimated five million people have been displaced by conflict, sectarian violence and
wide-spread human rights abuses in the north-west as a whole since 2004. Disasterinduced displacement has been even more extensive. Around 15 million people were
displaced across the country by three years of monsoon flooding between 2010 and
2012, and millions more by earthquakes and drought over the years... [84a]
29.02
The Human Rights Commission of Pakistan report, the State of Human Rights in 2012
(HRCP Report 2012), published March 2013, noted:
By UNHCR estimates, there were 757,996 internally displaced persons (163,102
families) in Pakistan on account of conflict as of December 31, 2012. According to
figures by Provincial Disaster Management Authority in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, in the
beginning of October, there were 623,832 displaced individuals in IDP camps and offcamp. The largest group (370,382) was from Khyber Agency. There were also 1,340
IDPs from Bajaur, 106,960 from Orakzai and 145,150 from Kurram region of FATA. The
overwhelming majority was staying with host communities or off-camps. Out of the total,
only 96,867 IDPs were staying in camps. The host areas / camps for the displaced were
located in Hangu, Kohat, Kurram, Peshawar and Nowshera. The off-camp displaced
families sought help and shelter from relatives in these cities while the more affluent
ones rented housing there. [27b] (p279)
29.03
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29.04
9 August 2013
Regarding IDPs in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and FATA, UNICEF noted in its Pakistan
Annual Report 2011, published 2012, that:
In Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, 97,935 vulnerable children (42 per cent girls) participated in
activities through community-based Child Protection Centres and Child-Friendly
Spaces.
A total of 322 Child Protection Committees were established with 6,700 members
(including 2,770 women) who reached out to 10,000 women and 78,433 vulnerable
children, including 23,160 girls.
Psychosocial support was provided to 11,600 children (including 3,480 girls) and 6,870
women. About 6,700 children (including 2,680 girls) and 4,560 adolescents (including
3,192 girls) benefited from catch-up classes and vocational skills training.
In the Federally Administered Tribal Areas, UNICEF supported the establishment of 85
community-based child protection committees. In total, 2,425 community
representatives of the committees and 51 child protection monitors were trained on
monitoring and referral systems.
The child protection section also established 50 Child Protection Centres and ChildFriendly Spaces delivered psychosocial services for 13,821 affected children (including
4,875 girls) and 4,439 women and trained 100 child protection facilitators to deliver lifeskills based education to 4,679 children (including 1,359 girls). [72c] (p44-45)
See also Children: Childcare and protection and Education
29.05
The USSD Report 2009 noted that Media reports from 2003 estimated that 1.5 million
Kashmiris displaced from Indian-held Kashmir had entered the country. The law entitles
Kashmiris to the same rights as full citizens. [3b] (Section 2d)
Return to contents
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The US Department of State Country Report on Human Rights Practices 2012 (USSD
Report 2012), published 19 April 2013, noted that Pakistan was:
... a party to neither the 1951 UN Convention relating to the Status of Refugees nor its
1967 Protocol. No legislation provides for asylum or refugee status. The country lacks a
legal and regulatory framework for the management of refugees and migration.
Although there is no legislation excluding asylum seekers and refugees from the
provisions of the law regarding illegal entry and stay or conferring legal status, the
government in most cases provided protection against the expulsion or involuntary
return of registered refugees to countries where their lives or freedom would be
threatened. The country cooperated with the UNHCR in protecting, assisting, and
voluntarily repatriating Afghan refugees. [3n] (Section 2d)
30.02
The US Committee for Refugees and Immigrants (USCRI) World Refugee Survey 2009
recorded that:
The Foreigners Act of 1946 (amended 2000) pertains to unregistered Afghans and nonAfghan asylum seekers and prescribes up to three years imprisonment and a fine for
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any who enter without valid travel documents. Pakistan is party, however, to the 1966
International Covenant on Civil and Political rights which, with few exceptions, allows
expulsion only by law and requires the Government to allow those it wishes to expel to
give reasons against doing so and to have competent authorities review their cases and
to have representatives in doing so. Pakistan is also signatory, without reservation, to
the 1984 Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment
or Punishment which prohibits refoulement of anyone where there is substantial risk that
they will be tortured. [80]
30.03
30.04
30.05
Afghan refugees
30.06
The Human Rights Commission of Pakistan report, the State of Human Rights in 2012
(HRCP Report 2012), published March 2013, noted:
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When the year ended, there were 1,637,740 registered Afghans in Pakistan.There had
been no new registration in 2012, with the exception of new birth registration, which was
an ongoing process. Of the 76 Afghan refugee camps in Pakistan that were planned or
managed by UNHCR, none was closed in 2012. These camps housed 544,484
registered Afghans in Pakistan, including 260,556 women. Well over half of the
campspopulation, 296,708 individuals to be precise, were younger than 18. [27b]
(p275-276)
30.07
30.08
On 2 July 2013, the United Nations welcomed the extension of refugee cards for
Afghans by the Pakistan government, which were due to expire on 30 June. The report
added that around 22,000 Afghan refugees had returned home from Pakistan so far this
year. [40b]
30.09
30.10
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voluntary. On the other hand, the International Organization for Migration reported that
harassment by local authorities, including police forces, increased during the year.
The government generally abstained from forcibly returning Afghans with PoR cards,
and during the year the UNHCR received reports of only five deportations of PoR card
holders, four of whom later returned to Pakistan. According to the UNHCR, the
government deported a total of 7,648 undocumented Afghan nationals (nonrefugees)
during the year, a decrease of 20 percent compared with the same period the previous
year. [3n] (Section 2d)
30.11
30.12
The same source added that Afghan nationals were regularly arrested under the
Foreigners Act for illegally staying in Pakistan and for not having valid travel documents.
Media reports suggested that over 1,500 had either been arrested or handed over to the
Afghan authorities after serving their sentence for their unauthorised presence in
Pakistan. [27a] (p199, Refugees: Jalozai)
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Go to sources
31.02
The Pakistan Citizenship Act, 1951, stated that Pakistan citizenship could be acquired:
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The National Database and Registration Authority (NADRA), website accessed 20 May
2013, noted that every genuine citizen of Pakistan aged 18 or above is eligible for a
Computerised National Identity Card (CNIC). To obtain a CNIC the applicant needs to
register at any NADRA Swift Registration Center (NSRC). The following documents are
required for the CNIC: birth certificate, educational certificates, and the national identity
cards of the applicants immediate/blood relatives. A citizenship certificate issued by the
Ministry of Interior is also required. [29g]
31.04
The Human Rights Commission of Pakistan noted in its report, State of Human Rights
in 2009 (HRCP Report 2009), published February 2010, that:
In November [2009], a three-member bench of the Supreme Court directed the National
Database and Registration Authority (NADRA) to formulate a policy for the registration
of Hindu couples, according to their religious customs, in order to enable them to get
computerised national identity cards. The court heard a suo motu case on the
application of a Hindu couple from RahimYar Khan regarding the problems the Hindu
community in Pakistan faced in acquiring identity cards. The SC [Supreme Court] also
asked the government to introduce legislation in this regard. [27c] (p42)
31.05
A Child Registration Certificate (CRC) should be issued to every Pakistani child aged 18
years or under and includes ...the minors name and registration number, date of birth,
place of birth, gender, and parents names and CNIC numbers. The Child is allotted
[the] same registration number when he/she applies for CNIC upon attaining 18 years of
age. It is the responsibility of every childs parents/guardians to get registered the
children under 18 years of age [sic]. (Report to UN Committee on the Rights of the
Child, 4 January 2008) [79b] (paragraph 174)
See also Children: Documentation and Freedom of religion: Voting rights, Passports
and ID cards and Hindus and Sikhs
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newspaper, The Nation, the current British Home Office Minister responsible for
Immigration stated that numerous applications for British visas presented by Pakistanis
are accompanied by false documents. The Consul General of the United States in
Pakistan stated that in July 2010, nearly 98% of applications for American visas made
by Pakistanis were refused because they were accompanied by false documents...
[12p]
32.02
32.03
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32.04
9 August 2013
32.05
32.06
The US Department of State Country Report on Human Rights Practices 2012 (USSD
Report 2012), published 19 April 2013, observed that the laws provide for the freedom
of movement within the country, foreign travel, emigration and repatriation but the
government limited these in practice. However:
The governments restrictions on access to certain areas of FATA [Federally
Administered Tribal Areas], KP [Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa], and Balochistan, often for
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33.03
With regards to a parent taking their child out of Pakistan, the Foreign and
Commonwealth Office (FCO) noted If a parent has custody of a child in Pakistan, he or
she automatically has the right to remove the child from the country as long as no
restrictions have been imposed on their travel by a guardian judge. No special
application needs to be made to remove the child, whether for a holiday or other
purpose. If any restrictions have been imposed the parent needs permission from the
court to leave the country with the child. [11j] (Custody issues)
33.04
The FCO noted in its Travel Advice for Pakistan, updated 25 March 2013, accessed 1
May 2013, on travelling with children, that A single parent or other adult who is not the
childs parent may need to provide documentary evidence of parental responsibility,
particularly if the child is of Pakistani origin, before the immigration authorities will allow
the child to leave the country. [11a] (Entry Requirements - Travelling with children)
33.05
The Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada (IRB) Research Directorate noted in a
response, dated 16 October 2003, regarding procedures taken by airport authorities
when a woman leaves the country with her children but without her husband, that:
The Director of AGHS Legal Aid Cell (ALAC), an all-women's law firm based in
Lahore..., provided the Research Directorate with information she obtained during
interviews with the Assistant Director of the Federal Investigation Agency (FIA) the
authority responsible for controlling exit and entry into Pakistan at the airports. The
Director, who is a lawyer and founding member of the Human Rights Commission of
Pakistan..., said that, according to the FIA, there are no obstacles facing a woman
leaving Pakistan with her children but not her husband, as long as she possesses valid
passports and visas... If the travel documents are valid, a woman does not require the
consent or permission of her husband, either in person, in writing or by telephone, to
leave the country on her own while with her children... This is the case whether the
children are endorsed on her passport or have their own passports... The Director also
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9 August 2013
noted that immigration officials do not intervene even when children are travelling alone
without either parent...
In the case where a divorce is pending or custody or guardianship of the children has
been filed, the Director relayed the following information:
The immigration authorities don't have any data or record of the guardian
courts or [of] any higher courts in Pakistan. The authorities only intervene when
any specific order from the court is made to authorities to stop the children from
going abroad. Such orders are entered in a register called [the] Involvement
Register which is kept at the concerned airports. In the absence of any order
from the competent courts, the authorities don't intervene...
Regarding whether airport authorities would be aware of a case in which a First
Information Report (FIR) has been lodged against the mother for kidnapping her own
children, the Director explained that:
[t]he authorities' only source through which to access such information is the
Interior Ministry. No police official is authorized to inform the immigration
authorities. In [the case where an] FIR is lodged against the mother, the police
officials inform the Interior Ministry which directs the authorities to include the
name of the mother in [the] Involvement Register, Check List, Black List or Exit
Control List (ECL) etc., or otherwise. ...
The Interior Ministry has control over the Exit Control List, so the name of such
woman or children can be included. The immigration authorities only enter the
name in the ECL by orders of [the] Interior Ministry. They don't have their own
control over the matter...
Corroborating the information above, a consular official at the High Commission for
Pakistan, in Ottawa, said that he was unaware of any restrictions a woman would face
or special consent she would need to produce to airport authorities when leaving the
country with only her children, as long as she possessed proper travel documents...
As well, the Sales Manager at the Pakistan International Airlines (PIA) office in Toronto
said in a telephone interview that a woman exiting Pakistan does not need to produce a
letter of consent from her husband to allow her to leave the country without her husband
though with her children... According to the Sales Manager, neither PIA, nor any of the
airport check points two levels of customs, passport control and security at the
departure gate would require her to produce a letter of consent from her husband for
her to leave the country with her children...
However, according to the US Department of State's Bureau of Consular Affairs
advisory on international parental child abduction claims,
[u]nder Pakistani family law, which is based on Islamic law, the father controls
virtually all aspects of his family's life. He decides where his wife and children
will live, how the children are to be educated and whether or where they may
travel. Courts rarely, if ever, give custody of children to a woman who is not a
Muslim, who will not raise the children as Muslims, does not plan to raise them
in Pakistan, or has remarried. In all probability, even if the mother wins custody,
the children would still need the father's permission to leave the country. ...
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If a foreign born mother were granted full custody of her child, the father has
the right to refuse to allow the mother and child to depart if the court order does
not specifically allow her to remove the children from Pakistan...
Commenting on the advisory above, the Director of ALAC stated the following:
The information given by the immigration authorities is correct in general.
However, courts have in some cases dealt with issues of custody in a manner
which has prejudiced the mother's right to custody and undermined her rights
as a parent as compared to the father. The State Department's report is
obviously based on judgments of Pakistani courts interpreting and applying
[judgments barring] mothers from leaving the country with the children. If the
immigration authorities receive an order from the court they have to comply,
and, in some such cases women have had difficulty leaving the country with
their children. Many of these women were foreign nationals, but even Pakistani
mothers, in some cases, have confronted such problems. I would say that a
problem of discrimination and unequal treatment does exist, but lies with the
interpretation of the law of guardianship and custody by a section of the
judiciary and not with laws or policies regarding exist or entry into Pakistan....
[12s]
33.06
The Asia Society Report by the Independent Commission on Pakistan Police Reform,
entitled Stabilizing Pakistan through Police Reform, (Asia Society Report), dated July
2012, stated The Personal Identification Secure Comparison and Evaluation System
(PISCES), which has been in place since 2002. As of May 2012, this system was being
replaced by an improved homegrown mechanism called the Integrated Border
Management System. PISCES maintains a database of all international travelers
entering or leaving Pakistan. [138a] (p100)
33.07
33.08
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9 August 2013
route, Torkham land route, Wagha Railway Station, Karachi seaport, Khokarapar
railway station, Ghassbandar seaport, Port Bin Qasim, Taftan land route and Sust land
route. The system is also being planned for Gwadar airport, Pasni airport, Turbat airport
and Gwadar seaport... PISCES has contributed a lot in identifying the high value
suspects especially involved in terrorism and human trafficking... [44a]
33.09
The Asia Society Report stated that the FIA oversaw immigration functions at each of
the 26 notified entry/exit points of the country, including 14 airports, eight land routes,
and four seaports. Throughout these points, which have an annual traffic of more than
eight million passengers, the FIA is responsible for preventing smuggling and human
trafficking. [138a] (p100)
33.10
The USSD Country Reports on Terrorism 2011, published 31July 2012, stated In
November, biometric screenings at land border crossings began on the Afghan and
Pakistani sides of the border. [3o] (Chapter 2.Country reports: South and Central
Asia Overview)
See also Section Freedom of Movement
Return to contents
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Passports
33.11
Ordinary Machine Readable passports (MRP) can be issued to all citizens of Pakistan.
In applying, applicants aged 18 or above should provide their original National Database
and Registration Authority (NADRA) ID card plus two photocopies; NOC [No Objection
Certificate] in case of a Government Servant; old passport (if issued) plus a photocopy;
and foreign passport, plus copies, for dual nationality holders only. (Government of
Pakistan, Ministry of Interior, Directorate General Immigration and Passports, undated,
accessed 20 May 2013) [29a] (Ordinary Passport)
33.12
The World Bank stated in its section Women, business and the law, Pakistan 2011,
accessed 28 June 2013, regarding passports and citizenship, that unmarried women
were able to apply for a passport in the same way as a man. The same source noted,
on travel and movement, that no restrictions could be located regarding unmarried
women travelling outside the country. [144a]
33.13
33.14
296
The IRB of Canada noted in its RIR dated 19 November 2007 that According to the
November 2007 edition of the Travel Information Manual (TIM), exit permits are not
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9 August 2013
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An email response from an official at the British High Commission in Islamabad, dated
30 January 2009, stated that, in theory, Pakistani passport holders would have their
passports stamped at all ports and legal border crossings when entering and exiting the
country. However, since corruption is a problem, it would be possible for an individual to
avoid having their passport stamped by, for example, paying a bribe to the relevant
official. The Foreign and Commonwealth Office (FCO) official further stated that, as far
as they were aware, and aside from the reasons stated above, there would be no
exceptions when a passport would not be stamped. [11c]
33.16
The Human Rights Commission of Pakistan report, the State of Human Rights in 2009,
(HRCP Report 2009), published February 2010, noted that According to the Federal
Minister for Religious Affairs, International Machine Readable (IMR) passports were
made mandatory for obtaining Hajj visas in 2009. Applications without Computerized
National Identity Cards (CNIC) and IMR passports were not entertained causing great
inconvenience to the pilgrims. [27c] (p120)
See also Freedom of Religion: Passport and ID cards, Arrest and detention legal
rights, and Corruption
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Go to sources
The website of Pakistans Ministry of Interior, accessed 20 May 2013, stated the
following regarding the Exit Control List (ECL):
1.
2.
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3.
4.
33.18
9 August 2013
Any person aggrieved by the order of Federal Government regarding placement
of his name on ECL, can under the law, file a Review Petition giving
justifications for review and also can seek a personal hearing with the
competent authority.
ECL is reviewed periodically to assess the need for further retention of a person
on ECL or otherwise. [29o] (Publications: Exit Control List)
33.19
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majority of the names, however, are of the politicians in opposition to the Government of
the day. [12l]
33.20
In an RIR dated 23 November 2005, the IRB noted that Although the Ministry of the
Interior maintains the ECL the National Accountability Bureau may recommend names
to be added to the list; judicial action is not required to add a name to the ECL, though
permission from the courts is required to remove a name from the ECL. There is no limit
to the amount of time a person's name remains on the list. [12g]
33.21
Continuing the subject of exit control in Pakistan, the IRB further noted in its RIR dated
19 November 2007 that A First Information Report (FIR) is the police report prepared
when an offence is committed. The Karachi-based lawyer explained that Pakistani
citizens who have an FIR registered against them can still leave Pakistan, and he added
that the lodging of [a] FIR by itself does not automatically stop a person from leaving
Pakistan. Many FIRs are baseless, bogus and lodged to harass ... opponents but
ultimately found frivolous and dismissed. [12l]
See also Section Arrest and detention Legal rights
Return to contents
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On 2 December 2008, the Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada (IRB) noted, in a
Response to Information Request (RIR), that:
United Press International (UPI) reported that in August 2002, Nasir Ali Mubarak, a
Pakistani man detained on immigration charges in the United States, who was married
to an American woman and who was deported to Pakistan, was detained for many
days at an unknown location. In April 2004, UPI reported that... detainees have been
arrested upon arrival by Pakistani immigration officials. However, according to 24 May
2005 correspondence from the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP), [f]ailed
Pakistani refugee claimants are not usually detained. [12h]
33.23
33.24
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The IRB further stated that There is no standard interview procedure employed by the
FIA when interviewing returning nationals, including those who are failed refugee
claimants... According to the barrister, No punitive measure is taken against failed
refugee claimant[s] unless FIA official[s] [are] able to find some lapse or default on the
part of [the] returning national['s] ... documentation.... [12i]
33.26
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34.02
The US Department of State Country Report on Human Rights Practices 2012 (USSD
Report 2012), published 19 April 2013, stated:
The minimum wage for unskilled workers was 8,000 rupees ($82) per month, except in
Punjab, were it was 9,000 rupees ($93) per month. Provincial governments minimum
wage boards set skilled and semiskilled sector minimum wages, which vary by province.
The governments 2011-12 Economic Survey considered the poverty line to be 3,389
rupees ($34.87) per month. Significant sectors of the workforce, including those in the
informal sector, domestic servants, and agricultural workers, were not covered by
minimum wage laws.
The law provides for a maximum workweek of 48 hours (54 hours for seasonal
factories) with rest periods during the workday and paid annual holidays. Additional
benefits required under the labor code include official government holidays, overtime
pay, annual and sick leave, health care, education for workers children, social security,
old age benefits, and a workers welfare fund.
These regulations do not apply to agricultural workers, workers in factories with fewer
than 10 employees, domestic workers, or contractors. In addition, such workers do not
have the right to access worker courts to seek redress of grievances and were
otherwise extremely vulnerable to exploitation. The inapplicability of many labor laws
and the lack of enforcement by the government gave employers in many sectors
relative impunity with regard to working conditions, treatment, work hours, and pay.
Provincial governments have primary responsibility for enforcing national labor
regulations. Enforcement was ineffective due to limited resources, corruption, and
inadequate regulatory structures. In Sindh provincial policies against surprise
inspections severely limited effective enforcement. In Punjab routine factory labor
inspections were replaced by a self-declaration system whereby factory owners post
declarations about workplace safety, health, and wage issues in their factories.
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Factories are then chosen at random for inspection, but declarations are not mandatory
and there are no penalties for not complying with the self-declaration policy. Balochistan
and KP continued to allow surprise inspections. Many workers remained unaware of
their rights, especially in the informal sectors. Given the serious restrictions on labor
inspections and the impact of limited resources and corruption, inspections and
concomitant penalties were insufficient to deter violations of labor laws.
Health and safety standards were poor in all sectors. There was a serious lack of
adherence to mine safety and health protocols. For example, many mines had only one
opening for entry, egress, and ventilation. Workers could not remove themselves from
dangerous working conditions without risking loss of employment. Informal sector
employees faced multiple precarious situations, particularly in less visible, informal
sectors such as domestic work. There were no official statistics on workplace fatalities
and accidents during the year, but on September 11, at least 24 people, including
children, were killed when a fire broke out at a shoe factory in Lahore, the same day a
fire killed approximately 300 in a factory in Karachi. [3n] (Section 7d)
34.03
The Human Rights Commission of Pakistan report, the State of Human Rights in 2012
(HRCP Report 2012), published March 2013, stated:
Most of the issues facing the workers in 2011 continued into 2012 with little positive
movement. In a dwindling economy, poor law and order, a debilitating energy crisis, and
failing public and private enterprises left thousands upon thousands unemployed. The
workers of recently privatised public industries and corporations protested against unfair
treatment. Workers of state-owned companies slated for privatisation vociferously
opposed any move towards that. [27b] (p198)
See also Children: Child labour
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Go to sources
The United States Agency for International Development (USAID) Land tenure and
property rights portal noted in its Country profile Pakistan, dated 21 September 2010,
that:
Squatting and land-grabbing are common in Pakistan. The lack of land available for
housing development and lease by individuals in growing urban areas has forced
migrants into informal settlements and squatting on vacant land. Pakistan is also home
to individuals and groups known as the Land Mafia who illegally take possession of land
or claim ownership of land and dispossess true owners through legal or extra-legal
means. The Illegal Dispossession Act of 2004 was passed in an effort to address the
problem but has had little effect to date. [75a] (Securing land rights)
35.02
302
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government similar to a county) by the tehsildar, the officer responsible for the collection
of land revenue and land administration. A Chief Settlement Oficer [sic] and the
provincial-level Board of Revenue are the appellate authorities within the revenue court
system. The revenue court system, which is designed to provide a specialized, local,
rapid resolution of disputes, has been criticized by landholders as time-consuming,
complex, and subject to corruption. Land administration offices do not publish
procedures for bringing a claim, documentation of land rights is often missing, land
records maintained by the local authorities are often incomplete or of questionable
validity, and land administration officials such as the patwari often do not appear to
provide evidence. Cases may take years to resolve.
Pakistans formal court system also has jurisdiction to hear land cases, creating a
parallel structure of courts. Land disputes are the most common form of dispute filed
with the formal court system, perhaps in part because filing a case may stay a pending
revenue court proceeding. Pakistans judiciary is hampered by low pay, poor training,
and a large volume of cases. Between 50% and 75% of cases brought before lowerlevel civil courts and the high courts are land-related disputes. By one estimate, over a
million land cases are pending countrywide. Major causes of land disputes are
inaccurate or fraudulent land records, erroneous boundary descriptions that create
overlapping claims, and multiple registrations to the same land by different parties.
Credible evidence of land rights is often nearly impossible to obtain. Land cases can
take between 4 and 10 years to resolve, with the party in possession of the land
delaying adjudication in order to prolong the period of beneficial use. Appeals are
assumed. [75a] (Land disputes and conflicts)
35.03
USAID added:
Inhabitants of Pakistans Tribal Area do not have access to the High Court and
Supreme Court except for constitutional claims and challenges. Land disputes are
handled by the traditional jirga: a round-table conference in which there are no leaders,
and participants are selected at the time of convening based on age, reliability, and
shrewdness. Decisions must be unanimous and the jirga can impose fines for wrongful
behavior. In Punjab and Sindh Provinces, local leaders and elected panchayat (local
governance body) members often hear and resolve land disputes. In most areas,
women are not permitted to participate in the jirga, and resolutions reached often
perpetuate existing biases against womens land ownership and control. [75a] (Land
disputes and conflicts)
35.04
On 10 February 2012, reporting on the rise of land disputes in Pakistan, Dawn quoted
an Islamabad property dealer as saying Many people have been eliminated over land
disputes and incidents of murder and kidnapping for land have become common,
putting a question mark on the efficiency of the law enforcement agencies,... The
report added:
According to sources, during the last five years as many as 2,000 FIRs [First
Information Reports] were registered over land disputes in 16 police stations of the
federal capital and most of the cases are under trial in the lower courts. An official of the
district courts requesting not to be named said: Over 30,000 cases are under trial at the
district level out of which 40 per cent (12,000) related to land disputes. On an average,
50 new cases are filed in the west circle and 35 in the east circle of the district courts
each day. [42c]
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35.05
On 24 July 2011 the Daily Times reported On one hand cost of property in capital is
running high and on other hand land mafia is in full boom for its vested interests causing
land disputes to reach considerably high while the persons involved in these cases are
hopeless as they see no hope of solution to these problems as it takes decades to
resolve. [55g]
35.06
35.07
35.08
The Refugee Documentation Centre quoted an article from The News on Sunday, Of
deeds and misdeeds, dated 8 April 2007, which stated:
Theoretically, a person who has been illegally dispossessed from his land has
remedies both under the civil law and the criminal law. Under the civil law, the remedies
available are provided under Sections 8 and 9 of the Specific Relief Act, 1877 and
under the criminal law, the remedies are available under the Illegal Dispossession Act,
2005, and Chapter XII of the Criminal Procedure Code, 1898.
Once a person is dispossessed illegally from his land, he shall first of all institute a
criminal case against his physical dispossession under the Illegal Dispossession Act.
The District and Sessions Court then has to decide on the matter of the physical
dispossession but not the ownership of the said property.
In case, which it usually is, the land grabbers have forged documents to show for the
property in question, the matter of illegal dispossession goes into the backburner and
the dispute has to be taken to the civil courts for a suite for declaration to decide who
the rightful owner of the land is, explains Barrister Asad Qayyum. According to Asad,
determining the title of property takes quite long and once the court goes into recording
the evidence it is difficult to resolve the matter in one lifetime. This, however, is not due
to a lack of supporting law or legislation, but because certain individuals are above the
system. (The News on Sunday (8 April 2007) Special Report). [146a]
35.09
304
The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) Eligibility guidelines for
assessing the international protection needs of members of religious minorities from
Pakistan, dated 14 May 2012, reported There are allegations of collusion between law
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Annex A
Chronology of major events
The BBCs Pakistan Profile: Timeline provided a chronology of key events from 1947 to the
present, updated 5 June 2013, accessed 11 July 2013. [35b]
The South Asia Terrorism Portal (SATP) Pakistan Timeline, from 1947 to the present, accessed
21 June 2013, also included terrorist-related incidents. [61c]
Return to contents
Go to sources
Annex B
Political organisations
Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP)
A mainstream party advocating Islamic socialism and democracy. (Europa World Online,
accessed 26 July 2011) [6] (Political organisations) Co-chaired by Pakistan Head of State,
President Asif Ali Zardari (widower of Benazir Bhutto), and their son, Bilawal Bhutto Zardari.
PPP member Yusuf Raza Gilani was nominated as Prime Minister following the 2008 elections.
The only party to have candidates in the National Assembly and in all four Provinicial
Assemblies; has formed governments at the centre and in Sindh and Balochistan provinces.
(Janes, updated 2 October 2012) [1a] (Internal affairs)
Pakistan Muslim League Nawaz (PML-N)
Founded in 1993 and led by Nawaz Sharif. Twice in power: from 1990 to 1993 and again from
1997 to 1999 before being overthrown in a bloodless coup by the then army chief, Pervez
Musharraf. Briefly in coalition with the PPP after the 2008 elections; currently in government in
Punjab province. (Janes, updated 2 October 2012) [1a] (Internal affairs)
Pakistan Muslim League Quaid-e-Azam (PML-Q)
Formed in 2001 with the support and intervention of the then military regime. Led by Chaudhry
Shujaat Hussain, the party became simply the Pakistan Muslim League following a split with
coalition partners in 2004, but is still popularly known as the PML-Q. (Janes, updated 2 October
2012) [1a] (Internal affairs)
Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM)
Led by Altaf Hussain and originally called the Mohajir Quami Movement, founded in 1984 and
renamed in 1997. Representing the interests of Muslim-Urdu speaking migrants (from India,
following partition), the MQM is the forth largest party in the National Assembly with 25 seats,
and part of a coalition government in Sindh with the PPP. (Janes, updated 2 October 2012)
[1a] (Internal affairs)
See also Ethnic groups: Formation of MQM
Awami National Party (ANP)
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Formed in 1986 and essentially a left-wing Pashtun nationalist party. Led by Asfandyar Wali
Khan, the ANP emerged triumphant in the 2008 elections as the largest party in the NWFP
(Khyber Pakhtunkhwa) Assembly, won seats in Sindh and Balochistan as well as the National
Assembly. The ANP has attempted to maintain dialogue with the militants although this has
become less successful following the increase in militant activity since May 2008. (Janes,
updated 2 October 2012) [1a] (Internal affairs)
Muttahida Majlis-e-Amal (MMA) (United Action Front)
A coalition of disparate Islamic parties including Jamaat-e-Islami (JI) - Qazi Hussain Ahmad
(Deobandi), Jamiat-e-Ulema Pakistan (JUP) (Barelvi), Jamiat-e-Ulema Islam - Fazal-ur-Rehman
(JUI-F) (Deobandi), Jamiat-e-Ulema Islam - Samiul Haq (JUI-S) (Deobandi), Islami Tehreek (or
Tehrik) Pakistan (Shia) and Jamiat Ehla-e-Hadith (Ahl-e-Hadith). However, this coalition
disintegrated in the run-up to the 2008 elections as the JI boycotted them, and the JUI-F
contested them albeit under the MMA banner, winning seven seats in the National Assembly
and 14 in the NWFP. (Janes, updated 2 October 2012) [1a] (Internal affairs)
Return to contents
Go to sources
Jamaat-e-Islami (JI)
A religious-based political party founded in 1941, which decrees Islam as ... a complete system
of politics, economics and culture. Opposed to the West, the JI believes sharia (Islamic law)
regulations should govern all aspects of life and advocates jihad to achieve an Islamic state.
(Janes, updated 2 October 2012) [1a] (Internal affairs)
Jamiat-e-Ulema Islam (JUI)
The JUI is split into two factions, led by Maulana Fazal ur-Rehman (JUI-F) and Maulana Samiul
Haq (JUI-S). (Europa World Online, accessed 26 July 2011) [6] (Political organisations) An
extensive network of madrassas that train most of the leadership and much of the rank and file
of the Taliban continues to be run by the JUI. Despite extremist rhetoric, Rehman, remains an
important link between the MMA and government, currently a member of the broad ruling
coalition holding three cabinet posts. (Janes, updated 2 October 2012) [1a] (Internal affairs)
Jamiat-e-Ulema Pakistan (JUP)
Founded in 1948/49 advocating Sufi-influenced, Sunni Islamic principles with largely Mohajir
support. The JUP boycotted the 2008 elections and has little popular support or organisational
ability. (Europa World Online, accessed 26 July 2011) [6] (Political organisations) (Janes,
updated 2 October 2012) [1a] (Internal affairs)
All Pakistan Muslim League (APML)
The new party of former President Pervez Musharraf, established on 1 October 2010 in London
and expected to contest the 2013 parliamentary elections. (Janes, updated 2 October 2012)
[1a] (Internal affairs)
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Return to contents
Go to sources
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Annex C
Militant groups
In its Issues Paper Pakistan Militant Groups, dated January 2013, the Australian Government
Refugee Review Tribunal (RRT) provided background information on some of Pakistans main
militant groups, as well as the Afghan Taliban and Haqqani Network based in Pakistan. [134d]
Hizb-ul-Mujahideen (HM)
Founded in 1989 and led by Syed Salahuddin, alias Maulvi Yousuf Shah, HM is the militant
wing of the Jamaat-e-Islami political party in Pakistan and one of the most active militant groups
in Indian-administered Kashmir (IAK). Salahuddin is based in Muzaffarbad in Pakistan
administered Kashmir. (Janes, updated 19 April 2012) [1a] (Non-state armed groups)
Harakat-ul-Mujahideen (HuM) (Movement of Holy Warriors)
A militant Islamist group founded in 1985 and formerly known as Harakat-ul-Ansar (HuA), the
HuM, until 1999, was one of the largest and most dangerous Pakistan-based jihadist groups
fighting in the IAK. Since then it has lost manpower and is much less active. Unconfirmed
reports suggest the HuM may be regrouping. The US Department of State identifies Maulana
Sadaatullah Khan as HuMs leader. (Janes, updated 19 April 2012) [1a] (Non-state armed
groups)
Jesh-e-Mohammadi/Jaish-e-Mohammed (JeM) (Army of the Prophet Mohammad)
Founded in December 1999 by Maulana Masood Azhar, JeM is an active militant Islamist group
posing a major terrorist threat to India and Pakistan, and to Western targets within those
countries. Sometimes referred to as Jaish-e-Mohammed-e-Tanzeem, JeM also goes under the
aliases Khuddam-ul-Islam, Khudamul Islam and Kuddam e Islami. (Janes, updated 19 April
2012) [1a] (Non-state armed groups) (South Asia Terrorism Portal, Pakistan Terrorist and
Extremist Groups, accessed 21 June 2013) [61e]
Lashkar-e-Tayyiba/Toiba (LeT) (Army of the Pure)
Founded in 1989, the LeT (banned in Pakistan in 2002) is one of the most active and best
known Kashmiri militant groups. The Jamaat-ud-Dawa (JuD), classified as a terrorist
organisation by the UN Security Council, is considered to be a front for the LeT. (Janes,
updated 19 April 2012) [1a] (Non-state armed groups)
Return to contents
Go to sources
Sectarian groups
Soldiers of the Companions of the Prophet (Sipah-e-Sahaba Pakistan: SSP)
Founded in the early 1980s and banned by Pakistan in 2002, the SSP was renamed Millat-eIslamia Pakistan (MIP) in April 2003, and Ahle Sunnat wa Aljamaat Pakistan (The Sunni Party:
ASWJP) in June 2008. A radical Sunni group, the SSP is no longer a significant force in
Pakistan but is associated with the LeJ, and individuals and small groups still pose a threat to
Shias and Christians. The current SSP leader is Mullah Muhammad Ahmed Ludhianvi. (Janes,
updated 19 April 2012) [1a] (Non-state armed groups)
See also Punjabi Taliban below
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Seccessionist groups
Balochi insurgents:
Baloch Liberation Army (BLA), Balochistan Republican Army (BRA), Baloch People's
Liberation Front (BPLF), Baloch Students' Organisation-Awami (BSO-A) and Popular
Front for Armed Resistance (PFAR).
Active political groups fighting for Balochistan independence but posing no direct threat to the
Pakistan government. However, attacks on public transport, fuel facilities and security forces
make travel through Balochistan and Sindh provinces extremely dangerous for foreigners. A
long-standing feud between the Bugti and Marri tribes, led by fierce nationalists Nawab Sardar
Brahamdagh Khan Bugti and Khair Bux Marri, respectively, is a major cause of disruption in the
Balochistan province. (Janes, updated 19 April 2012) [1a] (Non-state armed groups)
Return to contents
Go to sources
Other domestic groups:
Lashkar-eJhangvi (LeJ)
Lashkar-e-Jhangvi (LeJ), a Sunni-Deobandi terrorist outfit was formed in 1996 by a break away
group of radical sectarian extremists of the Sipah-e-Sahaba Pakistan (SSP), a Sunni extremist
outfit, which accused the parent organisation of deviating from the ideals of its slain co- founder,
Maulana Haq Nawaz Jhangvi. It is from Maulana Jhangvi that the LeJ derives its name. It was
formed under the leadership of Akram Lahori and Riaz Basra. The LeJ is one of the two
sectarian terrorist outfits proscribed on August 14, 2001, by President Pervez Musharraf. (South
Asia Terrorism Portal SATP, undated, date accessed 21 June 2013) [61e]
The Human Rights Commission of Pakistan stated in its report, the State of human rights in
2010 (HRCP Report 2010), published 14 April 2011, that Media reports cited a report by Punjab
Crime Investigation Department that the outlawed Lashkar-e-Jhangvi (LJ) now had two
splinters: Jhangvi Fidayi Forces and Sunni Fidayi Forces. The reports said that the intelligence
agencies had alerted the government to the activities of the LJ in some seminaries located in
the southern districts of Punjab, especially Jhang. [27e] (p173)
See also Punjabi Taliban below
Lashkar-e-Omar (LeO)
Tehreek-e-Jaferia Pakistan (TJP)
Jamaat-ul-Fuqra
Nadeem Commando
Popular Front for Armed Resistance
Muslim United Army
Harkat-ul-Mujahideen Al-alami(HuMA)
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(South Asia Terrorism Portal, Pakistan Terrorist and Extremist Groups, accessed 21 June 2013)
[61e]
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Annex D
Prominent people
President
Prime Minister
The Pakistan government website, accessed 8 July 2013, provided a list of Ministries and
Divisions, which included the relevant Federal Ministers. [29]
Bhutto, Benazir
Prime Minister of Pakistan from 1988 to 1990, and from 1993 to 1996. Killed in a bomb attack
on 27 December 2007 as she was leaving an election rally in Rawalpindi. (BBC News, 27
December 2007) [35d]
Bhutto, Bilawal Zardari
Son of Benazir Bhutto and Asif Ali Zardari, he was appointed chairman of the Pakistan Peoples
Party (PPP) after his mothers death in late December 2007. However, his father and cochairman of the PPP, Asif Ali Zardari, effectively ran the party. (Daily Times, 31 December
2007) [55e]
Hussain, Altaf
Leader of the Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM) and currently living in exile in London where
he fled to in 1992. He is now a UK citizen but continues to run the MQM. (Elections.com,
accessed 4 June 2013) [39b]
See also Ethnic groups: Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM)
Musharraf, Pervez
(Former president and army chief Gen) (r). Now living in self-imposed exile in London. On 1
October 2010 he announced another faction of PML, called the All Pakistan Muslim League. He
said the party would take part in the 2013 general elections. Musharraf said he feared Pakistan
could break up without a change in leadership and apologised for the mistakes made during
his regime. (HRCP Report 2010, 14 April 2011) [27e] (p192)
312
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Annex E
Glossary of local terms for tribal customs
As quoted from the Aurat Foundation Annual Report 2010 [57b]
Kala-kali
Balochi and Seraiki term literally meaning disreputable man-disreputable woman (who have
brought disgrace to the family or clan), a crime that allows culturally condoned killing in the
name of honor of a man or woman charged with an illicit relationship.
Karo-kari
Sindhi term literally meaning disreputable man-disreputable woman (who have brought disgrace
to the family or clan), a crime that allows culturally condoned killing in the name of honor of a
man or woman charged with an illicit relationship.
Ghairat
Loosely translated as honor but is considered a chivalrous adherence to tradition and culture in
the context of social relations.
Jirga
An assembly of male elders, usually tribal, who make decisions regarding social issues; an
informal body for resolving disputes. The term is Pushto but the practice exists across Pakistan.
Jirgas were banned by the Sindh High Court but they continue to function. They are dominated
by influential members of the community who are usually conservative and patriarchal.
Decisions taken by them are known to be anti-women.
Swara
A Pashto word denoting a child marriage custom in tribal areas of Pakistan and Afghanistan.
This custom is tied to blood feuds between different tribes and clans where young girls are
forcibly married to members of the enemy clan in order to compensate for a crime committed
against a member of that clan (always by a male) and to end a feud.
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Vanni
A child marriage custom in tribal areas of Pakistan, also widely prevalent in Punjab. This
custom is tied to blood feuds among the different tribes and clans where young girls are forcibly
married to members of opposing clans in order to resolve feuds or compensate for a crime.
Vanni can be avoided if the girls clan agrees to pay blood money, called Diyat ( ) .
Otherwise the young bride may be forced to spend her life paying for a crime committed by her
male relatives.
Watta Satta
A tribal custom in Pakistan of exchanging brides between two families. Both families must have
a daughter and a son, and be willing to betroth them to the daughter and son of the other family.
That is to say, in order for a family to marry off a son to a daughter of another family, it must
have a daughter to marry off in return to the same family.
Return to contents
Go to sources
Annex F
List of abbreviations
AI
CEDAW
CPJ
FCO
FH
GDP
HIV/AIDS
HRW
IAG
ICG
ICRC
IDP
IFRC
IMF
IOM
MSF
NATO
NGO
OCHA
ODPR
OHCHR
RSF
STD
STC
314
Amnesty International
Committee on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against
Women
Committee to Protect Journalists
Foreign and Commonwealth Office (UK)
Freedom House
Gross Domestic Product
Human Immunodeficiency Virus/Acquired Immunodeficiency Syndrome
Human Rights Watch
Illegal Armed Group
International Crisis Group
International Committee for Red Cross
Internally Displaced Person
International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies
International Monetary Fund
International Organization for Migration
Mdecins sans Frontires
North Atlantic Treaty Organisation
Non Governmental Organisation
Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs
Office for Displaced Persons and Refugees
Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights
Reporters sans Frontires
Sexually Transmitted Disease
Save The Children
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9 August 2013
TB
TI
UN
UNAIDS
UNESCO
UNHCHR
UNHCR
UNICEF
UNODC
USAID
USSD
WFP
WHO
Pakistan
Tuberculosis
Transparency International
United Nations
Joint United Nations Programme on HIV/AIDS
United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization
United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights
United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees
United Nations Childrens Fund
United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime
United States Agency for International Development
United States State Department
World Food Programme
World Health Organization
Return to contents
Go to sources
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Annex G
References to source material numerical
The Home Office is not responsible for the content of external websites.
1
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2
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3
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9 August 2013
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Freedom on the Net 2012, 7 September 2012
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Freedom in the World 2012 Pakistan, 22 August 2012, accessed via
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318
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29
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3
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The National Accountability Bureau
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9 August 2013
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31
32
a
33
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a
Elections.com http://www.elections.com.pk/
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40
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b
Pakistan
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a
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a
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Annual Report 2012, published March 2012
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Annual Report 2013, published April 2013
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Asia News http://www.asianews.it/index.php?l=en&size=A
New apostasy bill to impose death on anyone who leaves Islam, 9 May
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Date accessed 17 June 2013
Christian students in Pakistan are victims of violence and discrimination, 10 July 2010
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Daily Times www.dailytimes.com.pk
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Govt committed to preserving minorities rights, 11 August 2010
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Date accessed 2 March 2011
Analysis: Armys peace lashkar Farhat Taj, 22 October 2011
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Date accessed 12 March 2012
Hospice and palliative care, 30 July 2007
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Bilawal appointed PPP chairman, Zardari co-chairman: PPP wants polls on Jan 8:
Zardari, 31 December 2007
http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/default.asp?date=12%2F31%2F2007 Date accessed 7
December 2010
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9 August 2013
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Balochistan Assessment 2013, covering 2012 events
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Date accessed 24 June 2013
FATA Assessment 2013, covering 2012 events
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Date accessed 24 June 2013
Balochistan Assessment 2010, covering 2009 events
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Date accessed 24 June 2013
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Date accessed 24 June 2013
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Date accessed 15 May 2012
Major incidents of Terrorism-related violence in Pakistan 2013, undated
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Date accessed 24 June 2013
Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Assessment 2013, covering 2012 events
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Date accessed 8 July 2013
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65
a
Sahil http://www.sahil.org
Cruel Numbers 2012, undated
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Date accessed 24 June 2013
66
a
67
a
68
Madadgaar http://www.madadgaar.org/
Welcome to Madadgaar, undated
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Date accessed 24 June 2013
69
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d
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b
Pakistan
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Date accessed 16 March 2012
Juvenile Justice, undated
http://www.sparcpk.org/PA-JJ%20-%20NL.html
Date accessed 16 March 2012
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Overview, undated http://www.unicef.org/pakistan/overview.html
Date accessed 24 August 2011
National Report 2012: Pakistan, Situation Analysis of children and women in Pakistan,
June 2013, accessed via
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Date accessed 26 June 2013
Pakistan Annual Report 2011, undated
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Date accessed 30 October 2012
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Countries and their cultures, Pakistan, undated http://www.everyculture.com/NoSa/Pakistan.html
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a
96
a
Oanda http://www.oanda.com/
Currency Converter http://www.oanda.com/currency/classic-converter
Date accessed 27 June 2013
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Pakistans Largest Medical Information Gateway http://www.pakmedinet.com/
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Human Rights http://www.hazara.net/human-rights/
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Writenet
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Date accessed 17 February 2012
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Rozan http://rozan.org/
Program, undated
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122
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http://www.onepakistan.com/news/national/30468-Conviction-absentia-law-declaredvoid.html
Date accessed 7 June 2011
123
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127
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128
a
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Report by Tahir Andrabi, Pomona College, Jishnu Das, The World Bank and Asim
Ijaz Khwaja, Harvard University
The Rise of Private Schooling in Pakistan: Catering to the Urban Elite or Educating the
Rural Poor?, 21 March 2002
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345
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130
a
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a
Bedari http://www.bedari.org.pk/index.php
Programs: Crisis Intervention Program, undated http://www.bedari.org.pk/cip.php
Date accessed 3 June 2013
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134
135
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NDTV http://www.ndtv.com
A first: Pak court gives go ahead for sex change operation, 28 May 2010
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Date accessed 13 May 2013
148
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Annex H
References to source material alphabetical
The Home Office is not responsible for the content of external websites.
A, B, C, D, E, F, G, H, I, J, K, L, M, N, O, P, Q, R, S, T, U, V, W, X, Y & Z.
A
The Aga Khan Development Network http://www.akdn.org/
Press Release: Aga Khan Inaugurates State-of-Art Cancer Treatment Centre at AKU, 2
December 2005 http://www.akdn.org/Content/198/Aga-Khan-Inaugurates-StateofArt-CancerTreatment--Centre-at-AKU
Date accessed 10 June 2013
Agence France-Presse (AFP)
Pakistan publishes beneficiaries of graft amnesty, 21 November 2009, via
http://www.google.com/hostednews/afp/article/ALeqM5hcDn9fZsxOgwg2Y2RO_ZR69A7DMg
Date accessed 24 June 2013
Al Islam, The Official Website of the Ahmadiyya Muslim Community http://www.alislam.org/
Ahmadiyya Muslim Community An Overview, undated
http://www.alislam.org/introduction/index.html
Date accessed 9 May 2013
Amnesty International http://web.amnesty.org/library/engindex
Annual Report 2008, Pakistan, published 28 May 2008
http://www.amnesty.org/en/region/pakistan/report-2008
Date accessed 18 November 2010
Annual Report 2010, Pakstan, published 28 May 2010
http://thereport.amnesty.org/sites/default/files/AIR2010_AZ_EN.pdf#page=197
Date accessed 18 November 2010
Annual Report 2013, 23 May 2013
http://www.amnesty.org/en/region/pakistan/report-2013
Date accessed 25 May 2013
As If Hell Fell On Me: The Human Rights Crisis in Northwest Pakistan, 10 June 2010
http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/info/ASA33/004/2010/en
Date accessed 29 September 2010
Death Penalty: Abolitionist and Retentionist Countries, undated
http://www.amnesty.org/en/death-penalty/abolitionist-and-retentionist-countries
Date accessed 18 November 2010
Pakistan: Authorities must do more to protect Hazara community from deadly attacks, 18
February 2013
http://www.amnesty.org/en/news/pakistan-bombings-quetta-hazara-community-2013-02-18
Date accessed 18 June 2013
Pakistan execution condemned amid moves to abolish death penalty, 15 November 2012
http://www.amnesty.org/en/news/pakistan-execution-condemned-amid-moves-abolish-deathpenalty-2012-11-15
Date accessed 19 November 2012
The main text of this COI Report contains the most up to date publicly available information as at 19 July 2013.
349
Pakistan
9 August 2013
Pakistan: Man sentenced to death for blasphemy: Muhammad Ishaq, 10 February 2012
http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/asset/ASA33/001/2012/en/005974bf-a768-4b87-9da83003538bf1b1/asa330012012en.html
Date accessed 9 March 2012
Pakistan: Open letter: Pakistan must resolve the crisis of enforced disappearances, 30 August
2012
http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/asset/ASA33/012/2012/en/5c95e10e-40e6-4b30-a38b0f42eb44234b/asa330122012en.html
Date accessed 19 October 2012
Pakistan should protect Ahmaddiya community against threats of violence, 2 February 2012
http://www.amnesty.org/en/news/pakistan-should-protect-ahmaddiya-community-againstthreats-violence-2012-02-02
Date accessed 13 March 2012
Pakistan: The tribal justice system, 30 July 2002
http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/info/ASA33/024/2002/en
Date accessed 18 November 2010
Pakistan: "The hands of cruelty: Abuses by armed forces and Taliban in Pakistan's tribal areas,
13 December 2012
http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/asset/ASA33/020/2012/en/192d6b7c-5b74-40ee-9ac72919cae14daf/asa330202012en.pdf
Date accessed 2 July 2013
Pakistan: Thousands of prisoners at risk if government resumes executions, 3 July 2013
http://www.amnesty.org/en/for-media/press-releases/pakistan-thousands-prisoners-risk-ifgovernment-resumes-executions-2013-07Date accessed 5 July 2013
The Bitterest of Agonies End Enforced Disappearances in Pakistan, 31 August 2011
http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/info/ASA33/010/2011/en
Date accessed 31 August 2011
Asia News http://www.asianews.it/index.php?l=en&size=A
Christian students in Pakistan are victims of violence and discrimination, 10 July 2010
http://www.asianews.it/news-en/Christian-students-in-Pakistan-are-victims-of-violence-anddiscrimination-18900.html
Date accessed 17 June 2013
New apostasy bill to impose death on anyone who leaves Islam, 9 May
2007 http://www.asianews.it/index.php?l=en&art=9218&size=A
Date accessed 17 June 2013
Asia Society http://asiasociety.org/
Report by the Independent Commission on Pakistan Police Reform, Stabilizing Pakistan
through Police Reform, July 2012
http://asiasociety.org/files/pdf/as_pakistan_police_reform.pdf
Date accessed 27 June 2013
Asian Centre for Human Rights (ACHR) http://www.achrweb.org/
Pakistan: The Land of Religious Apartheid and Jackboot Justice, A Report to the UN Committee
Against Racial Discrimination, published August 2007
http://www.achrweb.org/reports/Pakistan/Pakistan-CERD2007.pdf
Date accessed 24 June 2013
South Asia Human Rights Index 2008, published 1 August 2008,
http://www.achrweb.org/reports/SAARC-2008.pdf
Date accessed 24 June 2013
350
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9 August 2013
A, B, C, D, E, F, G, H, I, J, K, L, M, N, O, P, Q, R, S, T, U, V, W, X, Y & Z.
Return to contents
Go to sources
B
BBC News Online http://news.bbc.co.uk/
352
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353
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9 August 2013
http://belfercenter.ksg.harvard.edu/publication/18978/defining_the_punjabi_taliban_network.htm
l
Date accessed 27 June 2013
The Bureau of Investigative Journalism http://www.thebureauinvestigates.com/
Obama 2013 Pakistan drone strikes, 3 January 2013
http://www.thebureauinvestigates.com/2013/01/03/obama-2013-pakistan-drone-strikes/
Date accessed 27 June 2013
A, B, C, D, E, F, G, H, I, J, K, L, M, N, O, P, Q, R, S, T, U, V, W, X, Y & Z.
Return to contents
Go to sources
C
Cable News Network (CNN) http://edition.cnn.com/
Police raid in Pakistan finds chained students at religious school, 13 December 2011
http://edition.cnn.com/2011/12/13/world/asia/pakistan-students-chained/index.html?hpt=hp_t3
Date accessed 16 March 2012
Center for Research and Security Studies http://crss.pk/beta/
Conflict Drivers, undated
http://crss.pk/beta/?p=2413
Date accessed 18 June 2013
Pakistan Conflict Tracker Monthly Reports
http://crss.pk/beta/?p=3440
Date accessed 19 June 2013
Timeline of Violent Incidents, 1 March 2012 to April 2013
http://crss.pk/beta/?p=2585
Date accessed 21 June 2013
Report on blasphemy laws, April 2013
http://crss.pk/wp-content/uploads/2010/07/Report-on-Blasphemy-Laws-.pdf
Date accessed 5 July 2013
Center for Strategic and International Studies http://csis.org/
Nawazs Decisive Victory Opens Door for Rethinking Pakistan Security Policy, 21 May 2013
http://csis.org/publication/nawazs-decisive-victory-opens-door-rethinking-pakistan-securitypolicy
Date accessed 3 July 2013
Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) https://www.cia.gov/
The World Factbook, South Asia: Pakistan, 16 April 2013
https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/pk.html
Date accessed 1 May 2013
Chatham House http://www.chathamhouse.org.uk/
Kashmir: Paths to Peace, May 2010
http://www.chathamhouse.org.uk/research/asia/papers/view/-/id/881/
Date accessed 15 February 2012
Child Aid Association (CAA) http://www.childaidassociation.org/
Who we are, undated
354
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9 August 2013
D
Daily Times www.dailytimes.com.pk
Analysis: Armys peace lashkar Farhat Taj, 22 October 2011
http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/default.asp?page=2011%5C10%5C22%5Cstory_22-102011_pg3_3
Date accessed 12 March 2012
Bilawal appointed PPP chairman, Zardari co-chairman: PPP wants polls on Jan 8: Zardari, 31
December 2007 http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/default.asp?date=12%2F31%2F2007
Date accessed 7 December 2010
Govt committed to preserving minorities rights, 11 August 2010
http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/default.asp?page=2010%5C08%5C11%5Cstory_11-82010_pg7_16
Date accessed 2 March 2011
Hospice and palliative care, 30 July 2007
http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/default.asp?page=2007%5C07%5C30%5Cstory_30-72007_pg6_21
356
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9 August 2013
A, B, C, D, E, F, G, H, I, J, K, L, M, N, O, P, Q, R, S, T, U, V, W, X, Y & Z.
Return to contents
Go to sources
E
Economist Intelligence Unit (subscription only) http://www.eiu.com/index.asp
Pakistan Country Report, 13 August 2009
Date accessed 14 September 2009
Pakistan Country Report, 7 October 2009
Date accessed 30 November 2009
Pakistan Country Report, 15 March 2012
Date accessed 4 April 2012
Pakistan Country Report, 1 April 2012
Date accessed 19 April 2012
Pakistan Country Report, 12 April 2013
Date accessed 1 May 2013
Pakistan: Healthcare and Pharmaceuticals Report, 8 April 2011
Date accessed 20 March 2012
Violence escalates ahead of general election, 8 May 2013
http://country.eiu.com/article.aspx?articleid=40473988&Country=Pakistan&topic=Politics&subto
pic=Forecast&subsubtopic=Election%20watch&u=1&pid=1820477966&oid=1820477966&uid=1
Date accessed 2 July 2013
Edhi Foundation http://www.edhi.org/
About us, undated http://www.edhi.org/about.php
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Annex I
Correspondence from Foreign and Commonwealth Office
Emails:
[11c]
From:
Sent:
To:
Cc:
Subject:
Glad to be of help.
In theory Pakistani passport holders have the passports stamped on entry and exit across all
ports and legal border crossings, without any exception that I'm aware of. However, corruption
is a problem and in practice an individuals would often be able to avoid having their passports
stamped, e.g. by paying a bribe etc.
Regards,
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[11d]
I've consulted colleagues here who have advised that although apostasy (conversion of religion)
is not illegal in Pakistan , people who change their faith are regularly charged with
blasphemy and insulting Islam. This is usually when a conversion is made to an entirely
separate religion (e.g. becoming Christian). Arguably a Sunni Muslim becoming Shia is a
conversion of belief within a single religion and we are not currently aware of examples of
blasphemy legal proceedings against Shias by Sunnis.
But conversion aside, there are incidents of sectarian violence - mainly Sunnis against Shias in the parts of Pakistan where the Shia minority are most prevalent. For example, in January
2007, during the Shia festival of Ashura, at least two suicide bombers attacked Shia gatherings
and two rockets were launched at a Shia mosque in Bannu. Authorities respond to these
attacks, although in Pakistan police investigation etc does not equate to protection or
necessarily to justice through legal proceedings.
Hope this helps!
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[11h]
From:
Sent:
To:
Subject:
Dear
In Islam a Muslim woman cannot marry a non-Muslim man - though the opposite is permissible.
If a Muslim woman and a non Muslim man did have a child it would be considered illigitimate on
the grounds that they would not (could not) be legally married. If this were to happen here in
Pakistan or elsewhere in an Islamic country it would be considered adultery. The Islamic
punishment for adultery is to be stoned to death. In reality it would result at least in a lengthy
imprisonment and considerable social stigma.
I haven't received further information regarding access to services by illegitimate child. As soon
as i received i will inform you.
Thanks
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[11i]
-----Original Message----From:
Sent: 02 October 2008 6:20 AM
To:
Cc:
Subject: Re: Pakistan Blasphemy laws
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Section 196 of the Criminal Procedure Code makes the registration of certain
FIRs hard, requiring an inquiry by a senior police officer (in case of Section
295 b and c, a suprintendant)
This is the law, however in case of blasphemy allegations, we have seen laws
being violated and procedures ignored on one pretext or the other.
2. Once such a complaint has been lodged, what procedure does the court
follow, and what are the timescales for such actions?
The charge is framed, accused can deny and standard procedure of
evidence, witnesses, cross examination takes place - if the offense is bailable
the court may also grant bail whenever requested. finally the judgement,
[followed by] appeals against the verdict if felt necessary.
298 -c, however is non- bailable unless the accused can successfully contest
that the offense is unfounded or cannot be substantiated. this can happen at
investigation or trial.
3. Who are the court permitted to release documents to with regard to such a
complaint?
All parties to the case have the right to acquire documents from any court of
law, even the press can manage [to obtain] the copies of FIRs and decisions.
4. Are complaints lodged with courts reported in newspapers?
Usually they are reported but sometimes not, if small town or accused party
too powerful.
5. On the first question, my colleague in the UK was under the impression that
a charge had be made against a person under the blasphemy laws (298c of
the Penal Code in this instance), with the police making a First Instance
Report (FIR) before the charge could be made. Is it possible for someone to
complain directly to a magistrate, i.e. bypass the police?
In case of non-Muslim accused, there is a strong tendency among authorities
to register a case promptly and without due investigation. there is usually no
need for a magistrate to initiate a proceeding under the blasphemy laws,
however technically it is not impossible because a first class magistrate is
empowered to hear cases under 298 c. but a first information report will have
to be registered by police even in this case.
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[11n]
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Hi
Please note that proxy (telephonic) marriage is acceptable in Islam and also under the Muslim
Family laws ordinance 1961. The condition is that both the parties (Bride and the
Groom) should be present at both ends with their witnesses. Whereas in Ahmadis the proxy
marriage can be contracted even without the presence of the bride and the groom and with
only the presence of their Waliys (representatives).
If a marriage is contracted with one of the above procedures and the marriage certificate has all
the necessary attestations and is registered with the concerned authorities it can be considered
as a valid marriage.
Regards
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[11o]
From: * (Restricted)
Sent: 09 November 2010 11:27
To: (Restricted)
Cc:
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Letters:
[11f]
6 February 2008
British
High Commission
Islamabad
Chancery
Diplomatic Enclave, Ramna 5
P.O. Box 1122, Islamabad
Telephone:
E-mail: @fco.gov.uk
Dear
You, and your predecessor ..., have been in contact with some questions on transgender and
transexualism in Pakistan. We have been in contact with experts locally to provide information
on these issues, including Maria Ahmad, a producer and journalist for the private TV station
GEO TV, whose work includes a recent documentary on transsexualism/gender in Pakistan.
The information provided was requested as background information. We judge it to be wellfounded, but request that these findings are not shared widely (or published) without the
permission of those who provided the information.
1) Is it lawful for a man or woman to change their sex (by medical means) in Pakistan?
There are two parallel legal systems in Pakistan : the constitution of Pakistan and the Federal
Sharia law (religious law) of Islam. Under the Constitution of Pakistan there are only two
recognized sexes i.e. male or female. The Constitution does not address the status of a person
who has changed their gender through an operation. On the other hand the Sharia Law does
not recognize any such operations and forbids them strictly. It is under this law that the various
cases of gender operations have been arrested and charged in Paki[stan] courts. Depending on
the severity [of transsexualism] various punishments have been prescribed in each case.
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There are various degrees of the crime of transsexuality... Actually changing one's sex for
commercial reasons, for purposes of marriage (like the case of summer 2007) or pure cases of
physical gratification. Given the stereotypical, ignorant approach to the subject, lack of
researched knowledge on the subject and a taboo status of the issue, these people's reasons to
undergo sex-change operations are always reduced to mere animalistic and crude lust i.e.
physical gratification. Depending on the reasons that the jury/judge deduce, the transsexuals
might be put in jail or prescribed lashes. In strict Sharia Law there can be worse punishments
like stoning to death, but haven't been practiced by law yet. Stoning to death has been done in
some rural areas where the local elders hold court to decide the matter. Let me add that the
constitution states that discrimination on basis of sex will not be entertained anywhere in the
country. But it has failed to safeguard the rights of these people too.
2) Do you know of any examples of people being arrested and tried in the Shari'a courts for
transexualism? What is the crime under the Shari'a Courts that transsexuals have been
sentenced /previously arrested?
The crime of transsexualism or undergoing sex operations essentially is translated as
tampering with the Al Mighty's creations. That is deemed as a crime. Also please remember that
the understanding of the various angles and approaches of this issue/subject is limited to very
few due to bans and taboos on the subject. This in turn then influences the perception and final
judgment meted out to criminals of sexual crime
There's no recorded history of such cases being tried in Sharia courts. Progressive and
moderate interpretations of Islamic thought subscribe to this interpretation 'Religious law only
makes exceptions when a doctor prescribes the operation for a grown adult due to a severe and
extremely dangerous health risk for the patient. Under religious law there should be absolutely
no alternative for the patient and once the patient undergoes the operation, then s/he should be
treated according to the new gender.' [is this a quote from a legal text/procedure?] This is a
quote from an Islamic scholar of the progressive school. His name is Khursheed Nadeem and
he is the Country Director of an NGO called Organization for Research and Education in
Islamabad. Classic and conventional Islamic interpretation prescribes to lashings and stonings a practice that was prescribed for adultery in early Islam, but practiced at the height of the crime
[not quite sure what you mean by 'practiced at the height of crime']. Today stonings and
lashings are carried out at the highest degree of sexual crime. So far a legal court in Pakistan
has not ordered this punishment for any such criminal (remember there are only a handful
cases tried in courts). But when these cases are caught in rural areas, under feudal and tribal
laws and customs, eunuchs and transsexuals are lashed in public.The reported incidence of this
is few and far between because the transsexuals flee to areas where there communities are
relatively more accepted.
3) Is 'sex realignment treatment' (i.e. sex change treatment) available in Pakistan - if so where?
There is no legal operation in Pakistan for sex realignment. No registered hospital conducts
the operation freely. However all sex change operations are done in back alley hospitals.
Qualified sexologists and surgeons perform the operation in private and hidden clinics. But
there are unqualified and dangerous operations too where excessive blood flow causes loss of
life. A third form of these operations are conducted by quacks and spiritual doctors who reside
in the inner part of the cities.
4) Once an individual has changed their sex, what is their status within Pakistan law?
After a sex change operation, logically the person then has their new identity and should
change their legal documents i.e. ID Card, passport etc. accordingly. In Pakistan when these
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people [transsexuals] file their papers to change their documents they have complained that the
officials on duty do not change their sex on the documents. This is accompanied by ridicule,
abuse, mental torture and in several instances complaints to the police for arresting the
transgender. They are not provided any legal counsel in case of arrests, unless they arrange for
their own lawyer.
Most cases pertain to men changing their sex rather than women. The word Hijra is used to
describe the whole lot of them - psychological patients, biological cases, those who do it to earn
money, etc.
5)
People are sent to jails and they spend their life there because the cases are forgotten. In rural
areas sometimes they are stoned to death under local law (jirga system) or left to their own
means.
There have been minor cases in towns where these people were picked up by police. The only
notable case for many years has been Shumail's case from this summer [2007]. Under strict
implementation of the law, these transsexuals should be arrested for the crime of an illegal
operation but it requires a lengthy procedure, as well as a proper jail for them to send to. (in an
ordinary jail men would abuse them sexually) Mostly local administration knows of these people
but the police don't arrest them - just harass them. Since the Hijras earn a livelihood through
begging or dancing at weddings/births, the police often blackmail them for their freedom.
Alternately for any random crime or increment in crime in an area, the Hijras' slums are raided which leave many injured, abused or arrested without any criminal evidence. In answer to your
question in particular, being arrested for being a transsexual is rare - usually a fake or minor
case is slapped to justify the arrest. No doctor has yet been arrested for conducting a sex
operation. But when and if transsexuals/ transgenders are arrested they are tossed in jails and
the files are forgotten.
6) Can you provide any information on how transgender/transsexual people are treated in
Pakistani society - do they face social discrimination / harassment / imprisonment, etc?
Transgenders are called the third form or hijras in Urdu language. there are no apt words for
hermaphrodites, transgenders, eunuchs, transsexuals, etc.. They are all lumped together under
the word Hijra. Most people just ignore them, some revere them, give them alms and clothes,
men generally ridicule them. The two biggest hurdles in their peaceful life is the sexual
harassment from men, including thrashings in public and verbal abuse that they have to face
from everyone. They learn to live on the periphery of society showing up to beg and dance on
weddings and the birth of children in exchange for some money. Currently they have no place
or industry to work in because they are harassed wherever they go. education is an impossibility
for them. if they adopt children and raise them, eventually they even leave them because of
society's pressures.
7) 'Hirja' appears to apply to men who behave/wish to become women. Does the word also
apply to both female transsexuals (i.e. women who wish to become men)?
Yes, the origin of the word Hijra corresponds to those women. But in Pakistan, the instance of
females undergoing an operation to become a man are one in a million, i.e. terribly rare.
Women who behave like men are just called tomboys, never Hijras. On the other hand, as I
mentioned earlier, men who behave, act, undergo operation, suffer with biological,
psychological issues of gender are all termed as Hijras in Pakistan.
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Foreign &
Commonwealth
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Office
[11g]
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legislature has intended to extend cover of any statute to foreign courts it has done so by
specific reference i.e. in the Control of Narcotic Substances Act, 1997 specific reference is
made to a foreign court of competent jurisdiction and it is therefore safe to conclude that a
court of competent jurisdiction for purposes of Section 403 of the Code has to be a court within
the territorial jurisdiction of Pakistan and hence condition ii) above is not met in the present
instance. Likewise, the constitutional guarantee provided by Article 13 (A) of the Constitution
will, in our opinion, not extend to an offence which has been tried and convicted outside
Pakistan as the doctrine of dual sovereignty permits successive prosecutions by two states for
the same conduct.
In view of the above, it would appear that the person in question could face a trial and
conviction in Pakistan for the offence for which he has already been tried and convicted in the
U.K.
Please note that under Section 365 of the Pakistan Penal Code (the PPC) any person who
kidnaps or abducts any person with intent to cause that person to be secretly and wrongfully
confined is subject to punishment with simple or rigorous imprisonment for a term which may
extend to seven years and fine. However, under Section 365A of the PPC where any person
kidnaps or abducts any person for the purpose of extorting from the person kidnapped or any
person interested in such person any movable or immovable property or valuable security or
compliance with any demand in cash or kind for obtaining release of the kidnapped person, the
punishment is death or imprisonment for life and forfeiture of property. The fact that the offence
was committed against a high profile person adds the dimension of use of influence to expedite
prosecution against the offender.
We are not fully conversant with the facts of the prosecution in the U.K. and therefore cannot
give any specific advice with respect to the circumstances of that case. However, as a case for
double jeopardy is in any event not made out any discussion of the same would be academic.
We would nonetheless point out that unless a case of kidnapping for purposes of extortion is
made out the death penalty will not apply and the maximum penalty for simple kidnapping will
be seven years.
(Ends)
2. You had also asked about availibility of a drug Paroxetine in Pakistan. Our post have made
enquiries locally and have established that it is available, costing 432 rupees for a 20mg 10capsule strip (approx. 3.50). It is sold under the name 'Seroxat'Error! Reference source not
found.
Yours sincerely
Pakistan Team
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[11l]
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9 November 2009
According to media reports, the Supreme Court ruled in July 09 that Pakistan's hijra community
should be entitled to 'protection guaranteed under Article four (rights of individuals to be dealt
with in accordance of law) and Article nine (security of person) of the Constitution'. Aside from
many blogs and a few news articles I can find little information about this ruling. Is it possible to
get a copy of the ruling, or do you have any more information on the issue?
We consulted internally with our Liaison Prosecutor.
He cited articles from the Dawn newspaper below. He concluded that it was unlikely that a
judgement would have been issued in this case, as the second report makes it clear that the
case stands adjourned. He also noted that the Court's rulings in this case are essentially
declaratory and have little binding effect on the government; declaring that the plaintiffs are
Pakistani citizens and entitled to basic state provisions like education and the protection of law
will not do anything to actually remove the disadvantages they face in society.
SC orders equal benefits for transvestites
By Nasir Iqbal
Wednesday, 15 Jul, 2009
ISLAMABAD: The Supreme Court has ordered that transvestites, being equal citizens of
Pakistan, should also benefit from the federal and provincial governments' financial support
schemes such as the Benazir Income Support Programme (BISP).'They are citizens of Pakistan
and enjoy the same protection guaranteed under Article four (rights of individuals to be dealt
with in accordance of law) and Article nine (security of person) of the Constitution,' ruled a
three-member bench comprising Chief Justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry, Justice
Muhammad Sair Ali and Justice Jawwad S Khawaja on Tuesday.
The bench had taken up the petition seeking establishment of a commission to emancipate
effeminate men ostracised by the society for no fault of theirs.
Islamic jurist Dr Mohammad Aslam Khaki, who researched on the conditions of the ignominious
merrymakers and discovered them to be the most oppressed and deprived segment of the
society and subjected to humiliation and molestation, had filed the petition for the welfare of the
transvestites left by the society to live by begging, dancing and prostitution.
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Parents give their hermaphrodite children into the care of gurus (leaders of transvestites) at a
very tender age who abuse them instead of providing them the opportunity to get education.
Dr Khaki took up their cause after police raided and arrested several transvestites in Taxila
recently, pleading before the court that being a welfare state it was the responsibility of the
government to look after this community. He told the court that Shoaib Mansoor who produced
a blockbuster film 'Khuda ka Liya' was also planning to come up with another movie to highlight
the miserable lives of the these people.
During the proceedings, Roop and Shazia along with their community representatives appeared
before the court to narrate harrowing details of abuse they receive from the society, police and
gangsters mainly because of their weak financial conditions, especially when their fathers and
brothers did not accept them as family members.
'My appearance before the court today may cost me my life,' Shazia feared, saying already she
was receiving threats from different quarters. 'Once I was implicated in a false case and
subjected to immense sexual torture by the police in their custody,' she alleged.
The court asked the federal as well as the provincial governments to help them overcome their
financial difficulties by supporting them from programmes like the BISP and Baitul Mal or
provincial support programmes so that they could adopt a respectable livelihood.
The court also asked the petitioner to negotiate with the non-governmental organisations
working in social sectors to devise some welfare programmes for the transvestites.
The provincial social welfare departments were also asked to come up with suggestions for the
uplift of these people to reduce their miseries and difficulties.
To protect them from thugs or goons, the apex court ordered the law-enforcers to provide
security to these people so that that their rights were not violated. The court also asked senior
police officials to take action against delinquent police officers who harass the transvestites.
The court directed the provincial social welfare departments to complete the survey and
registration of transvestites to save them from the life of shame.
Both the petitioner and transvestites present in the court said they were compelled to lead an
immoral life by offering themselves for dancing or prostitution and they were also required to
pay handsome amount to self-styled gurus or to the police.
'We are not accepted anywhere in the society and degraded and humiliated everywhere,' the
transvestites said.
The bench remarked that being Muslims as well as human beings, parents of such genderconfused children should look after them without discrimination but, it lamented, they throw
them on roads to suffer throughout their lives.
The court also expressed surprise that one of the computerised national identity card of the
eunuch bears a photograph of a female but in the gender column, she was recognised as male.
The court adjourned the proceedings till third week of August.
Supreme Court asks govt to care for transvestites
By Nasir Iqbal
Tuesday, 18 Aug, 2009
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ISLAMABAD: The Supreme Court on Monday virtually put transvestites in the care of the
government by directing it to make their lives easier and safer.
'Eunuchs are also the citizens of Pakistan and should be given basic fundamental rights
guaranteed in the constitution,' Chief Justice Iftikhar Mohammad Chaudhry remarked.
'They are human beings and nobody has a right to hate them.' A three-judge bench comprising
the chief justice, Justice Chaudhry Ijaz Ahmed and Justice Ghulam Rabbani had taken up a
petition seeking the establishment of a commission to emancipate effeminate men ostracised by
the society for no fault of their's.
Islamist jurist Dr Mohammad Aslam Khaki, who researched into the conditions of the
ignominious merrymakers and discovered them to be the most oppressed and deprived
segment of the society that is subjected to humiliation and molestation, had filed the petition for
the welfare of the unfortunate and vulnerable people left by the society to live by begging,
dancing and prostitution.
The court ordered the federal as well as the provincial governments and the social welfare
secretaries to interact with representatives of transvestites, offer them incentives like education
and find respectable jobs for their social uplift to bring them into the mainstream.
For ensuring security of transvestites, the interior secretary and the provincial police officers
were also ordered to appoint focal persons in districts and tehsils, and also forward copies of
cases registered against them to the Supreme Court registrar, social welfare departments and
the inspectors general of police. This will help safeguarding transvestites from being booked
under fabricated and fake cases.
The federal and the provincial health secretaries are also required to coordinate with the
representatives of transvestites to provide free of cost health facilities to them. Secretary
education and Chief Commissioner Islamabad were also asked to provide education facility to
them if they were interested.
The court was told that 2,167 transvestites had been registered in the Punjab, while only 56 in
Balochistan's 14 districts. Similarly, in NWFP 324 transvestites were registered, as a majority of
them had left the province due to the law and order situation.
Meanwhile, in four-page suggestions for the rehabilitation of transvestites, petitioner Dr Khaki
said they should be declared as women for all legal purposes and therefore should not be
arrested by male police. Similarly, raid for showing vulgar dances should be conducted under
the supervision of magistrates or local nazims instead of the police.
The petitioner was in favour of constituting rehabilitation committees at district level to protect
transvestites from the highhandedness of police and thugs.
He also asked for setting up a commission by provincial governments to prepare
recommendations and plans for their legal and social uplift.
He said in the national identity card, their gender should be described as Khwaja Sara and
special national identity cards like the ones for disabled persons should be issued to them.
Dr Khaki said their rights to availing public utilities like public toilets, transport compartments
and hospital admissions should also be clarified.
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The petitioner said small loans should be granted to transvestites to establish businesses. The
court adjourned the case for two months with a direction to provincial governments to complete
registration process before the next date of hearing.
http://www.dawn.com/wps/wcm/connect/dawn-contentlibrary/dawn/news/pakistan/14-the-legal-challenge-zj-05
This letter has been compiled by staff of the British /High Commission Islamabad entirely from information obtained from the sources
indicated. The letter does not reflect the opinions of the author(s), nor any policy of the Foreign and Commonwealth Office. The
author(s) have compiled this letter in response to a request from UKBA and any further enquiries regarding its contents should be
directed to UKBA.
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[11m]
If the Nizam-e-Adl Regulation 2009 is officially still in effect, or whether it was revoked
following the Swat military offensive?
Did the proposed Apostasy Act 2006 ever get any further consideration in the
National Assembly?
Is the criminal age of responsibility still set at 7, or has it been raised to 12? Is there
any progress on the Child Protection Bill?
We referred this enquiry to Ian Dawson, Political Section, who provided the following
information:The Nizam-e-Adl Regulation 2009 is still in force in the Malakand Division. Its case
management provisions have been deemed so successful in dealing with court backlogs
that USAID is considering a law reform programme based on disseminating the good
practice. This is not to say that some elements of the Nizam-e-Adl are highly regressive.
On an aside, I recently learned that the Sexual Offences Reform Act passed by
Musharraf in 2006 does not apply in Malakand, leaving the victims of sexual violence
vulnerable under the regressive Zina Ordinance.
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The Apostasy Bill was tabled by the right-wing Sunni based religious alliance, the
Muttahida Masjlis-i-Amal (MMA) in the National Assembly. The Bill was sent to the
Standing Committee in May 2007 for detailed consideration. The Bill failed to emerge
from Committee before the dissolution of the National Assembly in 2007. The MMA
boycotted the elections, eventually held in early 2008, and the alliance crumbled. They
have no meaningful parliamentary base in the current Assembly.
The Pakistan Penal Code, 1860 states, in Section 82 that a child under seven years of
age cannot commit a criminal offence. A child between 7 and under 12 years of age can
commit an offence, if the child has sufficient maturity of understanding to judge the
nature and consequences of his act. In effect, it falls to the prosecution to prove that
such a child has a 'mischievous discretion'.
The Child Protection Bill is still not law. In July the government referred the Bill to the
Council of Islamic Ideology, which ruled that raising the age of criminal responsibility was
not contrary to Sharia. The Child Protection Bill was sent back to the Interior Ministry,
where it joins a number of other bills awaiting consideration by the National Assembly.
Following the 18th Amendment, child protection and welfare will become provincial
subjects. As a consequence the Punjab and Khyber-Pukhtunkwa provinces have passed
Child Protection measures during 2010.
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[11p]
20 January 2011
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In relation to the first four questions only, the British High Commission consulted with an official
working within the Passport Circle within the Government of Pakistans Federal Investigation
Agency. He responded as follows:There is no stamp of Ahmadiyya. Its printed on second page of the passport...its one time
process and it can be printed only at once when passport is printed.
The British High Commission also consulted with a locally employed member of staff within the
British High Commission, whose opinion was as follows:The old PAK ppt had religion column on the biodata page. The new PAK machine readable
ppts were introduced in Oct 2004 when religion was not being mentioned. In 2006 the
authorities started putting religion on annotation page. The passport database is interconnected
with the NADRA's system, where the things are being tallied. During the database recording for
a new PAK ppt, religion question is asked. If there is any discrepancy the applicants are asked
to submit affidavit on this to remove doubts.
1. At the time of data recording for a new passport questions are asked verbally including
religion.
2. There has never been any stamp impression (Rubber Stamp) for religion/faith on
the manual (old) PAK ppt. However the faith/religion is printed on the annotation page of the
new PAK ppt. The term Ahmadiyya is printed on page two of the passport. We are not aware of
there being a wet ink stamp.
3. The passport and Immigration authorities are responsible for printing the biodata and
additional info of the applicant (faith/religion) on the passports both on manual and machine
readable.
4. Yes, but in such cases applicants needs to reapply for modifications and new passport will
be issued.
5. The system can be abused by culprits by different ways. It is possible that a bribe could be
paid at the time the passport is issued, but we do not have any direct evidence of this.
6. There isn't any problem in departing from Pakistan for Ahmadis holding Pakistani ppt. As
long as the visa and passport is genuine.
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2 March 2011
Can converts to Christianity could live freely and openly in Pakistan? Are they at risk of an
honour killing owing to their conversion? Is internal relocation an option, i.e. would any areas
be deemed safer for Christians than others?
We consulted internally with our Political Section, who deal with humanitarian and human rights
issues. In short, it is difficult to corroborate the real situation, as this is a frequently hidden
problem; our view is that converts would probably not want to draw additional attention to
themselves. However, we have ascertained the following anecdotal evidence from our dealings
with external contacts in Pakistan:-
Firstly, in our opinion it would be difficult for Christian converts to live freely and openly in
Pakistan, as converts over and above being Christian. It is our view that people who are
known to have converted to Christianity suffer serious discrimination, for example in the
workplace or by the authorities. It is far more difficult for people in Pakistan who are
known to have converted to Christianity, than it is for people who were born Christian.
We understand that it would be rare for someone to convert to Christianity, or at least to
do so openly, in Pakistan. It is therefore something of note for the community, with
potential repercussions.
Our Political Section considered that internal relocation may be possible, in theory, as
there were Christian communities in many urban areas such as Rawalpindi, and across
Punjab and Sindh provinces. Due to the anonymity afforded by moving to an urban area,
it may be feasible to relocate and not reveal the fact of the conversion. However, our
view was also that the Christian communities were themselves becoming increasingly
isolated from other communities. Therefore whilst it may be more difficult to socially
exclude and harass a Christian who lives in a larger Christian community, it does not
necessary preclude that harassment.
Finally, it was our view that Christian converts were not at risk of an honour killing,
despite these difficulties, as these are normally related to property disputes or perceived
dishonourable behaviour rather than matters of faith or principle.
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