Gramsci Hegemony

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One of Gramsci's ideas was the concept of "hegemony," or ideological domination.

When one ideology, or world view, dominates, it suppresses or stamps out, often
cruelly, any other ways of explaining reality.
Actually, hegemony can contain a variety of ideologies.
Some are artificial -- theoretical explanations created by academics or political
activists or philosophers. Other ideologies are "organic," which means they come
from the common people's lived experience.
These consist of a culture's way of seeing and believing, and the institutions that
uphold these beliefs, like religion, education, family, and the media.
Through these beliefs and institutions, society endorses the ethical beliefs and
manners which "the powers that be" agree are true, or right, or logical, or moral.
The institutions and beliefs that the dominant culture support are so powerful, and
get hold of people when they are so young, that alternative ways of envisioning
reality are very hard to imagine.
This is how hegemony is created and maintained.
According to Gramsci, hegemony locks up a society even more tightly because of
the way ideas are transmitted by language.
The words we use to speak and write have been constructed by social interactions
through history and shaped by the dominant ideology of the times. Thus they are
loaded with cultural meanings that condition us to think in particular ways, and to
not be able to think very well in other ways.
For a modern, U.S. example, consider the word "welfare." What feelings and images
come to mind? Someone who is poor. Unhappy, perhaps. Passive. Irresponsible.
Overloaded with children. Struggling to go to school. Ashamed. Maybe out to cheat
the system. A drain on the taxpayers. A bureaucratic institution that needs
continual attention and reform. All negative images, evoking anger or pity. Think
about it.
We have had no word to describe this system of government payments that carries
a positive connotation.
No word that evokes images of dignity and family pride or of a nation's debt to
those it cannot or will not furnish with the opportunity for meaningful work and a
relevant education.
Gramsci's point is that we have been conditioned by our language to think -- and
feel about that thinking -- in ways that serve the dominant ideology.

And if that dominant ideology insists that poverty is the fault of the individual while
systematically keeping certain groups or classes of people poor, that hegemony
must be dislodged by substantive, revolutionary change.
Gramsci added another dimension to the definition of hegemony: domination by
consent.
It seems impossible that anyone would consent to be oppressed, or that we
ourselves might be consenting to oppress others. But no matter how outraged we
are at the poverty that exists in the richest country in the world, all most of us do to
fight it is tinker with the system.
We know that the rich are getting richer while the poor and the middle class are
feeling less and less secure. We know, but we accept. "What can one person do?"
we say. "The poor have always been with us." It's a fatalistic feeling we have, but
Gramsci doesn't blame us for it. "Indeed," he says, "fatalism is nothing other than
the clothing worn by real and active will when in a weak position."(1)
Gramsci believed that everyone, no matter what their occupation, their interests, or
their education, is able to work out their own coherent ideas of how the world really
works.
Despite his description of hegemony as society's brainwashing, he had great faith in
people's ability to go beyond the mere acceptance of the ideas they grew up with
and become critical thinkers.
"To criticize one's own conception of the world means to make it a coherent unity
and to raise it to the level reached by the most advanced thought in the world,"
Gramsci wrote from his prison cell.
"The starting-point of critical elaboration is the product of the historical process to
date which has deposited in you an infinity of traces, without leaving an
inventory."(2)
In other words, critical thinking about our own thinking process can move us toward
our own coherent philosophy when we begin to trace the origins of our most deeply
held beliefs.
"What do I really think about this difficult teenager I'm tutoring?" "Where did these
beliefs come from?" "What people and what institutions taught me to think this
way?" "And where did their beliefs come from?"
Gramsci's fate might lead us to think of ways people in our own country with
disturbing ideas have been silenced -- by censorship, by rumor mongering, by
lynching, by incarceration.

If you volunteer for a prison education project you may be surprised by the number
of creative, deeply intelligent men and women who are thinking, discussing, writing
and growing as human beings in much the same way Gramsci did -- despite the
sometimes cruel and retaliatory conditions of their incarceration.

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