Islam in The Media

The Representation of Islam and Muslims
in the Media
(The Age and Herald Sun Newspapers)
Dr Shahram Akbarzadeh and Dr Bianca Smith
School of Political and Social Inquiry

November 2005
Islam in the Media 2
Acknowledgements
This report was made possible by the generous sponsorship of The Myer
Foundation. The authors would also like to acknowledge Dr Pete Lentini
and Dr Rod Ling for their extensive support and encouragement.
Contents
I.
Introduction
II.
Background
III.
Previous Studies
III.a. Constructing the Muslim Other
III.b. Racism and Public Attitude
III.c. Media and Journalists as Image Makers
III.d. International and Domestic Reporting
IV.
Methodology
V.
Research Findings
10
V.a.
Quantitative Analysis
10
V.a.1. Negative Stories/Reporting
14
V.a.2. Examples
15
Qualitative Analysis
20
V.b.1. Language
21
V.b.2. Dominant Themes
23
V.b.
VI.
1. Terrorism
23
2. Race
26
3. Gender
30
4. International and Domestic Events
33
V.b.3. Positive Counter-Constructions
35
Conclusion
36
VII. Works Cited
38
I. Introduction
The media is a significant social agent, with the potential to influence community
perceptions. Its influence can seriously impact on minority groups by subjecting them to
exclusionary pressures by implying that they hold alien characteristics which do not
correspond with the values and ethos of mainstream Australia. This report explores how
the print media in Victoria represents Muslims and Islam in news stories since September
11, 2001 until December 31, 2004. The report examines the extent to which negative
images of Islam are reproduced in the pages of The Age and Herald Sun newspapers.
This report is concerned with the type of language these newspapers employ to describe
Muslims and Islam; whether or not this language changes in response to major events;
the frequency of coverage in relation to major events; if journalists explore the diversity
of Islam and Muslim cultures by highlighting nationality, ethnicity, cultural practice, and
theological differences; and the typology used to categorise certain groups, practices or
modes of Islam. The aim is to gain an understanding of the ways in which the media
plays a role in shaping perceptions on Muslims and Islam in the broader community and
how they do so in response to particular events either at home or abroad. The following
questions have provided the framework for this report:
What images of Muslims and Islam are most frequently propagated in the
media?
Are certain misrepresentations recurrent?
Is the press media in Victoria Islamophobic?
The report begins with background information on Muslims in Australia to contextualise

the study, and then moves to a review of previous studies on the representation of
Muslims and Islam in the Western media. Following this, the report discusses the
particular methodology employed to gather and analyse the articles, before moving to the
research findings.
II. Background
Australian identity is enriched by the fusion of many cultures and traditions.
Multiculturalism has contributed to the complex social mosaic that makes Australia a
tapestry of harmony. This process, however, has not been without its challenges. While
European settlers have relied on similar religious and historical traditions to merge with
the broader community, Muslims from the Middle East have found this process more
challenging. This is in part due to religious and cultural differences and misperceptions
that arise as a result. In the recent past, issues of international terrorism and security
concerns appear to have made matters worse, as Muslims have at times been identified
with extremism. The arrival of asylum seekers from the Middle East on Australian
shores amid this heightened sense of insecurity has led some commentators to assume a
connection between terrorism and Muslims. As a consequence, there appears to have
arisen a disturbing sense that Muslims are unAustralian and that Islam poses a threat to
the Australian way of life.
Muslim settlement in Australia dates back to early European expeditions when Afghan
camel drivers assisted with the exploration of this great continent, now giving their name
to the first train to connect Adelaide with Darwin (The Ghan). Today, the Muslim
population in Australia numbers approximately 300,000. Indeed, Muslims in Australia
come from diverse cultural backgrounds from Afghanistan, Iran, Iraq, Sudan, Indonesia,
Malaysia, Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Albania, Lebanon, and Turkey. Although Muslims come
from distinct cultural backgrounds and are heterogenous in many ways, their common
belief in, and practice of, Islam binds them together. Perhaps more importantly for the
purpose of this project, Muslims are seen as a unified community by many media
commentators and the broader public. It is, therefore, important to assess some of the
presumptions and misconceptions that permeate public commentary on Muslims and
their religion.
The terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, the subsequent war on terror, the refugee
crisis and the 2002 Bali bombings put the Australian Muslim community under the
spotlight. The term Islamophobia has been used by some commentators in recent years
to describe the increasing isolation and victimization of Muslims living in the West. This
is a highly politicised term which denotes systemic discrimination against both the
religion of Islam and Muslims. The term Islamophobia has gained increasing currency in
the United Kingdom, where Islam is the fastest growing religion. A recent report,
Islamophobia: Issues, Challenges and Action, released in June 2004 by the UK Commission on
British Muslims and Islamophobia argues that systemic discrimination against Muslims
and the recurrent negative portrayal of Muslims has pushed UK Muslims to the very
margin of society a dangerous trend that threatens to alienate them. The risk of
creating social outcasts is seen as a great challenge to the longterm cohesion of British
society. The Commission recommended extensive education programs to address this
challenge. 1
1 Robin Richardson (ed.) Islamophobia: Issues, Challenges and Action (United Kingdom, Trentham Books,
2004). This publication was the result of research undertaken for the Commission of British Muslims and
Islamophobia.
This study has obvious relevance to Australia. Although the term Islamophobia may be
too strong to describe social bias and misperceptions, the UK report draws attention to a
number of significant areas, including the role of the media, which deserve careful
examination. Similar concerns in Australia prompted the Human Rights and Equal
Opportunity Commission (HREOC) to research and produce Isma (Listen), a detailed
account of harassment and discrimination suffered by Muslims in Australia. The report
draws a direct link between growing antiMuslim feeling, especially attacks on veiled
Muslim women, and the terrorist events that have taken place outside Australia.2 In the
same vein as the UK report, the HREOC report warns of the dangers of victimising a
minority group on the bases of its religion and the adverse repercussions of such
occurrence for our multicultural society.
The HREOC report is based on extensive interviews with community activists and
academics. It acknowledges the important role that the media plays in influencing
community opinions. Media coverage of Muslims and Islam is obviously an important
issue to be explored in detail and is addressed in the present report.
It is also important to acknowledge that a number of community organisations
representing Muslims have tried to counter misperceptions surrounding their beliefs and
loyalties. The Islamic Council of Victoria (ICV) and the Australian Federation of Islamic
Councils (AFIC), for example, have issued numerous press releases to condemn
terrorism and reject the link between Islam and violence.3 Sentiments expressed in such
documents are in keeping with the perspectives of the overwhelming majority of
Australian Muslims. Such public declarations, however, do not appear to have made a
significant impact on the assumed link between Muslims and terrorists expressed in the
tabloid press, as the next section explores.
See the Human Rights and Equal Opportunities Commission report, Isma: (Listen) National
Consultations on Eliminating Prejudice Against Arabs and Muslim Australians available at
www.hreoc.gov.au/racial_discrimination/isma/report/, released 16 June 2004.
3 See the Islamic Council of Victorias website, www.icv.org.au. In addition to press releases condemning
any violence against civilians (www.icv.org.au/extremists.htm) the ICV has issued specific rejections of the
terrorist attacks in London, 2005, Bali in 2002 and the United States in 2001.
2
III. Previous Studies

That people are suddenly more interested in Islam could be a positive development, but
if the knowledge that is produced only reinforces an Orientalist perspective then this will
be an opportunity lost (Poole, 2002: 3).
This section of the report examines previous studies on the representation of Muslims
and Islam in the Western media. It covers four significant areas which have been
explored on British and Australian media: (a) the construction of Muslims and Islam as
Other; (b) the role of race in the construction of Muslims and Islam as the Arab Other;
(c) the role of the media and subjectivities of journalists in reproducing stereotypes of
Muslims and Islam, and (d) the significance of international and domestic news reporting
in creating images of Muslims and Islam in Western societies.
III.a. Constructing the Muslim Other
Islam is not homogenous; it is a diverse set of practices that vary from culture to culture.
Yet the ways in which Western cultures have come to know Muslims and Islam is
largely through what is termed Orientalism, the historically situated Western construction
of non-Western cultures as the Other; as alien, distant, antiquated, irrational, sensual and
passive (see Said, 1978). Orientalism is systems of representation framed by the
hegemonic political forces of colonialism, post-colonialism and neo-colonialism, which
act towards bringing the Orient into Western consciousness, Western dispensation and
under Western dominion (Richardson, 2004: 5). [T]he orientalist approach to Islam
can be summarised as essentialist, empiricist and historicist; it impoverishes the rich
diversity of Islam by producing an essentialising caricature (Richardson, 2004: 5).
The essentialist depiction of Muslims and Islam constructs them as the Other; as
immature, even backward ethnic or foreign groups who need to be managed or tolerated
in our country. Kevin Dunn (2001: 292) claims, social constructions of identity are
given life through their articulation. This means that recurring language used to
describe Islam and Muslims (such as Islamic terrorism, Muslim fanatics) can come to
be representative of all Muslims and Islam as a religion. It is also important to note that
these representations are gendered. Dominant stereotypes portray men as foreign (and
more recently local) terrorists or extremists, where as women are constructed as
repressed hijab wearers who need to be liberated from patriarchal oppression and
violence. These Western perceptions of Islam and Muslims further suggest that Muslims
are intolerant of other religions and Western cultures.
Indeed, it is claimed that the media reproduces these images of Muslims and Islam as
Other by describing them as fundamentalist, terrorist, sexist, militant, undemocratic,
violent, suicide bombers, hijackers, orthodox/scripturalist, and fanatic (see Dunn, 2001).
These stereotypes are linked to contexts of war, conflict, violence, disunity and sexism.
Much of this scholarship reinforces the argument that the Us and Them dialectic is
manifest in Australia and that Muslims continue to be vilified in our community.
As the report develops it will become clear, however, that there are also counterconstructions in our media. A significant number of samples in our database represent
Muslims and Islam in positive ways as peaceful, moderate, liberal, feminist, family
oriented, anti-terrorist and community oriented. Such news coverage acknowledges that
the Muslim community in Australia is part of our cultural make-up and contribute to the
ongoing construction of our society.
III.b. Racism and Public Attitude
Race is interlinked with public attitude toward Islam because in most cases Muslims
belong to ethnic groups, which in Australian society are predominantly viewed as Arabic.
Yet it must be pointed out that Muslims as a community of faith are not a race because
they belong to no single culture. Not all Arabs are Muslim. Indonesia, our nearest Asian
neighbour, claims the biggest Muslim population in the world. Yet dominant and
frequent images of Islam come from the Middle East and spill onto Australian
representations of men in white robes with long beards and machine guns and
uneducated women laced in hijabs and burkas. These images come from television,
magazines and newspapers, ignoring the diversity of Islamic practices and Muslim
peoples.
These images which are presented to Australias news reading public are often taken out
of context, and supply little information about other Islamic practices and beliefs which
condemn terrorism and the illtreatment of women. As a result, people who lack
understanding of Islam gather negative information and fearful images of Muslims. The
combination of these images and a history tainted with intolerance have resulted in a
difficult sociopolitical environment where Australian Muslims have been forced to
repeatedly refute outrageous claims of unAustralian-ness and pledge their loyalty to
this land.
Muslims in Australia have experienced alienation, racism and vilification before the
terrorist attacks in 2001. The racial stereotyping of all Muslims as Arabs and all Arabs as
Muslims during the Gulf War led to series of physical attacks, racial insults and negative
stereotyping of Muslims in Australia (Asmar, 1992). Similar stories of abuse to those
recent ones reported in the Victorian news media after September 11 were also present a
decade ago: assaults on women wearing head scarves; bomb threats against mosques and
Islamic centres; and verbal abuse of Muslim women and children in public.
Dunn (2002 & 2004) has analysed these events in the context of racism, as anti
Muslim feeling. He suggests that Australia has an accumulated history of Islamaphobia
beginning with Malay pearlers and the Afghans who were seen as dirty and a danger to
white women, and in the 1970s migrants from Turkey and Lebanon were constructed as
sexist and backward, which led to their later construction, along with other Arab
Muslims, as violent (Dunn, 2001). In the 1980s and 1990s the media in Australia
questioned the veiling of Muslim women and carried stories about the genital mutilation
of girls in Africa. As a result, Dunn (2001: 293) claims that Muslims are one of the
groups that have suffered from a worrying degree of racist violence in Australia, which
has led to a sense of vulnerability of Australian Muslims.
III.c Media and Journalists as Image Makers
It is too easy to blame the media for the negative imaging of Muslims and Islam. Barker
and Galasinski (2001: 7) argue that texts are unable to police the meanings to be
constructed from them. It is clear that social forces other than textual discourse (in this
case the print media) also contribute to dominant images and stereotypes our society
constructs of Muslims and Islam. As social actors, humans do possess the ability to
create different meanings and representations of Muslims and Islam.
Because the media plays an important social role in our community with the ability to
influence people, this means that journalists too are shaped by various social forces
which contribute to their understanding of Muslims and Islam. It is clear that how one
perceives particular events is always influenced by factors including their background,
education, and wider social and cultural environment. In addition to this, and perhaps
more relevant to this report, is that the newspaper editorial practices and writing styles
also significantly shape the type of language and images that will form portrayals of
Muslims and Islam, and the type of information provided. The Age is a Fairfax
publication, known for its liberal approach to social and cultural issues and more
investigative reporting. By contrast, the Herald Sun belongs to News Limited and is
known for its conservative attitudes and a focus on stories of experience rather than deep
intellectual analysis. Rodney Tiffen (1992: 124) elaborates on two distinct styles of news
reporting:
the contrast in appeals between the quality [The Age] and popular [Herald
Sun] press has been described as a journalism of policy compared with a
journalism of experience: The [latter] reports the experiences of
particular individuals or neighbourhoods, but provides little analysis of
how these experiences are related to larger social processes. Its appeals
include bringing out the human significance of events, heightening
appreciation of the emotional dimensions involved, bringing clarity and
certainty about the most salient features, and concentrating upon events
and people most pertinent to the audience. The analytical style focuses
more upon the activities of policy makers, presenting contending
viewpoints, and more often probing the evidential bases of their claims.
Indeed, the media as an institution plays a significant and predominant role in the
cultural production of knowledge (Poole, 2002) and depending on which newspaper
readers have access to ones level of knowledge of Muslims and Islam may differ.
Further, as the media is fluid and changing, so too is the way in which it portrays
Muslims and Islam. In particular, this changing and moving in and out of perspectives
is reliant on events that occur either overseas or at home.
III.d. The Significance of International and Domestic Reporting
There is an ongoing relationship between international events and domestic issues in

terms of how Muslims and Islam are represented in our media. As Dunn (2001: 292)
claims, in Australia, local and national representations of Muslims are mutually
reinforcing, and predominantly negativethere is an intertexuality between the local and
national discourses, knitted together in a symbolic web. In addition to this, it can be
argued that there is an intertexuality between domestic (local) and international
discourses on Islam and Muslims. That is, the way domestic events are written about is
interconnected to what goes on overseas.
The majority of scholarship on Muslims, Islam, and the media in Australia in the preand post- September 11 periods suggests that the print media represents Muslims and
Islam in negative ways by reproducing negative stereotypes and misinforming readers of
Islam as religion and culture. Researchers (such as Peter Manning and Kevin Dunn who
have researched Sydney newspapers) have connected this phenomenon to issues of race
because the images we receive via the media of Muslims and Islam are largely from the
Middle East, being the hub of the Islamic world. For example, Manning (2004) found
that most images of Arabs and Muslims in Sydney newspapers come from foreign news
media, and that most of this international coverage focused on the Middle East; half on
the Israel/Palestine problem. In relation to domestic news he found that most images of
Arabs and Muslims came from articles on asylum seeker issues. Manning concludes that
the print media in Sydney are reproducing the orientalist tradition in their international
and domestic reporting of Arabs and Muslims: it is a portrait of deep and sustained fear.
It is also a portrait of an Australian orientalism that has been successfully transplanted
and developed on Antipodean shores (Manning, 2004: 45).
In the pre-September 11 period Dunn (2001) found that in discourse on the
development of mosques in Sydney stereotypes of Islam and Muslims were used in
different ways to influence local perceptions. He concludes (2001: 306) that the
representations of Islam lie at the core of the problems that Muslims in Sydney have
encountered in establishing places of worship[and that]once Muslims were
constructed as different, as alien and treacherous, they could then be treated as noncitizens.
O Awass (1996) argued that news articles on Islam were derogatory and associated Islam
with fundamentalism and terrorism. He also concluded that Islam was repeatedly
associated with Middle Eastern people and culture, jihad was misrepresented, and that
Islam was a threat to Western security. He claims that these perceptions contribute to
the Us and Them divide and facilitates fear in the community. Similarly, B Lowe
(1984) has found that international events that have nothing to do with local Muslim
communities indeed do impact upon them.
It becomes clear, then, that Islam and Muslims have a problematic history with the
media. As this report demonstrates, however, with the heightened attention given to
Muslims and Islam because of the recent terrorist attacks, while there has been an
increase in racial and religious vilification, at the same time there has been an increasing
desire to understand Islam and Muslims on behalf of the Australian public. This is not
simply a matter of Us and Them because the boundaries are blurred, demonstrated
most poignantly by the increasing number of Western converts to Islam.
IV. Methodology
A database of 451 news items was constructed from a search of the global online
database Factiva for news articles that contain the words Islam and/or Muslim from
The Age and the Herald Sun newspapers from September 11, 2001 December 31, 2004.
Searching articles for the terms Islam and Muslim in two major Victorian newspapers
presents a general picture of how the words Islam and Muslim are being used in news
media.
The Factiva search returned approximately 1200 articles in total ranging from news and
feature articles to opinion pieces, letters to the editor, editorials and television program
guides advertising documentaries or reports on Islam. Of the 1200 hits, 451 news
articles and news features have been selected. News articles have been chosen as the
focus of inquiry for the following reasons. First, since the terrorist attacks of September
11, 2001 there have been a series of international and domestic events that implicate
Muslims or Islam to varying degrees either through direct participation or default,
including the USled war in Afghanistan, the Catch the Fire Ministries case in Victoria,
the Bali bombing, the Iraq war, and the Marriott Hotel bombing in Jakarta, in addition to
ongoing issues of asylum seekers, gender and racial vilification. Second, the scope of this
project cannot accommodate the wide range of other print media discourses such as
editorials, opinion pieces and letters to the editor. It is true that these styles of discourse
also explicitly engage with, and reveal, a wide range of perceptions on Muslims and Islam
held by journalists, the broader media, Muslims, Christians, and the general public. But
they do not claim to be unbiased in reporting on events, where as news stories by
definition do. It is therefore important to explore and unlock any coded message that
may be contained in such news coverage.
A number of major newsworthy events impacted on the Australian community in
various ways, and implicated Islam or Muslims. The following list of chronological
events has been constructed as a guide to the analysis:
Event
Terrorist attacks in USA
USled war in Afghanistan
Catch the Fire Ministries Case
Bali Bombing
Iraq War
Marriott Hotel Bombing
Outcome of Catch the Fire
Date
September 11, 2001
October, 2001
May, 2002
October, 2002
March, 2003
August, 2003
December, 2004
The methodology is divided into two sections. The first section is quantitative, where
the number of articles that appeared in The Age and Herald Sun respectively have been
recorded in response to these major events (note that this does not mean that all articles
that contain information on Islam or Muslims are about these events) and determined
particular patterns in relation to language use (recurrent terms used to describe Muslims
and Islam), themes and stereotypes. This section also classifies articles as positive,
negative, neutral or mixed. Pie charts have also been composed to illustrate these
numerical findings.
The second section is a qualitative analysis of the patterns established by the quantitative
analysis and is based on major themes including racism, gender, terrorism and the
interconnection between international and domestic reporting. The significance of news
stories written in response to international and domestic events has been identified, and
how this shapes the way Muslims or Islam is represented overall in the news article.
Therefore, a frame of reference is used that locates news articles as either international or
domestic as part of the analytical process because it was found that domestic news about
Muslims and Islam was in some way interlinked with international events.
This highlights the complexities involved in the construction of Muslims and Islam by
nonMuslims, the Australian media, and the general public more broadly. Images of
Islam and Muslims are reproduced and reinvented in response to a variety of issues,
which will be discussed as this report develops. As part of the analysis of news stories
that contain the terms Islam and Muslim a framework has been developed to
determine how to interpret and analyse the data. This framework will help explain the
meanings the readers are likely to derive from these constructs.
V. Research Findings
This section of the report is divided into two parts. The first part is the quantitative
analysis which contains a series of pie charts to determine patterns in news reporting.
The second part is the qualitative analysis which examines in detail particular themes that
were identified as a result of reading through each article in the database for the
quantitative analysis.
V.a. Quantitative Analysis

(1) What makes news in both newspapers?
News Stories
Culture/Interfaith Relations
Terrorism
Iraq
Indonesia
Race Related/Asylum Seekers
Local Islamic Leaders
West/Islam Relations
Gender
Muslim 'Self '
0
20
40
60
80
100
120
This chart is a general representation of the major newsworthy stories in the database.
The purpose of this graph is to provide a general picture of the types of stories being
written by journalists that use the terms Islam and/or Muslim. The categories in the
chart are broad and serve only as a guide. This graph and the following descriptions of
each of its categories do not consider whether articles are positive, negative, neutral, or
mixed that question is explored below (see question 4). From the graph it is clear that
both newspapers are dominated by news on terrorism matters (22%), West/Islam
relations (16%), and race and asylum seeker issues (16%).
Articles about terrorism in the database related to international terrorist attacks,
international terrorists/terrorist cells, Osama bin Laden, Australian government security
issues in relation to terrorism, and more particularly the ASIO raids of Indonesians in
Australia suspected of having connections to Jemaah Islamiyah and Abu Bakar Bashir.
Also included in this category are stories about local terrorists such as David Hicks and
Jack Jihad Thomas. By West/Islam relations is meant stories that make reference to,
or are about, differences and/or relations between the West and Islam in terms of culture
and religion. Of this West/Islam category, the majority of news stories by far were
about the first racial and religious vilification court case in Victoria, which involved the
Catch the Fire Ministries and the Islamic Council of Victoria; a domestic issue which is
directly interlinked with international acts of terrorism. The race related and asylum
seeker category refers to articles about racial abuse of Australian Muslims and Muslim
women by non-Muslims, asylum seeker matters and detention centre issues related to
Muslims and/or terrorist suspects.
Next to this, 10% of news articles in the database sample were about local cultural issues
such as food, activities, religious celebrations and local council matters. This 10% also
includes interfaithrelated stories about local religious leaders calling for unity,
community gatherings of all faiths, and other stories about religious unity and healthy
interfaith relations. These domestic stories especially focussed on local religious leaders
urging for religious tolerance and cooperation in Australias multicultural society.
Gender, features on Muslim individuals (or Self Stories), and Indonesia also received
significant coverage (8% each). The large proportion of articles about gender issues
demonstrates that the issue of women in Islam is still pertinent in our media. Therefore,
this report explores the significance of gender in the medias construction of Muslims
and Islam in the qualitative section that follows shortly. Self stories are articles about
Muslim individuals that emphasise personal experience, positive subjectivities, opinions,
and are concerned with explaining the diversity and peacefulness of Islam as a religion.
88% of Self stories in the database were from The Age.
The majority of articles on Indonesia were concerned with terrorism in the region, the
Bali Bombings, Jemaah Islamiyah, Australians and Westerners living in Indonesia being
targeted by Indonesian Muslim extremists, the Megawati governments response to
Islamic terrorism, and Indonesian Muslim protests against the Americanled invasion of
Afghanistan.
Iraq received 6% of coverage. Articles about Iraq were not explicitly about Islam or
Muslims, but mentioned the terms in relation to religious identity or culture. The
majority of articles on Iraq were about the war (international) or domestic asylum seeker
related matters and Iraqis who now live in Victoria. News articles about local Islamic
leaders such as Sheik Al-Hilaly and Sheik Omran also received 6% of coverage.
(2) What proportion of all articles comes from each of the two newspapers?
Percentage of Articles on Muslim s and Islam in
Both Papers
The Age
48%
Herald Sun
52%
The different styles in reporting between The Age and the Herald Sun newspapers reflect
the general approaches the two newspapers take in their journalism. From this pie chart
it is clear that the Herald Sun has slightly more news articles than The Age based on the
database sample. It is important to note briefly that overall, The Age contained many
more opinion pieces, editorials and letters to the editor on Islam and Muslims than the
Herald Sun.
(3) Domestic/International divide:
Percentage of Dom estic and International
Articles in Both Papers
International
29%
Domestic
71%
This pie chart shows that almost one third of news articles in the database are about
international events. Given that there was a series of major international events that
implicated Muslims and Islam in relation to terrorism and war (September 11, Bali
bombings, Iraq) the question arises as to why the majority of news articles are about
domestic issues. This report has already identified that there is a direct and significant
link between international events and local news stories. This means that international
acts of terror or war that involve Muslims and Islam has repercussions in local
communities in Victoria, and no doubt the rest of Australia. The other important point
is that international events that implicate Muslims and Islam do not necessarily discuss
Muslims and Islam in their reporting, but rather use particular terminology such as
Islamic terrorism, jihad, Muslim fanatics and so on to describe and contextualise the
type of violence being carried out.
(4) What percentage of articles in both newspapers are positive, negative, neutral or
mixed?
This study categorises news articles as positive, negative, neutral or mixed based on
language and the way the story is constructed. The 4 categories have been shaped by drawing
on theoretical frameworks employed by other researchers, and an assessment of the
collected news items from The Age and the Herald Sun.
Positive articles in the database are those that represent Islam and Muslims in
ways which enhance the readers knowledge of Islam by explaining its teachings,
its diversity, and reveal a degree of understanding of the religion as well as
representing a range of opinions, and feature stories on the Muslim Self.
Positive stories use noninflammatory language.
Negative reports reveal a lack of understanding of Islam and its diversity, as well
as primarily or solely referring to social discord, conflict and immorality.
Negative stories essentially reproduce the notion that Muslims and Islam are alien
and somehow un-Australian. Negative articles also omit certain relevant details
which could contextualise the story, thus giving an out-of-context account with
negative connotations.
Neutral articles are neither positive nor negative, and are especially noninflammatory. Neutral articles rarely engage in discussion of Islam and/or
Muslims.
Mixed articles combine positive, negative and neutral aspects.
This study classifies news articles as positive, negative, neutral or mixed based on
language and the construction of the story. This means that adjectives used to describe
Islam, Muslims and their behaviour or activities affects the tone of a story. Also, the
inclusion or non-inclusion of various voices and opinions, such as Muslims, contribute to
how the story is constructed. If Muslim perspectives are not included in the construction
of the story then it may lead to negative reporting, for example.
Percentage of Positive, Negative, Neutral and

Mixed Articles in Both Papers
Mixed
4%
Neutral
45%
Positive
37%
Negative
14%

Mixed Articles in The Age
Mixed
2%
Neutral
43%
Positive
Positive
50%
Negative
Neutral
Mixed
Negative
5%

Mixed Articles in the Herald Sun
Mixed
5%
Neutral
47%
Positive
24%
Negative
24%
It is clear from these pie charts that The Age had more positive news items than the
Herald Sun. Almost one quarter of Herald Sun news items were negative, compared to
only 5% from The Age. In both newspapers the majority of news items were neutral.
V.a.1 . Negative Stories and Negative Reporting: Are They the Same?
It is important to note that categorising news items is highly subjective, and does not
represent a general truth. The process of classifying news articles is subjective because
interpretation differs from context to context, and largely depends on who is doing the
interpreting. This study is aware that the context of a story may also affect how it is
classified. For example, a story such as a suicide bombing in Israel is negative, because it
involves murder, death, and social discord. Journalists writing this story may use neutral,
noninflammatory language to describe this negative event, yet because of the negativity
of the story the impact on the reader is likely to be negative. This means that the more
negative the context of a story, the meaning and image derived will more likely be
negative, regardless of whether neutral or non-inflammatory language is used in the
article. So even though a news item may be classified as neutral in this study, the overall
impression it generates is very likely to be negative (although this is not always the case).
Consequently, neutral articles about Muslim extremists in Indonesia may contain noninflammatory language as events are reported. But the reader may eventually derive a
negative image of Islam in Indonesia due to a series of articles that link them to
extremism, violence and conflict. Therefore, the effect from reading a neutral article may
be negative. This, then, has little to do with the journalists who simply report the event
(as news stories), and has more to do with the wider social environments and attitudes of
the reading public.
This means that reporting a negative story does not always mean that it is negative reporting.
Rather, it is the language and construction of a story that determines whether it is negative for
the purposes of this study.
It is important to point out, again, that the process of interpreting texts/discourse as

positive, negative, neutral or mixed is highly subjective and does not solely determine
how the media represents Muslims and Islam. Therefore, it is important to be aware of
other social forces that contribute to the construction of Muslims and Islam in Australia.
These include, for example, the images the public are presented via television, magazines,
and opinions discussed on talkback radio.
V.a.2. Examples of Positive, Negative, Neutral and Mixed Articles
Muslims in Melbourne Denounce Holy War, The Age 11/10/2004

David Wroe with AAP
Positive:
Islamic community leaders in Melbourne yesterday condemned the call for
Muslims worldwide to declare a holy war, saying Australian Muslims would
not be swayed by violent rhetoric. Sheik Fehmi El-Imam, secretary of the
Board of Imams, said Melbourne Muslims stood united against any form of
holy war or terrorism. They won't be influenced by the message. They will
repudiate the message immediately, Sheik Fehmi said. We have no room
here for calling for jihad or making terrorist acts.
This excerpt is positive because it uses strong language to inform readers that Muslims
condemn holy war by describing it as violent rhetoric. A Muslim voice is present in
this article that of Sheik Fehmi El-Imam, who is making the point that Australian
Muslims (united) have no desire to participate in terrorism.
Kinders slap ban on Santa, Herald Sun 28/11/2002

Nikki Protyniak, Leela de Krester and Ashley Gardiner
Positive:
More than a dozen centres across Melbourne yesterday said they will not
let Father Christmas in the door this year. Ethnic community leaders
also say the ban is wrong. They have called on the 14 kinders to bring
Santa back. "There is a Muslim family in one of the groups and we
didn't want to offend them," a worker said. But Australian Arabic Council
chairman Roland Jabbour said the no-Santa ruling was going too far.
Santa's part of the Australian way of life. We don't know how such a thing
could be offensive.
This excerpt from an article in the Herald Sun is positive because it demonstrates
commitment to Australian tradition and rejects simplistic stereotypes that Muslims are
intolerant of Christian belief. Additionally, the journalists have included Muslim/ethnic
perspectives to demonstrate that Muslims are part of, and contribute to, Australian
culture.
Baptism of Fire for Believers, The Age 4/02/2003

Barney Zwartz
Negative:
But complaints to the Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission
and the testimony of clergy who visit the centres suggest that Christians
and other minority groups face persistent harassment and abuse by Muslim
extremists, and management indifference to their religious needs.
According to representatives outside the centres, Christians, Tamils and
Sabian Mandaeans (followers of John the Baptist) in the centres live in fear
Mandaeans have claimed Muslims would not allow them to mingle or
use facilities and forced them to conform to Muslim dress codes. They also
have to eat food prepared to Muslim religious requirements, which
contradict their own. Having fled Islamic persecution, these groups find it
humiliating to have to conform to Islamic dietary laws in Australia.
Mandaeans say Muslim extremists have defecated on them, and set fire to
Mandaean and Christian accommodation when these groups don't join
planned disturbances. Mandaeans say an extremist religious leader in
detention has issued a "fatwa" that killing Mandaeans is sanctioned in
Islam.
This excerpt demonstrates the point that a negative story can be read as negative
reporting. Indeed, this is a negative story that implicates Muslims and Islam because of
the acts of a few individuals who identify themselves as Muslims. But the language used
in this article tends to homogenise Muslims and Islam. Take for example, Muslims
would not allow them to mingle or use facilities and forced them to conform to Muslim
dress codes this implies that there is something inherently Islamic about this kind of
behaviour. Although Zwartz does mention that this abuse is by Muslim extremists, in
particular an extremist religious leader[who]has issued a fatwa that killing
Mandaeans is sanctioned in Islam, the wider context is not made clear. Absent in this
story is any sense of how other Muslims responded to these acts. There are no Muslim
voices in the article to challenge this abusive behaviour and point out that not all
Muslims are intolerant and violent. Based on what was missing from the content of this
article (i.e how it has been constructed), this article is classified as negative because the
repercussions of its coverage of a negative story tie Islam and Muslims to conflict, abuse,
and intolerance.
Jinx fear on asylum ship, Herald Sun 28/7/2004

Ainsley Pavey
Negative:
Muslim asylum-seekers refused to let members of a sect stay aboard their
doomed boat, a court heard yesterday. Sect members were kicked off the
boat before it left Indonesia for Christmas Island because passengers
believed they were jinxed, Brisbane Magistrate's Court was told. Muslims
also tore out pages from the Koran -- and threw them into the sea hoping
the gesture would calm the waters.
Again, this is a negative story that has been written in a negative way. Pavey has not
identified what nationality the Muslims are, the wider context for their seeking asylum,
nor has she included Muslim perspectives to counter- or elaborate on the accusations.
This thus gives a negative feeling to the article and contributes to orientalist imagery of
Muslims as intolerant, superstitious and violent.
JI man says Bashir was boss, The Age 22/12/2004

Tim Johnston
Neutral:
The case against the alleged leader of Jemaah Islamiah, the terror group
behind the Bali bombings, was boosted yesterday when Abbas, a confessed
senior member of JI, gave a detailed account of Abu Bakar Bashir's
involvement in the running of the group. Until his testimony, the case had
been in danger of collapsing after witnesses withdrew their confessions and
convicted JI members would not confirm that Bashir had anything to do
with the group.
This article is neutral because it does not directly discuss Islam or Muslims. Jemaah
Islamiah in this excerpt is described only as a terror group despite the article being laden
with Arabic terms and names (Jemaah Islamiah, Abbas, Bashir), which imply a
connection to Islam. This is an example of a journalist reporting the facts of the story
and using non-inflammatory language.
Jews calm but wary, Herald Sun 13/09/2001

Fay Burstin
Neutral:
The Australian Jewish community is on high alert in the wake of the US
catastrophe. All Jewish schools, synagogues and organisations have stepped
up security as fears grow that fundamentalist Islamic terrorists may be behind
the attacks. But Executive Council of Australian Jewry president Nina
Bassatt refused to speculate on who was responsible and said it was too early
to point the finger at Islamic groups.
This article focuses on Australian Jews and their concern for safety following the
September 11 terrorist attacks against the United States of America. This article has been
interpreted as neutral because it does not engage in explicit discussion of Islam and/or
Muslims, but rather makes reference to the fundamentalist Islamic terrorists [who] may
be behind the attacks.
Asylum seeker claims flawed, The Age 13/11/2002

Russell Skelton
Mixed:
The Federal Government has identified more than 200 Pakistani nationals
masquerading as Afghan asylum seekers, many of whom are suspected of
being linked to al Qaeda and other extremist Islamic groups. But The Age
believes the final figure could reach 1500 as investigations continue into the
backgrounds of more than 3700 temporary protection visa holders.
Australian authorities are also acting on information provided by Muslim
communities in Melbourne, Sydney and Adelaide. Mr Ruddock confirmed
that he had been given three lists of 101 suspected Pakistani nationals by a
member of the Afghan community and that his department found that it
already had information on 28 of those named. In Adelaide, Afghan
community leaders, who asked not to be identified for fear of reprisals, said
70 per cent, or 700 of Afghan TPV holders living in South Australia had
been identified as Pakistani.
This article is mixed because although it implies that Pakistanis (many of whom) in
detention are linked to al Qaeda and other extremist Islamic groups, it also includes
voices of Afghans (presumably Muslims also) who are helping authorities to identify the
nationalities of individuals seeking asylum. In this way, the article does not homogenise
Muslims. There are, however, mixed messages going to readers about Pakistanis.
Indeed, although a significant proportion of Pakistanis claim to be Afghan, this does not
mean that all of them are making this claim, and it certainly does not mean that all
Pakistanis are Islamic extremists.
Extremist's dire warning, Herald Sun 19/10/2002

Danny Buttler
Mixed:
Relatives of a Melbourne woman missing since the Bali bombings have
condemned controversial comments by radical Muslim cleric Abu Bakar
Bashir. A chief suspect in last weekend's terrorist attack, Mr Bashir has
caused widespread outrage by claiming victims' relatives should convert to
Islam. Paul Watson, whose partner's daughter, Jessica O'Donnell, is still
missing following the Bali attacks, said understanding, not threatening
rhetoric, was needed to help families through this tragic time.
If he was as religious as he thinks, he would have nothing but compassion instead, he is issuing threats, he said. Mr Watson pleaded with people of all
religions to look after each other. I'm sure a majority of Muslims would not
agree with his comments, he said. I would repeat a comment I saw on the
steps of Parliament this week: we are one, we are Australians. Deborah
Collins, whose son Andrew is Jessica O'Donnell's boyfriend, said she would
expect nothing less from Mr Bashir. I wouldn't expect him to say anything
different, because that is how they think, she said. We're running on a
different tram; we have a different culture. Mr Bashir is thought to be the
leader of Jemaah Islamiyah, a shadowy organisation that has been blamed for
a series of attacks on Western embassies in Singapore this year.
This article is mixed because it contains different perspectives on Muslims and Islam,
which are not elaborated on in an analytical way. Mr. Watsons comment that a
majority of Muslims would not agree with his [Bashir] comments is a positive response
to Abu Bakar Bashirs call for relatives of victims of the Bali Bombs to convert to Islam.
Yet Ms. Collins comment that that is how they think were running on a different
tram; we have a different culture reflects the Othering discourse of negative
stereotypes the differentiation between Us and Them that casts Them as lesser,
barbaric and violent, and certainly as a homogenous group that practises Islam.
V.b. Qualitative Analysis

This section of the report examines three aspects of news reports about Muslims and
Islam. First, the analysis considers what is being written about Muslims and Islam and
how it is being said. Here the language journalists use to describe and categorise
Muslims and Islam is revealed, which directly or indirectly contributes to the
construction of positive or negative images.
Second, there is a detailed examination of particular themes that have been identified
from reading the 451 articles in the database. These themes are (1) terrorism; (2) race; (3)
gender; and (4) the connection between international and domestic events in news
reporting.
1. The analysis of terrorism considers the ways in which international and domestic
issues are interlinked and contribute to the negative stereotyping of Muslims;
2. The examination of race highlights issues of asylum seekers, the link between
Arabs and Islam, cultural issues associated with food, places of worship, and
violence perpetrated against Muslims;
3. The gender theme examines the ways in which Muslim men and women are
represented in news stories;
4. The significant link between international and domestic events demonstrates how
the Muslim and non-Muslim divide is not that clear-cut, and how events overseas
impact on local communities; included are examples of terrorists, asylum seekers
and Western converts to Islam.
In addition to the above there is recurring themes about the ongoing historical conflict
between Christianity and Islam. All of these themes are interlinked to varying degrees
and may be revisited for discussion in all four sections.
Third, following these examinations the report moves to an analysis of counterconstructions of Muslims and Islam in the press to illustrate the positive portrayal of
Muslims and Islam. This demonstrates that while negative stereotypes continue to be
reproduced and reinvented, there is also a counter construction process at play which
reflects the desire to know more about Muslims and Islam. These concerns are
illustrated by what are called Self stories news features about individual Muslims,
which reveal their opinions, perspectives and experiences in Australia or their country of
origin. Self stories contribute to the deconstruction of the Us and Them divide,
where Muslims are the unknown and feared Other, by bringing real peoples stories to
the public.
V.b.1. Language
The analysis of news articles revealed that non-inflammatory language was generally used
in articles about international and domestic events that involved Muslims or Islam, as can
be seen by the majority of news articles that were classified as neutral in the graph on
page 13 of this report. The context in which these articles were situated, however, is
generally negative. As the graph on page 10 further indicates, the majority of news
articles in the database can be placed in the context of the war on terror a negative
context. This means that the majority of articles either discussed the direct connection
between Muslims, Islam and terrorism, or issues and events that have occurred in
response to the war on terror such as the backlash against Australian Muslims since the
September 11 terrorist attacks (as domestic issues).
The analysis of the news articles found the following terms are frequently used by both
newspapers to describe Muslims and Islam in connection to terrorism in both
international and domestic cases: Fanatic, fundamentalist, purist, terrorist, radical,
hardline, extremist and militant. For example, radical Islamic group, fundamentalist
Islamic terrorists, extremist Islamic group, and militant Muslim fanatics. These groups
and/or individuals are described as fighting a holy war or jihad, and are depicted as
opponents to Western culture and democracy.
The terms Islam and Muslim (and their derivatives, such as Islamic) are also used in
news articles as adjectives, for example Islamic fundamentalism, Muslim hardliners,
Muslim fanatics, Muslim extremists, Muslim protestors and so on. These terms are
mostly used in articles about international events such as terrorist attacks or wars
overseas (in Afghanistan for example), threats of terror or terrorist groups (in the
Philippines, Indonesia, Palestine, Afghanistan for example, as well as domestically in
Australia) that involve Islam or Muslims. The use of Islam or Muslim as adjectives
implies that Islam sanctions terrorism. These terms also appear in domestic articles
about local terrorist suspects and Islamic leaders who are accused of having connections
with radicals or who engage with extremist Islamic groups, or in relation to Muslim
detainees making trouble in detention centres (see example of the negative article in The
Age on page 16 of this report).
These articles generally do not contain lengthy discussion about Islam or Muslims.
Further, the terms are used interchangeably. There is no consistency in relation to how
the terms fanatic, extremist, fundamentalist, and militant are used in news articles. This
raises the issue of typology and how we understand the meanings given to these terms.
Further, adjectives used to describe Muslim individuals or the activities of these Islamic
groups include blood-letting and angry, as those who threaten, trigger and attack.
This fear-based discourse implies that we should fear them because essentially
Islamic terrorists are fighting a holy war or jihad against Western culture and values.
International news articles are overall often neutral and non-inflammatory in language,
but actually reproduce negative stereotyping of Muslims and Islam because they lack
explanation of the wider context and do not include a range of opinions of Muslims
themselves. Because these types of international articles are situated within the context
of the war on terror, they tend to focus on physical events that occur in these war
zones and in doing so recreate the image that Muslims in the Middle East are violent
jihad fighters who need to be stopped and controlled by the West. The implied
assumption is that Muslims are connected to conflict, disunity and militancy.
The majority of articles about the hunt for the September 11 terrorists (Osama bin
Ladens Al-Qaeda members) and the US-led war in Afghanistan do not engage in
discussion of Islam or Muslims. These articles are more concerned with military,
strategic and political details rather than a discussion of Islam as such. They often
contextualise the war on terror in terms of Islamic jihad or holy war, but provide little
discussion of Islam and Muslims.
On the counter-construction side, terms such as moderate and mainstream are used to
describe Muslims who we do not need to fear. These terms are used in articles that
juxtapose extremists and moderates, and usually in domestic articles that seek to
reinforce that not all Muslims are extremists or terrorists. We also found that Islamic
and Muslim are used as adjectives in domestic articles in relation to non-terrorist
activity, such as Muslim police officer, Muslim school children, Muslim worshippers,
and so on. It appears that journalists and the editorial staff in The Age and Herald Sun feel
compelled to continually mark Muslim identities in news stories.
The marking of Muslim identity often means that ones degree of participation in Islam is
made the subject of news articles or is implied as the cause of the negative event. For
example, a story about a Muslim Turkish couple that burned down their kebab shop
explicitly links the barbarism and sexism of Islam to the act. The article, called Forced
to obey husband, in the Herald Sun (29/05/2002) reads, Religion led a devoutly Muslim
woman to join her husband in a plot to blow up their kebab shop, a court heard
yesterday. Fadime Cubuk, 24, always stuck strictly to the teachings of the Koran - which
included obeying her husband, Muhammed. This is a negative story and Islam is placed
squarely at the heart of criminal activity. The sub-text of this article tells the reader that
the Koran teaches women to obey any order by their husbands, including criminal
activity. This is an over-simplistic generalisation and will be discussed in more detail in
relation to gender.
Many of the news articles in the database are about the abuse and violence Muslims have
experienced since September 11, 2001. In these domestic articles Muslims are the
subjects (whose identity is again marked because they are Muslims) as victims of abuse.
It is often the case that the abusers identities, or suspected identities, are not at all
mentioned, making Muslims the most visible players in these stories of violence and
conflict. Although it may be true that the police do not know who is committing these
violent acts against Muslims, there seems to be a lack of news stories about the police
search for these criminals. Additionally, there are many news stories about community
leaders calling for calm and tolerance, but again, the criminals and racists who make
trouble remain invisible in the media. This means that these criminals and racists are not
made responsible for their actions, reinforcing the assumed link between Muslims and
violence.
V.b.2. Dominant Themes

This section explores themes of terrorism, race, gender and the direct link between
international and domestic events to understand the ways in which the news media
contributes to the reproduction of negative stereotypes. As discussed earlier, terrorism,
race, gender and the ongoing relationship between international and domestic events
have been chosen because the first three are pertinent social issues which significantly
contribute to the construction of Islam and Muslims, and the latter provides a frame for
understanding the reproduction and recreation of negative stereotypes and
(mis)informed understandings of Islam.
1.
Terrorism
The identification of Islam with acts of terrorism, or terrorism in the name of Islam, is
commonly known as Islamic terrorism. Because these Islamic jihad fighters and
Muslims come from other parts of the world namely the Middle East and conflict
zones, they have occupied a foreign place in the Australian imagination. But events
have brought Muslims and their religion to Australia either as asylum seekers, residents,
students, religious leaders, or terrorists with an agenda. More recent events in London in
July 2005 and the September 11 2001 terrorist attacks have contributed to the Wests fear
and (mis)understanding of Islam and have raised the issue of home grown terrorists.
The war on terror has a sub-text which many perceive as a war on Islam. This war has
no boundaries. It is a war fought in metaphysical and ideological spaces; and this
includes Australian space.
It is possible to say, therefore, that acts and threats of terrorism (as executed by Islamic
extremists), as they make news, particularly demonstrate how the link between
international and domestic news reporting contributes to the construction of Islam and
Muslims in Australia, because international acts of terror become domestic issues when
Western homelands are subject to attack. In fact, the threat of terrorism collapses the
perceived separation between Us and Them because nowadays They are living in
Our communities. Although They remain the Other, there is a new sense of fear of
Them because they are now near Us in Our society. Therefore, the way in which the
public understand Us and Them has been recreated to adapt to the new climate of
fear. With the inclusion of Western converts to Islam, the frames for interpreting the
Other are shifting and are no longer reliable.
This excerpt from the Herald Sun (20/11/2001) illustrates how They have infiltrated
Our land:
Australian Islamic groups have fundraising and merchandising ties to a
UK company that has been recruiting Muslims to Osama bin Laden's
terror groups. The ties shed new light on the relationship between
pro-Osama bin Laden networks in the UK and minority groups in
Australia's Muslim communities, academics say. This week Insight
was also able to log on to Melbourne-based IISCA's web site and down
load an order form from Azzam Publications for the controversial projihad video The Martyrs of Bosnia. IISCA this week denied any
financial relationship with Azzam but defended the video and IISCA`s
web site links. IISCA secretary Amjid Muhammad said: "If you think it is
in bad taste, that is your opinion. Don't go to the site."
And,
reports emerged yesterday of people of Middle Eastern backgrounds
cheering the terrorist attacks against the US. Melbourne Airport
spokeswoman Bianca Polidori confirmed some taxi drivers had been
seen shouting anti-US slogans. "It's very inappropriate behaviour and
people were shocked by it," she said. "But I don't want people to think a
lot of taxi drivers were involved. There's no organised group." In
Queensland, Muslim students reportedly cheered as TV images of the
New York plane crashes were played at a university library. Melbourne
workers arriving at a city office yesterday were shocked to see proterrorist slogans daubed on the entrance doors. "Victory to Islam",
"Allah" and "Death for Jews" were spraypainted on a five-storey building
at the corner of Collins and King streets. Cleaners arrived to remove the
graffiti about 8am. Mr Hazou condemned the incidents and said the
overwhelming majority of Arabic and Muslim Australians were horrified
by the attacks (Herald Sun 14/09/2001).
In this news story the journalists (John Masanauskas and Philip Cullen) try to make clear
that not all Muslims are terrorists and not all support extremist ideologies. Yet readers
are still faced with the reality that there are Muslims in our society who do support
extremist acts of terror.
The fact that Muslim extremists are in Australia raises alarm and creates the illusion of a
link between Muslims and terrorists, or at least that we must be suspicious of Arabs and
Muslims. The stereotype that depicts terrorists as strict Muslims also contributes to
(mis)understandings of Islam. For example, Michael Beach from the Herald Sun
(4/10/2001) writes of Muhammed Atta who played a lead role in the September 11
terrorist attacks:
Hijak ringleader Mohamed Atta left a will barring women from his funeral
and instructing mourners not to cry. He also asked his fellow Muslims to
"pray that I will go to heaven". The will was found in a bag left at Boston
airport along with a five-page instruction manual for his fellow hijackers.
"The person who will wash my body near my genitals must wear gloves so
that I am not touched there. I don't want a pregnant woman or a person who
is unclean to come and say goodbye to me. "I only want to be buried next to
good Muslims, my face should be directed east towards Mecca. "Women
must not be present at my funeral or go to my grave at any later date."
Cleary, this article attempts to expose the strict orthodoxy of Islam as being partly
responsible for Attas barbarism. By emphasising the sexism and intolerance of Islam in
Attas will, the reader is confronted with a set of images of Islam as not only a religion
that sanctions terrorism, but also sexism, extreme piety and is puritanical.
Furthermore, articles with headlines such as Australia Islams enemy, Muslims told
(The Age 10/12/2002), which tell readers that Australia has been accused of being an
enemy of Islam in speeches to mosques in Asia, increasing the risk of terrorist attacks,
according to a leading defence expert, contribute to the fear of the Muslim Other
because not only do non-Muslims have to fear Muslims in Australia, but abroad as well.
An examination of terrorism also implicates race issues because terrorists are
stereotyped as non-Western, and usually Middle Eastern.
This stereotyping of Muslims as terrorists and all Middle Easterners as Muslims has led
to serious problems for asylum seekers from Middle Eastern backgrounds and Muslim
nations. Not only do these people become terrorist suspects because of their ethnic and
religious identities, but also their stories that make the news contribute to the
reproduction of negative stereotypes of asylum seekers, Muslims and Islam. The Herald
Sun (2/10/2001) reported the following,
Members of a Muslim fundamentalist group now waging a holy war
against the US have been granted refugee status and live in Victoria. In
granting permission for the Egyptian husband and wife to remain in
Australia, the Refugee Review Tribunal "noted that the applicants have
been implicated in the activities of an extremist religious/political group,
the al Jihad". Further evidence of refugees with links to terrorist groups
has surfaced after reports last week that a suspected bomber and follower
of Osama bin Laden has been living in Victoria for the past three years
awaiting deportation. But the Refugee Tribunal heard the Egyptian
couple, although implicated in al Jihad, had refused to be involved in acts
of violence.
And this excerpt from The Age (23/11/2002),
Terror Islamic militants from Egypt with links to al Qaeda and Osama
bin Laden have successfully sought asylum in Australia to avoid arrest
and interrogation by security forces. It is believed they have targeted
Australia as a haven since the mid-1990s because of its relatively open
immigration system and lengthy avenues for appeal, Refugee Review
Tribunal records show. While records show many were rejected by the
tribunal after their claims of persecution were dismissed, The Age
believes a significant number were approved. Immigration Minister Philip
Ruddock said a man with links to the terrorist group suspected of the
Bali bombings was living in Australia.
These stories are negative both in relation to topic, and narrative (in the case of the
Herald Sun). They are about Muslim individuals who indeed engaged in extremist Islam,
the repercussions for the social image of ordinary Muslim asylum seekers and Muslims
more generally is reproduced as negative because there is a sense of fear that They can
slip through the system and become part of Australian society. The direct link between
international terrorists and domestic Australian Muslims is reinforced in this article
because although there are a minority of individuals who resonate with extremist Islamic
ideology, the majority do not, but yet the majority become suspects by default.
2.
Race
Muslims are somehow conceived of as a race of people because dominant stereotypes

portray them as Arabs (from the Middle East/or of Middle Eastern background). This
study reveals that this link is still being reproduced in our news media.
For example, an article entitled Mosques go on alert in the Herald Sun (13/09/2001)
reports,
Muslim and Arabic leaders called urgent meetings yesterday to discuss
the tragedy and its possible effects on their communities. Mr Jabbour
said despite isolated pockets of support for the attacks in the Middle
East, the overwhelming majority of Arabs and Muslims would condemn
the actions.
Similarly, this excerpt from an article in the Herald Sun (14/09/2001) entitled Hate
attacks sweep nation reinforces assumptions that Arabs and Muslims are one and the
same in America:
Dozens of anti-Muslim attacks were reported across the United States
in an ugly backlash to the terrorist attacks in New York and
Washington. Police stopped 300 protesters from marching on a
mosque in the southwest Chicago suburb of Bridgeview yesterday.
There were no injuries but three people were arrested. "I'm proud to be
American and I hate Arabs and I always have," said Colin Zaremba, 19,
who marched with the group from Oak Lawn. In Chicago, a molotov
cocktail was tossed at an Arab-American community centre and a
firebomb was hurled at a mosque in Montreal.
Again, the assumed link between Arabs and Muslims is not only revealed by Colin
Zaremba, the 19 year old who hates Arabs, but in the meaning implied by the
journalist who introduces the story in terms of an anti-Muslim attack and later finishes
it with another assumed link between Arabs and Muslims: a Molotov cocktail was
tossed at an Arab-American community centre and a firebomb was hurled at a mosque.
As in most domestic articles about attacks on Muslims the reader is left wondering who
the perpetrators of these attacks might be.
Indeed, these reports reflect the level of (mis)understanding in our community in
relation to the linkage of Islam (as religion) and Arab ethnic groups (as race) as other
Muslim groups such as Indonesian, Sudanese or Chechens (as non-Arab) for example,
do not appear in news reports as targets of anti-Muslim sentiment. The attacks against
Arabs (all who are assumed to be Muslim) are framed in terms of racism, and reinforce
the assumed link between all Muslims and Middle Easterners, and thus reproduce the
homogeneity of Islam and Muslims.
The following excerpt from an article in The Age (14/09/2001) entitled Call for Unity as
Muslims Attacked reveals how these attacks are understood as racism:
In Perth, police said a mosque was defiled with human faeces. The
Australian Arabic Council said a hotline for people to report racist
attacks had been swamped by calls. Immigration Minister Philip Ruddock
urged Australians to remain united and to not seek scapegoats following
the terrorist attacks in the US. Head of the Uniting Church in Victoria,
Reverend Alistair Macrae, asked people to ``resist the temptation to
retaliate against innocent people, especially Muslims''. Sydney Catholic
Archbishop George Pell told a prayer service: ``It's quite unjust to
scapegoat our Islamic community because they too reject these murders.''
New South Wales Premier Bob Carr also moved to quell racial tensions,
saying hate attacks would not be tolerated.
The article shares overtones of religious, hate and racial attacks. Similarly, this article
from the Herald Sun (14/09/2001) called Tensions rise in Australia, reports attacks
against Arabs and Muslims and defines them in terms of race:
Rising tension over the US tragedy has led to several racist attacks against
Arabic and Muslim Australians, it was claimed yesterday.
The understanding of Muslims as a race is a partial truth because not all Muslims belong
to the same ethnic background and therefore cannot be called a race. And Anglo-Saxon
Western converts to Islam would not be described as part of the Muslim race because
race refers to ethnicity rather than religion. Adopting reference to race in the media
also reproduces the notion of homogeneity in Islam and of Muslims. Although
Indonesia has the largest Muslim population in the world, media stereotypes do not
frame it in racial or Islamic terms except in relation to terrorism. Indeed, Indonesia
has in the past been consistently referred to as an Asian neighbour, rather than a Muslim
one. But the context of terrorism has changed that. The idea that Indonesian Muslims
are a threat to Australia is present especially in articles about Indonesian Muslims fighting
with the Taliban against the USA-led war in Afghanistan.
Racist notions are reproduced by the implied meanings of news texts, particularly in
stories which report on negative aspects of Muslim cultural practices. Thus, the
negativity of Islam and Muslims extends beyond terrorism and into the portrayal of
Muslim practices more broadly. The following excerpt from an article in The Age
(25/09/2003) exemplifies how Muslim cultural practices are the subject of debate among
non-Muslim Westerners. It particularly demonstrates how positive stories can be read in
negative ways. The story is about Muslim and Western differences in relation to the
treatment of animals, which touches on a debate about animal cruelty. The story is
positive because there is sufficient explanation about the practice in question by referring
to Yasser Solimans comments. Yet the negative image of Muslims and their cultural
practices as alien and uncivilised is nonetheless reproduced:
The quivering animal is pierced precisely around the neck with a sharp
knife. Blood pours out of its arteries and spills on to the floor. Thanks is
given to God. It is now ready for consumption. The slaughter of animals
must be carried out in a specific way in order for it to be considered halal
meat. Contrary to claims by animal rights activists, the animal must be
dealt with "humanely" and must be in a healthy state before it is killed,

according to Islamic Council of Victoria president Yasser Soliman. "It
should be quick and done with a very sharp knife," he said. "It should be
as painless as possible. The animal should be healthy and the food that
they've eaten should be wholesome. As much as possible the blood
should be drained from the body because that also tends to be one of the
first things that germs like to breed in." The person conducting the
slaughter must be facing the direction of Mecca, to acknowledge God.
Diseased animals are not acceptable. Nor are animals that are afraid, as it
is believed fear releases a hormone into their body that is unhealthy.
Animals cannot see other animals being killed. The spinal cord should
not be cut because that hinders the animal's muscular movement, which
will lessen the amount of blood discharged.
The article ends by contrasting humane Western practices and slaughtering Muslim
practices:
In Australia, an animal's brain is stunned before a killing. RSPCA national
president Hugh Wirth said this did not occur in the Middle East. "We
certainly have been pointing out to the Federal Government in the last
two years that the killing of cattle and sheep in the Middle East in
particular is not humane like we do it," he said.
The information in this article also reproduces the homogeneity of Muslims which can
be contrasted to Us as Westerners. The association of Muslims with cruelty to animals
and barbarism also leads to the notion that Muslims are outside our accepted norms and
value system.
The Age (27/3/2002):
Food samples were taken by Department of Human Services officials
overnight, with results expected in the next few days. Victoria's acting
Chief Health Officer, Dr John Carnie, suspects a bacterial infection,
causing an outbreak of gastroenteritis, was the cause. ``There is some
evidence that suggests (the rice) had been prepared the day before and
then reheated yesterday (Monday),'' Dr Carnie said. ``Clearly this is one
of the risk factors.'' An investigation team from the department was at
the centre early yesterday examining the food preparation area and
conducting a thorough clean-up of the centre. ``In this case it's food
which was provided on a voluntary basis. It's not a commercial outfit,''
Dr Carnie said. Pamphlets on guidelines for community food events are
available in languages other than English, but comprehensive kits on the
guidelines - which have been available in English for more than 12
months - will not be available in other languages until next month. Dr
Carnie said language might be a problem but a greater problem was
people trying to cater for lots of customers in kitchens that were not
suitable for that sort of catering.
This particular case of food poisoning is a negative story occurring during a time of
heightened focus on Islam, which only contributes to the ongoing negative imagery
associated with Muslims. This article implies that Muslims are unhygienic, as they had
not read the guidelines for community food events and had prepared food in
unsuitable kitchens. It is understood that although the journalist, Orietta Guerrera, is
reporting the story based on the information gathered, the fact that Muslims and Islam
are the source of fear in our communities contributes to the negative stereotyping of
Muslims and Islam as different to Us as the Other.
The medias concern for Muslim dietary laws is further illustrated by coverage of the
Hume Council dilemma surrounding the banning of ham from its council lunches.
Ham sandwiches are off the menu in Hume. Council staff have been
ordered to stop serving ham and pork at hundreds of events out of
respect to the area's large Muslim population. Hume chief executive
Darrell Treloar said he had ordered the ban because 12 per cent of the
area's population - and two councillors, including the mayor - were
Muslim. "Rather than having a situation where staff or members of the
community are made uncomfortable or put in a position where they are
unable to participate in the meal we share, I felt it would be better to
remove the meat," he said. "Instead of ham and cheese sandwiches, we
can have tomato and cheese." (Herald Sun 23/5/2003)
This domestic issue is interesting because the ban was put in place in order to show
respect for Muslims in the area, but was met with a backlash when non-Muslim and
Muslim residents described the ban as discriminatory. The case shows that since the
September 11 terrorist attacks that the Australian public has become increasingly aware
of the vilification of Muslims, and is doing what it can to let Muslims know that they are
aware of Muslim culture and want to express that awareness. In response, Muslims are
informing concerned and sensitive members of the public that they are part of Australian
multiculture and see no need for Australian practices to change in order to meet Islamic
laws or cultural practices. This interesting dialogue is taking place at the local level
(domestic) in response to international events (terrorism).
Yet not all local dialogues are positive. The following excerpt from the Herald Sun
(2/10/2003) demonstrates hostilities among residents in Altona East:
A PLAN to build a mosque on parkland in Melbourne's west has divided
a community. Scores of protesters have taken a stand against plans for a
mosque and community centre on a section of Paisley Park in Altona
East. Protesters say they are angry Hobsons Bay Council is considering
selling a 9000sq m section of the park to the Islamic Society of Newport.
They say the council has no right to sacrifice public open space for the
development. Save Paisley Park Action Group president Jason McHale
said he felt the mosque had priority over other projects. "People have
been asking for a skate park for years and there is no park -- then a
mosque comes along and we're in the throes of losing our park." Mr
McHale said locals agreed the Lebanese community needed a new
mosque but said Paisley Park was not appropriate.
*
The negative stereotyping of Muslims and Islam contributes to already existing racist
attitudes held by Australians. Reports such as the following from the Herald Sun
(11/11/2001) demonstrate how elements of racism are alive in our community in
relation to asylum seekers:
THE boat people row blew up yesterday when Liberals were accused of
urging people to "vote for John Howard and keep the Muslims out". As
more than 12 million Australians turned out to vote, a tearful Labor
campaign worker on the NSW central coast complained about comments
being made by Liberal supporters handing out how-to-vote cards. Senior
Labor sources said the woman reported that Liberals at the Wyong
Grove Public School advised voters to "vote for John Howard and keep
the Muslims out". In the seat of Robertson, Labor campaign manager
Paul Howes said Liberal campaign workers told voters: "A vote for the
Liberals will keep out the people you don't want in Australia." They also
told people: "The queue-jumpers and the refugees won't come in under
the Liberals."
Although this story is quite neutral, it reminds readers of the link between domestic and
international issues and reveals a persistent streak of racism which is tolerated by
Liberals.
3.
Gender
The issue of women and Islam continues to make news in our media in complex ways.
The ways in which the media represents men and women, and the relationship between
men and women in Islam varies depending on what is in vogue, what events are
taking/or have taken place, and with which media format we engage. Television, for
example, produces powerful sets of images through camera footage, and magazines and
newspapers also print powerful images to suit their angle. But the text of news articles
also contributes to our understandings of Muslim men and women by adding more
information to that which we collect and make sense of via imagery.
Where Muslim men are generally depicted as fanatics, terrorists, extremists and militants
from Middle Eastern backgrounds (images which usually place men in mosques praying
in Muslim garb or in camp training settings wearing balaclavas and holding machine
guns), or Asian men with white robes and long beards (such as Abu Bakar Bashir),
women are depicted in various way which may demonise Islam or generate sympathy for
Muslims depending on the context of the story. The veil that marks a Muslim womans
religious identity has been the subject of much discussion and debate between Muslim
and non-Muslim women and men alike. A significant number of Western women in
particular have questioned the use of the veil and have argued that it is oppressive. Many
Muslim women interpret their use of the veil as non-oppressive and empowering, a view
that now seems to be tolerated or accepted by the broader community more generally.
In any case, Muslim womens bodies and sexualities have become a contested site for
discussion among the public. This sense of needing to manage and control Muslim
womens bodies and religious expression is exemplified by Frances introduction of a law
banning religious symbolism through clothing in public schools. A binary has thus
emerged in the news media where on the one hand Muslim women are depicted as
oppressed and on the other as empowered. This largely depends on the newspaper in
which the article is printed. Based on the articles in the database constructed for this
report, The Age printed more positive stories about Muslim women which were balanced
and progressive, where as the Herald Sun tended to print stories that portrayed Islam as
sexist and women as oppressed.
The example used earlier in the report of the Muslim Turkish couple that burned down
their kebab shop illustrates how the Herald Sun framed the news story in terms of an
Islamic event, which serves to reinforce dominant stereotypes which claim that Muslim
women are oppressed by their husbands and the Koran. In this way, women are used to
illustrate the demonic and alien characteristics of Islam. In another article on the same
matter, the Herald Sun (13/06/2003) writes,
The Turkish Islamic tradition of wives obeying their husbands led a
woman to join in a $150,000 insurance scam over an exploded kebab
shop, a court heard yesterday. Her barrister, Reg Marron, said Ms
Cubuk's strictly traditional Turkish Islamic family believed it was the
wife's duty to obey her husband. He said Ms Cubuk's marriage was an
arranged one, with Cubuk, who came out from Turkey, chosen by her
parents. Mr Marron said that wives who disobeyed their husbands risked
being beaten and that this was "straight from the Koran".
Another example from the Herald Sun (25/09/2001) portrays elderly Muslim men as
sexual predators and women as highly sexual beings who are ultimately weak and
dependant upon men:
Kuala Lumpur - Elderly Muslim men who marry young virgins but are
unable to satisfy their brides' sexual demands have been accused of
torture by a leading Malaysian cleric. Nik Aziz Nik Mat, spiritual leader of
the Parti Islam SeMalaysia, said aged men wanted young brides as trophy
wives and could not consummate the marriage. "This (is) tantamount to
torturing the wives who are helpless and prohibited to turn to other men
to seek matrimonial pleasures," he was quoted as saying during a weekly
religious lecture.
These negative stories may be contrasted with the significant number of stories on rapes
of Muslim women in Victoria, which portray Muslim women in a different light. A
number of sub-texts could be derived from such stories, but ultimately they express
concern for the abuse Muslim women are suffering as a result of the backlash against
Muslims since September 11. These stories do not suggest that Islam is the cause for
the rapes, but rather that they were generated by racism. In this way, Islam and
Muslims are not blamed for the attacks, but racism is. The Age (17/06/2004) reported
the following on the matter:
Two young Muslim women were raped in Melbourne's northern suburbs

just days after the September 11 terrorist attacks in what were believed to
be racially motivated assaults, according to the Islamic Council of
Victoria. The women and their families did not report the rapes to police
for fear of repercussions, council president Yasser Soliman said. "Racist
remarks were made . . . as a revenge type thing," he said. "The victims
and their families are refusing to report because they don't want to be
dragged into anything further that might mean more backlash or
discrimination against their daughters." Mr Soliman said police were
aware of the issue but the young women, believed to be in their late teens
or early 20s, and their parents, were reluctant to discuss the rapes.
The fact that these women fear the repercussions of reporting the rapes to the police
suggests that the affected family feels abandoned by the Australian community and
outside its normal rules. It could also suggest that women are scared of members of
their own community who may oppose them reporting the crime for fear of bringing
shame to the family, and again reinforce stereotypes that Muslim women are oppressed
and abused victims of men and Islam.
Yet there have also been a significant number of stories which seek to show the agentic
side of Muslim women. Since the rapes of Muslim women stories have been written
about Muslim women seeking to empower themselves by learning martial arts:
Victorian Muslims are turning to martial arts for protection after a series
of assaults. Two women claim racists raped them in the northern
suburbs. Several Islamic centres and mosques are offering martial arts
and self-defence courses following harassment and assaults in the period
since the September 2001 attacks on the US. Islamic Council of Victoria
president Yasser Soliman said the Muslim community had felt the need
to increase self-protection. The Islamic Information and Services
Network of Australasia, based in Sydney Rd, Brunswick, recently began a
course on "kickboxing and self-defence for sisters". IISNA's gym offers
the defence course to protect against assault and build a physical
closeness to Allah. (Herald Sun, 17/01/2004)
The Age has particularly portrayed the Muslim female self as empowered. These Self
stories include articles on Victorias first female Muslim police officer to wear a veil while
working, individual Muslim womens experiences in Australia such as a Muslim school
teachers experiences in the class room and on the street, and Western women converts
to Islam. This excerpt from The Age (26/04/2004) is a feature on a Muslim fashion
designer:
Fashion designer Frida Dakiz has a quixotic approach to commerce. "I
don't care about money," she says. "Girls come into my shop and act
stuck up; I won't sell to them. If someone wants to wear my clothing,
they should have a great personality. "If there's some scum thinking
they're top dog wearing my clothes, I'd be embarrassed." So there. Dakiz
describes herself as "feisty". She certainly doesn't mince words. "My
clothes keep the traditional guidelines - you can't show the figure of your
body; you only show your hands, feet and face - but modernise it and use
different colours. I don't want to make it easier for someone to wear it. I
just want them to look more gorgeous."
Her Muslim-dress designer clothes empower her and other women:
"Islamic women come in and even if they don't buy anything, I give them
inspiration. The dressing rooms are huge; we wrap the dresses in paper they (the women) feel they're special. They get the treatment they don't
get in big city stores." However, she says she sells many clothes to nonIslamic women. "They get beautiful clothes and an education, too. Peaceworkers going to Arabic countries, for example, come in and ask me
what to wear and how to wear it. It's grouse. "Our religion is basically an
instruction booklet for life. It gives me peace, harmony, patience. People
say Islam is no good for women, but it's totally the opposite. Women
have more rights than men do. People get confused by cultural things,
which are different to religious things."
4.
The Connection between International and Domestic Events
The analysis of terrorism, race, and gender suggests that the news media construction of
Muslims and Islam is multi-layered, and is influenced by events overseas and at home.
This suggests that the schism between Muslims here and Muslims there is not fixed
and clear; it is multi-dimensional and complex and means that the binary between Us
and Them is not clear-cut. This is particularly demonstrated by Western governments
concern for what are called home grown terrorists: Western Muslim extremists who
blur the boundaries between Us and Them because they fit into the popular social
fabric of society and are undetectable.
Further, orientalist imagery of Muslims in the Middle East as barbaric, backward, sexist
and violent has spilled onto stereotypes of Muslims in Australia. They have penetrated
Our community and present a greater fear or threat to our way of life. The ASIO raids
on suspected terrorists (mostly Indonesian) in 2002 demonstrate how They are present
in Our lives and We need to manage Them.
But what of non-Arab Muslims (i.e. Anglo-Saxon Muslim converts) such as David Hicks
and Jack Jihad Thomas? How does the media define these men who blur the lines
between Us and Them? Surely they cannot be defined in terms of joining the Muslim
race? Terms such as traitor, terrorist, Al-Qaeda sympathiser, and camp trainee are
used to describe these men who fit into the category of home grown terrorist. And it is
interesting to note that the number of Western women converting to Islam is on the rise:
Despite family misgivings, more Australian women are turning to Islam
Susan Carland can trace her forebears to the First Fleet. But strangers
tell her "go back to your own country". "It's quite hilarious," says the 23year-old youth worker, who has encountered this response from
strangers since she donned a hijab (scarf) after converting to Islam in her
late teens. "What country do you want me to go to?" The latest census
figures showed a 40 per cent increase in Australian Muslims to more than
285,000 (1.5 per cent of the population) in five years. It is not known
what proportion are converts. But the president of the Islamic Council of
Victoria, Yasser Soliman, says it appears to be more common among
women. (The Age 22/12/2002)
The high rate of Western converts to Islam taps into ongoing historical conflicts and
tensions between Christians and Muslims. Indeed, the high number of articles in the
database that engaged discussion of this issue suggests that it is still alive in the
Australian community. The Catch the Fire Ministries case in Victoria, involving
Pentecostal Ministers vilification of Muslims after the September 11 terrorist attacks,
particularly demonstrates this West/Islam divide.
Again, this illustrates how
international events have direct repercussions in domestic environments and religious
circles, and indeed impacts on the wider community and wider socio-religious relations.
V.b.3. Positive Counter-Constructions

Despite the negative implications of reportage on international events that implicate
Muslims and Islam, which do tend to homogenise Muslims and Islam, many news
articles also contribute to counter-constructions of Muslims and Islam in domestic
contexts. This means that the media identifies a difference between Australian Muslims
who live here with Us and non-Australian Muslims who live in international contexts.
In the case of news reports in relation to domestic Muslim issues, there are frequent
references to and positive direct quotes from key Muslim leaders which promote
understanding of Muslims and Islam and condemn terrorist attacks and Islamic
extremism.
These articles also distinguish between extremist and moderate modes of Islam,
therefore emphasising the fact that not all Muslims are radicals. Such articles emphasise
the peacefulness of Islam. There are also Self stories that allow readers to learn about
Muslim individuals and Islamic culture more generally, especially women from feminist
perspectives. These articles portray Muslim children, women and men as part of
Australian culture, as family oriented, anti-terrorist and good Australian citizens. Self
stories portray the normal, stable and sociality of Australian Muslims.
News headlines such as the following examples reveal an effort by the media to counter
negative stereotypes of Muslims and Islam and to demonstrate the Muslim communitys
active role in calling for religious and racial unity in Australian multiculture:
Call for Unity as Muslims Attacked The Age (14/09/2001), Gabrielle
Costa (with AAP)
Religions Unite to Call for Tolerance, Peace Herald Sun (14/09/2001),
authors name not printed
Call for Calm after Rise in Attacks on Muslims The Age (15/09/2001),
Chloe Saltau
Plea from Victorian Muslims Herald Sun (16/09/2001), Kylie Smith
Muslims in Melbourne Denounce Holy War The Age (11/10/2001),
David Wroe
Muslims keen to help Herald Sun (7/12/2001), Mark Dunn
Grief without hate Herald Sun (6/09/2002), Russell Robinson
Proud Muslim recruit grins and wears it Herald Sun (27/11/2004),
Milanda Rout
Constable makes Muslim hijab part of Victoria Police uniform The Age
(27/11/2004), Lorna Edwards
VI. Conclusion
The Age and The Herald Sun newspapers are not Islamophobic. But the representation of
Islam and Muslims is not problem-free. This project has revealed that there are degrees
of ignorance in the Australian community in relation to Muslims and Islam. Ignorance
contributes to a sense of unease. This is a society-wide issue that finds its way into the
pages of the press. Journalists are shaped by their social environment and are open to a
range of political and ideological influences, some of which are openly hostile towards
Islam.
The picture that emerges from the media coverage of Islam, therefore, is mixed. It
reflects the level of journalists familiarity with Islam and professionalism. The Age and
the Herald Sun have at times printed news stories that reinforce the dichotomy of Us
and Them, often with racial undertones. This representation tends to emphasise
stereotypes and cast Muslims and Islam in an unfavourable light. In this respect, the
Herald Sun has a record of recurrent stereotyping and negative reporting, accounting for a
quarter of its coverage on Islam in the period under study. The image of Muslims as
unclean, social deviants and security threats is being regenerated against the backdrop of
the war on terror. Heightened security concerns have made the Muslim community an
easy target for an extra-ordinary level of media scrutiny. This implied guilt-by-association
is socially irresponsible and hurtful to Australian Muslims.
The negative images of Islam and Muslim that are contained in The Age and the Herald
Sun, however, are not solely due to the construction of news stories, and editorial choice
of words. The content of such stories have a significant impact on the overall impression
they leave behind. An obvious case in point is stories about terrorism which have
dominated the front pages of most newspapers. News stories about war and conflict are
anchored in the shocking negativity of these events, and the senseless nature of
terrorism. Even an informed journalist with a high sense of professionalism and a
commitment to avoiding stereotypes would find it difficult to avoid the negative
impression that links Islam with violence and carnage. In such cases, journalists and their
newspapers may not be faulted for this negative impression, and as such these stories
were not identified as negative in the present study.
Consequently, while the proportion of negative reporting is relatively small (5% for The
Age and 24% for The Herald Sun), the type of news stories and their content could still
leave a negative impression which are far more significant than this study was able to
assess.
The press media coverage of Islam and Muslims, it must be emphasised, is not all
negative. Both The Age and the Herald Sun have printed news stories, carefully
constructed with familiar and positive imagery, to present Islam and Australian Muslims
in a positive light. Half of all news stories on Islam and Muslim in The Age and a quarter
of such stories in the Herald Sun were constructed with a careful choice of words and a
deliberate attempt to demonstrate the diversity of Australian Muslims and avoid
stereotyping. These stories address the genuine public curiosity about Islam in recent
years. Best examples in the positive category are Self stories (most extensively employed
in The Age) which explore the daily experiences of Australian Muslims, demonstrating the
ordinariness of Muslims family and professional chores, and in the process overcome
the psychological wall that separates the non-Muslim readership from their Muslim
neighbours. Self stories break the Us and Them dichotomy and make a significant
contribution to overcoming religious and racial tension.
The unavoidable conclusion inherent in this study points to the importance of
balanced and careful news coverage of events. Given the implicit influence of
newspaper journalists on their readers, it is imperative that news on sensitive issues
are investigated in depth and represented with due care to their impact on inter-ethnic
and inter-faith relations. This will mean avoiding stereo-types and reflecting the
social, political and ideological diversity of Australian Muslims. Simplistic reports
and recycling clich do not inform readers. They reconfirm bias against a community
that has become a subject of intense public scrutiny. The complexity of the Muslim
community, just as others, requires careful news coverage which would give the
readership a window into the sort of issues that affect the subject matter. Professional
and unbiased reporting can contribute significantly to public education and inform the
current debate about Islam and the future of Muslims in Australia.
VII. Works Cited

Asmar, Christine. 1992. The Arab-Australian Experience, Australias Gulf War (edited
by Murray Goot and Rodney Tiffen). Melbourne University Press: Australia.
Awass, O. 1996. The Representation of Islam in the American Media, Hamdard
Islamicus, 19(3): 87-102.
Australian Muslim Civil Rights Advocacy Network. 2004. Terrorism Laws: ASIO, The
Police and You. Maroubra: NSW.
Barker, Chris & Dariusz Galasinski. 2001. Cultural Studies and Discourse Analysis: A
Dialogue on Language and Identity. Sage: London.
Brasted, H.V. 2001. Contested Representations in Historical Perspective: Images of
Islam and the Australian Press 1950-2000, Muslim Communities in Australia (Abdullah
Saeed & Shahram Akbarzadeh, eds.). UNSW Press: Australia.
Dunn, Kevin et al. 2004. Constructing Racism in Australia, Australian Journal of Social
Issues, 39(4): 409-430.
Dunn, Kevin. 2004. Islam in Sydney: Contesting the Discourse of Absence, Australian
Geographer, 35(3): 333-353.
2001. Representations of Islam in the Politics of Mosque Development in
Sydney, Tijdschrit voor Economische en Sociale Geografie, 92(3): 291-308.
Manning, Peter. 2004. Dog Whistle Politics and Journalism: Reporting Arabic and Muslim People
in Sydney Newspapers. Southwood Press: Australia.
Poole, Elizabeth. 2002. Reporting Islam: Media Representations of British Muslims. I.B Tauris
Publishers: London.
Richardson, John E. 2004. (Mis)Representing Islam: The Racism and Rhetoric of British
Broadsheet Newspapers. John Benjamins Publishing Company: USA.
Schiffrin, Deborah. 1994. Approaches to Discourse. Blackwell: USA.
Tiffen, Rodney. 1992. News Coverage, Australias Gulf War (edited by Murray Goot
and Rodney Tiffen). Melbourne University Press: Australia.
Van Dijk, Teun. 1991. Racism and the Press. Routledge: USA.

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The Representation of Islam and Muslims

Dr Shahram Akbarzadeh and Dr Bianca Smith

School of Political and Social Inquiry

Islam in the Media 2

Islam in the Media 3

III.a. Constructing the Muslim Other

III.b. Racism and Public Attitude

III.c. Media and Journalists as Image Makers

III.d. International and Domestic Reporting

V.a.1. Negative Stories/Reporting

V.b.2. Dominant Themes

4. International and Domestic Events

V.b.3. Positive Counter-Constructions

VII. Works Cited

Islam in the Media 1

Is the press media in Victoria Islamophobic?

The report begins with background information on Muslims in Australia to contextualise

Islam in the Media 2

Islam in the Media 3

Islam in the Media 4

III. Previous Studies

III.a. Constructing the Muslim Other

Islam in the Media 5

III.b. Racism and Public Attitude

Islam in the Media 6

III.c Media and Journalists as Image Makers

Islam in the Media 7

III.d. The Significance of International and Domestic Reporting

There is an ongoing relationship between international events and domestic issues in

Islam in the Media 8

Islam in the Media 9

Islam in the Media 10

V.a. Quantitative Analysis

Islam in the Media 11

Islam in the Media 12

Islam in the Media 13

Mixed articles combine positive, negative and neutral aspects.

Percentage of Positive, Negative, Neutral and

Islam in the Media 14

Percentage of Positive, Negative, Neutral and

Percentage of Positive, Negative, Neutral and

Islam in the Media 15

It is important to point out, again, that the process of interpreting texts/discourse as

V.a.2. Examples of Positive, Negative, Neutral and Mixed Articles

Muslims in Melbourne Denounce Holy War, The Age 11/10/2004

Kinders slap ban on Santa, Herald Sun 28/11/2002

Islam in the Media 16

Baptism of Fire for Believers, The Age 4/02/2003

Jinx fear on asylum ship, Herald Sun 28/7/2004

Islam in the Media 17

JI man says Bashir was boss, The Age 22/12/2004

Jews calm but wary, Herald Sun 13/09/2001

Islam in the Media 18

Asylum seeker claims flawed, The Age 13/11/2002

Extremist's dire warning, Herald Sun 19/10/2002

Islam in the Media 19

Islam in the Media 20

V.b. Qualitative Analysis