GEORGIOS K.

MALLIOS

A HELLENISTIC SANCTUARY AT ANO POLI, THESSALONICA.

The Terracotta Figurines1

According to Strabo (Geographica, 7, 1, 21) the curator of the realm and

later King of Macedonia, Cassander, founded Thessalonica, at the cove of
the Thermaic Gulf, circa 315 BC. The new walled city developed at the lower,
flat area along the sea as well as on the north slopes, at the foot of Mt. Kissos
(modern Chortiatis). The latter, steep area of north Thessalonica is known today
as Ano Poli (= Upper City). Although much progress was made in the last two
decades regarding the monumental topography of the lower city, we have almost
no evidence yet about the use of space and activities in the upper sector of the

In addition to those described in the Archologischer Anzeiger 1985, 759-764, the following abbreviations are used here:
AErgoMak:
AUTh: Aristotle University of Thessalonica
Unpubl. Doc. Diss.: Unpublished Doctoral Dissertation
Unpubl. M. T.: Unpublished Master Thesis
1. The sanctuary and the figurines yielded in the first of its two votive deposits were the
subject of my master thesis for acquiring the post-graduate diploma of specification in Classical Archaeology, Department of Archaeology, AUTh, cf. . ,
. , Unpubl. M. T., AUTh, Thessalonica 2002. The bibliography used here has not been altered since. I am deeply indebt to Prof.
M. Tiverios, who supervised my thesis, for his help and steady guiding, which solved many
practical as well as methodological problems, and to Prof. Ch. Bakirtzis, Director of the 9th
Ephoreia of Byzantine Antiquities, for allowing me to publish these figurines. Furthermore,
cordial thanks must be expressed to Professors G. Akamatis, S. Pingiatoglou and A. Muller.
I am also thankful to the archaeologists E. Doulgeri, E. Marki, N. Poulakakis, and G. Sanidas,
as well as to the biologist K. Kartsonis, and the rest of the scientific staff of the 9th Ephoreia
of Byzantine Antiquities. Finally, I should like to thank Anna Kokkinidou and Alexia Frangouli for reading this paper and making useful remarks and suggestions.

239

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Georgios K. Mallios

city during the Hellenistic and Roman periods. Moreover, till recently there was
no trace of possible cults and sanctuaries in this remote area. In fact the only
known and excavated Hellenistic sanctuary in the whole city is the Serapeum,
located in the lower western part of Thessalonica and founded probably in the
end of the 3rd century BC 2.
In 1998, excavations supervised by the 9th Ephoreia of Byzantine Antiquites
and the 16th Ephoreia of Prehistoric and Classical Antiquities at the neighbouring building-grounds of 35 and 39 Mouson St. in Ano Poli brought to light more
than 1500 fragments of terracotta figurines and many shreds of Hellenistic and
Roman pottery. The great number of the figurines among them some definitely imported and their chronological range of more than three centuries
suggest that the unearthed fragments, which were later dumped in two large deposits, are remains of votives offered in a nearby sanctuary.
The aim of this paper is twofold: a) to examine the typological and mechanical relations of the excavated figurines to the known terracotta production in
Thessalonica and Macedonia, and b) to show that the deity worshipped in the related sanctuary is a fertility goddess, very popular to the women of the city.
The figurines discussed here were all mold made and their manufacture
involved techniques of casting, assembling, burning and colouring, which are very
common to all coroplastic centres of the Hellenistic World3. The uniformity regarding the clay and the manufacture of the majority of our figurines is highly
distinctive. It seems very possible that most of them are products of local workshops. Indeed, many examples were casted in the same moulds or derive from
the same archetype. We were also able to recognize many typological, technical and even mechanical relations to known terracotta examples of Thessalonica and the rest of Macedonia, when compared with the figurines of the two votive deposits. It is quite apparent that the coroplasts of our figurines shared the

2. On the dating of the Serapeum of Thessalonica see Ch. Edson, Cults of Thessalonica,
HarvTheolR 41 (1948) 180. F. Dunant, Le culte d Isis dans le bassin oriental de la Mediterane, Leiden 1973, 53. . -, , in: . .
(ed.), ,
\ . , I,
Thessalonica 1997, 94 and 100 with note 77.
3. On the manufacturing of Hellenistic terracotta figurines: . - ,
, Athens 1994, 214 ff. . -,
, Unpubl. Doct. Diss., AUTh, hessalonica 1996, 35 ff. [The dissertation was
published in 2003, several months after this paper had been completed]. Also cf. A. Muller,
tudes Thasiennes XVII. Les terres cuites votive du Thesmophorion de latelier au sanctuaire,
Athnes 1996, 27 ff. L. Burn R. A. Higgins, Catalogue of Greek Terracottas in the British
Museum III, London 2001, 18 ff.

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241

same techniques and repertoire with the majority of the Macedonian workshops
of the Hellenistic period. It is also very likely that several of our figurines originate from the same archetype if not from the same cast as several published
examples from Thessalonica4.
Typology and Interpretation Comments
Among the yielded fragments we have identified a few mythological figures,
some dancers, protomai and dolls, female and children heads, a head of an
actor5, two shells (Fig. 4.2)6, a terracotta altar (Fig. 4.3)7, and a fullhorn. The
great majority of the fragments, however, belong to draped female figurines.

Mythological figures and deities

Only a limited number of fragments were identified with known deities. The
Mother of Gods is depicted in an iconographic type (Fig. 1.3-4), very common

4. For a detailed analysis on the manufacturing techniques of the figurines found in the first
deposit of the discussed sanctuary at Mouson St. see , op. cit. (note 1) 14 ff. The fabric of our figurines is of medium hardness and texture, most of the times little or fairly micaceus, with few inclusions. The colour of the fabric is buff and varies from reddish yellow
(Munsell 5YR 5/6-8) to yellowish red (Munsell 5YR 6/6-8), which seems to be standard for the
coroplastic and ceramic production of Thessalonica in the Hellenistic and Roman periods, cf.
. ,
, Unpubl. M. T., AUTh, Thessalonica 1999, 73 nos. 1-3.
5. Identified with the rare mask type of the second pinaros (= dirty), cf. Pollux, Onomasticon, 4, 136 f. On the identification of the type see T. B. L. Webster, Monuments Illustrating Greek Tragedy and Satyr Play, London 1967, 56 XT 3. The only identified terracotta of
the second pinaros type was found also in Northern Greece: . ,
, Athens 1960, 58 A 49, pl. 30. On the subject see , op. cit. (note 1) 183 ff.
with detailed references.
6. Cf. D. Burr-Thompson, Three Centuries of Hellenistic Terracottas. 1. The Late Fourth
Century BC. A) The Coroplasts Dump, Hesperia 21 (1952) 148 f. Agora T 1529, pl. 41.
S. Besques, Muse National du Louvre. Catalogue raissonn des figurines et reliefs en terre
cuite grecs, etrusques et romaines III, Paris 1972, 310 E/D 2579, pl. 385d. On the terracotta
shells at the Balaneion in Thesalonica, cf. . - . .
. . , A . o ,
AErgoMak 12 (1998) 95.
7. The main altar is convex inside and rests upon a two-step crepis with a rectangular
shape. It may have served as a censer. On similar terracotta altars, decorated or not, cf.
D. Burr-Thompson, The Terracotta Figurines of the Hellenistic Period, Troy (Suppl. Monogr.
3), Princeton 1963, 141 ff. E. -,
, Athens 1985, 122, pl. 52. On terracotta altars in Thessalonica and Pella
cf. - et. al., op. cit. (note 6) 95 and . -,
, Athens 1996, 62 f. respectively.

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Georgios K. Mallios

Fig. 1. Divinities. 1-2. (left) Aphrodite. 3-4. (right) Mother of the Gods. 5. (center)
Eros.

in Macedonia of the Hellenistic times8, which was inspired after the famous statue
of the goddess made by Agoracritos for the Athenian Metroon9. Aphrodite,
on the other hand, is represented at least twice as half or fully naked in relaxed
poses (Fig. 1.1-2)10. Moreover, a seated Silenos figure, which plays the diaulos,

8. On the development of this type cf. . -,

, Thessalonica 2000, 49 f. For similar representations of
the Mother of Gods in terracotta found in Macedonia cf. , op. cit. (note 4) 30 with
detailed bibliography.
9. On this statue cf. . , ,
Athens 1971, 111 ff. . , ,
AEphem (1973) 198 ff. E. Naumann, Die Ikonographie der Kybele in der phrygischen und
der griechischen Kunst, IstMitt Beih 28 (1986) 159 ff.
10. In the first fragment she is naked and turns her body to the right, like if she relaxed on
a pillar, cf. the examples in Pella, -, op. cit. (note 8) 4 and 63 ff. nos. 3 ff.,

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243

as well as a head of a Dionysiac figure if not Dionysos himself introduce us

to the world of the God of wine. The most popular of all gods, however, is Eros
(Fig. 1.5) depicted in various iconographic types.

Kourotrophoi
At least two figurines of the Kourotrophos type11 were identified in the context. They represent a standing woman holding a baby with the left arm in her
hug12. Such figurines are usually interpreted as representations of mortal women
bringing their children to the nursing deity13. Certainly, there is always the possibility that these terracottas depict the nurturing goddess herself. Both mortal
and divine Kourotrophoi like ours are usually yielded in sanctuaries of female
deities and heroines, which were seen as protectors of women and their fertility14. The presence of nursing female figures in our context may well be connected with the practicing of a kourotrophic cult in the discussed sanctuary.

Mantle Dancers
The condition of the mantle dancers15 in our context is very fragmentary.
Yet, they stand out with the tension of their garments and the motion of their
body. The women are wrapped in their himation and they perform a standard
and very characteristic gesture: they extend their arm to the side, while the tightly
covered forearm and hand are upright from elbow (Fig. 2.3). This specific gesture

and in Beroea, -, op. cit. (note 3) 233 ff. The second fragment depicts a
reclining, half naked deity, possibly identified with Aphrodite, cf. D. Burr-Thompson, Three
Centuries of Hellenistic Terracottas. 5. The Mid-Second Century BC. 6. The Late Second Century BC, Hesperia 34 (1965) 60 and 70 no. 11, pl. 20. S. Mollard-Besques, Muse National
du Louvre. Catalogue raissonn des figurines et reliefs en terre cuite grecs et romaines , Paris
1963, 30 Myr 47, pl. 32 f; LIMC II (rich-Mnchen 1984), 93 nos. 864 and 871, s.v. Aphrodite
(A. Delivorrias, G. Berger-Doer, A. Kossatz). Also cf. F. Winter, Die Typen der figrlichen
Terrakotten II, Berlin und Stuttgart 1903, 129 nos. 4-5.
11. On the representations of Kourotrophoi in general see T. Hadzisteliou-Price,
Kourotrophos. Cults and Representations of the Greek Nursing Deities, Leiden 1978. On related cults in Northern Greece, ibid., 163 ff.
12. Cf. the two clay figurines in the Archaeological Museum of Thessalonica: . , , Thessalonica 1994, 98 and 185 nos. 28-29.
13. Hadzisteliou-Price, op. cit. (note 11) 129.
14. Ibid., 189 ff.
15. On mantle dancers generally cf. Burr-Thompson, op. cit. (note 7) 102 ff. and . , , Unpubl. Doct. Diss., AUTh., Mytilene 2000, 62 f., both
with bibliography.

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Georgios K. Mallios

Fig. 2. Mantle Dancers. 1. (left) Muffled head of a dancer. 2. (center) Head of a dancer
with tegidion. 3. (right) Raised arm of a mentled dancer.

is considered typical for dancers16. Besides, a fragmentary head found in the first
deposit suggests that these dancers could also muffle their head and the lower
part of the face (Fig. 2.1). This head is very close to a head yielded in the deeper layers of the Roman Agora of Thessalonica dating to the late 2nd or early
1st century BC17. Furthermore, a special kerchief worn by a group of female

16. Cf. most recently G. S. Merker, Corinth 18, IV. The Sanctuary of Demeter. Terracotta Figurines of the Classical, Hellenistic, and Roman Periods, Princeton 2000, 143 (H 100). On
the association of the specific gesture with the mantle dancers also cf. G. Mendel, Catalogue
des figurines greques de terre cuite, Muses Impriaux Ottomans, Constantinople 1908, 373
no. 2618, pl. 10.7. , op. cit. (note 5) 65 B 85, pl. 22. Burr-Thompson, op. cit. (note 7)
106 nos. 89-90 and 92, pl. 24-25. R. A. Higgins, Greek Terracottas, London 1967, 78, pl. 34c
and 108-109, pl. 49b. E. Tpperwein-Hoffmann, Exkurs: Die Terrakotten von Marmutkale,
in: K. Nohlen K. W. Radt (ed.), Altertmer von Pergamon XII. Kapikaya: Ein Felsheiligtum
bei Pergamon, Berlin 1978, 82-83 MK 17, pl. 36. . . -
. - . . . , . . , Athens 1986, 105-106, inv. no. 9851 fig. 92. D. Graepler, Tonfiguren im Grab, Mnchen
1997, 125 fig. 101. , op. cit. (note 15) 208 no. 116 and 283 no. 325. Burn Higgins,
op. cit. (note 3) 107 no. 2251 pl. 44, 179 no. 2506 pl. 84, 229 no. 2795 pl. 117.
17. . - . . . .
. , . ,

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245

heads in our context has also been associated with mantle dancers in scholarship
(Fig. 2.2)18. The specific kerchief, identified as the ancient tegidion19, could
serve as a face cover allowing the dancer to see through two eye slits. Most of
the times, however, the tegidion is pulled across the forehead without covering
the face.
Similar mantle dancer figurines appear in Macedonia and the rest of the
Greek world since the late 5th century early 4th century BC20 and continue till
the end of the Hellenistic period. Specifically, our examples can be dated mainly
to the 2nd 1st century BC. The numerous terracotta fragments of mantle
dancers at Mouson St. could be taken as an indication of a similar form of sacred dancing, which was commonly performed during the festivals of the sanctuary. Figurines of mantle dancers have been turned up in cultic, burial and domestic contexts in Northern Greece as well as in other parts of the Greek
world21. The mantle dancers have been frequently unearthed in sanctuaries of
Demeter and Persephone, thus resulting to their being connected with the two
Eleusinian deities in scholarship22, although these dancers were common gifts to

AErgoMak 10 (1996) 519 fig. 16a. A muffled female head of a dancer was also found in a burial in Thessalonica cf. . -,
, Makedonika 25 (1986) 185 no. 10 pl. 3
18. See Burr-Thompson, op. cit. (note 7) 50 ff.
19. Ibid., 50 ff. Against this identification has argued . ,
, 3 . .. 4 . .., Athens 1993, 89 with bibliography. The earliest
representation of this kerchief in Macedonia is depicted on a female figurine found in the late
4th century BC Tomb of Agia Paraskevi, a few kilometers outside Thessalonica: . , , AEphem (1986) 94 pl. 25a.
20. The earliest mantle dancer figurines in Northern Greece were yielded in Olynthus:
D. M. Robinson, Excavations at Olynthus VII. The Terracottas Found in 1931, Baltimore
1933, 51-52 no. 182 pl. 22 and 53 ff. nos. 185-188 pl. 23; eiusdem, Excavations at Olynthus
XIV. Terracottas, Lamps & Coins Found in 1934 and 1938, Baltimore 1952, 178-180 no. 225.
21. For an account of the sites that yielded mantle dancer figurines see Burr-Thompson,
op. cit. (note 7) 102 note 190. The iconographic type of the mantle dancer is extremely popular in Northern Greece as well: cf. , op. cit. (note 1) 226 note 274 with detailed references. On similar figurines in Thessalonica, cf. - et. al., op. cit. (note 17) 519 ff.
pl. 16 (in the centre above). -, op. cit. (note 17) 185 no. 10 pl. 3. et. al., op. cit. (note 16) 105 f. fig. 92-93.
22. Cf. Burr-Thompson, op. cit. (note 7) 59 and 103. M. Bell, Morgantina Studies I. The
Terracottas, Princeton 1981, 64. , op. cit. (note 7) 32 nos. 36-37 pl. 12d
and 29 nos. 14-17 pl. 9a. Merker, op. cit. (note 16) 151 f. E. Tpperwein, Terrakotten von
Pergamon, Pergamenische Forschungen III (1976) 43 and 157 ff. On mantle dancers found in
the sanctuary of Demeter in Priene see E. Tpperwein-Hoffmann, Terrakotten von Priene,
IstMitt 21 (1971) 131.

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Georgios K. Mallios

a variety of other divinities as well. The latter were mainly female (e.g. Aphrodite, Kybele, Artemis, Nymphs) and their common feature might be the dominant fertility aspect of their cult expressed by rituals of dancing23. The mantle
dancers have been also related to two male divinities of vegitation, Dionysos
and Adonis24. In fact G. S. Merker viewed the heavy drapery of the mantle
dancers as an indication of dancing performances taking place in wintertime festivals in honour of Dionysos. Moreover, R. Lullies mentioned the significance
of the heavy mantle covering the arms of the dancers since man einen
geheiligten Gegenstand nur mit bedeckten Hnden berhren darf, um ihn nicht
zu entweihen25. Regarding the interpretation of the raised forearm gesture,
G. S. Merker has recently suggested that it may be the apotropaic, phallic
hand, which has survived in Mediterranean lands into modern times to guard
against evil26. An additional comment would be that this gesture formed part
of a specific choreography expressing an ecstatic character and sensual if not
apparently sexual hints.
The erotic nature of the mantle dancing is evident on a red figured oinochoe
in the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford27. A female figure, wrapped tightly in her
mantle, performs what seems to be an erotic dance opposite an ithyphallic
dwarf. The whole scene is taking place under a flying phallus-bird obviously during a particular fertility festival. Sexuality and dancing on the other hand are
closely connected with the cult of the Nymphs28. It is worth noticing that these
minor deities are the only divinities represented as mantle dancers29. Nevertheless, it is more likely that the mantle dancers represent mortal worshippers performing sacred dances as G. S. Merker suggested30. It is also quite certain that
23. Mantle dancers were yielded at the sanctuary of Aphrodite and the Mother of Gods in
Pella, cf. -, op. cit. (note 8) 73 no. 37 pl. 54b, at the sanctuary of Aphrodite
on Lesbos, see Acheilara, op. cit. (note 15) 291 no. 347, and at a shrine of Kybele in the region of Pergamon: Tpperwein-Hoffmann, op. cit. (note 16) 82 f. MK 17, pl. 36.
24. R. Lullies, Statuette einer Tnzerin, in: G. Mylonas (ed.), Studies Presented to D. M.
Robinson I, Saint Louis 1951, 672. Merker, op. cit. (note 16) 152 ff.
25. Merker, ibid.
26. Ibid., 143.
27. Inv. No. 1971.866. Also mentioned by Merker, op. cit. (note 16) 152 note 230 with
bibliography.
28. Cf. , op. cit. (note 15) 118. She identifies the mantle dancers with Nymphs.
29. Cf. E. Raftopoulou, tude iconographique sur un thme de la toreutique, BCH 115
(1991) 264 ff. For a terracotta representation see Mollard-Besques, op. cit. (note 10) 88
Myr 206, pl. 106b. Also cf. the mantled dancing Nymphs on Attic reliefs: . ,
, Unpubl. Doct. Diss., AUTh, Thessalonica 2000, 242 f.
A 2-3, 247 A 11 and 251 A 15.
30. Merker, op. cit. (note 16) 152 ff. and 338.

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mantle dancing was a ritual practice connected with the fertility of Nature and
the sexuality of women in antiquity. This is why the mantle dancer figurines are
exclusively female, and appear constantly in cultic contexts of fertility deitiesmostly female, too. It is also very possible that this kind of dancing was associated with nuptial rites as well31. The representation of the Nymphs, the brides
par excellence, as mantle dancers may well support such a connection.

Protomai 32
The protomai of our context may be divided into two general types. Hence
the first concerns the round busts. They represent a female figure waist-height,
mostly naked, with two large, vertical arms on either side (Fig. 3.1-2). Several
female heads wearing a polos (Fig. 3.3) or a stephane once belonged to protomai of this type. The second iconographic type displays draped women waistheight. The protomai of this type are backless and they therefore look quite flat
(Fig. 3.4-5). Both types appeared in Macedonia in the early Classical times and
continued till the 1st century BC without any significant changes33.

31. Ibid., 153. Also cf. Graepler, op. cit. (note 16) 222 and S. H. Lonsdale, Dance and Ritual Play in Greek Religion, Baltimore and London 1993, 206 ff.
32. For the terms, which were used in scholarship to define the protome type cf.
F. Croissant, Les protomes feminines archaiques, Paris 1983, 2. J. P. Uhlenbrock, Terracotta
Protomai from Gela: A Discussion of Local Style in Archaic Sicily, Rome 1988, 19 note 3.
H. Froning, berlegungen zu griechischen Terrakotten in Sizilien, AA 1990, 340 ff. On protomai found in Macedonia cf. A. , , Unpubl. M. T., AUTh., Thessalonica 1999, 62 ff. For the needs of this paper we use the term protome to describe the waist height female representations in terracotta, which are either in
round or flat. Besides, it seems that despite the different form of the protomai in the course of
time, several standard elements were retained till the end. That is the frontality, the emphasis
on the representation of the head and the need of suspension holes.
33. On our first type cf. , op. cit. (note 32) 66 f. (type 3a). Among the earliest
busts yielded in Macedonia may be the one found in the graveyards of Sindos, some kilometers NW of Thessalonica, see . . . . , . , Athens 1985, 286 f. no. 471 (480-460 BC). The latest
examples were found in the destruction layer of Pella (early 1st century BC), cf. , op. cit. (note 8) 79 nos. 64-65 and 80 nos. 67-69 pl. 62 f. On our second type see
, op. cit. (note 32) 67 ff. The earliest examples of this type, (female masks according to Robinson) were excavated at Olynthus dating to the beginning of the Classical era:
D. M. Robinson, Excavations at Olynthus IV. The Terracottas Found in 1928, Baltimore London 1931, 79 ff. nos. 14-34 pl. 8-21. In the end of its typological progress stands the protome
in Abdera dating to the end of the 2nd century BC, cf. , op. cit. (note 5) 66 pl. 23.

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Georgios K. Mallios

Fig 3. Protomai. 1-2. (left and center below) Fragments of busts. 3. (center above)
Head of a protome with a polos. 4-5. (right) Fragments of backless protomai.

The absence of any attributes connected with the fragmentary protomai at

the sanctuary of the Ano Poli makes it impossible to identify them with any specific female deity. Besides, the questions concerning the meaning and function
of protomai remain open in literature34. J. Uhlenbrock proved their dominant
votive function already in the Archaic period35. This votive character is evident
in the numerous examples of protomai primary female ones at sanctuaries
of various deities all over the Greek world till the end of the Hellenistic times.
One could see a similar, religious function in the protomai yielded in domestic
contexts as well. On the other hand the examples found in burials have been
tenaciously associated with chthonic cults, and especially those of Demeter and
Persephone36. This relation to the Eleusinian deities led many scholars to
34. For a discussion of the published interpretations: Croissant, op. cit. (note 32) 1 ff.
Uhlenbrock, op. cit. (note 32) 139 ff. Most recently cf. , op. cit. (note 15) 142 ff.
Merker, op. cit. (note 16) 73 ff.
35. Uhlenbrock, op. cit. (note 32) 139 ff.
36. Cf. Bell, op. cit. (note 22) 27 ff., 48 ff., 84 ff. with bibliography. On the protomai of the
Thesmophorion in Thasos see Muller, op. cit. (note 3) 496 f. -, op. cit.

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believe that the protomai were a standard and almost exclusive votive type at
sanctuaries of Demeter and Kore all over the Greek world, and especially in
Magna Graecia. Nonetheless, J. Uhlenbrock has rightly rejected the exclusively
chthonian association of the protomai and claimed that these objects are equally common in sanctuaries of other female deities as well. Especially in the Classical and Hellenistic times, the protomai became very popular votive offerings
at sanctuaries of the Mother of Gods37 and at Nymphaia38. After all, the protomai could represent any female divinity due to their standardized schema and
the usual absence of attributes. This peculiarity made them suitable votives for
a wide range of goddesses respectively.
Be as it may, the protomai usually represent the main deity at the sanctuary
where they are found39. This may be true in our case as well, since most of the
identified protomai heads wear polos or stephane, standard divine insignia40.
If this is true, then it is very possible that the excavated sanctuary at Mouson St.
belonged to a goddess with fertility aspects. However, the protomai should not
be confused with the ordinary, full-body divine images in clay41. On the contrary, the protomai had probably a special function in cult, which they retained
till the end of the Hellenistic period. This special character is focused on the restriction of the whole figure to the representation of the head, which can only be
looked at frontally. Hence, it was a common belief among the ancient Greeks
that the head could concentrate the whole substance and the powers of the represented figure. This is, for the matter, the idea behind the function of the cultic
masks, the emblems, the gorgoneia etc. From the beginning of the protome type
the coroplasts took effort in order to stress and point out the significance of the
head at any artistic cost. Even when the protomai developed in the round and
later on became busts, it was again the head that mattered the most and not the
atrophic body in the form of a torso. Moreover, the frontal depiction of the protomai could be viewed as apotropaic and prophylactic in general. After all it is
commonplace in Greek art to represent apotropaic and demonic figures frontal-

(note 8) 52 note 267 identifies the protomai of Pella with the chthonian Aphrodite. Moreover,
, op. cit. (note 32) 90 ff. sees the Macedonian examples as representations of chthonian
deities as well.
37. Cf. (Pella) -, op. cit. (note 8) 52 and (Amphipolis) . ,
Prakt 1981, 22 fig. 31b. On female protomai found at the sanctuary of Attis in Amphipolis:
, op. cit. (note 32) 50 no. 68 pl. 57a.
38. Cf. . , , Athens 1993, 107 fig. 60.
39. Croissant, op. cit. (note 32) 3 f.
40. Cf. , op. cit. (note 19) 59.
41. Croissant, op. cit. (note 32) 3.

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ly42. We should also mention that despite all the progress made since the Archaic
times regarding the depiction of the human figure, the frontality remained a
standard characteristic of protomai. The latter were usually hung on the walls of
houses, shrines or tombs. This is suggested by the suspension holes pierced in
their back. A hanging protome is also depicted on the wall paintings of a tomb
at Aineia, c. 10 miles south of Thessalonica43. The fragments of protomai found
in our votive deposits at Ano Poli also yielded evidence of suspension holes,
indicating that they were originally hung. By hanging, perhaps eye-level, these
frontal representations of the goddess could easily catch and push away the evil
eye, enforcing her prophylactic and apotropaic function in favour of her devotees44.

Dolls 45
Among the figurines excavated in the two deposits there are a few badly preserved fragments of dolls dated between the late 3rd and the 1st century BC
(Fig. 4.1). They are naked, seated female figures with rigid legs. No traces of
jointed arms are preserved. Probably our dolls also had atrophic arms like the
ones found in the nearby cities of Beroea and Pella46.
The dolls found in the context are not numerous, but they play a prominent
role in establishing the character of the deity worshipped in the sanctuary.

42. Cf. Y. Korshak, Frontal Faces in Attic Vase Painting, Chicago 1987, 20 ff. It is not coincidental that the earliest representation of a frontal figure is a demonic figure (Seiren or
Sphinx) on a krater fragment from Pithekousai: cf. Korshak, ibid., 35 note 55.
43. . , , Athens 1990, 40 pl. 3.
44. On the apotropaic function of the protomai see also Robinson, op. cit. (note 20) 72
and . , , Athens 1985, 69 note 482.
45. On the name of this iconographic type see J. Drig, Von griechiscnen Puppen,
AntK 1 (1958) 41 and 49. Cf. also R. Schmidt, Die Darstellung von Kinderspielzeug und Kinderspiel, Wien 1977, 114.
46. See -, op. cit. (note 8) 53 note 272 with references for Macedonia.
Similar dolls with atrophic arms have been also yielded in Samothrace, dating to the 2nd century BC and later: E. Dusenbery, Samothrace 11. The Nekropoleis II. Catalogue of Objects by
Categories, Princeton 1998, 883 ff. The type of seated dolls with rigid legs appears in the
middle of the 4th century and becomes popular by the end of the same century when it substituted the earlier jointed type: cf. Burr-Thompson, op. cit. (note 7) 87 ff., and F. Busse, Hellenistische Terrakotten I, in: U. Serdaroglu R. Stupperich (eds.), Ausgrabungen in Assos
1992, Asia Minor Studies 21 (1996) 104. On the typological development of these later dolls
cf. Busse, supra. On a general typology of the terracotta dolls with articulated or rigid limbs
the 7th century BC till the Hellenistic times see Schmidt, op. cit. (note 45) 115 ff., and B. Vierniesel-Schlrb, Kerameikos XV. Die figuerlichen Terrakotten I. Sptmykenisch bis spthellenistisch, Mnchen 1997, 50 f.

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Fig. 4. Miscellaneous. 1. (left) Fragment of a doll (legs). 2. (center) Terracotta

shell. 3. (right) Terracota altar.

Figurines of this type were dedicated in shrines of female deities and were placed
in tombs of children and young women as grave gifts. In Macedonia this iconographic type was very popular in both cultic and burial contexts47, while in Thessalonica all published examples were excavated in graves48.
Regarding the meaning and function of this type two separate directions
have developed in scholarship49. The first one, based on representations on
grave stelae and the well-known epigram of Timarete50, sees them as toys,
namely dolls, dedicated to female divinities by girls reaching the age of
47. On the cultic function of the type in Macedonia cf. -, op. cit. (note 7)
35 nos. 57-60 pl. 13d; eiusdem, op. cit. (note 8) 52 and 81 nos. 74-76 pl. 65d-e. . ,
. - , AErgoMak 4 (1990) 7 fig. 5a. On their
function in burial contexts of Macedonia cf. -, op. cit. (note 3) 405 ff.
48. Cf. -, op. cit. (note 12) 128 f. and 210 nos. 135-136. -,
op. cit. (note 17) 183 f. nos. 4-5 pl. 2b-c.
49. For a comprehensive summary of the published interpretations: , op. cit. (note 3) 405 ff., and Merker, op. cit. (note 16) 49 and note 185 with bibliography.
50. Anthologia Palatina, 6, 280. A different reading of the epigram see in Merker, op. cit.,
49 note 186 with bibliography.

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Georgios K. Mallios

marriage51. These goddesses were connected with the protection of young maidens and involved in related rites of passage (e.g. Artemis, Hera, Aphrodite,
Nymphs, Kybele etc.). The presence of dolls in burials could be interpreted as
the childrens offering of their toys to the Mistress of the Underworld, the
mighty Persephone, who was a Kore (= young maiden) herself. In this context
the dolls could symbolize the maturity and the age of marriage that the diceased
had never reached52.
On the other hand several scholars argue that these figurines are associated
with the Great Oriental Goddess of vegetation and growth, partially identified
with Aphrodite53. They represent her devotees, who participate in an actual
or symbolical ritual of sacred prostitution, since their nudity and elaborate
headdresses are thought to be marks of hetaerae.
The first interpretation of the dolls seems closer to the truth. One could not
overlook that there is a straight linear typological progress from the jointed doll
types of the Archaic times to the seated and naked type of the Hellenistic period54. The one type substituted the other in the same context without any break.
In the same line this typological continuity could only correspond to a contextual continuity. Therefore, since the archaic jointed examples were used almost
certainly as toys, their Hellenistic counterparts may also be regarded as toys.
This argument could especially work for Hellenistic dolls with articulated
limbs55. As for the rest, which are not jointed, but quite similar, one could suggest that they are fixed toy like votive types used as substitutes of the actual
toys, having, nevertheless, the same symbolical function with the latter. The nudity and the elaborate headdresses are important allusions to female sexuality
and fertility56, but not necessarily to hetaerae and rituals of holy prostitu-

51. Cf. Drig, op. cit. (note 45) 41 and 49. Schmidt, op. cit. (note 45) 114. Busse, op. cit.
(note 46) 106. Cf. also -, op. cit. (note 3) 405 note 122, and ,
op. cit. (note 1) 230 with detailed references. On their relations with wedding rituals cf. Drig,
op. cit. (note 45) 42 ff. J. Redfield, Wedding Dolls Dedicate to Persephone and Nymphs, (abstract), AJA 95 (1991) 318 f.
52. Cf. Bell, op. cit. (note 22) 94 ff.
53. Burr-Thompson, op. cit. (note 7) 87 ff. Tpperwein, op. cit. (note 22) 56 ff. Dusenbery, op. cit. (note 46) 883 ff. -, op. cit. (note 8) 52 f. note 272 with bibliography. Very interesting discussions of this identification see in Merker, op. cit. (note 16) 170
ff.
54. Cf. L. Frey-Asche, Tonfiguren aus dem Altertum. Antike Terrakotten im Museum fr
Kunst und Gewerbe, Hamburg, Hamburg 1997, 44 ff. no. 27.
55. Busse, op. cit. (note 46) 106.
56. Cf. Merker, op. cit. (note 16) 171.

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253

tion57. After all, such rituals were never common in the Greek world and whenever practiced, it was under strong oriental influence.
On the other hand, this type of figurines is usually found in shrines of female
divinities related to vegetation, fertility and human increasing. Furthermore,
rituals of passage to biological and social maturity of young maidens were held
in honour and under the protection of the same goddesses. The successful attendance of similar ceremonies, when the girls perhaps offered the symbols of their
childhood, e.g. their dolls, could allegedly lead to an equally successful mature
life and marriage58. The hints at marriage are clearly indicated by the constant
presence of the dolls in the shrines of the Nymphs59, who were the divine maidens (= Korai) and brides par excellence. It is to be observed that these minor
deities were related to nuptial rituals all over the Greek world.
It is rather clear, then, that the dolls in our sanctuary represent no particular deity or any hetaerae in ritual prostitution. On the contrary, it is more likely that they were seen as symbols of childhood that passed behind. They were offered as genre gifts to the worshipped goddess, who could provide, maybe
through possible rituals of passage, the healthy mature body and the sexuality
needed for a successful and long-lasting marriage60.

Draped female types and related heads

Apart from the above, the great majority of the terracotta fragments in our
context belong to draped female figurines, either standing or seated. Most of
them can be dated to the 2nd and early 1st centuries BC, there are however
enough examples of the 3rd century BC tanagra style. We have recognized at
least six different iconographic types of standing women in the context, most of
them already identified by F. Winter (Fig. 6)61.
57. The dolls wearing elaborate headdresses may well represent the votaries themselves
during the rituals that led to the offering of these terracottas.
58. Cf. Drig, op. cit. (note 45) 50.
59. Cf. the detailed analysis of their connection in: J. Larson, Greek Nymphs. Myth, Cult,
Lore, New York 2001, 101 ff. with bibliography.
60. Cf. also J. Reilly, Naked and Limbless: Learning about the Feminine Body in Ancient
Athens, in: A. O. Koloski-Ostrow C. L. Lyons (eds.), Naked Truths. Women, Sexuality, and
Gender in Classical Art and Archaeology, London 1997, 154 ff. and especially 163 ff.
61. Cf. Winter, op. cit. (note 10) 25 nos. 2 and 4 (first type). Ibid., 70 no. 5 (second type).
Ibid., 72 no. 4 (third type). It was not possible to find any comparanda for the fourth type. The
fifth type is very close to a Corinthian figurine in Leiden, cf. P. Laynaar-Plaiser, Catalogue de
la collection du use ational de Antiquites Leiden. Les terre cuites greques et romaines,
Leiden 1979, 112 f. no. 226 pl. 39, and another one in the Museum of Pella (Inv. No. 80/460).
For a detailed typological discussion of the female draped figurines yielded in the first votive
deposit at Mouson St. cf. , op. cit. (note 1) 25 ff.

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Georgios K. Mallios

Fig. 5. Female Figurines. 1-2 (left and center) Fragments of female heads wearing
wreaths. 3. (right) Fragment of a female figurine carrying an oinochoe.

The sixth iconographic type (Fig. 5.3) is the most important of all, since it
represents a standing woman holding a vessel, presumably an oinochoe, in her
right hand. Such terracotta figurines are generally very rare62. Only the neighbouring city of Beroea, has yielded figurines of the exact type dating to the middle of the 2nd century BC63. The terracottas under discussion can accordingly be
dated to the second half of this century.
Among the fragments of the two deposits there are many female heads
(Fig. 7)64. Most of them are veiled65 or wear special kerchiefs such as the
kekryphalos66. However, the most significant ones are those wearing a floral
62. Cf. -, op. cit. (note 3) 188 notes 451-453. One could also add here
a figurine in the Museum of Constantinople, cf. Mendel, op. cit. (note 16) 483 no. 3133 pl. 5.4,
and a terracotta relief from Galatis at the Black Sea representing a Nymphe (?) holding an
oinochoe, cf. V. Caranache, Masken und Tanagra-Figuren aus Werksttten von CallatisMangalia, Constanza 1969, 65 no. 40.
63. -, op. cit. (note 3) 187 and 466 ff. nos. 193 ff. pl. 61-62.
64. Cf. , op. cit. (note 1) 144 ff.
65. Cf. Burr-Thompson, op. cit. (note 7) 126 ff.
66. Cf. Homer, Iliad, 22, 469. Aristophanes, Thesmophoriazousae, 138, 257. Dionysius
Halicarnasseus 7, 9. On the identification of the kerchief see Burr-Thompson, op. cit. (note 7)
128.

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255

Fig. 6. Female Figurines. 1. (left) Third iconographic type. 2. (center) Fourth iconographic type. 3. (right) First iconographic type.

Fig. 7. Female heads.

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Georgios K. Mallios

wreath (Fig. 5.1-2), because they represent women participating in a religious

ceremony (stephanophoria)67. The girlish heads of the context, divided in two
iconographic types68, are also considered very important for the understanding
of the cult in the sanctuary.
As it has been already mentioned, the overwhelming majority of the fragments yielded in both deposits belong to draped female types of the tanagran
repertoire (Fig. 6). Judging from the faces and the drapery style, they represent
young as well as mature women in relaxed poses and various stances. Most of
them do not carry any offerings nor do they have any attributes. One could
therefore quite safely argue that these genre female figurines might represent
mortal women rather than goddesses. These everyday women, represented in a
vague and generalized context without any apparent cultic references, are then
better to be understood as sanctuary visitors in a general sense, and not necessarily as the principal participants in rituals69. These figurines, like all other
anthropomorphic dedications, took the place of the actual worshippers in the
sanctuary, reminding to the deity of their requests and being the tangible proof
of their piety. Through this kind of genre offerings the female visitors of the
sanctuary could establish an unbreakable and everlasting link of communication
with the worshipped deity70.
Doubtlessly, the number of the yielded female terracottas suggests that the
participants in the festivals were mainly women, maybe as a result of their traditional piety71. Moreover, it seems that the deity worshipped here was indeed
very popular amongst the female inhabitants of Thessalonica. We should not,
then, overlook the possibility that the deity itself was a helping divinity for
women or was in fact associated with the female life cycle, as we shall see below.
67. On a detailed typological analysis of these heads see Burr-Thompson, op. cit. (note 7)
44 ff.
68. , op. cit. (note 1) 178 ff.
69. Merker, op. cit. (note 16) 130. Cf. also Burn Higgins, op. cit. (note 3) 21. -, op. cit. (note 7) 53. R. Miller-Ammerman, The Religious Character of the Terracotta Figurines, in: J. P. Uhlenbrock (ed.), The Coroplasts Art. Greek Terracottas of the
Hellenistic World, New Paltz and New Rochelle 1990, 42. Muller, op. cit. (note 3) 474 ff. Contrariwise, on the identification of Tanagras with Demeter and Kore: I. Metzger, Eretria VII.
Das Thesmophorion von Eretria, Bern 1985, 44. On their relation to rites of passage and wedding see Graepler, op. cit. (note 16) 223.
70. On the multiple functions of the anthropomorphic votives see the detailed discussion
by F. T. van Straten, Gifts for the Gods, in: H. S. Versnel (ed.), Faith, Hope and Worship.
Aspects of Religious Mentality in the Ancient World, Leiden 1981, 74 ff.
71. Cf. Plato, Phaedrus, (230B) and H. Erbse (ed.), Scholia Graeca in Homerii Iliadem, II,
Berlin 1971, 58 (v. 358).

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257

Indeed, the role of the women in the sanctuary life must have been dominant in
every aspect of the worship and ritual practice. For example, female figurines
holding an oinochoe or wearing a wreath on the head represent mortal women
practicing a ceremonial act, that is a libation and a stephanophoria respectively. The significance of spendein was fundamental for the worship of the majority of gods marking both the beginning and the end of the rituals. It is perhaps
the purest and most characteristic type of offering72. The presence of female
libating figurines in the context may well echo a similar ceremony of great
importance often held during the sanctuary festivals. The primary role of women
practicing such important rituals is, then, difficult to deny. What is more, a great
number of vessels (skyphoi, pinakia and bowls), which were broken at the bottom and were found in both deposits along with the figurines, might have been
commonly used in actual libations. Likewise, figurines, wearing floral wreaths
on the head, represent female worshippers. Such wreaths were very popular all
over the Hellenistic world and were used in various occasions. In cultic contexts
they mark the participants in religious festivals, as an indication of heavenly joy
and purity in honour of the gods73.
Additionally, the presence of female figurines representing girls and adolescent women may suggest that the young female worshippers also played an
important role in the cult74. Furthermore, one could claim that the specific age
differentiation of the terracottas in the context, depicting both young maidens
and mature women, might be related to rites of passage, practiced under the protection of the worshipped deity. Anyway, the association of figurines representing children or adolescents with rituals of coming of age has been frequently supported and is well rooted in scholarship75. It seems likely, then, that the deity
was not only a patroness of children, but may have also protected the passage
of young women to maturity through certain rituals. In the course or better
at the end of these ceremonies the participants could have dedicated children
images in clay.

72. W. Burkert, . [Translation in Greek by N. Benzantakos

and A. Avagianou, of the Griechische Religion der archaischen und klassischen Epoche. Die
Religionen der Menschheit, Bd. 15], Athens 1993, 164 ff.
73. Generally on floral wreaths see Burr-Thompson, op. cit. (note 7) 45 ff. and Burkert,
op. cit. (note 72) 136, 167, 402. On similar figurines in the Thesmophorion of Thasos cf.
Muller, op. cit. (note 3) 478 f.
74. Likewise cf. -, op. cit. (note 7) 63.
75. Cf. M. Lnnquist, Nulla signa sine argilla. Hellenisic Athens and the Message of
Tanagra Style, in: J. Frsn (ed.), Early Hellenistic Athens. Symptoms of Change, Helsinki
1997, 175 ff. Merker, op. cit. (note 16) 334 ff.

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Georgios K. Mallios

The character of the worshipped deity

The process of identifying the deity worshipped in the sanctuary with certain
figurines found in the deposits is a tremendously difficult task. The fragmentary
condition of the terracottas and the absence of specific attributes render it even
harder. Nevertheless, we do have a clue about the sex of the deity. The female
protomai, parts of which were found in both deposits, must represent the goddess honoured in the shrine, since most of them wear the divine polos on their
head. The fact that the sanctuary was dedicated to a female deity justifies the
overwhelming majority of female figurines in the context as well. These figurines are usually considered to be icons of visitors in the sanctuary, who were
mostly women. We have also seen how female worshippers played a significant
role in cultic life of the shrine (e.g. libation rituals, stephanophoriae). Moreover,
some figurine types, such as the mantle dancers, the dolls and the Kourotrophoi,
can be related to womens expectations for sexual maturity, a good marriage
and the welfare of their offspring. Similar figurines are most frequently found in
sanctuaries of female fertility or chthonic deities76. Thus, the goddess worshipped in the shrine at Mouson St. is very likely to be such a female deity who
granted particularly female requests. Besides, the presence of figurines depicting
girls or young women may be taken as an indication of girls actually taking part
in the festivals of the sanctuary. It is also likely that these girls participated in
certain rites of passage to maturity or the age of marriage.
The character of the Mistress of the sanctuary can be additionally outlined by
the functions of the deities, also present in the context. From this point of view
we may examine the presence of figurines representing Aphrodite, Eros and the
Mother of Gods (Kybele). They are all deities related directly with women and
the stages of female life: maturity, wedding and motherhood. Regarding Aphrodite specifically, it is more than just her own images in clay that represent the Goddess of Love in the sanctuary. Symbols like terracotta shells can also be pointing at her77. The shells are closely connected with Aphrodite and can be under-

76. A fragment of a gilded terracotta fullhorn found at the discussed sanctuary also stresses
the fertility aspect of the cult practiced there. Fullhorns are common attributes of Aphrodite,
cf. -, op. cit. (note 3) 73 and 495 no. 264 pl. 91a (Beroea). Nymphs can
hold fullhorns as well, cf. H. Herdejrgen, Gtter, Menschen und Dmonen. Terrakotten aus
Unteritalien, Basel 1978, 61 A 63. On fullhorns in general cf. K. Bemmann, Fllhrner in klassischer und hellenistischer Zeit, Frankfurt a.M. 1994.
77. For an interpretation of the terracotta shells cf. -, op. cit. (note 7)
198. On their relation with Aphrodite cf. Merker, op. cit. (note 16) 176 note 361. et. al., op. cit. (note 6) 95.

A Hellenistic Sanctuary at Ano Poli, Thessalonica

259

stood as an allegory of the vulva, with which they also share their name in
ancient Greek: kteis - ktenion78. Aphrodite was the standard example and the chief
support of all women in Greek antiquity, and was worshipped in Macedonia
with great devotion79. She was especially popular among girls and young maidens answering their prayers80 and accepting their votives as gratitude for her offering the gifts of health, sexual beauty and love, all necessary preconditions for
a successful, passionate marriage and a happy motherhood81. Moreover, we can
also explain the presence of Eros in the sanctuary exactly as dire consequence
of the fertility and women-centered cult practiced there. D. Graepler has accordingly supported a similar connection of Eros figurines to wedding rites or
contexts82. The popularity of the God of Love and his mother, suggested by the
findings in the deposits of our sanctuary, could be attributed to the girls and
young maidens, who participated in the festivals, and possibly to their all-time
classic romantic request for a good wedding with the man they love.
The role of the Mother of Gods is very similar to Aphrodites. Both deities
can sometimes even share the same sanctuary, as it is the case in the capital of
Macedonia, Pella83. Undoubtedly, the predominant function of Kybele in the
Greek World is that of the Great Mother of gods and mortals84. However, her
mythic love with Attis and her cult show great affinities and analogies to those
of Aphrodite85. In any case, we must take the popularity of the Mother of Gods
among the women for granted, because female figurines and dedications associated with women dominate in her sanctuaries as well. The cult of the Great

78. Cf. Hesychius, s.v. kteis. Also cf. Anthologia Palatina, 5, 132 and Callimachus, Fragmenta, 308.
79. On the cult of Aphrodite in Macedonia cf. -, op. cit. (note 8).
V. Bitrakova-Grozdanova, Monuments de l poque hellenistique dans la Republique Socialiste
de Macedoine, Skopje 1987, 211 f. -, op. cit. (note 3) 389 ff. ,
op. cit. (note 1) 236. On her cult in Thessalonica see . , , VI (1999) 1329 ff.
80. Cf. Sappho, Fragmenta, 2.
81. The important contribution of Aphrodite to the passage of maidens to the stage of mature women has been emphasized by Merker, op. cit. (note 16) 170. On the symbolic meanings of the Goddess of Love also see P. Friedrich, The Meaning of Aphrodite, Chicago 1978.
82. Graepler, op. cit. (note 16) 229.
83. Cf. -, op. cit. (note 8). On the relationship between the two deities:
-, ibid., 214 ff. Also cf. . , 1990-1997.
, AErgoMak 10A (1996) 41 ff. and RE XI 2, 2270 s.v. Kybele (Schwenn).
84. On the cultic aspects of the deity see Burkert, op. cit. (note 72) 375 ff. and , op. cit. (note 8) 205 ff.
85. Cf. -, op. cit. (note 8) 214 f. LIMC VIII (Zrich-Dsseldorf 1997),
744, s.v. Kybele (E. Simon).

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Georgios K. Mallios

Mother had a long tradition in Macedonia, as recent excavations and findings

have shown86.
On the other hand, the terracottas of a Silenos and a Dionysian figure (perhaps Dionysos himself) found in the second deposit may relate the goddess of the
sanctuary to the ecstatic and orgiastic world of the God of wine. Again, we may
explain such connections in the same context of the fertility cult, which was
practiced in the shrine and just as the cult of Dionysos was very popular
among the women87. Certain cultic practices, such as dancing and wreath wearing, share a common high importance as elements in the ritual life of our sanctuary and as fundamental features of the Dionysian rites alike. On the other
hand, the cult of Dionysos in the region of Thessalonica preceded the foundation
of the city itself and in the passage of time became perhaps the most important
cult in the city88.
Concluding, we must emphasize that the identified deities in the context
(Aphrodite, Eros, Mother of Gods, Silenos, Dionysos) are all related to the
growth of nature and human increasing, symbolize sexuality, and are very popular among the women of antiquity. Some of them are additionally connected
with the passage of girls to biological and social maturity, securing a successful
marriage. At least Aphrodite and the Mother of Gods are also reported as Kourotrophoi89. All the above features are traced in the character and functions of
the main deity worshipped in the sanctuary.
A kourotrophos goddess, who protects the women and their fertility, which
can ensure their sexual maturity and a successful marriage life perhaps through
certain rites of passage that is the deity worshipped in the sanctuary at Ano
Poli of Thessalonica. Her character has been outlined by the analysis of the figurine types found in the two deposits at Mouson St. But, who is this goddess

86. On the cult of the Mother of Gods in Macedonia see S. Dll, Die Gtterkulte Nordmakedoniens in rmischer Zeit, Mnchen 1977, 153 ff. V. Bitrakova-Grozdanova, Religion et
art dans l antiquit en Macedoine, Skopje 1999, 124 ff. and 201 ff. -,
op. cit. (note 8). On an account of monuments and sanctuaries related to the Mother of Gods
in Macedonia cf. M. J. Vermaseren, Corpus Cultus Cybelae Attidisque VI, Leiden 1989, 53 ff.
, op. cit. (note 1) 235 note 342 with references. On her cult in Thessalonica see
, op. cit. (note 4).
87. Cf. Merker, op. cit. (note 16) 77, 199 f., 332.
88. On the significance of the Dionysos cult in Thessalonica cf. the otherwise revised arguments of . , ,
(1983) 31 ff.
89. On the function of Aphrodite as a nursing deity see Merker, op. cit. (note 16) 71 with
bibliography. On the similar role of the Mother of Gods see Hadzisteliou-Price, op. cit. (note 11)
133 f.

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261

exactly? Can the figurines throw any light on the identity of the cult practiced in
that remote area of the city? An identification of the deity with Aphrodite contradicts with her scarce appearance in the context. Aphrodite becomes extremely popular in Hellenistic times and we should expect a more intense presence of
her representations, if the sanctuary actually belonged to her. On the other hand,
both Aphrodite and her son frequently play the role of visiting gods in shrines
of deities with similar character90, and this must be their function in the sanctuary at Mouson St. as well. One could also assume that the honoured deity of the
sanctuary is the Great Mother, whose figurines have been identified in the context. Moreover, we should underline the striking similarity of the rest of the figurine types with terracottas excavated in Metroa, especially in the neighbouring
city of Pella. The Mother of Gods had been worshipped in the area of the Thermaic Gulf even before the foundation of Thessalonica, if the reported worship of
her permanent companions, the Corybantes91, is to be taken into consideration.
E. Zographou has recently noted the great importance of the Great Mother for
the inhabitants of the Hellenistic and early Roman Thessalonica92. The excavation of what seems to be a (domestic?) shrine of the goddess and her cult image
confirm the continuity of her cult in the centre of the 3rd century AD city93. The
character of the Mother of Gods presents striking analogies to the goddess of
our sanctuary. However, once again we do not have enough representations of
the Mother of Gods in the context to support firmly the otherwise very likely identification.
On the other hand, the location of the shrine in the NE edge of the Hellenistic Thessalonica, very close to the walls94, could perhaps suggest that the deity

90. On visiting gods cf. B. Alroth, Visiting Gods Who and Why?, in: T. Linders
G. Nordquist (eds.), Gifts to the Gods. Proceedings of the Uppsala Symposium, 1985, Uppsala
1987, 9 ff.
91. . , ,
\ . ,
in: . . (ed.), ,
II, hessaloniki 1997, 79 has reached to a similar conclusion as well. On the cult of the Corybantes at the Thermaic Gulf: . Voutiras, Un culte domestique des Corybantes, Kernos 9
(1996) 243 ff. with literature.
92. , op. cit. (note 4) 70 ff.
93. Reports of the excavation see in . , ,
AErgoMak 6 (1992) 329. On a statuette of the goddess in the Museum of Thessalonica (Inv.
No. 10106) cf. . , ADelt 23B (1968) 325.
94. The NE corner of the Hellenistic walls was found some 500 m away from the sanctuary (. , , Thessalonica 1998, 17 ff.) confirming that the
east side of the Hellenistic walls had the same course as the later ones and passed c. 200 m east
from the sanctuary.

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Georgios K. Mallios

worshipped here was Demeter with her daughter95. Such sanctuaries are indeed
located just outside or very close to the walls of the cities96. The artifacts found
in our sanctuary fit well with the chthonic and fertility character of the two
Eleusinian deities. Nonetheless, the absence of the most typical for Demeter and
Kore votive types, such as hydriaphoroi figurines, votaries with offerings, terracotta pigs, miniature hydriae and kernoi97, makes the identification of the
goddess worshipped here with Demeter rather implausible.
Nonetheless, there is a good chance of identifying the excavated sanctuary at
the Mouson St. with a Nymphaion after all. The Nymphs share almost the exact
character and functions as the goddess worshipped in our sanctuary98. In Greek
mythology they are portrayed as personifications of the powers of nature,
especially of the waters, in the form of young maidens with an extraordinary
sexual mood. As such they ensure the fertility of the land and the folks99. They
were also related to women as their name refers directly to the most important
moment of the female life, the wedding. In antiquity the Nymphs were the brides
par excellence. They protected the young brides to be and could ensure a good
marriage. In their sanctuaries important nuptial rites took place100. In the lore
these deities of nature are often characterized as kourotrophoi101. They helped
the delivery of many gods and heroes, and brought up several of them, Zeus
included. Likewise, mortal women would pray and sacrifice to them for a successful birth and protection of their offspring102. On the other hand, the Nymphs
were connected with important rites of passage, in which girls cut off their hair

95. Cf. . , [Colloquium held on November 21st 2000 in the Centre of History in Thessalonica (forthcoming)]. . -,
. , , , Thessalonica 2001, 87.
96. Cf. . , ,
VI (1999) 916 ff. with literature.
97. On common findings at sanctuaries of Demeter cf. V. Hinz, Der Kult von Demeter und
Kore auf Sizilien und in Magna Graecia, Wiesbaden 1998, 33 ff. , op. cit. (note 96)
914.
98. On their cult and iconography: LIMC VIII (Zrich-Dsseldorf 1997), 891 ff., s.v. Nymphai (M. Halmt-Tisserant, G. Siebert and M. Kyrkou). Larson, op. cit. (note 59).
99. Cf. Orphic Hymns, 51, 12-13.
100. On the subject cf. Larson, op. cit. (note 59) 111 ff.
101. Cf. . , . , in:
. (ed.), , Thessalonica 2000, 33. On representations of Nymphs as
kourotrophoi in general see LIMC VIII (Zrich-Dsseldorf 1997), 897 no. 81 ff., s.v. Nymphai
(M. Halmt-Tisserant, G. Siebert and M. Kyrkou).
102. Cf. Euripides, Electra, 625 f. Accordingly, the Nymphs were often called biodoroi, cf.
Aeschylus, Fragmenta, 1355,17.

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as passing from the one age stage to the other103. Excavations in ancient Greek
Nymphaia brought to light numerous examples of female figurines104. It is to be
observed that the protomai and dolls, probably related to rituals of ensuring the
fertility, the maturity and the marriage of women, are the standard votive types
at the sanctuaries of Nymphs all over the Greek World105. Very common are also
the figurines of dancers, element that corresponds to the dashing and playful
nature of these deities. What is more, the Nymphs may be the only goddesses depicted in the vase painting and in relief as mantle dancers106. Finally, these minor divinities are related, in cult practice and lore, to all the identified deities in
the context107.
The cult of the Nymphs in the region of Macedonia is attested in many places
ever since the Archaic period108. In Thessalonica however we lack any evidence
for their cult in the Hellenistic period. There are of course some elements of a
water-shrine in the Classical site surrounding the prehistoric Toumba hill, just
a mile outside Thessalonica109. This shrine may well be associated with a fertility cult of the Corybantes, epigraphically confirmed in the same site110, and their
permanent companions, the Nymphs. This water cult could have been transferred to the new city after the synoikismos of Thessalonica. A late survival of
a similar cult suggests a 3rd century AD Roman votive (?) relief, found in Thessalonica, representing the Nymphs111. It seems, then, that the worship of
103. Cf. Anthologia Palatina, 6, 156.
104. On common terracotta dedications at Nymphaia in general see , op. cit.
(note 29) 214.
105. On the presence of protomai at Nymphaia cf. Miller-Ammerman, op. cit. (note 69)
42 f. On the dedication of dolls see Larson, op. cit. (note 59) 101 ff. The largest number of
dolls ever yielded in a Greek sanctuary was found at the Cave of the Nymphs in Locroi
Epizephyrioi, cf. Bell, op. cit. (note 22) 99 and 109 note158. Larson, op. cit. (note 59) 251 ff.
with references.
106. Cf. LIMC VIII (Zrich-Dsseldorf 1997), 894 no. 30 ff., s.v. Nymphai (M. HalmtTisserant, G. Siebert and M. Kyrkou). Also cf. , op. cit. (note 29) 242 f.
107. On their connection to Aphrodite see RE XVII2, 1571 s.v. Nymphai (H. Herter). On
their relations to the Mother of Gods cf. Larson, op. cit. (note 59) 82 f., 185 and 193. On the
association the Nymphs and Dionysos cf. G. Hedreen, Silens, Nymphs, and Maenads, JHS
114 (1994) 47 ff.
108. On the cult of the Nymphs in Macedonia cf. RE XVII2, 1567 s.v. Nymphai (H. Herter). Larson, op. cit. (note 59) 169 ff., 238 f. On the worship of the Nymphs in Northern Macedonia: Dll, op. cit. (note 86) 153 ff. Bitrakova-Grozdanova, op. cit. (note 79) 121 pl. 4.1, 127
pl. 7.1, and 214.
109. , op. cit. (note 101) 31 ff. with bibliography.
110. Cf. . , , Athens 2000, 21 and note 37 with bibliography.
111. Dll, op. cit. (note 86) 136.

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Georgios K. Mallios

Nymphs had indeed a tradition in the area of Thessalonica, which even preceded the foundation of the city, and lasted till the Roman times. The absence of
evidence for the exact period, which interests us, could be considered as coincidental. Moreover, the location of the sanctuary at the borders of the city, on the
steepest and highest area of Thessalonica, in a region where many seasonal
streams and torrents are created by raining112, could also be taken as supportive evidence for identifying the place with a Nymphaion. What area in the city
could after all be more ideal for worshipping these deities of the waters and the
wilderness? Besides, the sanctuary is located very close to the eastern line of the
Hellenistic walls, less than 500 m away from their excavated NE corner, what is
common practice for such shrines113. Furthermore, it would be a very attractive
hypothesis that the sanctuary at Mouson St. was related to the first and thus
very important fountain inside the walled city, given that the water main was
later passing from this area, entering Thessalonica from the NE114. We must
note that, despite the numerous seasonal streams on the Ano Polis region, there
is still little evidence for permanent well or water springs115. Till modern times
this area of the city was supplied with water from the fountains built along the
pipeline116. There is no reason, then, to believe that the water supply in the Hellenistic times was obtained in any other way. After all, the remains of a pipeline,
bringing water from the Toumba Lebet region, indicate that there has been a
central water main system for Thessalonica already since the late Hellenistic period.
Overall, at the sanctuary in Ano Poli fertility cult of a female deity was practiced from the 1st half of the 3rd century BC till the end of the 1st century AD at
least. The goddess was very popular among the women of the city as indicated
by the numerous female figurines, which were yielded in two large votive deposits. Her cult seems to have been associated with female life cycle, especially
112. For a possible presence of a torrent in the area of our sanctuary see . , , Thessalonica 2001, 31. On seasonal streams,
which flowed from the Ano Poli to the centre of Thessalonica cf. . ,
9 2001, AErgoMak 15 (2001) 428.
113. Cf. RE XVII2, 1544. s.v. Nymphai (H. Herter).
114. The first important branch of the water main in the Byzantine period was located in
the Blatades Monastery, c. 150 m from Mouson St., cf. . ,
, Thessalonica 1983, 423 and 433.
115. For this information I am thankful to the hydrogeologist Mr. A. Manakos. Until modern times there were only three wells in the area of Ano Poli, cf. , op. cit. (note
114) 107 f.
116 bid. 94 ff.

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265

wedding rituals and marriage, since certain yielded figurines types (e.g. the mantle
dancers and the dolls) support such a conclusion. She was a patroness of children
(mainly girls) as well as she probably ensured the coming of age for maidens. In
honour of the deity the female worshippers would gather in the sanctuary and
feast in common meals as displayed by the numerous cooking vessels and dishes
dumped in the deposits117. The large number of the excavated terracotta lamps
on the other hand suggests that these feasts were probably held at night. An important ritual was the libation, represented in the figurines, and also confirmed
by numerous containers pierced at the bottom. Finally, several figurines may
also indicate that the worshippers actually wore floral wreaths on their head.
We lack any epigraphical evidence regarding the deity worshipped at Mouson St. Nonetheless the identification of the goddess with a Nymph seems to be
quite possible. On the other hand, the importance of the sanctuary does not lie
exclusively in this identification. It is of greater significance that the excavated
dumps once belonged to the oldest known sanctuary of the city and they are perhaps the only evident use of space at the Ano Poli of Thessalonica in the Hellenistic period.

117. Cf. -, op. cit. (note 95) 87.

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Georgios K. Mallios

A HELLENISTIC SANCTUARY AT ANO POLI, THESSALONICA.

THE TERRACOA FIGURINES

GEORGIOS K. MALLIOS
Recent researches at Ano Poli in Thessalonica, Greece, have yielded
more than 1500 fragments of female terracotas in two large votive deposits
of a nearby sanctuary. The earliest figurines date to the early 3rd century BC.
If the sanctuary were founded in that period, that would render it the earliest
excavated cult place in Thessalonica. Apparently the workshipped deity was
female and associated with the female life cycle. The location of the sanctuary at the most remote area of Thessalonica, as well as the analysis of the
figurine types indicates that the sanctuary was dedicated to a Nymph.

ENA EHNITIKO IEPO THN AN OH EAONIKH.

TA HINA EIIA

K. M

1500

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.

.

.

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

(The photographs were taken by K. Kartsonis)