Globalization and History of English Education in Japan
Globalization and History of English Education in Japan
Globalization and History of English Education in Japan
Biography:
Ms. Naoki Fujimoto-Adamson is currently completing her Ed.D. thesis from
LeicesterUniversity, U.K., on team-teaching in Japanese Junior High Schools. She
teaches
presentation skills at university, TOEIC at a local company and English to elementary
school children. Her research interests are in the field of team-teaching on the JET
scheme, young learners and the history of ELT in Japan. She can be contacted at
naoadamson@hotmail.com
Abstract
This study investigates the history of English language education in Japan over the past
150 years. For this purpose, tabulated representations have been devised which illustrate
the educational events in each historical era alongside key national and international
events and trends. This is a means of illustrating how local education is a microcosm of
the society and the world around it, and the manner in which globalization has an impact
upon it. In tracing the inter-relatedness between education, society, politics and
economics at the local and global levels, various issues are raised which explain why
changes have been made in English language education. Among these issues are the
periods of immense popularity of English in Japan, seen by some as "linguistic
imperialism" (Phillipson, 1992), yet in the early part of Japan's modernization as "a
product of the struggle against imperialism" (Brutt-Giffler, 2002, as cited in Park, 2004,
p.87). The tables clarify these two polarized stances and give insights into the fluctuating
periods of popularity and decline over time in English language education in Japan.
In terms of the structure of this paper, it is divided into three parts. Firstly, the
relationship between globalization and English language education will be explained
from a wider perspective including not only in Japan but also all over the world. The
second part will look at the world history from the aspect of the "Great Navigation"
Period (Urabe, et al., 1995) and the colonial period from the end of 15th century in
Europe. It also describes how Asian countries were influenced by Europe during this
period of time. Finally, the third part will move on to the history of English education in
Japan which mainly focuses on the following four eras: Meiji (1868-1911), Taisho (1912-
1925), Showa (1926-1988) and Heisei (1989-today). Each era contains some significant
social events which are not only domestic but also international in origin and investigates
how those macro events influence English education in Japan.
In terms of language education, Imura (2003) expresses a similar view, saying that
foreign language education and social events in the world are closely related to each
other. The history of English education in Japan is, however, not the exception to this
inter-connection between world, 'macro', events and the effects they have had on local
education, the 'micro'. Looking back in history, according to Block (2004, p. 75), some
researchers think that the clearest effects of globalization started in the 15th century
"when Europeans began to map colonize the world". This process of colonization was
accompanied by the globalization of the English language which Phillipson (1992) terms
as "linguistic imperialism". However, Brutt-Giffler (2002) recently contradicts this
connection between colonization and the enforced spread of English:
…colonial language policy was not necessarily related to language spread, and
that the spread of English was just as much a product of the struggle against
imperialism (Brutt-Griffler, 2002 as cited in Park, 2004, p. 87).
Taking this alternative stance, the history of English language education in Japan may be
viewed as being partly based on Brutt-Griffler's idea of a "struggle against imperialism",
but also, I would argue, as a struggle for imperialism in which English, and its teaching,
have been at various times in history regarded as positive and negative influences on
society. To explain this apparently complex "struggle", it is necessary to outline how
English education was introduced to Japan and how it has been operating in this country
from the mid 1800s with respect to the inter-connection between world, 'macro' events
and local Japanese 'micro' events. Consequently, such a detailed and reflective account of
the history of Japanese language education requires, as Phillipson (1992) and Pennycook
(1994) advocate, the supplementary description of a variety of macro and micro social,
political and economic issues all influential upon language education. This creates a
descriptive framework for the interpretation of the varying states of English language
education through time, a seemingly inter-connected 'mesh' of events which show how
educational trends and policy decisions have been porous to national and international
events.
Nakano (2004) traces the historical relationship between Japan and western countries
around this period. The Japanese government had banned commerce with other countries
except Holland and China for almost 210 years from 1603 to the beginning of 1800. The
government, called Tokugawa Bakufu (1603-1867), ruled Japan for more than 250 years,
determining the political and economic stance, that of isolation of the country, towards
the rest of the world. Due to various reasons, including pressure from the West, it
returned this power to the Emperor, Meiji, in 1868. Although there had been relative
domestic peace and stability in the Tokugawa Bakufu period in Japan, there were few
opportunities to import innovations in science and technology from Europe and the
United States. In contrast, while Japan was isolated from the world, the Industrial
Revolution occurred in Britain at the end of the 18th century and after Britain started to
export industrial machinery from 1825, this movement spread to other European
countries and the United States (Urabe, et al, 1995).
Urabe et al (1995) also describes that in the 19th century, after European countries
embarked upon their own Industrial Revolution, they began to invade Asia to find new
markets. In South East Asia, for example, the colonization by Holland, Britain and
France proceeded and only Thailand kept independence at that time. In East Asia, China
lost the Opium War (1840-1842) with Britain and then the Arrow War (1856-1860) with
Britain and France. Thereafter, China was forced to sign treaties with European countries
which were fundamentally detrimental to their political and economic sovereignty. This
is concisely described by Urabe et al (1995) who state that the most recent turning point
in the modern history of Asian countries is the nineteenth century resistance against the
European invasions and the subsequent struggle to overcome crises which were a result
of that resistance. In essence, this period of resistance meant that Asian countries needed
to adopt European civilization and reform their own traditional systems. Japan was faced
with a similar situation to other Asian countries at the end of the Tokugawa Bakufu
period, a time in which social, political and economic systems needed to undergo drastic
internally-driven reform, yet were predominantly motivated by pressure from external,
that is, foreign governments. The next section will describe English education in this
period.
To investigate the relationship between social, political and economic events (the 'macro'
events) and English education in Japan, a table has been formed containing three items:
(1) the year according to the western calendar, A.D., (2) its equivalent Japanese Era, (3)
events related to English Education in Japan and (4) social, political and economic
events. This table is an adaptation of Imura (2003) from the Japanese, simplified
according to my purposes. Before the Meiji Era (1868-1911), there was a crucial incident
in 1853 for the Tokugawa Bakufu government. Nakano (2004) describes how
Commodore Matthew Calbraith Perry came to Japan bringing a letter from American
President Millard Fillmore asking for the establishment of a commercial relationship with
Japan. The technology and the military power of the United States seemed to be far more
advanced compared to Japan at that time. The huge gap between the two countries can be
imagined from the following quotation.
There was Perry with his four "black ships of evil", thundering an ominous salute at the
Japanese coast by firing his cannon. And there were the Japanese, lined up on the shore,
armed with swords and old-fashioned muskets. (Buruma, 2003, p. 11).
The gap between the two countries can be also seen in the presents which they exchanged
after Commodore Perry was allowed to come ashore. The gifts from Japan to America
were "finely worked treasures" such as "rich brocades, porcelain bowls, lacquer boxes"
and "fans" (Buruma, 2003, pp. 12-13), whereas the presents from America to Japan were
"a telegraph and a miniature train" (Buruma, 2003, p. 13). Buruma (2003) compares these
presents and comments:
The Japanese gifts were clearly those of a "partially enlightened people", while the
American presents showed "the success of science and enterprise" of "a higher
civilization" (Buruma, 2003, p. 13)
Ishikawa (1997) considers the visit of Commodore Perry to have been a trigger to the
opening of Japan, since in 1854 he succeeded in concluding the treaty. However, Gakken
(1999) states that this treaty was unilateral, favoring the United States and containing
many disadvantages for Japanese international trading rights. Some examples of this were
that Japan was not authorized to determine the customs duties by itself. Also, westerners
residing in Japan were exempt from local prosecution if they committed a crime due to a
clause in the treaty stating "extraterritoriality" for foreign nationals. In 1858, Japan
concluded similar treaties with Britain, Holland, Russia and France but, after the change
of government in Japan, it was quickly realized that a renegotiation of the original terms
was necessary for the long-term development of the Japanese economy. In order to revise
the treaties, the Meiji government sent selected Japanese to Western countries to study
because it was important for Japan to have a similar standard of technology, politics and
education (Gakken, 1999), as well as linguistic competence. Foreign language education
in Japan itself was closely related this project as well since foreign languages were
introduced to the university curriculum and subjects themselves were taught in English.
The first stage of the Meiji Era contains the first English boom in Japan and is closely
related to government policies. In 1868, Tokyo was adopted as the capital of Japan from
Kyoto and the Meiji Era started. Buruma and Margalit (2004, p. 3) highlight the feature
of this era as being a "radical transformation" in society, politics and commerce. This
transformation is called the Meiji Ishin, or Meiji Restoration, which was mainly directed
by the government (Gakken, 1999). It entailed the whole country embarking on a process
towards westernization, referred to as Bunmei Kaika, "Civilization and Enlightenment"
(Buruma and Margalit, 2004).
In terms of education in this era, the Ministry of Education was established in 1871, one
of their first decisions affecting English language education being to send students
abroad. Significantly, this move towards acquiring foreign knowledge also entailed
sending female Japanese abroad, among whom was an eight-year-old girl called Umeko
Tsuda, the future founder of a famous Japanese university later in her life. Around this
time, English language education entered into its boom period because of the government
policies. In addition, in 1872, a report called "The use of English as the official language
in Japan" was written by Mori who was the first Minister of Education in Japan. At that
time English became the medium of instruction for all subjects in Kaisei School which is
the current Tokyo University. In a move which further showed the government's desire to
catch up with educational practices in the West, David Murray (1830-1905), a
mathematics professor from the United States, was invited to Japan to be the consultant
of the Ministry of Education.
According to the Kojien Dictionary (as cited in Imura, 2003), many other westerners
were invited in Japan in the beginning of the Meiji Era to teach about their advanced
knowledge such as technology, science, architecture, and medicine. The total number of
the invited westerners was almost 3,000 in total in the Meiji Era. Imura (2003) suggests
that in the education field, for example, approximately one third of the budget of Tokyo
University when it was founded was spent on the salaries for western lecturers. After
eight years in 1881, six foreign language lessons per week were taught in junior high
schools.
However, in the second stage of the Meiji Era, the stance towards English gradually
changed and a 'backlash' towards English education arose. Two years later, in 1883,
Japanese became the teaching language in Tokyo University because, according to Imura
(2003), around this time, many of the students sent by the government to western
countries came back to Japan to teach in the university. He also stresses that the academic
books written in European languages were translated into Japanese, so it was no longer
necessary to teach the subjects in English (Imura, 2003). Imura (2003) also suggests that
this then led to a sense among Japanese that English was no longer the required means to
gain access to western culture and knowledge. Consequently, the status of English
changed to that of a normal school subject, Japanese replacing it as the access to
knowledge of the outside world.
Moreover, the Japanese Imperial Constitution which took its model from the Prussia
Constitution (current Germany), was established in 1889 to show the outside world that
Japan was catching up with the West since it had its own constitution. Then they
renegotiated a revision of the unilateral treaty with western countries and succeeded in
repealing the extraterritoriality of foreign forces in Japan in 1894 just before the Japan-
China War. Still, however, Japan could not achieve the recovery of the right to determine
the level of customs duties at that time (Gakken, 1999). In terms of the establishment of
the constitution, it ironically also encouraged patriotism within Japan. This nationalistic
fervor led to the foreign wars of 1894, with China and with Russia in 1904. The victory
in these two wars, especially the Japan-Russia War would be a significant influence upon
revising the treaty (1911), whereby the right to determine customs duties on imported
goods was finally granted. It was believed that this was achieved due to Japan's advances
in technology and its ever-increasing strengthening military presence in the region. After
this revision of the treaty, Japan received equal trading rights almost 60 years after it had
opened its country to the outside world (Gakken, 1999).
Education from this point stressed a return to learning the value of Japanese and its
linguistic origin of Chinese, a movement which was energetically led by the Education
Minister, Inoue (Ministry of Education, 2002). This turn-around in the status of English
was relatively quick, a result of both the practical consideration of returning Japanese
lecturers from abroad wishing to teach Western knowledge through Japanese, and of the
perhaps more politically-driven government initiative to regard the Japanese language as
the language of instruction for nationalist purposes. This was a combination of
educational pragmatism in terms of the transfer of knowledge from the West and perhaps
a more sinister political movement which later ultimately led to ultra-patriotism, in
essence "occidentalism" (Buruma and Margalit, 2004), an Eastern rejection of western
values and knowledge. In brief, the new era was one of greater closeness to the outside
world, yet one in which the Japanese sense of identity, both in terms of language and
nationality, were uncomfortably trying to assert themselves in the world.
Returning to the events related to English education in Japan at the end of the Meiji Era,
two enduring streams in foreign language education started around this time: one being
the government's policy to import modern methodologies, and the other called "juken-
eigo" which is English education to prepare for the entrance examinations of universities
and secondary schools. An example of the former was in the government's invitation to
the scholar, Swan, from the UK in 1901 to spread the "Gouin Method", a forerunner to
the Audio-Lingual Method. As an illustration of the popularity of "juken-eigo", there was
a new body of literature focusing on the examination practice, notably through the
publication by Nanbi (1905) of "How to analyse English sentences" specifically written
for students taking entrance examinations. Sakui (2004, pp. 155-163) notes how these
"two forms of curriculum" still exist today: one is the national curriculum made by the
government and the other the implementation in the actual classrooms focusing on
"serious test-taking preparation". This phenomenon has been in existence for more than
100 years, showing clearly the continuing dichotomy between policy formulation at the
government level and its implementation in the classroom.
Looking at the social, political and economic events in the Taisho Era, the First World
War started in 1914 in Europe. Although it was war time in Europe, the Japanese
government invited Palmer from the U.K. as consultant to the Ministry of Education. The
following year, he established the English Teaching Research Institute. According to
Imura (2003), Palmer made great efforts to spread the Oral Method in Japan for more
than ten years. In 1924 the first conference for English Language Teaching was held but
whilst there was an increasing awareness about the methodology of teaching English and
linguistic analysis, there was, at the same time, a growing movement advocating the
abolition of teaching English. Imura (2003) suggests that this anti-English feeling was
closely linked with the new immigrant law in the U.S. which forbade Japanese
immigration. The law led to widespread political and social antipathy toward the U.S.
and, in turn, to calls to abolish English language education in Japan. The following year,
in 1925, the first radio broadcasting started in Japan, a huge technological advancement
which later was seen as helping education despite anti-English language sentiment.
In terms of the wider political events of that time, there was the Manchurian Incident was
occurred in the same year (1931), which was the start of aggression upon China by the
Japanese military (Gakken, 1999). The Japanese Prime Minister, Tsuyoshi Inukai tried to
stop the expansion of the military action but he failed and was assassinated in 1932.
Afterwards the military took over the government and Inukai became the last
democratically elected prime minister of the government before the Second World War
(Click 20 Seiki, 2005). Due to the Manchurian Incident, Japan withdrew from the League
of Nations in 1933 (Buruma, 2004). Consequently, the Japan-China War broke out in
1937 and in 1940 Japan joined the Axis powers of Germany and Italy.
In terms of English education around that time, in 1936 Palmer went back to the U.K.
after working for 14 years in Japan (Imura, 2003) and two years later Fujimura published
another article entitled "Abolition of English lessons in Junior High Schools". Eventually,
in 1941 Japan attached Pearl Harbor and the Pacific War started. The following year in
1942, all the U.K. and American lecturers in Japanese universities were dismissed.
In brief, this first stage leading up to the Second World War showed the peak of anti-
English language education sentiment, resulting in dismissals of foreign academics and
the abolition of English language provision in Japanese education. The effective military
take-over of government in the mid-1930s led to stricter rules against anti-patriotic
expression. Teachers were required to follow the more nationalistic government
education policy and English was seen as a negative, foreign influence in society.
Nationalistic sentiment was at a high and Japanese identity was re-conceptualized as
being unique in character and spirit. This is outlined by Yoshino (1992) as the origin of
the "nihonjinron" theory of Japanese uniqueness, broadly summarized by Buruma and
Margalit (2004) as representing a Japanese form of "Occidentalism". This led to a
rejection of previously imported western culture, knowledge and, significantly, English.
The second stage of the Showa Era began in 1945, the year marking the end of the
Second World War and the start of the U.S. occupation. General Douglas MacArthur
arrived in Japan as the head of General Headquarters (GHQ) organized by the U.S.
military. It was approximately one hundred years after Commodore Perry arrived in
Japan with his black ships (Buruma, 2003). The political, economic and education
systems had drastically changed after Commodore Perry came to Japan, as was seen in
the Meiji Restoration, but this was internally directed by successive Japanese
governments themselves. The difference between Commodore Perry and General
MacArthur was that MacArthur himself and GHQ in the form of an external occupying
force which supervised the reform of the political, economic and education systems in
Japan.
GHQ's missions were manifold, such as dismantling the Japanese military and reform of
the political and education systems (Buruma, 2003). In addition, the U.S. occupation
played a major role in influencing people's interest in English education creating a period
termed as the second English boom, almost 70 years after the first one at the beginning of
the Meiji Era. This was seen in various key events, among which was "Come Come
English", a radio English conversation programme by Hirakawa in 1946. This popular
NHK broadcast encouraged many people to listen in and start to study English. Also, in
the following year, English lessons started again in junior high schools and the tentative
plan of The Course of Study, which was the National Curriculum for all subjects
including English, was devised under U.S. supervision.
In 1951, when a peace treaty was concluded between Japan and the Allied Powers, Japan
concluded another treaty with the United States related to the mutual cooperation and
security between the two countries (Buruma, 2003; Wikipedia, 2004). Although in 1952
Japan was granted independence from the U.S., because of this treaty, the American
military has had a presence in Japan for sixty years. This situation did, however, give
Japan an opportunity to develop its own economy instead of being burdened by the
expenses of protecting itself militarily in the region. This led to the so-called 'Economic
Miracle' in which the Japanese economy grew rapidly from 1955 for almost twenty years
until the 1970s.
Foreign language education also continued as it had under U.S. occupation. In 1952, the
first Fulbright English teachers from the United States arrived in Japan. Also, according
to Imura (2003, p. 226), C. C. Fries, a Michigan University professor specializing in the
Oral Approach, was sent to Japan in 1956. Around this time, the two streams of foreign
language education - the government propensity to import new methodological trends in
English language education, and the entrance examination trend - which had first
emerged in the Meiji Era started to become apparent again. In 1953, Egawa published a
book entitled Interpretation of English Grammar for students to prepare for entrance
examination purposes. Concurrently, the government introduced the new National
Curriculum emphasizing the importance of basic English ability.
Then in 1956 there was a call by leading business leaders to improve the level of
"Practical English" among company recruits so that the Japanese workforce could be
better equipped to conduct international business (Imura, 2003). Effectively, although
some investigations were then conducted by the Ministry of Education into the linguistic
competence of graduating students, no great changes were made in the English
curriculum at schools and public universities. However, in the private sector, in 1963 the
"STEP Test", the Society for Testing English Proficiency, was introduced. This was the
first nationwide English examination in Japan assessing the four language skills. This can
be seen, in part, as being a reaction to the call for the introduction of more practical
English made by business leaders some years previously. Of some significance is the fact
that the STEP Test was introduced during the Economic Miracle period (1955-1970s),
showing the strong connection between business leaders and English education.
The third stage of the Showa Era was marked by another English boom spearheaded by
the Tokyo Olympics in 1964, though English education at schools was still examination-
oriented, as can be exemplified by the publication by Mori (1965) entitled English for
Examination. Looking back at the social events in the 1970s, almost two million Japanese
went abroad, a factor which greatly influenced people's motivation to learn foreign
languages. In the mid-70s, there was a significant debate about English education
between two intellectuals, Hiraizumi and Watanabe. According to Imura (2003), in 1974,
a politician of the ruling party, Wataru Hiraizumi, put forward a plan for future foreign
language education in Japan proposing that English should only be taught to students
who really needed it. This was, in effect, a proposal to restructure English language
education in schools so that it became available only to an elite set of students.
Hiraizumi's rationale was that most people simply did not require English. This move to
create an elite was made despite the fact that more and more normal Japanese were now
financially able to travel abroad. Imura (2003, p. 284) summarizes that this was "a sort of
argument to abolish English education", ignoring the vast majority of students in Japan.
In contrast, Shoichi Watanabe, an English linguist, was against Hiraizumi's plan stating
that "English education for examination is valuable to train Japanese students'
intelligence" (Imura, 2003, p. 284). Although this counter-argument to Hiraizumi was
necessary to avoid the creation of an English-speaking elite, the rationale supporting it
still failed to consider the ever-growing practical needs of the population.
In 1979, TOEIC (Test of English for International Communication), the U.S. business
English Test, was introduced, perhaps a belated addition to the STEP test from the 1960s,
yet important in that it provided a means to compare linguistic competence of Japanese
with students of other countries.
In 1980 the number of English lessons was suddenly reduced from 4 classes in a week to
3 classes at junior high schools. This was part of a general policy to change the whole
nature of Japanese compulsory education from one which was purely focused on study to
one which developed the student holistically. Despite these good intentions, however, in
response to the government's policy, a campaign by teachers against this reduction of
English lessons occurred in 1981. Fundamentally, this showed the teachers' strong
support for English education in Japan. Also, in the mid-1980s there was a growing
awareness that research into classroom practice was needed and so the "Eigojigyo
kenkyukai" (Association of Research for English Teaching in the Classroom) was
established. At the same time, the communicative approach towards English language
teaching became increasingly popular, attracting many teachers. Then, most significantly
for Japanese Junior and Senior High Schools, in 1987 the JET (Japan Exchange and
Teaching) Programme, a government initiative started. Monbukagakusho (the Ministry of
Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology, 2002, pp. 6-7) states that this
programme was introduced "to improve foreign language education in Japan".
This current Heisei Era seems to have reached a new peak in English language education
in Japan. English at schools, colleges, universities and the growing private language
school market is enormously popular and appears to be responding to the practical needs
of the business community, first voiced in the late 1950s. The introduction of the JET
scheme in itself, despite problems, is an event unimaginable in previous eras since it
brings native-speaking foreigners not only face-to-face with students, but also with
teachers and administrators.
Conclusions
Reviewing what has been covered so far concerning globalization, the world history of
the Great Navigation period and the history of English language education in Japan, it is
clear that there is a complex inter-play between the 'macro' events occurring in the world
and the 'micro' events within English education in Japan itself. The tables have been
translated and adapted to illustrate this inter-connected nature of the macro and micro, yet
are basically flawed, firstly, in the limited space available to represent so many social,
political and economic events and trends, and, secondly, in the subjective nature of the
choice of those events and trends. Despite this potential limitation, the tables have
outlined the varying booms and backlashes over history, illustrating that the most recent
boom is not unique. Neither are the backlashes following boom periods.
Recapping the various historical boom periods in English language education, it can be
seen that there are two significant aspects: that of the import of foreign methodologies
(the Oral Approach) and teachers (famous scholars acting as consultants such as Palmer
and classroom teachers in the JET scheme); and also, of the popularity of examinations
(both for entrance to university and to measure linguistic competence as in the STEP and
TOEIC tests).
The backlashes in the Meiji and pre-war eras seem to have been motivated by two
criteria: firstly, the political movement towards nationalism, encapsulated by the
occidentalist "nihonjinron" theory of Japanese uniqueness, in which English was seen as
a representation of 'foreignness' and a potential negative influence on the purity of
Japanese society. The second criteria, the reduced status of English in the curriculum,
was seen in both the Meiji Era when Japanese returned to teach in universities using
Japanese as the language of instruction, and later in the 1980s when English was regarded
by some as just another subject burdening the more holistic development of the student.
In terms of these historical developments and the concept of globalization, it can be
summarized that English has been viewed as, at times, a necessary vehicle to catch up
with the West - its technology and commercial expansion - and also, at times, as a
representation of the West, and therefore to be rejected. Of great interest is perhaps the
concept that business leaders have forced the government at various times to integrate
English more into the curriculum, and in doing so, have regarded English as a means to
catch up with the rest of the world and lead it in technological areas. In summary, there
have been times in which English has been seen as representative of a threatening form of
globalization, as in the militaristic thinking of the 1930s, and of beneficial globalization,
as in the Meiji Era, Showa Era and the current Heisei Era. In brief, English is, and has
been, seen as the face of the outside world.
References
Block, D. (2004). Globalization and language teaching. ELT Journal, 58(1), 75 - 77.