Thesis
Thesis
Thesis
by
Dessen Hillman
Bachelor of Architecture
Pratt Institute, 201 2
Signature of Author:
JUL 0 1 2014
LIBRARIES
_Signature redacted
Department of Architecture
Signature redacted_
Signature redacted
Michael Dennis
Professor of Architecture
Thesis Supervisor
Accepted by:
Takehiko Nagakura
Associate Professor of Design and Computation
Chair of the Department Committee on Graduate Students
by
Dessen Hillman
Thesis advisor: Michael Dennis
Title: Professor of Architecture
Thesis reader: Brent Ryan
Professor
of Urban Design and Public Policy
Title:Assistant
Thesis reader:Takehiko Nagakura
Title:Associate Professor of Design and Computation
ABSTRACT
This thesis proposes a methodology for the act of urban design that is recursive and centered around
explicit relational operations, enabled by taking advantage of computation and parametric techniques. It
contains iterative experiments aimed to explore and discover the feasibility and potential of computational
incremental urban design
The initial idea for this thesis emerged as two urban design conventions are challenged.
The first is the teleological masterplan. Masterplans take a long time to be implemented, causing the majority of them to be only partially implemented. In addition, as the early parts of the design are seeing completion of built development, their surrounding context would have changed and developed as well, rendering
the rest of the initial design to be obsolete and out of context, which requires a new design to be created.
The second is a more recent norm: the fact that contemporary designers use generative computation
techniques often to generate some form of a masterplan. Sadly, most of the outcomes produce less coherent and intentional designs than what a conventional urban design approach would. Granted, each individual is entitled to his/her own belief on good urban form, but many urban design schemes produced today
by computer and parametric techniques are residues of interest and passion for the tools and techniques
themselves. Many computation-based urban schemes today, including this thesis, are still early explorations,
but I hope to take a step towards bringing our views on computation techniques away from digital obsession and towards a more pragmatic use.
This thesis is a response to my speculation that there are confusions between urban design and architecture at the urban scale. Unlike architecture, urban design cannot afford to take a single set of ideas that
aims towards idea clarity, which typically ends up with having a thing as an organizing datum in a single
design act, whether it's an axis, a mega structure, an open space, a topography map, etc.This approach is
too one-dimensional, regardless of how complex the designer claims his/her project is.
Thesis Supervisor: Michael Dennis
Title: Professor of Architecture
TABLE OF CONTENTS
1. Challenging conventions
i.Teleological masterplans
ii.The use of generative computation techniques in practice
2. Urban design vs. architecture at the urban scale
3. Precedents and similar thoughts (incremental and computational)
i. Early thoughts in computational and incremental urbanism
ii. Recent and contemporary thoughts in computational and incremental urbanism
4. Experiments and reports
i.The basic idea (components and relationships)
ii. Site selection
iii. Operations
iv. Experiments
5. Conclusions
6. Bibliography, sources, and references
1. CHALLENGING CONVENTIONS
i.Teleological masterplans
The majority of urban masterplans are either never implemented or only implemented
partially. Unlike architecture,
urban design schemes span over
decades in implementation and
development, even in a supportive economic and political
climate. Assuming uninterrupted
developments, urban plans will
still take a long time to implement that by the time the early
phases of implementations are
finished, the surrounding city
would have changed to a point
where the rest of the design is
rendered obsolete.
An example of this is the various masterplans incomplete
implementation in downtown
Providence between 1960-2000,
carefully studied and documented by Brent Ryan (Assoc. Prof. of
Urban Design and Public Policy
in MIT's Dept. of Urban Studies
and Planning as of 2014) in "Incomplete and Incremental Plan
Implementation in Downtown
Providence, Rhode Island, 19602000", published in the Journal of
Planning History,Vol. 5 No. 1 2006.
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li.2. Various proposed masterplans for downtown Providence between I 960-2000 (Journal of Planning History,Vol.5 No. I,
45,48,52,55)
In this study, Ryan looked at seven masterplans proposed for downtown Providence from 1960-2000.
The study concluded by stating,"This study concluded that Providence's downtown plan implementation,
successful as it may have been, was highly incomplete, representing at best the implementation of only a
portion of the propositions made by the plans. Second, the study concluded that the city's downtown plan
implementation was an incremental process where partially realized plan ideas could be appended by later
plans and where each plan's proposals confronted an increasing number of realized elements from previous
plans" (Journal of Planning History,Vol.5 No.1, 60).
Ryan's study gives a glimpse of a real case of unintended incremental planning and implementation due to
the unfeasibility of teleological masterplanning. He points out that despite Providence's often-lauded effort
and success on downtown planning implementation,"less than 25 percent of the individual ideas that had
been proposed in Providence's downtown plans since 1960 had been implemented even in part" (Journal
of Planning History,Vol.5 No. I, 37). Of the seven plans proposed for downtown Providence, only four actually experienced any implementation. Interestingly, the plans proposed overtime became more modest and
conservative, one after another, which can perhaps be an indication of planners and designers noticing past
trends in which large ambitious plans often face no implementation. Since modest and conservative plans
are more attainable, they may have decided not to waste time coming up with "big ideas" and instead focus
on what is immediately at hand.
Ultimately Ryan raised the following key questions to his own study: "Why were certain portions of the
plans realized but not others? Were some plan ideas easier to implement than others, or was implementation the result of serendipity?" (Journal of Planning History,Vol.5 No. 1,58).These questions, however, are
impossible to answer without looking deeply into the historical accounts of the city in terms of political
relationships, economic climate, policy changes, and designs altogether, which are beyond the intended
scope of both his study and this thesis.
One of the most critical issues with teleological masterplans is perhaps the fact that if implemented completely, the parts that are developed at the later stages are obsolete. Since masterplans take decades to
implement, they are usually developed in phases. By the time the early phases are done, the city around
the development site would have changed significantly, rendering the rest of the plan to be out of context.
We may argue that today, cities can be built much faster than even ten years ago. What used to take a
century now only takes a decade, which might mean there are more masterplans implemented through
completion, negating my argument that teleological masterplans are unfeasible.
It is important to clarify that this thesis does not challenge the existence of the masterplan. Rather, it proposes a different method at arriving to one, accepting the need for a finished masterplan to be given to
the client, developer, and contractor.With the speed of development we have today, it is even more critical
that we think about the masterplan differently. Otherwise, we may very well end up with a bunch of plan
Voisins all over the world.
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I ii. I. ZHA's Kartal-Pendik Masterplan (Parametricism -A New Global Style for Architecture and Urban Design)
10
figuration,
emphasize
his parametric
design. Unfortunately,
II
dictate what architecture is to non-architects. In an interview titled "On Parametricism" published on his
website (patrikschumacher.com), he compares architecture to science in a way that scientists prescribe
proper scientific knowledge to the world, and thus "architects - and only architects - who determine
through their collective architectural discourse what is good, appropriate contemporary architecture."
This view and understanding of architecture carry over to urban design, which is a critical error common
to individuals with an architectural background who become involved in urban design.
As mentioned before, Schumacher's primary agenda is visual clarity of parametric design, which means he
has, in his mind, deployed a pre-conception of the visual characteristics of parametric design. He mentions
that late modernist architects have used parametric modeling to "inconspicuously absorb complexity",
whereas he, as a parametricist, "pushes in the opposite direction and aims for a maximal emphasis on conspicuous differentiation and the visual amplification differentiating logics". For him, parametric design aesthetics "is the elegance of ordered complexity and the sense of seamless fluidity, akin to natural systems"
(Parametricism -A New Global Style forArchitecture and Urban Design). Ironically, Schumacher's criticism
of late modernist architects is only supported by his own version of guiding parametric method to achieve
his own personal visual agenda which, although happens to be different that that of the late modernists, is
still a subjective and personal endeavor nevertheless.
This is not to say that Schumacher is oblivious to the real essence of parametric design. He wrote,"Parametric variations trigger 'gestalt-catastrophes', i.e. the quantitative modification of these parameters trigger qualitative shifts in the perceived configuration. Beyond object parameters, ambient parameters and
observer parameters have to be integrated into the parametric system" (Parametricism - A New Global
Style for Architecture and Urban Design).
However, Schumacher chooses to focus on the visual changes obtained from tweaking various parameters
within a parametric system. He believes that parametric design can address complex urban issues and "articulate them with all their rich differentiations and relevant associations". For him, one of the most significant advantages of designing parametrically is that "the danger of overriding real-life richness is minimized
because variety and adaptiveness are written into the very genetic make-up of parametricism". Ironically,
while claiming to avoid dumbing down complexity and diversity, his design outcomes are strikingly monotonous and uniform, which is primarily caused by his ambition for "deep relationality" as he attempts to
package every aspect of urbanism into one parametric system.
12
I suspect the term "urban design" is quite ambiguous for many. Many architects who are involved in urban
design projects often approach them as if they are architecture, unknowingly or not. In Urban Design as
Public Policy: Practical Methods for Improving Cities (1974), Jonathan Barnett wrote,
" A city planner, it seemed to us, was someone who was primarily concerned with the allocation of resources according to projections of future need.Allocating funds for a capital
budget is a series of planning decisions, because it involves determinations of need for, as
an example, a new school in a particular district, and balancing off that need against that
of other areas.
Architects, on the other hand, design buildings.They prepare a set of contract documents
so that the building, let us say a school, can be constructed, and they take legal responsibility for the process.
There is a substantial middle ground between these professions, and each has some claim
to it, but neither fills it very well." (Barnett,
186)
Unlike architecture, urban design cannot afford to take a single set of ideas that aims towards idea clarity,
which typically ends up with having a "thing" as an organizing datum in a single design act, whether it is an
axis, a mega structure, infrastructure (a term so loosely used these days), an open space, a topography map,
etc.This approach is too one-dimensional, regardless of how complex or well-organized the designer claim
his/her project is.
For years, many architects have gained interest in the issues of urbanism.Through architecture, many perceived urban issues are internalized within one holistic structure.There are many early iconic examples of
this attitude including Le Corbusier's Unite d'Habitation, Paul Rudolph's Lower Manhattan Expressway, and
the theoretical works of archigram.This attitude of internalizing urbanism within large architecture persists
until today.Architecture competitions such as eVolo is infested with "vertical city" schemes. Contemporary
design practices such as MVRDV and BIG are not exempt from these proposals either. For at least a century now, many architects cannot seem to move away from this idea that urban issues are somehow similar
to architecture issues and therefore the two can be combined and approached as one.
Architects are taught and trained to strive for idea clarity in a design scheme. Urban design, if approached
this way, becomes too focused on the completed state of the design scheme. Designers often describe
their urban design schemes the same way they describe architecture design schemes.A common scenario
13
14
2.2. Paul Rudolph: Lower Manhattan Expressway (US Library of Congress: loc.gov)
might sound something like this: "The idea of this design is about the separation of programs. The residentials
are clustered around the site with a commercial core in the center of each cluster. In the middle, there is a main
street that connects to the rest of the city and branches off to each neighborhood." In reality, it is not possible to
describe urban areas like downtown Boston,Tokyo, or Paris as being organized by one set of simple ideas.
This organizational strategy that stemmed out of architectural discourse is undoubtedly still commonly
practiced today in many professional urban design offices.
This attitude that mixes urbanism with architecture has resulted in a few common strategies in urban
design. One example that has become a common punching bag for designers and planners as a disastrous
urban design strategy is Le Corbusier's Plan Voisin for Paris (figure 2.1 ).This is a prime example where an
architect acts as a totalitarian, imposing his subjective and very personal opinion onto a city.Although this
project in particular was never realized, its influence was so powerful that it manifested into reality through
many other developments, such as the Barbican estates in London,Ten Eyck housing in Willamsburg (New
York), and the Empire State Plaza in Albany (NewYork).
We may categorize this urban design strategy that proliferated from architectural modernism as one that
simply aggregates a series of buildings across a city.This approach to urban design results in a scheme
that looks like socialist housing blocks, which often carries negative connotations with them for multiple
reasons.
15
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2.4. From top: Ten Eyck housing, Empire State Plaza, Barbican Estates
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2.8. Kahn's sketch of city to house comparison (Louis I. Kahn Collection, University of Pennsylvania and the Pennsylvania
Historical and Museum Commission)
To some extent, the components of a city are somewhat comparable to those of architecture. However,
when an urban design is ideologically treated as architecture, it often ends up unrealistic, impractical, and
downright ridiculous.This trend of architects generating urban designs has prevailed until today.As a result,
designers often manifest their personal design ideologies through urban design the same way they do in
architecture design. Modernist architects' urban design schemes revolved around one or a few ideas based
on certain observations of the city. For example, Kahn designed a plan for Philadelphia solely based on
traffic patterns and speed. Le Corbusier desired to separate different modes of transportation so they do
not clash with each other.
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2.9 Le Corbusier's Ville Contemporaine: Contemporary City for three million people (fondationlecorbusierfr)
In Urban Design as Public Policy: Practical Methods for Improving Cities (1974), Jonathan Barnett wrote,
"Architects and planners have inherited some funny ideas about themselves as the keepers
of the sacred flame of culture and the guardians of society's conscience.There has been
a tradition that a true professional, and, certainly, a true artist, should not be too closely
involved in the day-to-day process of government, or politics, or real eastate development. Instead, he has sent his instructions to the policy makers as manifestos or visionary
drawings, and, not suprisingly, the policy makers usually find them impossibly idealistic and
irrelevant to the problem at hand" (Barnett, 6)
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urban design which is different, entirely, from the one known today.We believe that the task of creating
wholeness in the city can only be dealt with a process. It cannot be solved by design alone, but only when
the process by which the city gets its form is fundamentally changed." (Alexander, A New Theory of Urban
Design, 3)
Alexander's primary objective described in this book is to create "wholeness", which he describes as the
"feeling of organicness" of a city, similar to the way he described a "natural" city in "A City Is Not A Tree".
Alexander's design process, guided by "a series of seven rules", attempts to simulate an imaginary process
of city development over a five-year period. Similar to other theories related to urban growth, this one
seems to also propose a logic for urban growth that both guide and predict urban developments. Of the
seven rules, rule #3 is the most obvious example of this, which serves as "an answer to the fundamental
question: What shall we build in any given place, where a project is to be undertaken.This question does
not ask how it is organized, how it is designed, what character the architecture has... but simply the most
fundamental question of all: What is it? What is going to be there?" (A New Theory of Urban Design, 51-53)
Based on the rules he designed, we can see that Alexander's theory of rules is accompanied by a personal
view on what a city should be.Alexander, who is against the machine-like method of urban design, which
he claims is often "a result of considered, channeled, information", ends up projecting a classical renaissance
city to the site.Acknowledging this, he recognizes the drawbacks of his piecemeal design approach.
However, Alexander points out perhaps the most important thing anyone should keep in mind while designing a city: the fact that the formation of cities is a result of multiple interests that often do not correlate
with each other.The irony here is that the rules presented in his theory come as a set of policies that the
citizens must abide by, similar to a planning policy, ultimately dictating the subsequent urban forms. Did
Alexander simply create a set of planning policy and played a simulation game of what could happen if these
policies are implemented in a city? The rules in the policy he created are meant to guide developments.
Any developer may choose to build as long as the development falls within the constraints of the rules to
maintain "wholeness". In this case,"wholeness" is subjectively, and perhaps conservatively, defined as having
similar qualities to those of an old European city.
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imagining a scenario that plays out over the period of ten years. Each scenario is essentially the result of a
group of designers daydreaming, pondering, and going bananas at what each neighborhood might become
with few simple assumed elements in each neighborhood. It is as much an authoritarive design approach
as Le Corbusier's, cloaked in a haze of informal settlements. For what its worth, it is a comic book about
a few poor settlements in Jakarta.
On the other side of incremental urbanism, Brent Ryan, through the study of urban planning and policies of
post-industrial American cities, proposed an urban phenomenon called "patchwork urbanism". He wrote,
"The irregular levels of density, habitation, building stock, and open space in the shrinking
city are the precise opposite of the level, homogeneous urbanism of the historical industrial city that can still be seen in intact areas of older cities.The new urban patter resulting
from shrinkage may be called patchwork urbanism. The patchwork is dynamic, shifting and
changing over time as abandonment, demolition, and new development each make their
mark.
Patchwork urbanism implies that urban design, rather than acting homegeneously across
urban space in the same manner as zoning, acts in a strongly differential mode, influencing
certain areas of the city much more than others.This mode of urban design is not unique
to the shrinking city; market development is generally far more concentrated in some
parts than in others, so parts of cities have historically changed at a greater rate while others changed slowly or not at all." (Design After Decline, 213-214)
Based on this, we may imagine an urban design strategy that is more incremental and patch-like.The top
image of figure 3ii.2 shows a typical shrinking-city neighborhood before its decline.These neighborhoods
are often "moderate-density developments with one- and two-family apartments, with commercial buildings on major streets" (Design After Decline, 219). The middle image shows the neighborhood in decline,
assuming "a familiar appearance of vacant lots, abandoned houses, and scattered, still-inhabited buildings"
(Design After Decline, 220).The bottom image shows how a "progressive urban design could reconstruct
such neighborhoods with new housing that impoved upon the old, with new public and semipublic open
spaces, and with new street patterns" (Design After Decline, 221).
Both examples are equally fictional, though Ryan's tale is told with assumptions grounded in historical and
current trends, making it a more serious study.Though not explicit, both examples imply that the final
results shown are at least possible realities. I realized telling a story or a scenario of a city's development
would be misleading in delivering the arguments of my thesis as it implies a type of prediction. Instead, the
scenarios in this thesis are examples of design processes that designers would go through while designing
an urban scheme using the proposed methodology.They are used as stages for experiments discussed in
greater detail in the following chapter.
32
4i. 1. Some of the components taken into consideration in this thesis: (from left) sunlight, building mass, large open space,
building scales and parcel sizes
Relationships, at least at this point, are subjective. One component may have multiple relationships with
other components based on the operation that contains it. Relationships define how each component affects others within an operation. It is up to the designer to define these relationships based on what kind
of design scheme he/she wants to create.
For example, as shown in figure 4i.2, the top two diagrams show two components, in this case building
mass and building shadows, with two different relationships.The left diagram shows a relationship where
the base of each building cannot be covered by any building shadows, resulting in a design scheme where
the building masses are spaced further apart from each other, exposing each of their street levels to receive
33
4i.2. Different relationships defined by different designers based on different design agenda
direct sunlight exposure.The right diagram shows a different relationship of the same two components,
where building shadows are allowed to cover only the base of other buildings, resulting in a scheme where
direct sun exposure cannot reach the ground spaces of each building.
Another example of this is shown by the bottom two diagrams of figure 4i.2. In this case, the two components being considered are surrounding (existing) building sizes and new building sizes along with their
placements.The diagram on the left shows a relationship where the designer decides to place new buildings of similar sizes with their immediate surrounding context, creating a similar condition with what
34
already exists on site.The diagram on the right shows a relationship where the designer decides to do
the exact opposite, placing large new buildings around existing smaller buildings and small new buildings
around existing larger buildings. Depending on what kind of city the designer wishes to design, different
relationships will result in different urban design schemes.
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4ii. 1. PlaNYC 2030 potential initiatives and zoning maps (PlaNYC, 22-23)
PlaNYC provides concrete program agenda for the site which allows the thesis to focus on experiments
without having to worry too much about site programming and analysis.The site selection is not critical
to the successes and failures of the project, but selected area in Greenpoint provides a variety of urban
scenarios that include a waterfront, a relatively regular urban fabric, large industrial and post-industrial
buildings, low-rise residences, and commercial activities.
35
36
iii. Operations
Each design scheme produced in this thesis is a result of a series of operations that are constantly tweaked
and developed as more experiments are conducted in order to find out proper relationships between
components and, more importantly, how tweaking relationships explicitly affects the urban form. Each operation contain multiple components and specific relationships between them.
There are a few operations I created during this thesis, each of which plays a specific role in the creation
of an urban design scheme. Each of them was tested on a generic rectangular site shown in figure 4iii. 1.
The first operation is called RoadNetwork (figure 4iii.2). It deals with the formation of the urban fabric. It is
a way to create circulation system and deal with an oversized site by splitting it up. It works by connecting
existing roads that end at opposing edges of the site. In this operation, a site is identified. In this case, it is
recognized as one oversized block indicated by the red color (figure 4iii.2 top).The threshod for tolerable
block size is determined by the designer. Depending on the number, this initial size may be either appropriate or oversized. If it is oversized, we proceed with the RoadNetwork operation.
37
is divided into
two sub-operations.
The first is called CatalystSequence (figure 4iii.3).This operation makes sense when used for
developing large buildings that
4iii.2. RoadNetwork operation
38
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as a component whereas 4iii.7 shows the operation using the noon sun (12:00 PM). In these examples, the
relationships remain the same, but the components change. By using different components, we arrive at a
different design scheme.
The version of the operation shown here has a major flaw.As shown by figure 4iii.7, because the operation only removes shaded parcels on each sequence, parcels that are not shaded remain even if developing
them will cast shadows over previously developed buildings.This problem was fixed in later versions and
operations.
The fifth operation is called BuildingTowers (figure 4iii.8).This operation stemmed from the previous operation, SunShadow.Just like it,the sequence here is also generated by BuildingHeights operation (surrounding
density field). It is used to create a tower-based neighborhood complex. It works by taking parcels selected
by BuildingHeights and creating a low-rise tower base (primary), whose height can either be determined
by BuildingHeights or manually entered by the designer. It then takes the parcels adjacent to it, checks their
density values, and creates extensions of the tower base (secondary) where the values are high enough. It
also creates a tower on top of the primary tower base, whose height can also be determined by BuildingHeights or manually enterred by the designer.
BuildingTowers includes a very important feature that SunShadow does not.Whenever a parcel is selected,
it checks whether placing a tower there will cast shadow over those created in previous sequences. If it
does not, the operation will place a tower base, check for tower base extensions, and place a tower. If, however, it casts shadows over previously created buildings, it will not do any of the former steps and eliminate
the parcel from future considerations.These parcels are highlighted in green in figure 4iii.8.
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iv. Experiments
The ultimate goal of the experiments is to demonstrate that
the proposed methodology can
be adopted as a standard of urban design practice. Thus, the
first experiments were only
concerned with making an implementable urban plan. From
this point on, each experiment
will be referred as Combined-X,
where X is a number that identifies the iterative version of the
experiment (i.e. Combined- 1,
Combined-2, etc.). Each of the
Combined experiments is conducted on the same exact site
in order to reduce as much unnecessary variables as possible
in the experiments.
It is important to keep in mind
that the overall design agenda of
each experiment is to create a
new mixed-use neighborhood
that consists primarily of residentials, which is derived from
PlaNYC's planning agenda.
The images on the left (figure
4iv.I) show sequences of the
first Combined experiment
(Combined-I), which utilizes
two operations: RoadNetwork
and BuildingHeights.There are a
few assumptions made when the
experiments began.The first
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of parceling that created two
different parcel structures. So
far, all of the experiments have
only been using a generic New
York City parcel that mimics the
parcel structure of the existing
neighborhood around the site.
In order to break the continuous highrise facades wall along
4iv.8. Combined-4- I final urban plan
55
56
apartment
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fourth (bottom left) and fifth images (top right) show the New
York generic parcel blocks are
split with through streets running in them, connecting the
large apartment blocks created
in the previous sequences.
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I decided to experiment with a completely different scenario in Combined-7. In this case, I imagine a large
developer that owns the entire site, has strong political and economic leverages, and therefore has more
control over what gets developed on the site.The client wants to create a new neighborhood identity
with a series of highrise apartment towers, offices, large retail complexes at the street level, a variety of
parks, and a strong waterfront identity.The client has a vision that this neighborhood is to become a new
urban center in the area with high population and strong public life through busy streets and a high level
of commercial activities.
With that in mind, Combined-7 saw the introduction of BuildingTowers operation, which is a more sophisticated way of creating highrise building complexes than what I have been using so far. Combined-7 results
in an urban scheme with streets that continue and connect surrounding existing streets into various spaces
within the site; a variety of open spaces that consist of parks of various sizes, locations, and contexts as
well as building plazas located in front of some of the large tower complexes; a small mixture of parcel
structures and building typologies; and a public waterfront recreational space.
The resulting urban plan is more complex than any of the previous one. Since I was not concerned with
strict continuation of existing streets in this scheme, I overlaid a rectangular grid (figure 4iv.26, image 2) on
the site, simply cropped by the site boundary.After BuildingTowers is completed (no more parcels can be
developed without having new towers cast or covered by shadows on/of those previously designed), there
are many leftover undeveloped spaces that are too wide and large to become streets and public spaces.
These leftover spaces are split into smaller blocks using RoadNetwork, the way the previous experiments
were done, and became smaller parcels with smaller developments (4iv.26, image I
up the leftover spaces with a second type of urban fabric and development.
Unfortunately, the rectangular grid proved to be too rigid for this scheme. Even though each tower base
complex has a unique configuration, all of the buildings individually have exactly the same size and shape.A
quick look at the urban plan reveals the inherent arbitrary grid that was imposed onto the site. Perhaps an
operation that creates a more appropriate grid should be devised as the base for running BuildingTowers.
Ultimately, each design scheme beginning in Combined-2 successfully created a variety of open and closed
spaces that can be appropriated as public and private.These spaces are most resolved in Combined-7 (figures 4iv.28, 29, and 30). Figure 4ivi.28 shows a long park space. Figure 4iv.29 shows a series of parks and
paved plazas along a promenade that steps down towards the waterfront edge. Figure 4iv.30 shows a small
square at the center of a building cluster along with privately owned public spaces that are delineated by
road blocks.
85
86
87
S. CONCLUSIONS
The most important aspect of this thesis is not so much based on the degree of completion and precision of the components, operations, and experiments set up throughout the thesis. It is much more about
getting us designers to focus on relationships and preventing us from attempting to materialize our own
preoccupations through an urban form, which is often too simplistic, visual-based, and one-dimensional for
urban design projects by providing an option that takes advantage of computational parametric tools.To
reiterate, urban design, especially in larger scales, cannot afford to have subjective design ideas projected
to it.Architecture is much more forgiving as it is small enough to become a vessel of an individual's interests and passion. By focusing on a city's components and their relationships, I think it is more possible to
propose actual, not just seemingly, complex and multi-dimensional urban schemes through layering of rules
and keeping track of what each of them does and how each of them affects the others.This thesis is the
antithesis of the desire to create the next canonical urban scheme.
One of the weaknesses of this methodology is that it relies heavily on context information in the form of
abstract or physical data.The richer the context, the more complex the design schemes can potentially
become. If this is to be used in a town planning project where a city or a large developer is seeking to
establish a satellite city away from the city center in the middle of a vast agricultural land, the methodology
will suffer as there is not as much information. In such scenarios, we will have to work with information
derived from the forces of nature such as topography, sun exposure, or wind direction in the absence of
density, road networks, public transit, existing open spaces, etc.
As it stands, the components, operations, and experiments I have set up in this thesis are simplistic and
primitive. For the purpose of this thesis, it has been my intention to keep them simple, controlled, and
contained in order to really understand what each component or relationship does, focusing on the design
outcomes. I realize by imbuing this work with words such as computation, digital, and parametric, many
complex urban information and analyses come to mind, including topics such as thermal comfort, air quality, mass transit connectivity, carbon footprint, noise, health, crime rate, and pollution. At this point, I am
uncertain of how, and if, any of these information should affect the process of urban design. I believe if my
method is developed further with more components and operations layered into the system, the outcome
will become that much more complex and sophisticated, creating responsible and well-informed design
schemes that otherwise would have been very difficult to achieve through the mind of individual designers.
Recursive Relational
88
Urban Design
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Barnett, Jonathan. Urban Design As Public Policy; Practical Methods for Improving Cities. New York: Architectural Record Books, 1974. Print.
Batty, Michael, and Paul Longley."Fractal-Based Description of Urban Form". Papers in Planning Research
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Schumacher, Patrik."On Parametricism." T +A (Time + Architecture) 201215, Digital Fabrication. 2012. Print.
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Apr 2014
Verebes,Tom. Masterplanning The Adaptive City: Computational Urbanism in The Twenty-first Century. Rout-