Spatium 34

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spatium

ISSN 1450-569X

No. 34, December 2015, Belgrade

ISSN 2217-8066 (Online)

SCOPE AND AIMS


The review is concerned with a multi-disciplinary approach to spatial, regional and urban planning and architecture, as well as with various aspects of land
use, including housing, environment and related themes and topics. It attempts to contribute to better theoretical understanding of a new spatial development
processes and to improve the practice in the field.
EDITOR-IN-CHIEF
Miodrag Vujoevi, IAUS, Belgrade, Serbia

PUBLISHER
Institute of Architecture and Urban & Spatial Planning of Serbia, IAUS
Saa Miliji, Director

VICE EDITOR-IN-CHIEF
Tamara Marii, IAUS, Belgrade, Serbia

SECRETARY
Milena Milinkovi, IAUS, Belgrade, Serbia

PUBLISHING COUNCIL
Jasna Petri, President, IAUS, Belgrade, Serbia
Ana Nikovi, Vice President, IAUS, Belgrade, Serbia
Milena Milinkovi, Secretary, IAUS, Belgrade, Serbia

ADDRESS
Institute of Architecture and Urban & Spatial Planning of Serbia, IAUS
Spatium
Serbia, 11000 Belgrade, Bulevar kralja Aleksandra 73/II
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Spatium is indexed in SCOPUS and SCImago.

EDITORIAL BOARD
Branislav Bajat, University of Belgrade, Faculty of Civil Engineering, Belgrade, Serbia; Milica Baji Brkovi, Belgrade, Serbia; Branko Cavri, University of
Botswana, Faculty of Engineering & Technology FET, Department of Architecture and Planning DAP, Gaborone, Botswana; Tijana Crnevi, IAUS, Belgrade,
Serbia; Kaliopa Dimitrovska Andrews, Ljubljana, Slovenia; Zeynep Enlil, Yildiz Technical University, Faculty of Architecture, Department of City and Regional
Planning, Istanbul, Turkey; Milorad Filipovi; University of Belgrade, Faculty of Economics, Belgrade, Serbia; Panagiotis Getimis, Panteion University of Political
and Social Sciences, Dept. Economic and Regional Development, Athens, Greece, and University of Darmstadt, Darmstadt, Germany; Grigoris Kafkalas, Aristotle
University of Thessaloniki, Spatial Development and Research Unit-SDRU, Thessaloniki, Greece; Douglas Kysar, Yale Law School, New Haven, USA; Luigi Mazza,
Politecnico di Milano, Department of Architecture and Planning, Milano, Italy; Nada Milain, Belgrade, Serbia; Saa Miliji, IAUS, Belgrade, Serbia; Bernhard
Mller, Leibniz-Institut fr kologische Raumentwicklung, Dresden, Germany; Zorica Nedovi-Budi, University College Dublin, School of Geography, Planning
and Environmental Policy, Dublin, Ireland; Ksenija Petovar, Belgrade, Serbia; Jasna Petri, IAUS, Belgrade, Serbia; Vesna Popovi, Institute of Agricultural
Economics - IAE, Belgrade, Serbia; Mila Pucar, Belgrade, Serbia; Karl Peter Schn, Federal Office for Building and Regional Planning, Bonn, Germany; Wilfried
Schnbck, University of Technology, Department of Spatial Development, Infrastructure & Environmental Policy, Centre Public Finance and Infrastructure Policy,
Vienna, Austria; Paolo Tomasella, Regione Autonoma Friuli Venezia Giulia, Udine, Italy; Dragutin Toi, University of Belgrade, Faculty of Geography, Belgrade,
Serbia; Dobrivoje Tokovi, Belgrade, Serbia; and Slavka Zekovi, IAUS, Belgrade, Serbia.

PUBLISHING COUNCIL
Branislav Bajat, University of Belgrade, Faculty of Civil Engineering, Belgrade, Serbia; Tijana Crnevi, IAUS, Belgrade, Serbia; Mirjana Devetakovi, University of
Belgrade, Faculty of Architecture, Belgrade, Serbia; Branka Dimitrijevi, University of Strathclyde, Department of Architecture and Building Science, Glasgow, UK;
Omiljena Delebdi, IAUS, Belgrade, Serbia; Milorad Filipovi, University of Belgrade, Faculty of Economics, Belgrade, Serbia; Boko Josimovi, IAUS, Belgrade,
Serbia; Nikola Kruni, IAUS, Belgrade, Serbia; Ksenija Lalovi, University of Belgrade, Faculty of Architecture, Belgrade, Serbia; Jelena Lukovi, University of
Belgrade, Faculty of Geography, Belgrade, Serbia; Boidar Mani, IAUS, Belgrade, Serbia; Igor Mari, IAUS, Belgrade, Serbia; Tamara Marii, IAUS, Belgrade,
Serbia; Darko Marui, Belgrade, Serbia; Saa Miliji, IAUS, Belgrade, Serbia; Zorica Nedovi-Budi, University College Dublin, School of Geography, Planning and
Environmental Policy, Dublin, Ireland; Marina Nenkovi-Rizni, IAUS, Belgrade, Serbia; Mina Petrovi, University of Belgrade, Faculty of Philosophy, Belgrade,
Serbia; Mila Pucar, Belgrade, Serbia; Ratko Risti, University of Belgrade, Faculty of Forestry, Belgrade, Serbia; Borislav Stojkov, Belgrade, Serbia; Dragutin
Toi, University of Belgrade, Faculty of Geography, Belgrade, Serbia; and Miodrag Vujoevi, IAUS, Belgrade, Serbia.
ENGLISH LANGUAGE PROOFREADING
Lidija Babovi, Belgrade, Serbia,
Marija Obadovi, Belgrade, Serbia
Sonja Stojanovi, Ni, Serbia
COMPUTER DESIGN
Aleksandra Gaji, Belgrade, Serbia
COVER PAGE DESIGN
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ADMINISTRATIVE SUPPORT
Milena Milinkovi, IAUS, Belgrade, Serbia
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Number of copies: 200

REVIEWERS
Daniel Davis, WeWork, New York, USA; Mirjana Devetakovi, Faculty of Architecture, University of
Belgrade, Belgrade, Serbia; Branislav orevi, Belgrade, Serbia; Marco Ginoulhiac, Universidade do
Porto, Faculdade de Arquitectura, Porto, Portugal; zgr Ger, zyein University, Faculty of Architecture
and Design, Istanbul, Turkey; Miroljub Hadi, Singidunum Unversity, Faculty of Business, Belgrade,
Serbia; Helen L. Johnston, School of Social Sciences, University of Hull, Hull, UK; Boko Josimovi, IAUS,
Belgrade, Serbia; Kiyoshi Kobayashi, Kyoto University, Graduate School of Management, Kyoto, Japan; Luka
Korlaet, University of Zagreb, Faculty of Architecture, Zagreb, Croatia; John Mabb, Queensland University
of Technology Alumni, Queensland, Australia; Edward J. Malecki, Department of Geography, The Ohio
State University, Columbus, USA; ore Mojovi, Urban Development Programme, Belgrade, Serbia; Mina
Petrovi, Faculty of Philosophy, Belgrade, Serbia; Nataa Pichler Milanovi, Department of Geography,
Faculty of Arts, University of Ljubljana, Ljubljana, Slovenia; Roger R. Stough, School of Policy, Government
and International Affairs, George Mason University, Arlington, USA; Anelina Sviri-Gotovac, Institute for
Social Research, Zagreb, Croatia; Gabriela Switek, Institute of Art History, University of Warsaw, Warsaw,
Poland; Adrijana uljok, Institute for Social Research, Zagreb, Croatia; Paolo Tomasella, Istituto per il
patrimonio culturale del Friuli Venezia Giulia, Udine, Italy; Jacko van Ast, Erasmus University Rotterdam,
Rotterdam, Netherlands; nd Slavka Zekovi, IAUS, Belgrade, Serbia.

spatium

CO NT ENTS
SPATIUM
No. 34, December 2015, Belgrade

Miodrag Vujoevi

Editorial

1-9

ore Alfirevi,
Sanja Simonovi Alfirevi

Urban housing experiments in Yugoslavia 1948-1970

10 - 17

Slobodan Cvetanovi,
Milorad Filipovi,
Miroljub Nikoli,
Duko Belovi

Endogenous growth theory and regional development policy

18 - 26

Vladan oki,
aklina Gligorijevi,
Vesna Mila oli Damjanovi

Towards sustainable development of social housing model in


Serbia case study of Belgrade

27 - 34

Alenka Fikfak,
Saja Kosanovi,
Mia Crni,
Vasa J. Perovi

The contemporary model of prison architecture: spatial response


to the re-socialization programme

35 - 45

Jelena Ivanovi Vojvodi,


Aleksandra Stupar

Knowledge-based innovation and the city: the case of Belgrade

46 - 55

Vesna Joki,
Omiljena Delebdi,
Ksenija Petovar

Human capital and its spatial distribution as limiting factors for


the balanced development of Serbia

56 - 63

Marina Nenkovi-Rizni,
Marija Maksin,
Vladica Risti

Advantages of combined application of SEA with ESIA in strategic


planning for sustainable territorial development of tourism
destinations

64 - 69

Ana M. Petrovi,
Ratko Risti

Spatiotemporal review of the torrential flood phenomenon in the


Morava river basin

spatium

EDITORIAL

Dear readers,

In this issue of Spatium we publish a further set of contributions of a number of authors, predominantly from Serbia.
They all belong to the category of review papers, and mostly reflect findings from current scientific research, focusing
on a number of specific themes, viz.: social housing policy; regional development policy; innovative city development;
application of the SEA/ESIA procedures in tourism development; flood control; and the role of human capital as a limiting
factor for development in Serbia. Also, an article dealing with some specific aspects of socially responsible architecture
has been published here.

Miodrag Vujoevi
Editor-in-Chief

spatium

SPATIUM
No. 34, December 2015, pp. 1-9

UDC 728.22(497.1)1948/1970
Review paper
DOI: 10.2298/SPAT1534001A

URBAN HOUSING EXPERIMENTS IN YUGOSLAVIA


1948-1970
ore Alfirevi1, Studio Alfirevi, Belgrade, Serbia
Sanja Simonovi Alfirevi, Institute of Architecture and Urban & Spatial Planning of Serbia, Belgrade, Serbia
In the period from 1948 to 1970 urban housing architecture in Yugoslavia had a distinctly experimental character as it
strived intensively towards research and establishment of new architectural patterns and values that would mark the
period of economic growth of the country. In conditions of mass housing construction, initiated by the devastated urban
housing fund after the Second World War, significant influx of population to towns and the state directed its socialist
aspirations at alloting every family acceptable living space. The period of the so-called directed housing construction,
whose imperative was to establish the limits of existential minimum in collective housing, maximal space packing and
optimal functionality of flats, at the same time represents the most significant period in the development of housing
architecture in Yugoslavia. The architects focused their interests in housing in mainly three directions: a) the creation
and application of new prefabrication systems, b) innovative application of modernistic patterns in aestheticization
of architecture and c) experimenting with space units which will enable a higher level of privacy in high-density
housing conditions. The first direction of research emerged in the context of post-war housing construction of a wide
scope, which encouraged the advance of technological research in areas of prefabrication and practical application of
achieved results on the whole territory of Yugoslavia. The second direction dealt with architectural planning which
was strictly subordinated to social and ideological sphere with domineering socialist monumentalism and artistic and
sculptural approach to architecture. The third was related to experimental tendency with new urban housing patterns
which aimed to search and find more pragmatic, humane solutions within mass high-density housing constructions
which were the first to utilize and show examples of double-tract buildings. These were primarily realized in Serbia,
as continuation of tendencies first expressed in activities of Belgrade School of Housing.
Key words: Urban Housing, Socialism, Modernism, Prefabricated system, Experimental housing.

INTRODUCTION
After the Second World War, like many other socialist
countries in the world (the Soviet Union, Poland,
Czechoslovakia, Bulgaria, Romania, China, Hungary, Albania,
etc.), Yugoslavia also underwent radical social and economic
reforms, which to a great extent had an impact on collective
housing construction. During the 1950s, housing culture
and policy in Yugoslavia were united in a distinctive sociopolitical system (irovi, 2012). Until the 1970s, the state
played a strategic role and had decisive responsibility
in designing the housing policy. This policy stressed a
clearly present social message and was characterized by
introduction of directed housing construction, which was
meant to enable every family to have satisfactory living
space (Tsenkova, 2008). Directed housing construction is a
1

Pariske Komune 8/22, 11070 New Belgrade, Serbia


djordje.alfirevic@gmail.com

form of construction organized in such a way that workers


in basic labor organizations put aside joint funds for new
housing construction, starting from their own economic and
social interests (Nikoli, 1981).

After ideological split with Stalins Russia in 1948 (Perovi,


2007; Rusinow, 1978), Yugoslavia turned its back to
centralized socialist planning, a model characteristic for
economic system in the Soviet Union, and turned towards
economic reforms, decentralization and liberalization
(Mesa-Lago, 1973). There were two main reasons for
emergence of a specific social system in Yugoslavia, different
from all other models of communist ideology in the world.
The first lies in the fact that it was a federal union of six
Yugoslav republics, all with different history, tradition
and economic development. On the other hand, the split
with the Soviet Union had as a direct consequence, the
aspiration towards establishment of an authentic national
communist philosophy along with political and ideological
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Alfirevi ., Simonovi Alfirevi S.: Urban housing experiments in Yugoslavia 1948-1970

independence. (Friedmann, 1966; Dunn, 1975; Giofr and


Mileti, 2012; Dyker, 1990; Schrenk et al., 1979; Maksimovi,
1965; Riddell, 1968).

One of the specificities of socialist socio-political systems


was the aspiration to establish and construct the so-called
housing communes (Stites, 1989), a structure or group of
structures designed for collective housing, aimed at showing
the society the importance of collectiveness. Depending
on the circumstances in which they emerged, the housing
communes were interpreted in different ways. The most
significant examples were built in the Soviet Union, the socalled Kommunalka or Communal apartment during the
rule of Josef Stalin and Khrushchyovka Buildings built while
Nikita Khrushchev was in power (Chmelnizki, 2012; VargaHarris, 2008). Unlike other numerous housing communes
built in the Soviet Union, the situation in Yugoslavia was less
drastic, since immediately after 1948, all attention turned to
mass housing construction, which was meant to bridge, in
a more humane way, the gap between the existing housing
conditions and mass migration of the population to cities. A
significant social change, initiated by the self-management
system, had its impact on the architecture, too. Consultation
of Yugoslav Architects in Dubrovnik, held in 1950, initiated
the first ideas on architecture outside the Soviet influence
(Milenkovi, 1950). From 1953, a large number of public
competitions were organized and this represented fertile
ground for experiments with new professional reality.
Although the programs were rigid, with strict rules limiting
architectural style, new ideas still managed to get expressed
and achieved (Mecanov, 2008). This is the background to
the first habitology experiments,2 which explored the
limits of existential minimum in collective housing, maximal
space packing and optimal functionality, the requirement
insisted upon by the state, as the biggest investor (Group of
authors, 1979; Ili, 1950; Group of authors, 1978).
The inclination to look for more humane housing conditions
was not characteristic only in the Yugoslav context, other
socialist countries of that time also experienced similar
tendencies, some of which include prefabricated housing
construction in the Soviet Union (Khrushchyovka Buildings)
(Boym, 2008; McCauley, 1995), Czechoslovakia (Panelk)
(Schot and de la Bruhze, 2003; Dufkova and Kozeluha,
1999; Zarecor, 2010), Hungary (Panelhz) (Molnr, 2005;
Finta and Magyar, 1960) and East Germany (Plattenbau)
(Palutzki, 2000; Rubin, 2006).
THE CONCEPTION AND APPLICATION OF NEW
PREFABRICATION SYSTEMS

The development of prefabrication technologies in Yugoslav


construction industry, in a wider context of post-war
reconstruction and industrialization, was particularly
dominant in the filed of housing, infrastructure and
public buildings. The need for mass housing construction
encouraged the advances in technological research in
the area of prefabrication. Large companies, such as
Serbian Institute for Testing of Materials (IMS system),

2
The term habitology stands for scientific area dealing with research
in housing. The term was derived from Latin habitare, which translates
as to dwell.

spatium

construction companies Rad, Ratko Mitrovi, Neimar,


Trudbenik and Komgrap (KSB system) in Serbia,
as well as Primorje, Novogradnja (type Dubrava),
Industrogradnja and Jugomont-Jugobeton in Croatia
(systems YU-59, YU-60, YU-61 and YU-71), Gradis in
Slovenia (PBM system), designed and manufactured
new prefabricated and semi-prefabricated systems and
components (Vukov, 1962; Nikoli, 2013; Lelak and Feldman,
1972; Markovi, 1972; Radas, 1972; elken et al., 1972).

The conventional, closed method of construction was of


no use in post-war circumstances, since the need for mass
construction of larger housing complexes was the societys
priority.3 The main characteristics of open system of
construction were first of all, flexibility and adaptability
of prefabricated elements, which were easy to implement
and adapt to every architectural solution, and secondly,
the simultaneous construction of different building parts
directly on the construction site or in factory plants
(Jovanovi et al., 2012).
The development of collective housing in Yugoslavia and
the experiments in this area were significantly influenced
by an invention by Branko eelj, who in 1957 promoted,
for that time innovative IMS skeleton system, based
on the use of prefabricated and prestressed modular
constructive elements (with 3.6m to 4.8m span), which,
as opposed to typified spans of Khrushchovka buildings in
Russia (mostly with 3.2m span) offered far better options
of functional organization and facade shaping. The main
advantage of IMS system was its openness and flexibility
in design. This innovation proved to have been a significant
contribution of Yugoslav engineering to world architecture
and industry in the second half of XX century, as the system
was implemented in building more than 150.000 flats world
wide, from Hungary, Italy, Cuba and Angola to the Philippines
(Thaler et al., 2012). Later on, this system was improved by
introduction of System 50 with main functional unit on
axis distance of 7.2m, which enabled better modularity and
compatibility with other sub-systems (Muravljov, 2010).
The first building built in IMS system in 1959, was the
housing building in residential Block 2 in New Belgrade,
and it was the training ground for all kinds of experiments
related to architectural design and construction technology.
In subsequent years, IMS system was used in other housing
units, such as residential blocks 21, 22, 23, 28 and 29, also in
New Belgrade (Jovanovi et al., 2012).
Along with most frequently used IMS skeleton system,
post-war construction in Yugoslavia was also characterized
by implementation of large panel systems, as the simplicity
of their production was in accordance with the development
level of construction industry.
One of the first examples of large panel systems Yugomont
YU-61, constructed by Bogdan Budimirov, eljko Solar
and Dragutin Stilinovi, used for construction of housing

3
Closed system is massive structure where materials and components
rely on each other in order to provide desired functionality. A closed
system configuration has a complete set of assembly elements
needed for construction and architectural solutions that can be fully
accomplished with these elements alone (Mrdulja and Kuli, 2012;
Nikoli, 2013).

Alfirevi ., Simonovi Alfirevi S.: Urban housing experiments in Yugoslavia 1948-1970

complex Borongaj (architect Bogdan Budimirov) and in


a Folnegovi settlement in Zagreb, Croatia. The authors
patented the system of flat concrete plates that made up the
constructive structure of multi-storey residential buildings,
suitable for industrial production of elements in large
series. This resulted in cheap production of a large number
of housing units in a short period of time, which was very
significant in housing shortage characteristic for the postwar period (Vukov, 1962).
INNOVATIVE APPLICATION OF MODERNISTIC
PATTERNS IN HOUSING ARCHITECTURE AESTHETICS

Attachment to the East block in the first post-war years


and the attempt to politically impose socialist realism,
initiated comprehensive debate on architectural expression
suitable for the socialist society. After the split with Stalins
regime in 1948, socialism in Yugoslavia tactfully oscillates
between the East and the West, cultural freedom expands
and modernistic aestheticism and functionalism become
imperatives in realization of larger architectural and
urban complexes (Kuli, 2012). The relationship between
architecture and ideology was evident in many aspects of
the architectural discourse in socialist Yugoslavia: from the
debate on official architectural style, fit for the developing
new socialist society, to the attempt of connecting traditional
national heritage and modern architecture (Mrdulja and
Kuli, 2012). Modernism became the prevailing form of
construction practice with its implicit meanings: on the
one hand, this was one of the styles of the first mass wave
of socialist modernization, on the other hand, it was an
indicator of difference between Yugoslavia and the Soviet
block (Kuli, 2012). Tendencies towards decentralization
evident in political and cultural patterns of constitutive
republics of Yugoslavia are distinct in their different approach
to architectural issues, where every republic had its own
particularities and preferences. In Serbia, modernization
was primarily interpreted as striving towards functionalism
which led to experimental patterns, out of which the doubletract residential units were the most characteristic and
which have been explored in this paper in more detail. In
Croatia, on the basis of pre-war Zagreb modern architecture,
a new tradition emerged, enriched by local color tones and
individual signatures of powerful authors (Maroevi, 2004).
Similarly, in Slovenia and Bosnia and Herzegovina the
interest was directed primarily towards aestheticization of
modernist expression.
In the 20s and 30s of the XX century, eminent Croatian
architects worked as a part of several groups, the most
significant of which was The Zagreb School, gathered
around Drago Ibler, marking the beginning of new, modernist
tendencies in Croatian architecture (Maroevi, 2004). In the
first post-war years, architecture was mainly directed at
reconstruction of torn down cities. With the imperative of
mass construction and country reconstruction, architecture
had for the first time turned into public service. The period
of poverty characterized by collectivism as the basic model
of social action, reflected on the housing construction as
well, as it showed domineering multi-storey buildings with
simple, elongated, horizontal or vertical shape, with large
concentration of housing units. In the post-war period, the

construction focused on two directions, on the one hand


there was a massive anonymous construction of housing
buildings and industrial plants, while on the other hand,
design of representative symbolic constructions of the
new regime emerged, marked by socialist monumentalism.
The period from 1953, which continued into the 60s of the
XX century, was the period of emphasized individualism
and great advance in style as part of the late modernism
(Ignjatovi, 2012). Drago Gali in 1953 designs a residential
building in Vukovar Street in Zagreb implementing the
gallery unit of the building with duplex flats, as the
expression of his experimenting with new residential types
in socialist construction. One of the early examples of postwar aestheticism in Croatia is also the Wooden Skyscraper,
by architect Drago Ibler in Martieva Street in Zagreb,
constructed in 1955. Innovation of the Iblers approach
to shaping and materializing the building is shown in the
earliest application of wooden material in articulation of the
facade front, and it was directly confronted with the current
tendencies which implemented cold and rough concrete in
urban housing architecture (Kara and uni, 2004). The
works of Ivan Viti represent a parallel stream of thought
in comparison to Galis work. His residential buildings in
Laginjina Street in Zagreb, built in 1958, are an example of
architecture with simple cubic volumes and lively colors,
with polychrome facades articulated as changing and
dynamic abstract pictures, with sliding wooden facade
elements-window blinds, which was extremely innovative
both for Yugoslavia of the 1960s and the world (Kara and
uni, 2004). (Fig. 1).

Figure 1. Ivan Viti, Residential building in Laginjina Street, Zagreb,


Croatia, 1958 (authors private collection)

The most significant architect from Split Ivo Radi in his


projects like residential towers in pinut settlement, built
in 1966 and residential-commercial building Split III, built
in 1966, experimented with combinations of loggia and
brise-soleil, thus achieving an attractive effect of depth of
surface (Bili and Eremut, 2013). (Fig. 2).
spatium

Alfirevi ., Simonovi Alfirevi S.: Urban housing experiments in Yugoslavia 1948-1970

During the first post-war years Bosnia and Herzegovina


had fewer construction projects characteristic for prewar Modernism or Soviet socio-realism architecture.
Owing to the presence and influence of architects from
Belgrade, Zagreb and Ljubljana, who belonged to different
architectural groups with prevailing different influences,
such as dominant academism in Belgrade or Modernism
in Zagreb, gradually the dominant tendencies in Sarajevo
architectural circle changed. One of the most prominent
residential buildings was built by a Croatian architect Juraj
Neidhardt in Alipaina Street in Sarajevo in 1958 (Korov,
2012).

Street in Belgrade in 1964 (Fig. 3) and represents a rare


example of residential architecture with just a hint of
expressionistic tendency.

Figure 3. Mihailo Mitrovi, Residential building in Brae Jugovia Street,


Belgrade, Serbia, 1964 (oki, 1970)

The building has a distinctive early implementation of


spontaneous, almost chaotic order of facade elements, as
a consequence of authors inclination towards expressive
artistic approach and intentional negation of conventional
solutions (Mitrovi, 1975; oki, 1970).

Figure 2. Ivo Radi, pinut residential towers, Split III, Split, Croatia,
1966 (authors private collection)

Architecture in Slovenia also developed in accordance with


post-war ideology that favourited collective awareness.
The surrounding area of Ljubljana was expanding as new
residential areas were built; a large number of key urban
projects were carried out outside the capital. In comparison
to other much more modest examples of urban architecture
in Slovenia, the residential block Kozolec in Ljubljana,
made by architect Edo Mihevc in 1957 was constructed
after the model of Le Corbusiers building Unite dhabitation
in Marseille (Miheli, 2003). The second, significant
example of Slovenian architecture is a residential building
by Stanko Kirstl in Preernova Street in Velenje from 1960.
In this example, modernist implementation of concrete was
disrupted by use of bright red brick on the facades (Ravnikar
et al. 1999/2000).
In Serbian architecture, a residential building by architect
Mihajlo Mitrovi stands out. It was built in Brae Jugovia
4

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Another similar example is a residential tower for professors


of Belgrade University, built in 1966 by architect Rista
ekerinski, in Mitropolita Petra Street, in Belgrade. The
tower with its unconventional expressionist appearance
contrasts all examples of post-war architecture in Yugoslavia
(Anonim, 1966). (Fig. 4)
EXPERIMENTS WITH HIGH-DENSITY HOUSING UNITS

Housing policy in Yugoslavia after the Second World War


was determined by the five-year plan (1947-1951), which
defined program basis for establishing a standardized
existential minimum per capita. However, in practice this
led to numerous problems (Milainovi-Mari, 2012). As
housing policy represented at the same time an important
political issue, the only solution to housing crisis proposed
by the ruling political party was to construct communal
flats, due to hard economic situation. More than 20 percent
of families in Yugoslav towns lived in communal flats, with
two or more families residing in one flat (Prosen, 2007).
Although it was planned that priority in flat allocation will
be given to families with small children and sick family
members, the emerging ruling elite quickly ignored their
own convictions on social justice and chose the best and
most luxurious flats for their own families (Maroevi, 2004).
The new socialist society at its beginning stripped its citizens
of their right to privacy and by adopting the Property Law,
dealing with flat disposition (1945). It also encouraged
secret control of other tenants, as well as reporting on those

Alfirevi ., Simonovi Alfirevi S.: Urban housing experiments in Yugoslavia 1948-1970

and this remained an unsolved issue for many years


afterwards, even though it met with harsh criticism and a
change in regulations (irovi, 2012).

A significant point that should be made is the fact that in


socialist Yugoslavia, regardless of the previously mentioned
circumstances, there was a strong willingness and
inclination towards experimenting with new and different
residential patterns, even if that meant aberration from the
official ideology. These experiments strove to come up with
more pragmatic and humane solutions (Friedmann, 1970).
The concepts of these housing complexes reflect the main
postulates of socialist ideology, as they redefine the idea
of a neighborhood and are, in fact, the embodiment of
the utopist idea of the happy community - the core of the
communist society, in which it lives and creates in harmony,
equality and order (Milainovi-Mari, 2012).

Figure 4. Rista ekerinski, Residential tower for professors of University


of Belgrade in Mitropolita Petra Street, Belgrade, Serbia, 1966.
(authors private collection)

who were thought to have excessive living space. All this


resulted in the fact that one housing unit was used by 2-3
persons on average (Dobrivojevi, 2012). This period lasted
for a fairly short time and was under the strong influence
of the communist ideology. After ideological split with the
Soviet Union in 1948, the first residential buildings which
represented a step towards more humane living conditions
were built.
The constant gap between the real needs of families and
the economic abilities of the state, forced the architects
to identify the minimal standards required to secure the
same housing conditions for all members of the society.
In accordance with egalitarian ideology, new standards
reflected the principle of classification of housing with
regard to the number of rooms (related to certain number
of family members, where the living room was used as
bedroom), while the needs, habits and desires of potential
group users were not given too much consideration (Bajlon,
1976).

The first regulations meant to define more closely the


dimensional and constructive aspects of residential
buildings were brought in 1947. However, even though
they defined the size of small (50m2 for 3 people), medium
(60m2 for 4 people) and large flats (70m2 for 5-6 people),
they failed to provide an answer whether a living room was
meant to be used as a bedroom for some family members,

This is the background to the emergence of the first examples


of double-tract buildings, as an innovative form of collective
housing in Yugoslavia, which was to be characteristic for
the period of mass residential construction from 1950 to
1970. This was particularly evident in architectural and
urban planning competitions, where new, valuable solutions
emerged, related to exploitation of minimal spaces and
achievement of higher standards (Giofr and Mileti, 2012).
Double-tract or H-Building is a type of residential unit
characteristic of multi-family residences or collective
dwellings. Its features are two closely and parallelly placed
residential tracts, sharing a common staircase and lift
communication, most often set perpendicularly in relation
to the direction of tracts. Primary residential areas are,
by rule, almost always oriented towards outer facades of
the building, while secondary areas face an open, atrium
interspace between the tracts (Alfirevi and Simonovi
Alfirevi, 2014). Double-tract units were primarily
implemented in Serbia, as a consequence of greater interest
by Serbian architects in innovative typological units within
Belgrade School of Housing, but also due to the fact that in
typological sense, double-tract was interpreted differently
in other Yugoslav republics (Bajlon, 1975; Aleksi, 1975). In
Serbia, double-tract was interpreted as a set of two separate
units, differing in shape and function, partly connected
through common vertical communication into a single
structure, while in other republics it was seen as a set of
two functional zones, separated by a corridor (Alfirevi and
Simonovi Alfirevi, 2014). (Fig. 5)
The double-tract concept can be recorded in several
places around the world during various periods. The first
examples of double-tract system in multi-family dwellings
were constructed by the end of XIX century in New York, at
the competition for architectural solution of the tenement
building popularly called the Dumbbell (Lubove, 1961;
Marshall, 1893; Pommer, 1978; Reynolds, 1893; Schwartz,
2002). Unlike other examples in the world, double-tract in
Yugoslavia did not appear in its extreme versions, such as
the Dumbbell in the USA. Housing architecture in Yugoslavia
was oriented towards experimenting with more humane
functional solutions (Alfirevi and Simonovi Alfirevi,
2013). The first indication of the double-tract system
appears in Croatian architect Neven egvis solution at 1947
Competition for a typified house in Belgrade. In his solution,
spatium

Alfirevi ., Simonovi Alfirevi S.: Urban housing experiments in Yugoslavia 1948-1970

Figure 5. Differences in double-tract interpretation: a) two functional


zones as tracts; b) spatial shape units as tracts
(Alfirevi, Simonovi Alfirevi, 2014)

the tracts were not visually or functionally clearly divided


into separate shapes, although the interior structure of the
building was almost completely carried out by following the
double-tract principle (Mecanov, 2009). (Fig. 6)

Figure 7. Milorad Macura, Residential building, Belgrade, Serbia, 1954


(authors private collection)

of the lack of privacy with optimal solution of double-tract


(anak, 2014; Fig. 8) In residential Block 33 in New Belgrade,
built by architect Radovan Mitrovi in 1968, the distance
between the tracts is about 7.5m, which enabled not only

Figure 6. Neven egvi, Competition project for typified house in


Belgrade, 1947 (Mecanov, 2009)

The first implemented type of the double-tract in Yugoslavia


was the urban dwelling Metuljek in Maribor, built by
Slovenian architect Rudi Zupan in 1955 (Pirkovi-Kocbek
1982; Pirkovi-Kocbek, 1983; Ravnikar et al., 1999/2000).
Shortly after this, the first double-tract was constructed
in Serbia in 1957, in Belgrade, after a project designed by
Serbian architect Milorad Macura (Fig. 7), followed by a
series of variations of this system, mostly as a consequence
of functional research and experimenting in architectural
competitions (Mecanov, 2009).
The solution for experimental residential Blocks 1 and 2 in
New Belgrade built by architect Branko Petrii in 1959, was
the result of the striving to achieve attractive ambience and
optimal distance between linear buildings within the block.
For 1967 competition for architectural solution of buildings
in Block 29 in New Belgrade, architects Mihailo anak and
Milosav Miti designed the construction of four housing
units per each staircase vertical, thus avoiding the issues
6

spatium

Figure 8. Mihailo anak and Milosav Miti, Competition solution for city
Block 29, Belgrade, Serbia, 1967 (M. anaks donation 2010)

Alfirevi ., Simonovi Alfirevi S.: Urban housing experiments in Yugoslavia 1948-1970

the utility rooms, but also the bedrooms to be positioned


along the interior facade. At the architectural competition
for residential buildings in Block 23 in New Belgrade,
architects Milan Lojanica, Borivoje Jovanovi and Predrag
Cagi (Aleksi, 1975) selected to use the double-tract which
enabled multiple units within the same width, shortened
communication to a minimum and provided better options
of natural light, illumination and ventilation of residential
units. At the competition for architectural solution of
Block 3 and the Liman 3 settlement in Novi Sad in 1970,
architects Milan Lojanica, Borivoje Jovanovi and Predrag
Cagi designed an atypical shape of double-tract, with the
space between the tracts reduced to a minimal dimension
(3x5m), giving it the character of a lightwell more than
an atrium (Cagi and Lojanica, 1972). Further tendencies
in developing double-tract functional concept continued
during the 1970s in a large number of authentic projects,
among which we should mention residential settlement
in Banjica in Belgrade, proposed in 1971 by architects
Slobodan Drinjakovi, Branislav Karadi and Aleksandar
Stepanovi (uki, 1972) and unexecuted projects for
residential buildings in the northern part of city Blocks
61 and 62 in New Belgrade, by architects Darko Marui
and Milenija Marui in 1971 (Aleksi, 1975), residential
buildings in Block 19a in New Belgrade by architects Milan
Lojanica, Borivoje Jovanovi, Predrag Cagi and Radisav
Mari in 1975 (Aleksi, 1983).
Although the double-tract system in Yugoslavia was used as
an experimental pattern for multi-family housing, the results
of its implementation were not satisfactory in all cases. In
this sense, some examples show that double-tract buildings
were constructed even in cases when the location did not
require space limitation or when double-tract orientation
was inadequate, which resulted in inadequate illumination
of the flats and in invasion of privacy.
CONCLUSION

This paper presented three key tendencies utilized by


Yugoslav architects in conditions of socialist post-war reality,
aiming to provide answers to program conditions set by the
state as the biggest investor. The first direction of research
emerged in the context of post-war housing construction of a
wide scope, which encouraged the advance of technological
research in areas of prefabrication and practical application
of achieved results on the whole territory of Yugoslavia. The
second direction dealt with architectural planning which
was strictly subordinated to social and ideological sphere
with domineering socialist monumentalism and artistic and
sculptural approach to architecture. The third was related
to experimental tendency with new urban housing patterns
which aimed to search and find more pragmatic, humane
solutions within mass high-density housing constructions
which were the first to utilize and show examples of doubletract buildings. These were primarily realized in Serbia, as
continuation of tendencies first expressed in activities of
Belgrade School of Housing.

By summarizing the most significant prerequisites which


influenced the emergence of experimental approach to
design of collective residential buildings, the following can
be highlighted:

1. Devastated urban housing fund in Yugoslavia after the


World War II,
2. Large migration of population into cities and the need
for mass housing construction,
3. The tendency to achieve maximal packing of dwelling
units up to the limits of acceptable space minimum for its
users, while at the same time establishing more humane
patterns of living,
4. Research and discovery of new constructive prefabricated
systems and the need to use and test them practically,
5. Imitating current world examples of modernism and the
aspiration to achieve and surpass them, and
6. Support of the ruling elite, aiming to promote individual
intellectual and creative freedom, particularly expressed in
architectural competitions.

On the other hand, the most significant consequences


which emerged as the result of the tendency to implement
innovations and experiment in the filed of housing
architecture were the following:
1. The aspiration to test in a practical way new prefabricated
constructive systems in construction of larger housing
complexes all over Yugoslavia and their subsequent
presentation to the world,
2. Devising a specific functionalistic approach to organization
of housing spaces, developed systematically back at the time
of Zagreb School and Belgrade School of Housing, and

3. Developing new aesthetic expressions, which on the one


hand represented a reaction to current architectural trends
in Europe, while on the other hand reflected the aspiration
to conceive an architectural expression suitable for newly
formed socialist society.
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Received December 2014; accepted in revised form June 2015.

spatium

SPATIUM
No. 34, December 2015, pp. 10-17

UDC 330.34.01
338.1:339.137.2
Review paper
DOI: 10.2298/SPAT1534010C

ENDOGENOUS GROWTH THEORY AND REGIONAL


DEVELOPMENT POLICY
Slobodan Cvetanovi1, University of Ni, Faculty of Economics, Ni, Serbia
Milorad Filipovi, University of Belgrade, Faculty of Economics, Belgrade, Serbia
Miroljub Nikoli, Ministry of Economy, Department of Regional Development and Strategic Analyses of Economy,
Belgrade, Serbia
Duko Belovi, Investment Project Group, Belgrade, Serbia

The numerous versions of endogenous explanations of economic growth emphasize the importance of technological
change driving forces, as well as the existence of appropriate institutional arrangements. Endogenous growth theory
contributes to a better understanding of various experiences with long-term growth of countries and regions. It
changes the key assumptions of the Neoclassical growth theory and participates in the modern regional development
physiology explanation. Based on these conclusions, the paper: a) explicates the most important theoretical postulates
of the theory, b) explains the most important factors of economic growth in the regions in light of the Endogenous growth
theory messages and c) emphasizes the key determinants of regional competitiveness which in our view is conceptually
between the phenomena of micro- and macro-competitiveness and represents their necessary and unique connection.
First of all, micro-competitiveness is transformed into a regional competitiveness; then regional competitiveness is
transformed into a macro-competitiveness. In turn, macro - influences the microeconomic competitiveness, and the
circle is closed. After that, the process starts over again.
Key words: endogenous growth, endogenous growth theory, regional development, regional development policy,
regional competitiveness.

INTRODUCTION
A region is considered to be a geographic area that is smaller
than the national territory in which it is located. As a rule,
the region area does not coincide with administrative
borders, as its determination depends mainly on the issue
under studying.
Regional development means the process of initiating,
structuring and achieving sustainable development, while
taking into account the complex regional characteristics,
by using appropriate instruments and measures. Regional
development policy seeks to unify two fundamental and
basically contradictory goals: on the one hand, increased
efficiency of the national economy, and the balanced
development of its individual parts, on the other hand.
The regional policy primary goal is to create economically
strong regions which are able to integrate into the global
economic trends (Maskell, 2000). Balanced regional
1

Trg Kralja Aleksandra 11, 18000 Ni, Serbia


prof.cvet@gmail.com

10 spatium

development cannot be realized independently of the


institutions and instruments that ensure stability, continuity
and harmonization of development processes at the national
level. Therefore, in recent decades strategic planning of
regional development has become increasingly important,
given that it takes into account not only economic but social
and environmental dimensions of economic development,
as well.

Neoclassical school tells us that growth in the value of


production at national and regional level is the result of an
increase in the quantity and quality of labor (by population
growth and labor-saving technological changes), increase
in physical capital (by savings and investment mechanism),
and the production technological level rise via its own R&D
activities or transfer of the knowledge and technology (Barro
and Sala-i-Martin, 2004). Less innovative regions with less
developed educational system, ceteris paribus have more
moderate economic growth rates compared to the regions
that are characterized by progressive territorial innovation
systems, competent educational systems, etc. Research on
the economic growth factors in the United States during

Cvetanovi S. et al.: Endogenous growth theory and regional development policy

1948-1982 emphasized the role of education, technological


innovation and growing know-how (Solow, 1988). The
neoclassical explanations of the regional economic growth
physiology start from the assumptions about manifestation
of constant economies of scale, behavior of economic entities
in accordance with the prices established in perfectly
competitive markets, absence of externalities, existence
of exogenous technological change. The neoclassical
explanations also abstract potential impact of institutional
factors and neglect the potentially stimulating role of public
management on generating economic growth in certain
territories (Kurz and Salvadori, 2001: 14-16).

On the other hand, Endogenous growth theory argues


that the growth dynamics are internal result of forces
largely determined by the character of key attributes of
the economic system, i.e. economic and development
policies of the country or region, and not the forces that
act outside (Todaro and Smith, 2011). The numerous
versions of endogenous explanations of economic growth
also emphasize importance of the appropriate institutional
arrangements existence. (Cvetanovi et al., 2010). New
approaches point to the fact that specific location of industry
can be crucial for regional development, and that synergetic
effects of locations are important for technological and other
impacts of spillover effects and innovation (Dragievi,
2012: 20).

At the end of the 20th century largely as a result of the


globalization process, a new generation of regional
development policies emerged (not only in leading
economies but also in developing countries) substantially
affirming new development strategies for companies
and territories. Previous regional development policies,
characterized by redistribution of financial resources
between developed and less developed regions, increasingly
give its place to policies aimed at strengthening the
endogenous potential of the regions. There is a consensus
in the regional economy that the Endogenous growth theory
represents their most important conceptual framework
(Vazquez - Barquero, 2002). The global crisis of 2008 has
further underlined the relevance of such statements.
The context for research on Regional Development has been
changed significantly in last 30 years. The global changes
in economic, political and social relations that happened
meantime influenced the treatment of regional growth in
economic theory (Capello, 2007). New theoretic concepts
has been developed in which space has important role for
economic growth of the region (Capello and Nijkamp, 2009).
Policy of regional development begun to stress importance
of the space in context of efficient allocation of limited
resources. Spatial availability and specificity of territorial
and social context makes precondition of rational and
effective policy of economic growth of the region (Stimson
et al., 2011).

By their importance two group of theory inside regional


economics stand out: Location theories and Theories of
regional growth (Capelo, 2009: 24). Location theory is a
theoretical-methodological basis of regional economics.
This microeconomic discipline is of a static character. This

theory research a space as a cathegory without any limits.


This fact enable in location theory that the choice of the
microeconomic subjects related to location considers
independetly of limitations that exists (physical borders
between the states, as well as all other borders without
administrative characters, like natural, linguistic, cultural
and other barriers). At the other hand, theory of regional
growth has mainly macroeconomic characteristics. From
pure macroeconomic character it differ by taking into
account territorial criteria. Theory of regional growth treats
the space as territorial totalities that are mutually separated,
but are internally homogenious. By combining the two
extremes, there are also different perceptions of space as a
research subject, which represent analytical starting point
for other groups of theories on regional development. The
third way to space included in the economic analysis is his
view as full territorial integrity, internally diversified, and
associated with other territories. The theories arising from
these needs space are theories of regional development
based on the interconnectedness and interdependence of
the participants in the economic life within each area.
The above three approaches in the spatial conception in
economic theory, they are still separate concepts, though
newer theories about local growth, which are based
on increasing returns microeconomic entities enabled
concentration treated as linked. It is an approach that
assumes that rising yields achieved at the level of individual
companies, not due to characteristics of the area in which
the companies operate (Capelo, 2007).

It is an indisputable fact that the Endogenous growth theory


to a significant degree contributes to a better understanding
of various experiences with long-term growth of countries
and regions. It challenges the key assumptions of the
Neoclassical growth theory and participates in the
modern regional development physiology explanation.
Based on these conclusions, the paper: a) explicates the
most important theoretical postulates of the theory, b)
determines the factors of economic growth of the regions
and c) emphasizes determinants of regional competitiveness
which is conceptually between the phenomena of microand macro-competitiveness and represents their necessary
and unique connection.
THEORETICAL POSTULATES OF ENDOGENOUS
GROWTH THEORY, WHICH ARE IMPORTANT FOR
REGIONAL DEVELOPMENT POLICY

Endogenous explanations seek to find out the way in which


market forces, decisions in public policies and various
institutional solutions influence the shaping of economic
dynamics in individual countries and regions, i.e. they try
to explain the causes of difference in growth rates between
various countries and regions (Todaro and Smith, 2011:
150). Key differences between Neoclassical (exogenous)
and Endogenous growth theories are their diametrical
points of view regarding: a) the nature of technological
change (exogenous and endogenous), b) the economic
growth dynamics (zero growth/constant growth) and c) the
existence of market equilibrium (perfect market/market
failures) (Fagerberg, 2001).
spatium 11

Cvetanovi S. et al.: Endogenous growth theory and regional development policy

Endogenous nature of technological changes


The diffusion of innovation and knowledge, flexible
organization of production and urban and institutional
development generate efficiency growth and high quality of
production system key performances. In turn, each of these
mechanisms increases the capital accumulation efficiency
by stimulating the manifestation of economies of scale,
various externalities and reduces transaction costs, thereby
contributing to productivity growth and maximizing the
rate of return in urban territories (Vazquez - Barquero,
2002: 16-17).
Technological change is the most important factor of
economic growth in both Neoclassical and Endogenous
growth theories. It increases production for a given set of
inputs and is a key growth factor of countries and regions.
Endogenous growth theory tends to reveal the processes
that cause technological change, as neoclassical economic
thought completely abstracted this issue. Endogenous
growth theory emphasizes technological change as an
outcome that is subject to severe market failures (Samjuelson
and Nordhaus, 2009).

Technological changes alter the importance of certain


production factors, and also influence the qualitative
transformation of all elements of economic potential in the
companies and territories, expanding the boundaries of their
use, based on increase in available production factors usage
efficiency (Togaty, 2009: 29-31). By increasing factors usage
efficiency, technological changes enable the development
processes to less drastically show their limitation, making
economic progress of the regions possible, thanks to the
substitution of scarce production factors for less limited
ones. The consequence of technological change is an efficient
recombination of developmental factors with a tendency
toward a more complete utilization of the production factors.
Technological changes also affect the transformation of
the regional economic structure, by including a variety of
products, groups or sectors, unequally; also they have diverse
directions of spreading as well as diverse manifestation
effects intensities (Link and Siegel, 2003: 18).

By pointing to the importance of technological changes for


the economic advancement of certain regions, many analysts
indicate the importance of technology transfer in generating
endogenous economic growth (Dragutinovi et al., 2014).
Therefore, technology trade is gaining in importance, as well
as numerous ways for transferring technological knowledge
from one region to another.
In many cases technological changes push the limits of
productivity almost to the theoretical maximum. At the
same time, they change the focus in economic value creation
from production of goods and services to creation of new
knowledge and technologies, whose synergetic character
exceeds the total cost of their creation, many times over.
Technological development allows creating new or improving
existing products, services and processes. The goal and
purpose of technological development is to enable faster,
more comprehensive and higher-quality meeting of human
needs (Pokrajac, 2004). The choice of means and methods
for accomplishing the goals of technological development is
12 spatium

the issue of strategic orientation of corporations, as well as


certain regions and the national economy as a whole.
Endogenous theories explain technological change as an
internal outcome of public and private investments in
human capital and investment in R&D. All endogenous
growth models advocate an active development policy in
supporting the regional growth, inter alia, through direct
and indirect investments in the education of human capital
and stimulating foreign direct investment into researchintensive areas of production (Vukoti, 2002: 779).
Non-diminishing returns of production factors

The endogenous growth theorists reject the neoclassical


assumption of diminishing marginal returns. They start
from the premise that situation of non-diminishing returns
is possible. Thereby, endogenous growth explanations
reject the stagnant growth theorem of Neoclassical theory
according to which the economic growth is (in the absence
of technological shocks) time-limited phenomenon and
in the long term tends toward stagnation or zero growth
(Barro and Sala-i-Martin, 2004). Quintessence of the
explanation of this possibility is in the synergetic nature
of technological change impact on productivity growth
and economic efficiency growth at the national or regional
levels. It is believed that the American economist Paul
Romer formulated the idea and constructed an endogenous
model in which knowledge leads to continuous economic
growth (Romer, 1986, 1987).
In contrast to Neoclassical growth theory, Endogenous
growth theory states that developmental convergence of
countries and regions might not occur. So, economically
advanced regions are able to improve living standards of
its residents forever, and less developed may remain poor
forever. Assuming that public and private investments
in human capital generate externalities and productivity
improvements that compensate for the tendency of
diminishing returns of factors, Endogenous growth theory
attempts to explain the possibility of long-term economic
growth of countries and regions.
Market failures

Theorists of endogenous growth emphasize the existence


of many market failures in real life. This means that market
incentives cannot achieve optimal allocation of resources in
case of creating new ideas and innovations (Atkinson and
Ezell, 2012). Technological development is not a random
phenomenon regulated by the free market operations. To a
great extent, economic growth of countries and regions is the
result of designed development policy and social capability
of the country, and the ability of its regions to organize their
institutions that stimulate the creation and the broadest
diffusion of technological change (varc, 2009: 16).
Special types of external effects, in the theoretical analysis
context of new generation of regional development policies,
are spillover effects. In short, the spillover effects are
external effects of economic activities influencing those
entities that are not directly engaged in these activities.
Economic theory knows both positive and negative effects
of these spillovers. An example of positive effect can be

Cvetanovi S. et al.: Endogenous growth theory and regional development policy

knowledge that is acquired in a region and that could be


applied in other regions (although they were not directly
involved in the acquisition of the knowledge). Usually,
negative example is pollution affecting also entities which
do not participate in the production of goods that (during its
production and usage) cause the pollution.
Elementary retrospective literature on the importance of
technological spillovers in the last thirty years enables the
following conclusions. Firstly, there is no consensus between
economic analysts regarding the character of technological
spillovers effect on economic growth of the host region.
Secondly, the disagreement of some theorists range from
claims that there are positive technological spillovers whose
effect on the economic growth dynamics in the host region
is positive, to statements that in general spillovers are of
negative character. Thirdly, recent studies highlight the
existence of positive technological spillovers whose effect
on the economic growth dynamics is essentially positive
without doubt, though it is very difficult to quantify those
spillovers precisely.
In synergetic way, technological spillovers encourage the
value increase in production of goods and services at a
regional level. In the contemporary economic conditions the
existence of spillovers is most frequently associated with
pervasive and propulsive character of new technologies,
especially Information and Communication Technologies
(ICTs). A higher volume of transfer of new technological
solutions into specific region, results in greater spillover
effects of knowledge, technologies and productivity, which
consequently intensify economic growth of the region
(Antevski, 2008).

To a great extent American researcher Theodore Schultz


deserves credit for shaping the concept of human capital
(Schultz, 1961). Schultz treated the costs of education and
health care in an almost identical way as the investments
in physical capital. Human capital is reflected in the
intangible assets, which have the capacity to initiate or to
support production activities, innovation and employment.
It is formed through a process of learning in various
institutions (educational institutions, family, enterprise).
The combination of knowledge, skills and abilities is an
individual rather than uniform process. Analysis of the
creation and use of human capital must take into account
the influence of various social institutions: school, labor
market, community, etc.

The most important factors of the endogenous development


of a region are: 1) human capital, 2) social capital, and 3)
innovation.
What follows is an explication of their most important
characteristics, primarily in the light of endogenous regional
development policy.

Social capital

ENDOGENOUS GROWTH FACTORS OF A REGION

Human capital

Human capital is an economic expression for knowledge,


skills, competencies and other attributes that individuals
have, and which are important when they carry out economic
activities. These elements of human capital constitute
individual attributes that have a permanent character.

The initiators of the idea of human capital are A. Smith


specialization and division of labor, K. Marx the role of
science and technology in production, J. S. Mill quantity
and quality of human capacity for work, J. Schumpeter
recombination of knowledge into the innovation process as
a factor of economic growth (Savvides and Stengos, 2009).
According to Gary Becker, Nobel Laureate in economics,
human capital is a set of human abilities which enable
him to obtain income (Becker, 1992). He is famous for his
statement that human capital is formed on the basis of
investments in man, including (as the most important)
training, preparation for production, costs of a healthy
diet, migration and searching for information on prices and
income (Becker, 1993).

It can be said that knowledge has become a decisive factor to


business success and competitive advantage of companies
and territories (Mroczkowski, 2012: 272). Over the last
thirty years developed regions have turned to processes
which imply less use of simple labor, raw materials and
energy, parallel to the growing use of new scientific
solutions and increasingly sophisticated equipment. The
importance of investment in human capital is recognized
in modern economies, especially under conditions of
the comprehensive application of scientific results in
the production process, intensive development of new
technologies and continuous improvement of forms and
methods of production management. Certainly, education,
skills and knowledge are the key components of the
productivity growth of individuals, regions and the economy
as a whole in modern society. Nowadays, many relatively
rich countries and regions have achieved their progress
primarily due to investments in education and improving
human capital (Cvetanovi and Despotovi, 2014).
Social capital is the capital of cooperation, mutual
operations, mutual trust and mutual help, which are formed
during the economic relations of individuals; it cannot be
privately owned and has the attributes of a public good. It
is not clearly visible because people carry it inside. Different
environments support certain forms of social capital
differently, resulting in possibility of its different economic
valuation. The social capital is a special form of public goods,
potentially available to everyone involved in the system of
social connections and relationships (Coleman, 1988; 1994).
Social capital includes the institutions, relationships,
attitudes and values which govern interpersonal interactions
and contribute to the economic and social development. To a
great extent, social capital is a result of the legal, institutional
and political environments where economic actors operate
i.e. perform their functions and achieve their goals. It is a
capital of permanent and to some degree institutionalized
relations between individuals and organizations, which
facilitate activities and contribute to the creation of economic
value (Stimson et al., 2011: 10-11.). In a word, social
capital is the glue that holds the community together. For
economists, social capital includes intangible assets (such as
rules, habits and relationships) that facilitates the exchange
of innovative processes, resulting in economic growth. The
proper functioning of the market mechanism assumes the
spatium 13

Cvetanovi S. et al.: Endogenous growth theory and regional development policy

existence of generally accepted norms, institutions and


behavior patterns that work towards reducing transaction
costs, ensure contract compliance and quickly resolve any
disputes. If we take into account the additional elements
of social capital - a sense of belonging to a community that
shares the same values and cherishes the same patterns
of behavior, participation of civil society in the decisionmaking processes of importance to the development of the
community - then the sites that have a high level of social
capital creates climate that encourages responsibility,
cooperation and synergy (Osborne et al., 2007).

Social capital consists of the attributes of society


organization such as trust, norms, and also various networks,
which can improve social efficiency through coordinated
action (Putnam, 1993; 1995). Relationships between people
have value and some potential for development, both for
individuals who are involved in many social connections, as
well as for groups and the entire community.
Networks are a component of social life and they allow
participants to efficiently join the realization of a number
of common goals. Almost all researchers consider networks
as very important prerequisite for the creation of social
capital (Baar, 1988). In the economy, networks occur as
informal connections (institutions) in already formed
formal relations, which complement, enrich and strengthen
existing connections and relationships. The most important
features of the network in the economy refer to trust,
responsibility and punctuality.

Trust is one of the most important elements of all business


transactions. Economic literatures approach to trust
is mainly based on the observation and analysis of the
relationship model seller-buyer, where we can observe
influence of several variables associated with confidence, as
its prerequisites or its outcomes (Ostrom, 2003).

The regions with a high radius of trust also have a significant


level of social capital which is a prerequisite for economic
prosperity. Economic activities that rely on future actions
of individual agents are achieved at a lower cost, if they are
realized in an environment that is characterized by a high
level of trust. Conversely, low levels of trust among economic
agents will result in higher costs and correspondingly lower
economic efficiency. Regions with low overall trust levels are
lagging behind in terms of economic development (Vazquez
Barquero, 2002).
As a rule, the regions with low trust levels have an
unfavorable innovation climate. By directing available
resources to the protection of property rights, prevention
of fraud by employees, business partners and the state,
entrepreneurs have less and less funds to direct towards the
realization of the activities related to creating new products,
improving existing ones and increasing the productivity and
economic efficiency (Quevit, 1991).
Regions with high trust levels are less dependent on formal
institutions dealing with the protection of property rights
and contracts. Also, in regions with undeveloped formal
institutions, high level of trust among transactors has a
positive effect on the volume of economic transactions and
is a good substitute for undeveloped or inefficient regional
14 spatium

institutions (Vazquez Barquero, 2002). In regions with high


levels of trust, the credibility of the regional administration
is also higher, which has a positive effect on investments and
economic activity volume.

Furthermore, the high level of trust at a regional level has


not only a positive effect on the accumulation of physical
capital, but also has considerable effect on the human capital
improvement. In those regions, local labor and knowledge
markets are much more developed. In contrast, in regions
where the level of trust is low, employment decisions to
the greatest possible extent are based on connections
and corruption and less on objective criteria of abilities,
compared with regions where the level of trust is high.
Social capital plays a prominent role in the creation of
economic value. It significantly increases the efficiency
of knowledge and skills transfer from one part of the
organization to another or from one region to another.
Economic function of social capital is reflected in the
reduction of transaction costs related to the mechanisms
of formal adjustments such as contracts (Cvetanovi and
Mladenovi, 2015). No contract can foresee every single
detail that could occur between the parties.
Innovations

The 1980s and 1990s witnessed a series of theoretical


concepts of regional development based on innovation
activities as a source of economic growth. The literature
knows them as new industrial spaces, industrial clusters,
innovative milieus, self-learning regions, regional
innovation systems (Puljiz, 2009).

Although some of the above-mentioned names refer to a


slightly lower territorial level (industrial clusters), while
others cover wider areas (regional innovation systems, selflearning regions), they are in the economic literature usually
under the name of spatial innovation systems (Cheshire and
Malecki, 2005). In every case, the economic growth is based
on regional concentration of innovative companies that
continuously invest into new technologies and products
development, while maintaining very close relations with
other actors at regional level.

The literature on regional development mostly consists


of works about clusters as organizational form of spatial
innovation systems. In less developed regions, the
promotion of clusters is based on less costly labor, natural
resources, etc.; in contrast, in more developed regions
cluster affirmation is based primarily on high technology,
specialization, developed infrastructure, etc.

Development of clusters involving innovative companies


and research institutions has become an important priority
in many regions; not surprising if we bear in mind that
their jobs are distinguished in terms of productivity and
earnings. However, the problem is that there is still a huge
gap between the results of scientific research and specific
advice on particular interventions of regional authorities.
Some analysts reasonably note that future research must
much more thoroughly examine the nature of regional
prerequisites for the formation and success of clusters,
necessary organizations and territorial level of their
functioning, for researchers to be able to recognize their

Cvetanovi S. et al.: Endogenous growth theory and regional development policy

economic effects (Armstrong, 1995). The challenge is even


more evident when one takes into account the imperative of
reducing the growing imbalance in regional development. It
is clear that functioning of the high-tech clusters is closely
linked to the educational structure and that the majority of
such clusters are located in the most prosperous regions.
The mechanism of cumulative causation tends to increase
the economic advantage of the most advanced regions,
while at the same time globalization processes increase
the competitive pressure, especially in less developed
regions. Therefore, concrete actions aimed at increasing
innovativeness in less developed regions, are faced with the
additional risks and difficulties. Knowledge, information,
skills, innovations and new ideas have become essential
wealth and production resources in the post-industrial
society.

Regional competitiveness is a new phenomenon in economics.


It has been considered only in the late 20th and early 21st
century. In highly developed countries research in this area
is extensive and of high quality; in contrast, it is almost
absent in developing countries (Kitson et al., 2004; 2008).
Regional competitiveness is spatially located between the
micro - and macro - and represents their necessary and
unique connection. Micro- is first transformed into regional
and regional into macro-; in turn macro- influences the
microeconomic competitiveness, and the circle is closed.
After that, the process starts over again (Figure 1).

REGIONAL COMPETITIVENESS CONCEPTUALLY


LOCATED BETWEEN MICRO- AND MACROCOMPETITIVENESS, REPRESENTING THEIR NECESSARY
AND UNIQUE CONNECTION

In theory there are diametrically opposed views on the


relevance of the concept of competitiveness. Because
of the number and complexity of factors, as well as the
very nature of the competitive processes, the concept of
competitiveness is often very difficult to understand, and
sometimes its even confusing (Snieka and Bruneckien,
2009). Some economists believe that competitiveness has
characteristics of the natural law of modern capitalist
economy (Kitson et al., 2004), while others think that
definition of competitiveness refer to productivity which
measures the value of goods and services per factor unit,
produced in a particular territory (Krugman, 1995).
Without going deeper into analysis of issues related to the
character and nature of the concept itself, it should be noted
that level at which the phenomenon of competitiveness is
examined is the most important aspect of this phenomenon
(Kitson et al., 2004). In short, we should distinguish
between microeconomic and macroeconomic aspects of
competitiveness complex.

At a micro level, competitiveness is the ability of companies


to compete, grow and be profitable (Martin, 2004), or the
ability of a company to produce and sell products and
services at a lower price compared to its competitors and/
or under non-price terms that are more attractive than
competitors offer. So, competitiveness is the ability of
companies to consistently and profitably produce output
that meets the requirements of an open market in terms
of price, quality, etc. A company that is more competitive
than its rivals will have better chances to gain larger market
share.
Unlike the competitiveness of enterprises, the concept of
macroeconomic competitiveness is theoretically controversial
phenomenon. It is often identified with ability to produce
goods and services and bring them into the foreign markets,
and is expressed through the growth dynamics of real gross
domestic product per capita, or the capacity for increasing
wealth (Marginean, 2006).

Figure 1. The concept of regional competitiveness


(Source: authors)

Regional competitiveness is ability of a region to ensure


economic growth over time, including ability to attract and
retain productive capital and competent human resources,
as well as to be innovative, in the broadest sense.
Regional competitiveness is based on identifying and
strengthening the unique combination of specific resources
of a region. It is reflected in the regions ability to ensure
economic growth over time, including the ability to attract
and retain capital and human resources, as well as to be
innovative. This indicates that the concept of competitiveness
is not just about productivity, but also market structures and
institutional arrangements (Porter, 1990). Thus, a region
can be characterized by highly-competitive companies in
the micro-economic terms, but if these firms generate low
value added per employee, then we cannot speak of the
competitive region. This statement suggests that regional
competitiveness is far more complex phenomenon than
productivity of labor, as some authors argue.
In the literature there are many approaches to sorting of key
factors of the regional competitiveness. One of them states
the following seven factors of regional competitiveness:
economic structure, innovative activity, regional accessibility,
skills of the workforce, social structure, decision centers
and regional identity (Lengyel, 2004). Another approach
to regional competitiveness modeling states the following
factors: quality of human capital, innovations, connectivity
and entrepreneurship (Ecorys, 2007).

Some authors make a distinction between static and


dynamic factors of the regional competitiveness (Ruinska
spatium 15

Cvetanovi S. et al.: Endogenous growth theory and regional development policy

and Ruinsky 2007). The former are source of static


competitive advantage of the regions and refer to natural
and geographic conditions in a region (constant conditions)
such as regional location, natural resources and historical
heritage. The latter are source of dynamic competitive
advantage of the regions, and they are not the result of
natural and geographic relevance of a particular region but
they are acquired over time. They may be affected by the
companies or regional institutions.

The above-mentioned factors are part of the absolute


competitive advantage of a region. This advantage will depend
on their presence and development. Regions characterized
by development and presence of many different factors
(for example, high-quality human capital, clusters, strong
support from the formal and informal institutions, good
geographic location, developed infrastructure) have better
competitive position, meaning that competitiveness of a
region depends on superiority and interaction of its factors.
The regional competitiveness is based on high-qualitative
productive performance and economic ability to produce
the output with the highest possible productivity, which in
turn generates high levels of real wage. Competitiveness
is closely related to the rise in living standards, better
employment opportunities and ability of the country (the
economy) to fulfill its international obligations. Whether
we look at competitiveness only as productivity (Krugman,
1990: 9) and/or through the rising living standards (Porter,
1992), competitiveness is based on the cumulative results
achieved on the basis of existence of endogenous factors
of the region. Regions which develop faster and own many
different factors also have a better competitive position
(Vukovi, 2003).
CONCLUSION

Endogenous growth theory contributes to a better


understanding of various experiences with long-term growth
of countries and regions. It changes the key assumptions
of the Neoclassical growth theory and participates in the
modern regional development physiology explanation.
Key differences between Neoclassical (exogenous) and
Endogenous growth theories are their diametrical points
of view regarding the nature of technological change, the
economic growth dynamics and the existence of market
equilibrium.
Endogenous growth theories explain technological change
as an internal outcome of public and private investments
in human capital and investment in R&D. All endogenous
growth models advocate an active development policy in
supporting the regional growth, inter alia, through direct
and indirect investments in the education of human capital
and stimulating foreign direct investment into researchintensive areas of production (e.g. software industry,
telecommunications, etc.).

Theorists of endogenous growth emphasize the importance


of the market failures. This means that market incentives
cannot achieve optimal allocation of resources in case of
creating new ideas and innovations. Economic development
is not a random phenomenon regulated by the free market
operations.
16 spatium

The most important factors of regional endogenous


development are human capital, social capital and
innovation.

Nowadays regional competitiveness is mostly based on


high-qualitative productive performance and economic
ability of region to produce the output with the highest
possible productivity, which in turn generates high levels
of real wage. Competitiveness is closely related to the rise
in living standards, better employment opportunities and
ability of the country to fulfill its international obligations
in a timely manner.
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Received August 2015; accepted in revised form October 2015.

spatium 17

SPATIUM
No. 34, December 2015, pp. 18-26

UDC 728: 502.131.1(497.11)1990/...


316.334.56
Review paper
DOI: 10.2298/SPAT1534018D

TOWARDS SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT


OF SOCIAL HOUSING MODEL IN SERBIA
CASE STUDY OF BELGRADE
Vladan oki, University of Belgrade, Faculty of Architecture, Department of Urbanism, Belgrade, Serbia
aklina Gligorijevi1, Urban Planning Institute of Belgrade, Strategic Planning Department, Belgrade, Serbia
Vesna Mila oli Damjanovi, University of Belgrade, Faculty of Architecture, Department of Architecture,
Belgrade, Serbia

Social housing in Serbia has been experiencing drastic transformations over the last 25 years. Although new solutions
have begun to develop, they are based predominantly on various types of local supported housing provisions,
insufficient in terms of supply and deprived of crucial elements of long-term sustainability. The main hypothesis of
this paper is that the national system of social housing should include systemic approach and that improvement of
social housing in Serbia towards sustainable development could be achieved by implementation of general criteria
and specific indicators of social, economic and environmental sustainability. This paper may contribute to systemic
sustainability evaluation of social housing projects in Serbia and consequently propose improvements in regulations
and decision-making process, at both national and local levels.
Key words: social housing, sustainability, general criteria, indicators, Belgrade.

INTRODUCTION
The aim of this paper is to firmly embed the complex
sustainability concept into the social housing system in
Serbia by introducing general criteria of social, economic and
environmental sustainability according to global demands,
but of local relevance. Through analyses of Belgrades
existing social housing projects, we propose a typology
based on location, capacity, structure and other planning
features, and then rank each type by set of chosen criteria
and specific indicators, with the aim to evaluate the level of
its sustainability. This pilot mechanism could illustrate the
possibility of complex evaluation of either built structures
or anticipating the level of sustainability of future social
housing projects, and thus generate the key arguments for
necessary improvements of the social housing in Serbia.
BACKGROUND

Serbia has been exposed to negative legacy of political and


social disintegration, devastating regional or international
conflicts, post-conflict defies, and major structural deficits
over the last 25 years. The unfinished transition process
1

Palmotieva 30, 11000 Belgrade, Serbia


zaklina.gligorijevic@urbel.com

18 spatium

within a hesitant democracy dealt with complex phenomena


of rapid socio-economic polarization, pauperization and
high unemployment rate, in the new political and economic
landscape of recurring multi-sector crisis. The former,
relatively consistent Yugoslav centralized model of housing
provision, once a top political priority and element of the
socialist welfare state, abruptly collapsed and made place
to market-based principles, small scale housing programs
developed on ad hoc basis, while the existing social housing
stock went through massive privatization (Tsenkova, 2009).
Although the Housing Act from 1992 defined obligations and
purposeful use of funds gathered from massive privatization
of the housing stock, the hyperinflation of late 1992 and
early 1993 had entirely deflated these funds. While up to
98% of public housing in Serbia were privatized (Petrovi,
2004), this privatization did not accumulate funds sufficient
to initiate new social housing cycles.
The starting point of the new social housing model in Serbia
could be found in: the Strategy for Resolving the Problems
of Refugees and Internally Displaced Persons from 2002 and
particularly in The Settlement and Integration of Refugees
Programme (SIRP), from 2003 to 2008 (UN-Habitat, SIRP,
2008). The main goal of SIRP was to raise local capacities,
establish local housing agencies, and design, develop, and

oki V. et al.: Towards sustainable development of social housing model in Serbia - case study of Belgrade

monitor pilot housing projects. Regardless of these scarce


examples, Serbia was lagging behind in the housing reforms
compared to other post-socialist countries of the Southeast
Europe (Tsenkova, 2009).

After a period of stagnation, housing reform process in


Serbia began with the adoption of two documents: Social
Housing Law in 2009 (Official Gazette of RS, No. 72/09)
and National Strategy for Social Housing in 2012 (Official
Gazette of RS, No. 13/12). The Law defined the term of social
housing as a housing of an adequate standard provided
with the support of the State, in accordance with the social
housing strategy and programs for the implementation
of the strategy, to households that, for social, economic
and other reasons cannot obtain housing on the market,
together with necessary instruments and financing. The
main goal of the National Strategy and its Action Plan was
to ensure effective implementation of the Social Housing
Law and additionally promote social housing actors and
sustainable system mechanism.

However, when analysing social housing in Serbia and


particularly social housing projects in Belgrade, one can
observe that these have been realized through a variety of
programs and projects, but essentially lacking systematic
and the strategic coordination framework and clear relation
to relevant national or local social housing policy. In aim to
contribute to sustainable development of social housing in
Serbia, lacking also planned and coordinated mechanisms
of cross-sectorial and inter-institutional cooperation of all
stakeholders (Damjanovic, et al., 2014), we propose one
possible methodology by introducing complex sustainability
criteria and indicators to social housing.
INTRODUCING CONCEPTS OF SUSTAINABILITY TO
SOCIAL HOUSING

Although several authors and organizations developed


diverse explications of sustainable development in housing,
it is important to point out that there is no universal, all
applicable, official definition of sustainable social housing,
neither its unique indicators. For the purpose of this paper,
and based on the review of relevant literature (UNEP, SUSHI,
2013; UN-Habitat, 2012; UN, 2011; UNECE, 2006), indicators
of all three pillars of sustainability: social, economic and
environmental, and were selected according to their
relevance, contextual applicability, impact and benefits
for residents, neighbourhoods and wider community. This
paper proposes one possible selection of sustainability
indicators that could, in the future, assist decision-makers/
housing providers and contribute to the development of
more sustainable social housing in Belgrade and Serbia.
Theoretical and Notional Demarcation

Since there is no unambiguous definition, while monosectorial analysis does not provide a complete picture, the
search for the appropriate model of social housing should
include three pillars of sustainability and take into account
local capacity (in terms of space, finances, administration,
management and maintenance, etc.).

Contemporary model of social housing refers to social,


economic and environmental sustainability in provision

of decent and quality housing units at lower cost for the


members of society who cannot afford it under market
conditions, while saving existing resources (UNEP, SUSHI,
2013).

a) Social sustainability is of crucial importance in meeting


the fundamental human need for shelter that is important
for the basic development of the community and society.
Social sustainability in the field of social housing is about
creating affordable and quality housing that is available to
different social groups and takes into account not only the
current needs of users, but also the shifting needs of tenants
during the use of the apartment. It is about ensuring the
mixed use and the adaptability of space for different kinds
of users (age, cultural, and income groups), promoting
safety, equality and social diversity, and reducing financial
disparities, while promoting social values and goals such as
social cohesion and social inclusion.

b) Economic sustainability includes economic efficiency


of the building/settlement at all stages of its life cycle,
from construction, through operation and maintenance,
renovation and possible reconstruction, to demolition and
recycling. In order to achieve economic viability of social
housing, it is necessary to consider the available subsidies,
the income mix, as well as diversity in the type of lease.
Social housing has been often seen as a measure of the
social care system, a tool of poverty reduction, in achieving
social justice and ensuring the fundamental human right
to housing, but seldom as an instrument of economic
development. The impact of economic viability of social
housing depends on the mixture of economic functions
and housing sector implications: housing and associated
infrastructure is one of the most valuable and durable
human creations; housing provides the basis for the wellbeing of people, work productivity and mobility; housing has
a large share in household spending and public expenditure;
housing construction, services related to housing and real
estate market are the key economic activities and play an
important role in employment.

c) Environmental sustainability implies responsible


relations between the housing sector and the environment,
by means of efficient use of natural resources and energy
during the entire life cycle of construction, renewable energy
use, use of ecological building materials, waste and carbon
dioxide emissions reduction, in order to cut back on aspects
that are harmful to human health and the environment.
A strategic framework for improving environmental
sustainability in housing should incorporate: increasing
the resilience and adaptability of housing; the provision
of healthy living conditions and a healthy environment;
the reduction of waste from the use of heating and cooling
energy, coupled with carbon dioxide emissions, reduction
of water and soil pollution, adequate use of materials and
waste recycling.
THE SUSTAINABILITY CRITERIA OF SOCIAL HOUSING

After examining the broad and divergent theoretical basis


from which derive different systems of indicators and
different methodologies (UNEP, SUSHI, UN Habitat, etc.), it is
spatium 19

oki V. et al.: Towards sustainable development of social housing model in Serbia - case study of Belgrade

possible to stipulate that there are no generally harmonized


indicators based on a unique procedure of data collection
and analysis.

Therefore, the main challenge is to create a comprehensive


method of selecting criteria and indicators that would
measure social housing in Belgrade, and relate them to the
final goal of evaluating the social housing sustainability
performance. In this sense, the great majority of chosen
criteria and indicators are connected with social housing
programs in the region and worldwide, and their experience
in developing, monitoring and evaluating social housing
settlements and projects. Especially important in the
Serbian context is the low carbon transition and energy
vulnerability, recorded here as a specific form of transitional
energy poverty. The transition to sustainable models in
post-socialist cities is inevitable, especially having in mind
unclear spatial transformations, administrative and social
practices and land use.

Social sustainability criteria The importance of social


housing in achieving social cohesion has been recognized in
key international and European policy documents (Priemus,
2005). Social housing, as a special form of housing provision
is largely based precisely on social ethics and social
solidarity. Multiple connotations of this topic imply the large
extent of criteria of social sustainability, namely:
A1. Site Location is especially important and includes
indicators such as: distance from the city centre, from
other urban centres, from main city roads, public
transport and services, but also from jobs and health and
educational institutions etc. Many authors consider that
greater social effects can be accomplished by dispersing
individual buildings of social housing throughout compact
neighbourhoods, than by grouping them in the form of
social housing enclaves (Weingaertner and Moberg, 2014;
Mili, 2006).
A2. Quality of architectural design This criterion is coupled
with social inclusion: sense of safety within residential areas,
the degree of identification of tenants with the immediate
environment and the neighbourhood (Mili, 2006).
A3. Diversity Social housing projects can vary in urban and
architectural typology, density, type of lease, etc. (UNECE,
2006).
A4. Social mix Social diversity, in particular in household
income level, in household types (singles, young couples,
families with children, etc.), and diversity of use, etc. (UNHabitat, 2012; Weingaertner and Moberg, 2014).
A5. Access to services The range of services available to
tenants takes into account indicators of frequency of use,
number of users, and spatial accessibility for all social
groups, including children, the elderly and persons with
disabilities (UNEP, SUSHI, 2013; Levett, 1998).
A6. Safety Related indicators evaluate the level of safety
and the crime prevention in the neighbourhood. Specific
urban and architectural design solutions and the subsequent
interventions in public spaces can have a preventive role in
combating social deviations (Mili, 2006).
A7. Public participation Level of involvement of local
community indicators can be considered in planning and
design of social housing, as well as the level of satisfaction
20 spatium

with housing conditions, security, maintenance, etc. (UNHabitat, 2012; Weingaertner and Moberg, 2014).

Economic sustainability criteria Based on


comprehensive and detailed analysis of housing needs, the
public authorities should shape the economic investment
drive, in terms of investment in the existing public housing
stock, its improvement and maintenance, but also find ways
to reach housing affordability. Criteria and indicators of
economic viability are not associated only to the benefits for
low-income households, vulnerable or other priority groups,
but also to many other elements of economic viability at the
level of the wider community:
B1. Value of the land /housing site Within the general
criterion of the site value, there are specific indicators,
such as the cost of the property (return on investment),
ownership relations (ownership, lease), administrative and
market setting (land management), etc. (Mili, 2006).
B2. Sustainability in project financing Achieving financial
stability means that there are available sources for the social
housing program from the city/national/EU funds (Priemus,
2005; Guy, Kibert, 1998).
B3. Life cycle costs of building/settlement Within the
criteria related to life cycle costs of the building/settlement,
there are several indicators, for instance investment costs,
operating and maintenance costs (annual), future repair
and replacement costs (at the expense of users), as well
as monitoring of the housing condition after moving in,
determining the physical condition of the building (Levett,
1998).
B4. Competitiveness Competitiveness of social housing
providers, involving some elements of the market to social
housing must be preceded by gradual introduction of
private housing actors in the field of social housing provision
(UNECE, 2006).
B5. Affordability The criterion of affordability is achieved
when, on the user side, social housing standards and location
correspond to low-income or middle-income households
needs (UNEP, SUSHI, 2013).
B6. Collection rate of the rent The indicator of the realized
rate of rent collection and maintenance costs in social
housing can serve to evaluate the sustainability of the
general rental conditions (UNEP, SUSHI, 2013, Guy and
Kibert, 1998).
B7. Level of infrastructural equipment The attained level
of infrastructural equipment and the capacity of public
services relates to level of public services costs compared
to standard housing construction (UNEP, SUSHI, 2013).
B8. Economic activity There are a number of indicators
related to economic activities: employment rate, the
diversity of available jobs (at a distance of 2-3 km from
the place of residence) and dynamism in community
development activities, such as participation in improving
the socio-economic well-being of the neighbourhood (UNHabitat, 2012; Priemus, 2005).
Environmental sustainability criteria Social housing
projects could be evaluated, ranked and even planned by
using the following general criteria and the related specific
indicators of environmental sustainability:

oki V. et al.: Towards sustainable development of social housing model in Serbia - case study of Belgrade

C1. Mechanisms for site selection Site selection should be


compliant with the elements of environmental sustainability
and environmental standards, such as natural conditions,
the quality of water, air, soil, vegetation, environmental
comfort, etc. (UNEP, SUSHI, 2013; Priemus, 2005).
C2. Environmental site improvement Ecological
rehabilitation, erosion control and sedimentation,
management of surface water, flood control, etc. (UNECE,
2006).
C3. Land use diversity Mixed-used development, multiple
and compatible uses (UNEP, SUSHI, 2013; Priemus, 2005).
C4. Integrated design Achieving synergy of disciplines and
technologies (UN-Habitat, 2012).
C5. Environmental design quality Addresses the issue of
ecological optimization in positioning and orientation of the
settlement/building, in line with the insolation parameters
(additional indicators: good thermal insulation of external
walls and roofs, energy-efficient windows, in order to
minimize heat gains and losses; principles of low-energy
or passive objects as a way to reduce energy poverty, etc.)
(UNECE, 2006).
C6. Eco-construction Using advanced and high-quality ecofriendly construction measures, such as reduced energy
consumption, use of natural materials, use of renewable
energy for heating, management and reuse of rain waters,
sustainable drainage systems, etc. (UN-Habitat, 2012;
National Strategy for Social Housing, 2012).
C7. Sustainable management of construction and demolition
waste Corresponding indicators include practices that
facilitate sustainability in waste management, such as

renewal, recycling, reuse of resources, waste minimization,


etc. (UNEP, SUSHI, 2013).
C8. Monitoring of energy consumption for heating The
average annual consumption of energy for heating (in kWh/
m2) (Regulations on energy efficiency of buildings, 2011).
C9. Experimental elements in social housing programs
Related indicators provide evidence of experimental,
innovative environmental elements in social housing
programs. After monitoring the effects, the same green
features can be applied in other housing formats (UNECE,
2006).
C10. Low-energy standards in social infrastructure facilities
Indicators that also raise awareness of the general public,
concern the attained amount of low-energy standards in
social infrastructure facilities of the settlement, in schools,
kindergartens, health and social care institutions, etc. (UNHabitat, 2012).
C11. Design of public open spaces and green areas Concern
the treatment of urban open spaces and green spaces as
vital environmental and community resources (e.g. park
area/km2) (UNEP, SUSHI, 2013).
C12. Sustainability in transport Comprises the distance
from the place of residence to the local bus stop, the
frequency of bus stops, the distance to the network of cycle
tracks, etc. (UN-Habitat, 2012).
C13. Environmental safety The focal indicator of
environmental safety specifies the level of protection of the
social housing site from potential pollutants (UNEP, SUSHI,
2013).

Table 1. Sustainability Criteria of Social Housing: Three pillars

spatium 21

oki V. et al.: Towards sustainable development of social housing model in Serbia - case study of Belgrade

THE SOCIAL HOUSING IN SERBIA: CASE STUDY OF


BELGRADE
Overview of the Social Housing Programs
Recently built social housing in Belgrade has been
developed within different incoherent programs since
1990, and in diverse legal environments, belonging to social
rental housing projects for public sector employees and
socially vulnerable groups, or to social owner-occupied
housing. Some of the most recognisable programs are: A)
Program for solidarity housing construction; B) Program
for the construction of 1.100 housing units in Belgrade; C)
The construction project of 2.000 non-profit housing units;
D) Program for the construction of apartments for young
scientists and artists; E) Public rental housing built through
international humanitarian programs and projects; E-1)
Project of social housing for disabled war veterans; and E-2)
The Program Social Housing in Supportive Environment.
Typology by location, capacity and structure

In order to objectivise the analyses of social housing in


Belgrade built through previously listed programs and in
different city locations, we have classified all recently built

social housing developments by typology, based on their


location, capacity, structure and other planning features (Fig
1, Tab. 2). For each group, one typical example was chosen
for evaluation according to selected sustainability criteria
with the aim to determine its level of sustainability.
For the purpose of this research, two main groups of social
housing developments were further expended, as shown in
Tab. 2, Fig 1.
The first group, type (I) relates to singular housing locations,
and can be further divided into: I-A) small-scale projects (15100 units), e.g. Olge Alkalaj Street, panskih boraca Street,
Veliki Mokri Lug; I-B) one or several buildings forming a
group (90-500 units), like Jurija Gagarina Street, Vojvoanska
Street, and Radnika Street.
The second group, type (II) relates to larger housing
zones with public services, divided into: II-A) settlements
continuing or part of the existing urban matrix (300- units),
e.g. Retenzija in Zemun, Duana Vukasovia Street, Dr
Ivan Ribar settlement; II-B) satellite-type settlements,
autonomous social housing development, in sharp contrast
with local urban matrix (300- units), e.g. Kamendin and Ova
settlements.

Table 2. Classification of rental and owner-occupied social housing in Belgrade

Size
Location
Type

Building Type

I-A)
Small Scale/
Single Building
(15-100 units)

I-B)
Larger Building/
Group of Buildings
(90-500 units)

II-A)
Settlement continuing
urban matrix
(300 units and more)

II-B)
Satellite Type
Settlement
(300 units
and more)
*Under Construction; ** In planning phase.

22 spatium

Type of social
housing

Social rental

Jabuki Rit **, Palilula

Social rental

Misloin**, Obrenovac

Social rental

Owner-occupied

Owner-occupied

Location

Between Belo vrelo Street, Palisadska


Str., Komovska Str. and Bele Vode Str.,
arkovo**

Olge Alkalaj Street, Zvezdara

Ivana Ribara Street,New Belgrade

Number of
units

No. on
Map

15**

24**

32**
34

2
3
4

51

60

173

Owner-occupied

panskih boraca Street, Block 29, New


Belgrade

60

Owner-occupied

Juri Gagarin Street, PFC 10, Block 61, New


Belgrade

98

Owner-occupied

Klare Cetkin K1 and K2, Retenzija, Zemun

187

10

Social rental

PKB, Padinska Skela, Kovilovo

260

12

Block 32, New Belgrade*

250
(out of 517) *

14

Dr Ivan Ribar settlement*, settlement,


Mileva Mari Ajntajn Street, New
Belgrade

133
(out of 399) *

16

965*

18

B
E

I)
Singular
Location

II)
Settlement

Program

Owner-occupied

Owner-occupied

Owner-occupied

Owner-occupied

Owner-occupied

Social rental

Social rental

Social rental/
Owner-occupied

Veliki Mokri Lug, Zvezdara

Vojvoanska Street, PFC 5 and 29, Block


63, New Belgrade

Radnika Street, ukarica

Duana Vukasovia Street, PFC 14.1, 14.2,


4.1, 4.2, Block 61 and 62, New Belgrade
Dr Ivan Ribar settlement*, Mileva Mari
Ajntajn Street, New Belgrade

Kamendin settlement*

Ova settlement*

216

11

470

13

731

15

181
(out of 744) *

17

oki V. et al.: Towards sustainable development of social housing model in Serbia - case study of Belgrade

Figure 1. Map of singular locations and settlements of recently built


rental and owner-occupied social housing

Figure 2. Group I-A, Social rental housing in Veliki Mokri Lug, Zvezdara

Figure 3. Group I-B, Social non-profit housing in PFC 10, Jurija Gagarina
Street, Block 61, New Belgrade

Figure 4. Group II-A, Social non profit and social rentalhousing in Mileve
Mari Ajntajn Street, Dr Ivan Ribar settlement, New Belgrade

Figure 5. Group II-B, Social rental housing in Akrobate Aleksia Street,


Kamendin 1.6 settlement, Zemun Polje

spatium 23

oki V. et al.: Towards sustainable development of social housing model in Serbia - case study of Belgrade

PILOT EVALUATION OF CHOSEN SOCIAL HOUSING


DEVELOPMENTS IN BELGRADE
The result of the evaluation is shown in number of points
(e.g. , and ) where social housing development
with the highest score performs significant overall
sustainability, and can be considered as a model for the
future developments of the same type. Being aware that the
proposed criteria are of different importance for the quality
of social housing units or neighbourhoods, the evaluation
could be further upgraded through pondering of each
criterion.
The results presented in Table 3 show that the scores of
sustainability for the Group (I) are predominantly better
compared to the Group (II), with scores: (I-A=39, and
I-B=37, while II-A=34, and II-B=23 only).
These results show that Group (I) is more sustainable,
particularly from the perspective of social cohesion and
social inclusion compared to Group (II). This can be explained
by the fact that most of the buildings belonging to Group (I)
are small-scale projects, located within neighbourhoods of
similar typology, connected to public transportation, with
schools, health centres and other public facilities nearby
(Fig 2, 3), while Group (II) shows more contradictions (Fig
4, 5). For example, in the Dr Ivan Ribar settlement (II-A)
coexist both types of social housing, rental and owneroccupied, within much higher densities. Although these

two types of social housing are apparently distinct, this


settlement creates a neighbourhood of similar typology, well
connected to public transport infrastructure and adjacent
key public facilities. On the other side, concentration
of social rental housing in Kamendin (II-B) is relatively
remote as regards to municipal services and infrastructure,
which raises significant social inclusion concerns. For this
reason, this rigid spatial distribution has created social and
ethnic conflicts, a ghetto atmosphere and problems of
social segregation (Politika, 8th November 2013). Besides
a certain social stigma attached to the perception of social
housing in general, Kamendin also raises the question of
negative financial repercussions, as real estate prices in
the whole neighbourhood have been severely and directly
affected. Thus negative features prevail, such as social
and physical segregation, high concentration of poverty
and unemployment, lack of social facilities, inefficient
management and maintenance, etc.
When comparing the best results (I-A) and the worst (II-B),
we can indicate the fact that (I-A) belongs to low density
social housing within well-connected neighbourhoods of
similar typology and as such creates low concentration of
vulnerable households, while (II-B) has extremely high
concentration of vulnerable households remote from major
services and infrastructure and in sharp contrast to the
inserted neighbourhoods.

Table 3. Pilot evaluation of four types of social housing developments in Belgrade through general criteria and specific indicators of sustainability
General Criteria / Specific Indicators

Distance of social housing site relative toother settlements


Distance to public transport and service, and major traffic infrastructure
Distance of jobs and employment opportunities
Diversity of users by education and economic characteristics (including household
income diversity)
Diversity of household types (singles, young couples, families with many children, etc.)
Diversity of housing allocation types
Land value (return on investment)
Sustainability of land tenure relations (ownership, lease)

Rent
collection
rate

Administrative and local market conditions (land policy)


Sustainability of general conditions of lease

Site selection by
environmental
parametars

Site value

Social mix

Distance to education facilities and health institutions

Site selection according to the elements of environmental sustainability and standard


(natural conditions, quality of water/air/ soil, environmental comfort, etc.)

24 spatium

Enviromental
design

Environmental Sustainability

Economical
Sustainability

Social Sustainability

Location

Distance of social housing site relative to the city center

Rent collection rates and maintenance costs

Activation of brownfield sites


Ecological optimization in positioning and orientation of the settlement /buildings
according toinsolation parameters
Good thermal insulation of external walls and roofs and energy-efficient windows in
order to minimize heat gains and losses
Llow energy/ passive housing principles as a practice for energy poverty alleviation

GROUP I
I-A

I-B

GROUP II
II-

II-B

oki V. et al.: Towards sustainable development of social housing model in Serbia - case study of Belgrade

These issues need to be intensely considered in future


social housing developments, like those planned in Ova
or Padinska Skela, Kovilovo. The capacity of the future
settlement in Ova, located on the outskirts of the Belgrade
Metropolitan Area, was optimistically planned for 1.400
housing units, representing almost three quarters of all
imminent social housing development in Belgrade (Agency
for Investment and Housing, 2011), but was then reduced
to 965 units to be built successively, according to the
architectural, technical and social infrastructure analyses
provided by Urban Planning Institute of Belgrade and CIP
Company during 2013. The project asserts its dedication to
the economy and rationality of the design, energy efficiency
principles and low operational costs. However, creating high
concentration of social housing in already impoverished
semi-rural areas on the Belgrade outskirts, lacking basic
infrastructure, services and jobs, should be reconsidered in
terms of all aspects of sustainability. Equivalent concerns
can be asserted for the future social housing development in
Padinska Skela, Kovilovo.
In that sense, the Belgrade planning experience has raised
essential location questions since social housing sites have
been traditionally determined in the City general/master
plans (1972, 1985, 2003, 2009) according to only few criteria:
the vacancy of the land and, recently, the ownership status
(state/city owned). Unfortunately, most of the locations for
social housing were planned on the city outskirts creating
sharp contrast to the existing urban matrix, and thus being
potentially unsustainable in terms of land use and social
welfare. For the reason of complex planning procedures
and land ownership relations, the modifications of urban
parameters for social housing, such as land use or density,
showed to be remarkably challenging, even when proposed
by public institutions implementing particular social
housing project. Timely planning procedures for important
public amenities have become substantial for successful
public housing projects (Damjanovi and Gligorijevi, 2010).
The evident sustainability deficit in some of the analysed
social housing projects calls for judicious methodological
improvements, beginning with introducing general criteria
and specific indicators, in order to help public providers,
as sole providers of social housing services, in successful
decision-making process at local level.
CONCLUSION

It is evident from all pertinent references on this topic that the


existing social housing sector in Belgrade lacks clear criteria
in strategy, planning, designing, implementing, monitoring
and evaluating. In this paper, we have proposed a nonexhaustive yet consistent list of criteria of all three pillars
of sustainability (social, economic and environmental),
selected for their circumstantiality, effects and benefits for
users, neighbourhood and even for broader community.
By further thorough methodological elaboration of criteria
presented in this paper, and indicators for monitoring
and measuring performance of the built structures, the
shown principle can be used as part of a more judicious
decision-making mechanism in the process of planning and
designing of the new, or evaluating of the existing social
housing projects in Belgrade. In subsequent research, all

the proposed criteria could be evaluated and pondered


according to their importance for particular location and the
quality of social housing units or neighbourhoods.
Development of the proposed sustainability criteria, as
auxiliary mechanism for assessing the capacity and the
quality, can contribute to creating successful new social
housing programs and projects in Belgrade and to defining
guidelines for the improvement of the social housing system
in Serbia towards overall sustainability in all phases, from
strategy to implementation.
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the questions related to the Social Housing. Unpublished paper.
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Journal of the City of Belgrade, No. 63/09).
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stanovanje: Prikaz stambenih politika Srbije i odabranih
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Damjanovic, V.M.C., Burazer, J., Stamenic, M., Cantrak, D., Lecic,


M. (2014) Architectural design influences and HVAC systems
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istraivanja Filozofskog fakulteta Univerziteta u Beogradu.

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8th. November 2013. http://www.politika.rs/rubrike/Beograd/
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accessed 25th May 2015.
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Experience. Environment and Planning B: Planning and Design,
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spatium 25

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The Governmental Decree (Official Gazette of RS, No. 41/02,


76/02).

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from 2007 to 2013 (Official Journal of the City of Belgrade,
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17/12, 8/13).
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Europe: Lost in Transition. Heidelberg: Physica Verlag.

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A Policy Framework for Developing Countries. Nairobi: UNHabitat.
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Received July 2015; accepted in revised form December 2015.

26 spatium

SPATIUM
No. 34, December 2015, pp. 27-34

UDC 725.6(4)20
Review paper
DOI: 10.2298/SPAT1534027F

THE CONTEMPORARY MODEL OF


PRISON ARCHITECTURE:
SPATIAL RESPONSE TO
THE RE-SOCIALIZATION PROGRAMME
Alenka Fikfak1, Faculty of Architecture, University of Ljubljana, Ljubljana, Slovenia
Saja Kosanovi, Faculty of Technical Sciences, University of Pritina, Kosovska Mitrovica, Serbia
Mia Crni, Faculty of Architecture, University of Ljubljana, Ljubljana, Slovenia
Vasa J. Perovi, Faculty of Architecture, University of Ljubljana, Ljubljana, Slovenia
The history of prison architecture concerns the development of various design formats. In contemporary terms,
punishment and re-socialization are the two equally important purposes of a prison institution. Rightfully, the
contemporary model of prison architecture may be viewed, inter alia, as a spatial response to the re-socialization
programme. Based on a comprehensive literature review, critical discussion, and scientific description, this paper
defines the main qualitative elements of prison architecture, which responds to the requirements for re-socialization
of inmates, and further explains the way in which each response is provided. From these architectural and design
attributes, a list of 30 indicators of the spatial response to re-socialization was established. Furthermore, by using the
derived indicators, a comparative analysis of four contemporary European prisons was conducted. The results showed
both similarities and differences in the spatial response to the re-socialization programme, indicating that the spatial
potential for re-socialization of inmates may be developed by using various approaches to prison design.
Key words: contemporary prison architecture and design, contemporary European case examples, punishment, resocialization, spatial indicators.

INTRODUCTION
Prison is the most complex form of punishment (Pollock,
2005), a social institution designed to meet a multiplicity
of functions (Galtung, 1958), a mixture of personalities,
background stories, ways of thinking, and living habits
motivated by the common desire to be free. Prison is also
a physical environment with controlled closed and open
areas in which individuals are forcibly confined. Through
spatial elements and characteristics, prison architecture
reflects the bonds between typology, function, and content
(Crni, 2012), while its evolution reflects the changing
societal attitude towards crime and punishment (Johnson,
2013). Good prison architecture allows for the development
of good relationship between staff and prisoners, provides
space and opportunity for a full range of activities, and
1

Zoisova 12, SI-1000 Ljubljana, Slovenia


alenka.fikfak@fa.uni-lj.si

offers decent working and living conditions (Lord Hurd of


Westwell, 2000).

Further, Pevsner (1986) argued that prison and hospital


programmes have a lot in common. Developing from the
18th century analogy studies (Dixon, 1850), the meaning
of the two types started to significantly overlap during the
post-war Treatment Era in the United States, when the
medical model of prison was born, based on the belief
that convicts are merely sick individuals, while their cure
is a matter of finding a suitable treatment. The parallels
between innovative health centres and progressive prisons
are as obvious as are the similarities between traditional
hospitals and penal institutions. Both are inscribed with
narratives about the individuals confined within them, their
supposed characteristics and how they are expected to
behave (Jewkes, in: Simon et al., 2013).

spatium 27

Fikfak A. et al.: The contemporary model of prison architecture: spatial response to the re-socialization programme

Unfavourable social circumstances and an individuals


psychological state define the risk of individuals acting
beyond legal boundaries as well as their behaviour in
prison. On the other hand, the imprisonment itself may in
different ways lead to the social exclusion of ex-prisoners.
In fact, prisoners and their families appear to be some
of the most disadvantaged people in the modern society,
even before imprisonment takes place (Murray, 2007). An
important role of the contemporary prison is to apply the
concept of re-socialization by which an existing identity or
social role is adjusted, altered or replaced, by retraining a
person psychologically to fit the expectations and behaviour
of the common society (Hohnen et al., 2012). This inclusion,
however, will be successful only when the society accepts
the prison and the prisoners.
PUNISHMENT AND RE-SOCIALIZATION

The general association with the meaning of a prison


institution developed until the mid-18th century is
punishment, often corporal. Prison reform and the work
of several reformers, such as that of John Howard and
Jeremy Bentham (Dixon, 1850; Johnston, 2009), provided
more humane treatment of prisoners, improved hygienic
conditions, introduced single-celling established to reduce
chaos, and raised hope for individual reform, accentuating
positive aspects of work and changes in the administration
system and criminal law. The turn of the 18th to 19th century
was marked by the transition to statutory prison sentencing
and by the introduction of the principle of not publicizing the
penalty. On 22 January 1840, according to Foucault (2004),
the body was freed from torture; this was the day when
the reformatory at Mettray was opened. The philosophy
of imprisonment significantly changed in the 19th century;
prison was seen as redemptive and capable of changing
the individuals within to become better people (Conley,
in: Pollock, 2005). The separation and silence of the cell, in
which the convict was confronted with himself, gradually
became the main corrective measures. The additions to
secure the deserved suffering (e.g. darkness, lack of space,
humidity, or cold) started to decrease until the prison
punishment finally obtained its present form: deprivation of
liberty for a certain period of time (Kandu, 2003).
While explaining the approaches to interpret punishment,
Pollock (2005) emphasised other important characteristics
of incarceration unrelated to punishment: incapacitation,
which prevents an individual from inflicting further harm
for at least as long as the individual is under control, and
rehabilitation. Rehabilitation is defined as the internal
change that results in a cessation of the targeted negative
behaviour. It may include the punishment as a tool of reform
(behavioural modification) and other interventions which
are not painful, such as self-esteem groups, education, or
religion, for example (Pollock, 2005).

The accomplishment of the difficult goal of changing


strong habitual behaviour and attitudes (Johnston, 2009)
certainly contributes to the (re)integration of ex-prisoners,
but there is another significant factor the outside society
that influences the overall success of the process. Foucault
(2004) argued that the conditions to which free inmates
are faced (such as forbidden others, or the inability to find
28 spatium

work) necessarily condemn them to recidivism. In this


sense, the prison produces delinquents and encourages
their organisation. Garland (1990) addressed the wider
scope of events in prisons, such as psychological and
physical violence and fatal injuries, and noticed that the
exclusion from the society is, in some cases, immoral
and inadmissible. The same author concludes that many
prisoners are not a danger to the society and could be
reintegrated into the society under certain conditions, and
proposes that the prison sentence could be, in some cases,
replaced by other penalties. Baratta (1991) suggested that,
in terms of social reintegration of a prisoner, the best prison
is no prison: a prison that is nonexistent. Stating that the
shorter is better, the author proposed fewer custodial
sentences, shorter sentences, and fewer confinements or
closed prisons.
On the basis of these considerations, it may be concluded
that re-socialization encompasses rehabilitation as well as
the activities involving the society outside the prison. The
two aspects of the re-socialization programme meet and
mix in the prison environment.
CONTEMPORARY PRISON ARCHITECTURE AND RESOCIALIZATION

Contemporary prison architecture, set in a civilized and


humane socio-political milieu, can be viewed as a connection
between two equally significant, yet contradictive (Hohnen
et al., 2012), purposes of incarceration. The prison provides
the spatial and social context within which the punishment
and the deprivation of freedom occur. At the same time, it is
the environment in which the re-socialisation programme
is conducted. Observed from the perspective of designers
(who generally view prisons merely in terms of a building
type), the value of contemporary prison architecture
depends not only on the typical design principles, but also
on sociological, psychological, and ecological aspects.
The contribution of contemporary prison architecture and
design to the rehabilitation of prisoners and their integration
with the outside world may be explained by several
attributes. These are: Location; Spatial concept and design;
Appearance of the prison as a whole; Accommodation cells
and blocks; and Content and functionality.
The Location shapes the social impact of a prison on the
external environment and, vice versa, and hence affects resocialisation.

Isolated locations, presumably situated in the natural


environment, provide the inmates with the therapeutic
effects of the landscape. Nevertheless, accessibility,
transport communications, visit rate, and links with external
institutions (e.g. court or hospital) and the public require
special attention when a prison is located far from the built
environment. The integration, on the other hand, allows
for better links, shorter distances and potentially firmer
relationship with the public, but at the same time brings
to the fore the deliberation on communitys thoughts and
feelings (Jewkes and Moran, 2014b). The spatial concept
and design, and the appearance of the prison as a whole may,
to a certain extent, alleviate the negative attitude towards
prisons and prisoners; nevertheless, external factors, such

Fikfak A. et al.: The contemporary model of prison architecture: spatial response to the re-socialization programme

as local stakeholders and decision makers, have a more


important role in achieving this goal. The prisoners opinion
on the obvious dilemma whether it is better to isolate or
integrate the facility with the existing built environment still
needs to be researched.
The characteristics, especially natural, social, and cultural
values of the immediate surroundings, are also the
factors that impact the prisoners and the re-socialisation
programme.
The spatial concept and design of the contemporary prison
should give a message to those arriving to it, i.e. that they are
worth something and entitled to treatment that is respectful
and humane, as they should give a message to those working
there that the people they are guarding are fellow humanbeings (Baroness Stern, in: Simon et al., 2013).
The prison format with its main characteristics: size, layout,
and volume, has an important role in the creation of a
socially functional environment.
Referring to the research results, Jewkes and Moran (2014b)
suggest that prisons are healthier, more humane, and more
effective when kept to a modest size.

The layout is in direct function of achieving a functional


spatial and social context; at the same time, it also provides
an efficient application of safety, security, and surveillance
measures, while the goal to punish through form loses its
significance in the contemporary design.
Distribution of volumes, their form, and materialisation
shape inmates impression, create analogy with external
built entities, and enable better interaction among various
prison contents. Daylight, colours, flexibility, and the level
of openness impact prisoners well-being and perception, as
one of the two basic psychological stages (Vasilski, 2013).

Equipment, size, and materialisation of outdoor prison


spaces form the image which inmates tend to compare with
the motifs existing in the external environment. Landscape
design should be based on the measures to draw the
surroundings into prison space and to draw the vegetation
into the prison interior, with the common goal to raise
the awareness and enhance the sense of belonging to the
outside world (Kosori, 2011).

The bars and the wall are both security and design elements.
While the bars are reminiscent of a cage, both from the
inside and the outside, the wall is reminiscent of a clear
separation and a firm border (observed from the outside),
i.e. a forbidden free territory (understood from the inside).
Contemporary prison architecture should find the way to
alter the rooted interpretations by applying interventions
in the physical characteristics of these two typical prison
elements.
The effects of design elements are joined in the appearance
of the prison as a whole. From the outside, the prison
appearance should give two equally important messages:
first, that those who reside inside are there for their
punishment and correction; second, that they are human
beings who deserve one more chance. In practice, when
contemporary prisons are given a pleasant aesthetic
appearance, this chance will, more probably, be their second

chance. In Norway, the leading country in developing new,


humane prison architecture, the recidivism rate is 20%,
while, for comparison, in US and Great Britain it amounts to
5060% (Adams, 2010).
Indeed, architectural and aesthetic features matter to most
people in prisons wider community (Jewkes and Moran,
2014a); design which enhances dignity and promotes
rehabilitation through a normalized aesthetic may not
appear sufficiently punitive to the public with an appetite for
punishment (Jewkes, in: Simon et al., 2013). A compromise
can be achieved by involving the external community in
the design concept formulation. Apart from the obviously
needed unobtrusive expression, prison architecture should
establish a proper relationship with the immediate built
environment, where visual and aesthetic integration would
have an advantage over intrusive accentuation.

Accommodation cells and blocks are the key elements


in the prison social and spatial organisation. The cell
is the first place of prison facility, the home within a
home, the basic personalized space. Cell features, such
as size, capacity, daylight, organisation, materialisation,
furniture and equipment, safety, security and surveillance,
all impact the production of the psychological response.
The accommodation block in social terms represents the
first neighbourhood in the prison living environment,
which means that the characteristics such as the number
of inmates, the existence of common spaces, or adjustment
to various groups of users, all have an impact on the resocialization process.

Re-socialization-oriented prison content and functionality


reflect the dynamics of the life outside the walls. Prisoners
are compulsorily or voluntarily grouped according to their
age, gender, common profile, and interests. A progressive
prison environment is enriched by the introduction of
second and third places, typical for healthy communities
(Kosanovi et al., 2015), and by their diversification,
especially of third places.
There is a whole range of outdoor or indoor, single or group
activities that help an individual in the prison to rehabilitate,
(re)socialize and prepare for the (re)integration into external
conditions. These include: therapies, work, education,
vocational trainings, sports and leisure, religious practice,
hobbies and arts, even shopping. Zoning of these activities
should include their physical determination to the point of
separation, just as this is the case in the outside world.

Various indoor and outdoor common spaces enable


prisoners to satisfy their normal life requirements and
to (re)develop social skills at the same time. The existence
of in-prison indoor or outdoor public activities and related
spaces, such as that of a training centre or a cultural point,
helps prisoners to establish tangible links with the external
community and institutions. Extending the programme
beyond the physical boundary of a prison facility, such as
the purpose of going to work, is even more beneficial. Welldeveloped spatial communications and mobility assist in
connecting the aforementioned activities physically.

spatium 29

Fikfak A. et al.: The contemporary model of prison architecture: spatial response to the re-socialization programme

INDICATORS OF THE SPATIAL RESPONSE TO RESOCIALIZATION


The aforementioned characteristics of prison architecture
and design allow for the establishment of indicators based
on which the type and scope of the spatial response to the
re-socialization programme may be analysed. Below, 30
indicators are grouped into five categories corresponding to
the main attributes of prison architecture and design (Table
1).
Table 1. List of indicators of the spatial response to re-socialization
Category
LOCATION

SPATIAL
CONCEPT AND
DESIGN

APPEARANCE OF
THE PRISON AS
A WHOLE
ACCOMODATION
CELLS AND
BLOCKS

CONTENT AND
FUNCTIONALITY

Indicator
1. Prison isolation/integration with the existing
built environment
2. Characteristics of the immediate
surroundings

3. Prison size/capacity
4. Layout characteristics
5. Form characteristics
6. Daylight quality
7. Characteristics of building materials
8. Application of colour and artwork
9. Correlation between surrounding and prison
space
10. Correlation between outdoor vegetation and
prison interior
11. Available size of outdoor areas
12. Materialisation of outdoor areas
13. Characteristics of urban furniture
14. Analogy to motifs typical of the outside
world
15. Existence of bars
16. Existence, appearance and visibility of the
wall
17. Design aesthetics
18. Relationship with the immediate built
environment
19. Impression about the prison from the inside
20. Number of persons per cell
21. Standard cell size
22. Cell design, materialization, equipment, and
daylight
23. Number of cells/inmates per block

24. Adjustment to age, gender, and security level


25. Analogy with day-to-day life outside the
walls
26. Programme diversity
27. Characteristics of spaces for common
activities
28. Establishment of links with external
institutions
29. Inclusion of the public
30. Development of spatial communications and
mobility

COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF CONTEMPORARY PRISONS


Four contemporary examples of European prisons
were selected to demonstrate the application of the
established indicators in determining the spatial response
to re-socialization; the comparison enables the study of
similarities and differences in the response characteristics
(Table 2). The selection is based on the availability of
information, geographical settings (all examples are from
the countries with low recidivism rates), and positive
30 spatium

professional opinions and reviews. These examples are the


following:
- Leoben Justice and Detention Centre in Austria by Josef
Hohensinn of Hohensinn Architektur, completed in 2004
(Lewis, 2009),
- Halden Prison in Norway by Erik Mller Architects and
HLM Architects, opened in 2010 (Adams, 2010; Fassino,
2012; Vinnitskaya, 2011),
- East Jutland State Prison in Denmark by Friis & Moltke A/S,
completed in 2006 (Brun, 2013; Friis & Moltke), and
- New Lenzburg Central Prison in Switzerland by
Bollhalder&Eberle Architektur, completed in 2011 (Serafin,
2011; Bollhalder & Eberle Architektur).
DISCUSSION

Four cases of contemporary prisons were analysed and


compared to determine the similarities and differences in
the spatial response to the re-socialization programme.

There is no universal recommendation for location


selection; the comparative analysis of new examples
of prison architecture confirms that both isolated and
integrated locations have their advantages. Moreover, there
is a conjunction between location and some other design
issues, such as the overall concept, the transferred outsideworld motif, or the tendency to draw near or dissociate the
external and prison space.
The spatial concept and design of contemporary prison
clearly differ from the past models which primarily reflected
punishment, security and surveillance; modern technologies
and new psychological and social views brought greater
freedom in design. However, the prevailing rectangular,
atrium, and branched layouts were noticed. The mainly
compact form of separate structures and their envelopes
reflects contemporary architectural trends in general, and,
most likely, represents the response to the local natural
settings. The structures built on orthogonal plan are often
grouped in a way to form atria with courtyards. The applied
method is very efficient to optimize daylight level increment,
as well as for bringing the surrounding landscape inside the
prison.
The dynamic form and diversification of volumes mimic
the vivid built environment and create analogy with active
lifestyle; on the contrary, compact forms and concentration
of spaces in a single structure resemble rigidity and
strictness.

Construction materials applied in the studied examples vary


from traditional, local, and natural ones to more modern
and universal ones. The glass is used variably, from a modest
to a greater extent (Figure 1).
The colour in contemporary prison architecture is applied
in a meaningful way and carefully. Artwork is applied to the
point of becoming a basic requirement in the contemporary
prison design.

The size of prison exterior is adjusted to the overall design


concept, varying from the countryside settlement-like
concept with abundant outdoor areas, to the imitation
of an urban residential block with a compressed open

Fikfak A. et al.: The contemporary model of prison architecture: spatial response to the re-socialization programme
Table 2. Comparative analysis of the re-socialization potential of four European prisons

1
2
3
4
5
6

7
8

9
10

11

LEOBEN

Location in the city suburbs

HALDEN

Isolated, remote location

The prison is surrounded by


urban tissue from three sides; the
southern part is in proximity of
motorway and woodland

The prison is surrounded by


woodland

Rectangular and atrium layout

Branched and atrium layout

205 inmates

Jagged composition of compact


forms and open space partitions

252 inmates

Main longitudinal structure joined


with four branches

EAST JUTLAND

Rather isolated, remote location


outside the city
The prison is surrounded by
agricultural land and farms
228 inmates

Branched and atrium layout


Multiplied sections of jagged
atrium-like structures

Abundant daylight in the interior

Sufficient daylight in the interior

Sufficient daylight in the interior

Colourful interior spaces, wall


murals, woodwork, artistic objects

Coloured surfaces used to


demarcate space purposes, largescale photographs and graffiti

Neutral colour scheme, paintings


and an artistic hole in the wall in
the prison chapel

Drawing the vegetation into the


prison interior achieved by atrium
layout and tall trees

Drawing the vegetation into the


interior achieved partially, due to
the lack of tall trees

Materials: concrete, wood and glass

Materials: wood and brick

Drawing the surroundings near


prison space achieved by its
position on the hill

Exterior space partially represents


an extension of the surrounding
woodland

Modest size of outdoor space

Abundant outdoor space

Integration of the vegetation with


and the interior achieved partially,
due to the lack of tall trees

Material: native brick

Exterior space designed as a


continuation of the cultivated
landscape

Abundant outdoor space

Outdoor materialisation: paved and


green ground areas and vegetated
roof

Outdoor materialisation: large


grassland areas, gravel, middle and
tall vegetation

Outdoor materialisation: mostly


grassland, paving, water body

14

Resemblance to a dense urban


residential area

Resemblance to motifs of a town,


a natural forest and a cultivated
garden

Resemblance to motifs of a
settlement, a square, a garden lake

16

Discreet concrete wall appearance


from the outside; inner spaces
seems pressed by the wall

Concrete wall appearance softened


both from the inside and the
outside with landscape features

Concrete wall appearance softened


with its organic form, both from
the outside and the inside

Court building dominates in the


surroundings, while the prison is
hidden behind and partially set
below grade

Design with non-obtrusive


emphases, in compliance with
Norwegian building tradition

12
13

15

17
18
19

20

21
22
23

Urban furniture: cast concrete


benches

Barred windows

Contemporary design, light and


open

Dynamic appearance from the


inside
Mostly single cells

Standard cell size: N/A

Cells with a sanitary unit, white


walls, contemporary simple
wooden furniture, refrigerator, TV;
sufficient to abundant daylight
10 inmates per block

Urban furniture: benches,


overhangs, trash cans

Windows without bars

Simple and deliberated design

Synergy with the cultivated nature


from the inside
Mostly single cells

Standard cell size: 10 m2

Cells with a sanitary unit, white


walls, contemporary simple
wooden furniture; sufficient
daylight
Up to 12 inmates per block

NEW LENZBURG

Location within the city


boundaries

The prison is surrounded by


agricultural land
107 inmates

Rectangular layout

Compact, monolithic,
longitudinal, all-in-one
structure
Scarce daylight in the
interior

Materials: concrete and


local slate

Modest use of colours and


wall artwork

Prison space is cut from its


surroundings

Drawing the vegetation into


the interior not achieved
Scarce outdoor space

Outdoor materialization:
space is sealed with
concrete, vegetation is
scarce

Urban furniture: benches and


tables

Urban furniture nonexistent

Windows without bars

Barred windows

Simple and restrained design

Design in compliance with typical


Danish architecture and settlement
pattern

Resemblance to motifs
typical of the outside world
not achieved

Concrete wall almost


invisible from the outside;
inner space seems pressed
by the wall
Simple and unobtrusive
design

From the outside, modest


visibility and unobtrusive
appearance achieved with
below-grade construction

Impression of monotony from the


inside, due to equal spacing and
uniform design

Rigidity and impression of


entrapment from inside

Standard cell size: 12.6 m2

Standard cell size: 12 m2

Single cells

Cells with a sanitary unit,


white walls, wooden furniture,
refrigerator, TV; moderate daylight
Up to 6 inmates per block

Mostly single cells

Cells with a sink, toilet, bed,


table, chair, cabinet; mostly
white walls, few coloured
surfaces; sparing daylight
3 or 10 inmates per block,
depending on age/gender

spatium 31

Fikfak A. et al.: The contemporary model of prison architecture: spatial response to the re-socialization programme

24
25

Adjustment to age, gender and


security level
Analogy with urban living

26

Programme includes: cooking and


dining, washing-up, socializing,
work, education, outdoor and
indoor recreation, meditation,
healthcare

27

Common spaces: kitchens, dining


rooms, balconies, laundry rooms,
areas for random meetings and
socialising, sports hall, fitness
facilities, outdoor sports fields,
library, classroom, meditation
space

28
29
30

Work provided outside the facility;


various external institutions
operate in prison
Public included in acceptance and
work programmes
Division of outdoor space
into smaller segments limits
communications/movement

Adjustment to security level

Adjustment to security level

Programme includes: cooking


and dining, washing-up, cleaning,
socialising, work, education,
religious activities, shopping,
leisure-time activities and hobbies,
sports and recreation, nature
walks, private visits, healthcare

Programme includes: cooking


and dining, washing-up, cleaning,
gardening, work, education,
religious activities, sports and
recreation, shopping, leisure-time
activities, healthcare

Analogy with contemporary living


in the village

Analogy with living in the


countryside

Common spaces: kitchens,


dining and living room areas,
laundry rooms, multi-purpose
gym, workshops, indoor area for
religious purpose, cultural centre,
guest house and visit rooms,
classrooms, shop, library, designed
walking paths, outdoor yards

Common spaces: kitchens, dining


rooms, laundry rooms, table
tennis and billiards rooms, various
workshops, classrooms, computer
rooms, small gyms and large
central gym, church, prayer room,
library, supermarket, music room,
visiting area, outdoor yards

Inclusion of the public: N/A

Inclusion of the public: N/A

Links with external institutions:


N/A

The established main footpath


connects buildings, inmates and
landscape

Links with external institutions:


N/A
Inmates move within one of
the two large fenced areas
demarcating the security level

Adjustment to age, gender


and security level

Analogy with basic living,


without spatial association
Programme includes:
cooking and dining,
washing-up, work,
education, sports,
healthcare

Common areas: kitchen,


dining room, laundry room,
games room, recreation
room, classrooms, outdoor
yard
Links with external
institutions: N/A

Inclusion of the public: N/A


Communications and
movement only inside the
building

Figure 1. The interior of the entrance building in Leoben prison


( paul ott photografiert)

Figure 2. Leoben prison faade and designed courtyard


( paul ott photografiert)

space (Figure 2). Larger exterior areas enhance spatial


communications and mobility, and contribute to more
successful mirroring of the outside life. Observed from
the inside, the size of the available outdoor space directly
impacts the perception of the whole complex. The ratio
between green and paved areas varies; similarly to the
overall size, it is compatible with the general concept. Simple
and modern urban furniture most often includes benches
made of wood or concrete.

The bars placed over glazed surfaces are the best indication
of the contemporary prison architectures tendency to steer
away from the traditional meaning; out of four analysed
cases, two were free of bars. On the other hand, the concrete
wall is still present in all cases. Its appearance, however, is
shaped with attention; by carefully levelling and softening
the lines, it now seems less blatant. It is expected that the
future improvement in the wall appearance will be achieved
by its greening.

32 spatium

Fikfak A. et al.: The contemporary model of prison architecture: spatial response to the re-socialization programme

Appearance of the prison as a whole is treated as a sensitive


issue. New architecture tends to be discreet, simple, less
visible, unobtrusive, and aesthetically pleasing. Integration
with the surroundings is achieved by application of local
materials and patterns interpreted in a contemporary way.

Accommodation cells and blocks remain the basic part


of the prison complex. The series of single-cell purpose
transformations throughout history (from the application of
corrective measures, improvement of hygienic conditions,
isolation for punishment or achievement of better control
over the prisoners, separation for prisoners rehabilitation,
etc.) finally resulted in its establishment as a contemporary
response to the necessity for privacy while resting, sleeping,
thinking, learning, or maintaining hygiene.

The average size of a cell in the studied examples is 12.6 m2,


meaning that the comfort level is often above the prescribed
minimum. Cell design, materialization, and furniture are
simple and minimalist. Daylight level and the corresponding
window size vary from one case to another. The smaller
number of cells (inmates) per block enables the formation
of a neighbourhood-like atmosphere and stimulates the
socialization within an optimally-sized group.
Content and functionality of contemporary prisons are,
according to the analysed examples, adjusted to the age,
gender, and/or security level. Analogies with day-to-day
outside life in a specific spatial context are present in three
of the reviewed examples. The spatial scheme follows the
programme which ranges from a basic one to a socially
opulent one. All the basic activities carried out under
regular circumstances, such as cooking, work, education,
or shopping, are translated to the prison environment. The
tendency is to create as many common places as possible,
in order to enhance the interaction and socialisation. In one
of the four studied cases, work activities extend beyond the
prison physical boundary; at the same time, certain public
activities are carried out within the prison physical space
(Figure 3).

by the common society. Based on the considerations as to


the meaning and purpose of the contemporary prison, the
key qualitative elements of architecture and design that
impact the re-socialization of inmates are identified. These
are: Location; Spatial concept and design; Appearance of
the prison as a whole; Accommodation cells and blocks; and
Content and functionality.
The study has shown that the socially functional environment
of a prison may be achieved by applying various design
approaches. In this regard, the establishment of a common
format of new prison architecture seems unnecessary;
instead, the model of contemporary prison architecture may
actually be interpreted, inter alia, as the spatial response to
the ultimate requirement for re-socialization. Architecture
responds to the space-time context in which it is set, and
prison architecture is no exception.

Prisons built in the 20th century, or earlier, open a new


research topic on harmonization with present-day
requirements. On this point, the set of indicators, established
in order to analyse the response of contemporary cases, may
be used to determine the potential for re-socialization of
older existing facilities, with the aim of future improvement.
Finally, these same indicators may also be used as guidelines
in new prison planning and design.
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Figure 3. The Court of the Leoben Justice and Detention Centre


( paul ott photografiert)

CONCLUSION
Contemporary prison architecture is a multi-layered
and multi-scalar contributor to the prisoners positive
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dk/siteFM/projectdetail.asp?x=&langcurr=2.1.1&detail=1834,
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No. 026, pp. 24. Kanton Aargau, Departement Finanzen und
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Ressourcen,
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Received March 2015; accepted in revised form November 2015.

34 spatium

SPATIUM
No. 34, December 2015, pp. 35-45

UDC 711.42
316.334.56:502.131.1
Review paper
DOI: 10.2298/SPAT1534035I

KNOWLEDGE-BASED INNOVATION AND THE CITY:


THE CASE OF BELGRADE
Jelena Ivanovi Vojvodi, John Naisbitt University, Faculty of Arts and Design, Belgrade, Serbia
Aleksandra Stupar1, University of Belgrade, Faculty of Architecture, Belgrade, Serbia
The critical role of research in overall progress generates a pressing need to study the relationship between a city
and knowledge-based innovation. A number of socio-economic and political processes influence the development of
contemporary cities by defining the beneficial balance between financial ambitions, environmental awareness and
sustainability. Consequently, the role of innovation and knowledge has been emphasized as one of the crucial generators
of urban success. The most recent initiatives originating from universities and research establishments stimulate
the emergence of new spatial formations and digital upgrading, thus setting up a fertile environment for intellectual
exchange and the production and diffusion of knowledge and innovations. This article questions the historical, social
and technological implications of research on urban space. The focus is set on the case of Belgrade and the newly
proposed project of a university campus with its evaluation based on the latest concepts related to the economy of
knowledge. This new type of knowledge-based innovation node is intended to serve as a driver of Belgrades inclusion
into the global network of innovative cities. However, this initiative is still in the domain of paper-architecture due to
financial limitations and a change in development priorities by the new government.
Key words: city, knowledge, innovation, urban transformations, competitiveness.
Ipsa scientia potestas est.
Francis Bacon
INTRODUCTION
Contemporary society has recognized the importance of
a knowledge-based economy, innovation, research and
the interdisciplinary approach that guides the current
development of the cities (Scott, 1990; Porter, 1990; Hall,
1998; Simmie, 2001; Komninos 2002, 2008, 2014; Juceviius
and Liugailait-Radzvickien 2014). Since the largest share
of the overall higher value of communities comes from
the improvement of productivity and innovation, it is not
surprising that the global interconnectivity of universities,
scientific hubs and global finance and production flows has
been stimulated through numerous programs of exchange
and cooperation, thus generating solutions for evolving
urban problems (OECD, 1996; Sassen, 1991). The global
rankings of cities usually focus on the presence of research
and development (R&D) as the main competitive advantages
- alongside the economy, cultural interaction, liveability,
environment and accessibility (e.g. Global Power City Index
2014 - Mori Memorial Foundation, 2014). Consequently,
1

Bulevar kralja Aleksandra 73/2, 11000 Belgrade, Serbia


stupar@afrodita.rcub.bg.ac.rs

urban nodes around the world tend to create a platform


for sustainable development, which links science, art and
cultural industries, resulting in the stimulation of innovation
as a factor leading to urban enhancement.
In this regard, the present article focuses on urban spaces
dedicated to research and university education (R&D areas)
and discusses the latest trends observed on two levels
general and local. The former is based on contemporary
multidisciplinary literature research and provides a review
of current efforts in describing the relationship between
cities and innovation, mainly through an emphasis of the role
of universities and other knowledge-driven innovative nodes
on general urban development and spatial transformations.
The review of relevant theories and concepts of the cities,
innovative processes and their inherited, modified and
emerging spaces is presented through the retrospection
of the spatial and socio-economic implications of this
phenomenon. At the local level, the case of Belgrade and
the related project for the Centre for Promotion of Science
(designed by Wolfgang Tschapeller in 2010) is discussed
for its particular historical, socio-economic and symbolic
background, as well as the originality of the proposed
spatium 35

Ivanovi Vojvodi J., Stupar A.: Knowledge-based innovation and the city: the case of Belgrade

solution, which suggested a completely new spatial concept


and typology for the R&D node model. The related section
of this contribution is structured around three main issues
- the general context and motives of the initiative; the
historical (dis)continuity of idea(s), and the innovativeness
of the proposed solution with its anticipated effects.
CITIES OF/FOR KNOWLEDGE AND INNOVATION

Science, innovation and technology, due to their vital


role in contemporary society have become the main
ingredients of development strategies on the local and
global levels (Komninos, 2002). Simultaneously, the
rankings of innovative districts, cities and regions have
become an effective tool to anticipate urban progress, while
the relationship between cities and innovation has been
elaborated and reinforced by numerous initiatives based
on new environmental concepts with digital, intelligent
and innovative premises (Komninos, 2014). They all
influence general technological advancement, ecological
quality, economy, competitiveness, functional and economic
diversification, resulting in increased employment and
decreased poverty (Stupar, 2012).

Schumpeter (1943) identified innovation as the critical


dimension of economic change and growth. This
relationship is further observed in contemporary cities as
the development of innovation results in the creation of
new products, services, processes and business models,
contributing to urban development and improvement of
its competitiveness. Therefore, the label of innovativeness
represents the preferred element of the urban image
applicable to several spheres of urban existence - from
social phenomena, spatial typologies, strategies, formal
and informal processes, flows and activities, to the latest
technologies and their integration into urban space and
urban life. At the same time, the types of urban innovation
are defined by different processes, which trigger a higher
level of creativity within cities (Hall, 2004).
Urban space(s) may be observed as the unique mixture of
human resources and technology, embedded in the centre(s)
of knowledge and innovation, from localised systems of
innovation (e.g. clusters, industrial districts, and innovative
agglomerations), larger regional systems of innovation
and learning regions, to intelligent districts, cities and
regions (Komninos, 2002). For example, the concept of
the intelligent/digital city underlines the importance of
intelligence, creation of productive knowledge, intelligent
decisions and supporting infrastructure (Juceviius and
Liugailait-Radzvickien, 2014). The very concept of a smart
city is based on the intensive application of Information
and Communications Technology infrastructure (ICT), but
additionally considers the significance of environmental
issues, as well as the role of human, social and relational
capital in urban growth (Lombardi et al., 2009).
It can be concluded that the notion of innovation has
acquired a new meaning, which comprises knowledge,
management tools, telematics for learning and virtual
spaces for interaction and experimentation (Komninos,
2002, 2008). Therefore, this trend has generated new
three-layered intelligent environments for innovation:
36 spatium

(1) physical space and human resources (observed on the


level of agglomerations, or as clusters and companies); (2)
institutional mechanisms and policy instruments related to
the process of innovation; and (3) the layer of virtual spaces
and tools supporting collaboration and user participation
(Komninos, 2008). These changes, caused by the flows
of the post-industrial era, are believed to influence shifts
at many levels, including urban planning (Stupar, 2008).
Consequently, the traditional theoretical framework, which
usually focuses on the physical aspect of the cities, needs
to be modified and redirected toward the social, economic
and innovative aspects of urban life, in order to provide an
adequate setting for emerging needs - in both the material
and digital realms.
Creating the setting

The first nodes of innovation and knowledge exchange are


easily observed in the public spaces of ancient cities (Figure
1). Agora ( - square, public place) represents both the
main square and the religious centre of the ancient Greek city.
It was an urban element that was guided in its form by the
development of democracy, in addition to those numerous
functions. Generally, it represents an important gathering
place for discussion and exchange of ideas (Mamford, 2006;
Gallion and Eisner, 1963). The same model and role are seen
in the Roman forum, which merged secular and religious
spheres of urban life. Ancient Greece was also the birthplace
of Platos academy, often considered the first university
in Europe. It had its space for lectures and discussions,
dormitories for students, a library and gymnasium, thus
representing the forerunner of university campuses. Placed
outside of the Athens city walls, it was connected with the
city centre and agora by road.
During the period of Hellenism, the most important
educational facilities were found in Alexandria - the
Institution of the Muses and the Great Library, which were
centres of knowledge exchange and research (Bowen,
1972). The educational complex in which they were located
was placed within the city, in close proximity to the royal
residence.

Higher education in Byzantium continued the ancient


tradition, while the medieval period in other parts of
Europe was marked by the role of monastery clusters, which
supported the links between philosophy and theology.
However, the cities in North Italy represented an exception
to this practice. Bologna and other urban nodes followed
the model of the University in Constantinople, emphasising
the secular dimension of education (faculties of philosophy
and law) and its importance for civic life. In the second half
of the 13th century, the first colleges sponsored by patrons
were founded. Representing a city within the city, they
provided education and lodging for students (e.g. in Paris,
by Robert de Sorbon in 1258). The first college outside
the city was established at Oxford, influencing medieval
planning and defining the image and identity of the urban
setting (Mamford, 2006).
The Age of Enlightenment (1620 1780) brought the
establishment of first academies within the state hierarchy.
The Anglo-Saxon model considered a concentration of
knowledge in city centres, while university campuses

Ivanovi Vojvodi J., Stupar A.: Knowledge-based innovation and the city: the case of Belgrade

became autonomous urban entities. A good example of


this practice is Boston, a city which houses its numerous
campuses in the city centre.

Contemporary cities as generators of major social,


technological and economic changes (Sassen, 2012)
have recognized the importance of knowledge in their
development at all scales. The relationship between
cities and universities has been analysed with respect to
the context of urban competitiveness, the governance of
economic development in the knowledge economy and
regional innovation systems (Benneworth and Hospers,
2010; Moulaert, 2001; Uyarra, 2010). It has become obvious
that spaces of innovation and education nowadays represent
strategic places of both urban space and urban society
(Figure 1 and 2).

Due to the multiplying roles of universities and research


nodes, as well as their growing spatial independence based
on the application of the latest ICT tools and networks, their
relationship with cities has become challenging. Andersson
(2012) defines several problems that are expected to
influence the future positioning, (re)structuring and
modelling of these areas in our cities:



synchronisation and interlinking of R&D at the level of


a city;
defining of R&D areas and their potentials;
evaluation and sustainability of R&D concepts;
defining a spatial and planning framework for
innovative cities.

Figure 1. City vs. spaces of innovation and knowledge - a comparative analysis.


(Source: authors)

spatium 37

Ivanovi Vojvodi J., Stupar A.: Knowledge-based innovation and the city: the case of Belgrade

Figure 2. Timeline of the history of education from the ancient agora to the modern science city.
(Source: authors)

38 spatium

Ivanovi Vojvodi J., Stupar A.: Knowledge-based innovation and the city: the case of Belgrade

Generating knowledge-based innovation and


modification of urban space
Nowadays, the current role of cities as centres of innovation,
economic growth and social transformations support a
proactive approach to sustainability (Stupar and uki,
2007). This trend further demands an improvement of
infrastructural systems, modification of previous spatial
and functional structures, changes in planning procedures
and enhancement of urban management in order to support
further research activities (Hger and Christiaanse, 2007).

of intellectual capital (Etzkowitz, 2008; Caragliu et al., 2011;


Leydesdorff and Deakin, 2011 etc.).

The innovative cities have become major nodes of economy,


culture and science. The relationship between cities and
innovation activities may be dependent on several factors:





location (and its ability to attract people of various


educational and interest profiles);
accessibility and connectivity (to other urban nodes
and within city);
cultural, creative, artistic and scientific potentials;
spatial possibilities for the development of clusters,
centres of knowledge and science parks;
highly qualified employees; and
development of entrepreneurial activities and
enterprises - from the level of conceptual models to
multidisciplinary upgrading of urban economy, urban
geography, urban management and urban promotion
(Van Winden et al., 2014).

Nowadays, innovation nodes function in different


organisational and spatial formations - from productive
clusters, technology districts, central-city area of services
and technology parks, to university incubator campuses.
The role of universities, as specific innovative nodes with
a long tradition of knowledge dissemination, is especially
important for both urban competitiveness and the general
growth of society (Reichert, 2007). Etzkowitz (2003)
underlines three basic missions of universities, which
have gradually developed through history - the traditional
mission of academic teaching, introduction of research
(generated in the Humboltian model) and the latest
mission - socio-economic development, best described
by the model of triple helix interactions, dominant in the
modern Knowledge society (Etzkowitz, 1993; Etzkowitz
and Leydesdorff, 1995). This model explains the emerging
triadic relationship between industry, government and
universities, which enables the creation of new institutional
and social forms of production, transfer and application of
knowledge. The triple helix (TH) model, leads to the rise of the
so-called entrepreneurial university and also distinguishes
four types of spaces (knowledge spaces, consensus space,
innovation space and leadership space) which support an
increasing proactive role for the three main factors (industry,
government and universities) in regional innovation
systems (Figure 3). Consequently, Lazzeroni and Piccaluga
(2003) define the entrepreneurial university as knowledge
factory, human capital factory, technology transfer factory
and territorial development factory, referring to its multiple
impacts on local development. The importance of the TH
model was also analysed as an element of the smart-city
concept (Lombardi et al., 2012) and an important ingredient

Figure 3. A regional innovation system


as local network between global innovators.
(Source: after Cooke & Piccaluga (2004) in Benneworth & Hospers (2007))

Obviously, universities could be defined as public spaces


for interpretation in the global knowledge-based economy
(Lester and Piore, 2004), thus generating a strong
integrative and innovative potential while connecting
research and education with management, engineering
and policy-making (Goddard et al., 2007). Therefore, in
spite of the different regulations and funding mechanisms
applied by national governments, universities act as central
organizations of any innovation system (Borras and Edquist,
2014).

The TH interactions also influence the redefinition of


existing and the creation of new urban spaces and networks
which stimulate the relationship between universities,
cities and the economy. For example, some authors (e.g. Van
Winden et al., 2014) identify five key elements which should
be considered in this process:




universities represent nodes of knowledge which


could attract important investors and further increase
employment of graduates;
cities provide various spaces which could be used for
university activities and/or for mutual investments
beneficial for both sides;
the relationship between city and university could
improve the city image, adding the elements of
innovativeness and knowledge to urban identity and
raising its attractiveness;
cities represent a positive environment for the
incubation and establishment of start-up firms;
specialized places of knowledge could be an excellent
setting for specific fields of university education or
research units.

Based on the classification made by Den Heijer (2012), which


emphasizes the functional aspect of university areas, it is
possible to distinguish three types of complexes - university
(as an academic community); campus - as an entity which
includes a residential function (residential community);
and corporate/scientific complex (the business and science
community). The complementary activities within each type
may vary (from socio-cultural to business facilities), as well
spatium 39

Ivanovi Vojvodi J., Stupar A.: Knowledge-based innovation and the city: the case of Belgrade

as be based on their spatial characteristics (i.e. the general


position of the complex in the urban area, the morphology
of spaces, capacity, etc.).
UPGRADING THE CITY: THE CASE OF BELGRADE

The data related to the share of GDP spent for innovation


reveals significant variation between the EU (below 2%),
the US (2.6%) and Japan (3.4 %). Therefore, one of the main
aims of Europe 2020: A Strategy for smart, sustainable
and inclusive growth (European Commission, 2010) is
to increase the investments in research and development.
In general, Europe may be observed as less competitive in
terms of the percentage of its population with a university
degree, the ranking of its universities and the development
of a digital society to support the innovation process and
dissemination of knowledge. Serbias extremely low share
of GDP directed to research (0.3%) makes the country even
less competitive than the rest of Europe. According to the
Human Development Report (United Nations Development
Programme, 2013) Serbia occupies the 64th place (medium
human development). The list of global cities created by the
Globalisation and World Cities Research Network - GaWC
(2012) classifies Belgrade as a Beta-minus city, while the
2thinknow Innovation Cities Index 2014 (2014) ranks
Belgrade as the 104th on the list (category 2 HUB), which
is well below other major Western European cities (for
example, Vienna is ranked as 6th and Amsterdam as 8th).
However, it is still ahead of some cities in the Balkans (for
example, Ljubljana - 199th place and Zagreb on 233rd place).
Cities with the highest rank are San Francisco-San Jose, New
York and London.
Considering these figures, it becomes obvious that the
Republic of Serbia needs an elaborated, well-organized
and high-quality development of the education system
as one of pre-conditions for the overall improvement of
society, based on knowledge, its diffusion and application.
The Strategy of Scientific and Technological Development
of Serbia (Strategija naunog i tehnolokog razvoja
Republike Srbije za period od 2010. do 2015. godine, 2012)
emphasizes the importance of higher education based on
research, suggesting the concept of the entrepreneurial
university which enables the growth of a knowledge-based
economy. The Strategy also supports the establishment
of business incubators at universities in order to achieve
commercialization of ideas and innovations. One of the
aims is to set up networks between centres of excellence
(research, education and economy) which would attract
foreign partners.

Following these guidelines, the Republic of Serbia and the


Ministry of Science and Education have been implementing
several projects oriented toward the development of
the scientific/research infrastructure. Supported by
the European Investment Bank, the Council of Europe
Development Bank (CEB) and the EU, these projects
include two major investments in Belgrade - the Centre for
the Promotion of Science at Block 39 and the Science and
Technology Park Zvezdara. Additionally, a number of similar
projects exist in Belgrade and Serbia that target different
areas and issues related to scientific development. Those
that have proved the most prosperous are: the adaptation
40 spatium

of the UNESCO research centre IRTCUD, the housing


projects for young scientists (Block 32 in New Belgrade, Ni,
Kragujevac) and the establishment of the improvement of
conditions in research and university facilities in Petnica,
Ni, Novi Sad, Svilajnac and Kragujevac (JUP, 2011).
The origins and development

The development of university education in Serbia began


in 1838, when the first school of higher education (
) was founded in Kragujevac and
later moved to Belgrade in 1841 (Kingdom of Serbia).
In 1863, the school was transformed into Velika kola,
which represents the actual beginning of the University of
Belgrade. Its three departments the Faculty of Philosophy,
the Faculty of Law and the Technical faculty were relocated
to a new building (Kapetan Miino zdanje). The building
of the Technical faculty was completed in 1931 (architect
Nikola Nestorovi), following the style of academism. The
Faculty of Law was designed in the modernist fashion and
completed in 1940 (by architect Petar Bajalovi). In close
proximity to the University site lay a new student residence
which was erected in the style of post-academism (architect
Georgij Pavlovi Kovaljevski, 1926).
After the Second World War, the improvement of education
became one of the most important aims endorsed by the
new ideological framework of the Socialist Federal Republic
of Yugoslavia. The main idea was to provide an easily
accessible and free education system, which would reflect
the proclaimed values of a new progressive society, based on
general openness and equality. Consequently, a number of
new university and research institutions were established,
demanding additional space and new equipment that could
accommodate new trends in science and education. The
area of New Belgrade was frequently perceived as a perfect
site for these interventions. For example, the Faculty of
Electrical Engineering, founded in 1951, was situated in the
historical part of Belgrade, in the existing building of the
Technical faculty, but additional spatial needs were obvious
from the very beginning. Competition for a new building was
launched in 1961 and the winning proposals were presented
to the public. However, this new project never came to
life (Mecanov, 2009). The faculties of arts (represented by
four academies) were facing the same problem. Therefore,
another competition for the design of their campus
was announced (1964) reflecting the trends of spatial
organization of university areas in the US and Europe. The
new site was selected in the area of New Belgrade (Block 39)
and the winning entry was designed by architects Boidar
Jankovi and Aleksandar Stjepanovi. The completion of
the construction process was anticipated for 1985, but
the Academy for theatre, film, radio and television was the
only completed building (Mecanov, 2009). Meanwhile, two
important university complexes were constructed in the
historical part of Belgrade. The first one in the vicinity of
the Main University Building and University park (near
Student Square) included the Faculty of Biology, Geography,
Mathematics, Physical Chemistry, Physics, Chemistry and
the two science institutes (architects: Aleksandar Sekuli
and ore Stefanovi, 1954). The second one included
the Faculties of Mechanical Engineering and Technology,
inserted into the existing block of the Technical faculties

Ivanovi Vojvodi J., Stupar A.: Knowledge-based innovation and the city: the case of Belgrade

(Grigorij Samojlov, Mihajlo Radovanovi, 1953-1962). Their


architecture follows the modernist approach, dominant
in that period. Interesting enough, during the 1960s an
increased demand for educational facilities influenced the
appearance of smaller architectural offices, specialized in
various types of buildings (ilainovi Mari, 2011), while
the main financial input came from the Republic of Serbia
and economic organizations that also participated in the
process of urban renewal.

mixed-use development of the surrounding supports the


commercialization of innovation.

Today, the areas dedicated to university education and


research activities are scattered across the city - both in its
historical part and New Belgrade (Figure 4). There are three
main areas:

around the Main Building of the University of Belgrade


(includes the Faculties of Philosophy, Philology,
Mathematics and Natural Sciences, as well as the
Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts);
in the vicinity of the Residence of Duchess Ljubica as
the original nucleus of university education, consisting
of the buildings of the University of Arts, its Rectorate
and the Faculties of Arts and Applied Arts;
the complex of the Technical faculties (the main building
incorporating the Faculties of Architecture, Civil and
Electrical Engineering, the buildings of the Faculty
of Law, Mechanical Engineering and Technology, the
University Library and the Student residence).

Considering the classification of innovation districts


defined by Katz and Wagner (2014), which distinguishes
three main models of innovation districts (anchor plus
model, re-imagined urban areas and urbanized science
park), these areas contain the characteristics of the anchor
plus model. They are positioned downtown, while the

Simultaneously, there are two areas that are under extension


and construction:

Block 39 - the site which already includes the existing


building of the Faculty of Dramatic arts is planned for
the implementation of the Centre for the Promotion
of Science and Nano Centre projects (the extended
deadline is September 2017) (Figure 5). This complex
is anticipated as a variation of the anchor plus model,
with some elements of the urbanized science park, also
targeting better interconnectivity of the existing urban
tissue and the introduction of new activities;
Zvezdara Forest - the location of the existing institute
Mihajlo Pupin (established in 1946), is recognized at
the regional and global level as a node of research and
development in the field of high technologies. The area
of this innovation district, which could be described
as an urbanized science park, also includes a new
Science and Technology Park Zvezdara (completed in
2014), planned as a new innovative hub and support
for small research and business incubators, focused
on the development of new technologies and their
implementation.

Although all these areas represent knowledge-based


innovation nodes comprising economic, physical and
networking assets, they have not yet achieved the full
potential of an innovation ecosystem/district, with the
functional synergy of these three elements (Katz and
Wagner, 2014).

Figure 4. Science and Arts Campus (Block 39, New Belgrade): the positioning in the context of existing nodes of knowledge - the main building of the
University of Belgrade and the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts in the historic centre of the city and the complex of the Technical faculties, Faculty of
Law, the University Library and the Student Residence. (Source: authors)

spatium 41

Ivanovi Vojvodi J., Stupar A.: Knowledge-based innovation and the city: the case of Belgrade

Triggering change
The area of New Belgrade has always been perceived as
a symbol of progress that was reflected in its modernist
framework and architecture. However, the initial concept
of the 1950 Master plan highlighted the development of the
Central zone (1960) which was never fully implemented
and later spatial and urban development plans almost
completely ignored the original vision (Blagojevi, 2007).
The physical and functional structure of Blok 39 anticipated
as a space for public activities has been re-evaluated through
several urban projects during the 1980s, which proposed
extensions of the building of the Academy of Dramatic
Arts, as well as the clustering of new educational facilities.
When it became clear that the original intentions would
not be totally implemented, the Ministry of Science decided
to revise previous projects and reconsider the addition of
new activities (2009), which were intended to contribute
to the development of a contemporary and fully functional
knowledge-based innovation district.

The overall need for further efforts in this area resulted in an


architectural competition for the Arts and Science Campus,
supported by the initiative EU HETIP.2 The Ministry initiated
a competition following the guidelines of the Strategy for the
scientific and technological development of the Republic of
Serbia until 2015, and both the Ministry and the European
Investment Bank promoted it. The competition organizers
were the Association of Architects of Belgrade and the
International Union of Architects and 232 international
entries from 47 countries were received.

The case of Belgrade, together with the project for a new


research hub, represents just one of numerous examples
around the world expressing the imperatives of scientific
excellence and reflecting the aspirations of the state.
The national Strategy for scientific and technological
development defines a favourable direction that is
compatible with the EU framework and clearly demonstrates
a willingness to support the economy of knowledge.
Consequently, the Centre for the Promotion of Science, as
the first phase of the project for the new scientific and arts
campus, could be interpreted in a number of ways - as a
symbol of new ideas embraced by the State, as a generator

of innovativeness and as a showpiece of innovative solutions


which will be incorporated in the building. However, the slow
implementation, which is a result of the current economic
crises and governmental shifts, reminds us that science,
education and innovativeness demand the sustainable and
solid support of the State. Therefore, it is necessary to reemphasize the benefits of research-oriented activities and
education, to stimulate the general mobility of knowledge
and academia, and to establish an efficient link with the
entrepreneurial sector. Such interaction could enable the
implementation of innovations, provide financial gain and
carve a path for the further development of science and
cities based on creative solutions and inventive proposals.
The outcome

The winning entry of the Austrian architect Wolfgang


Tschapeller implemented the principles of re-modernism,
since the author perceived New Belgrade as the city of our
time (Centar za promociju nauke Beograd and Drutvo
Arhitekata Beograda, 2011). It also represents an innovative
contribution to the general typology of university and
research spaces, having in mind that all buildings in this
proposal are designed to be elevated from the ground floor.
The jury described this project as a surprising and intelligent
reinterpretation of the principles of Modern architecture
linking previous history of New Belgrade and the potentials
of the future architecture. The project provides high
accessibility for all users, while movement and vistas are
continuous, allowing simultaneous and complex activities.
Parking spaces and services occupy the underground level,
while the ground level is dedicated to vegetation, pedestrian
movement and cycling.

The innovative typology of the proposed campus was


generated from a comparative analysis of several examples
(Campus Jussieu, Paris, 1959; Freie Universitt Berlin, 1967;
El Escorial, Madrid, 1563), which influenced the applied
grid - 20x48m for buildings and approximately 48x33m
for open spaces (Figures 6 and 7). The first phase of the
project includes the Centre for the Promotion of Science,
the Nano Centre and the Science Institute, while the second
phase represents the university campus. The architecture of
buildings corresponds with the geometry of the surrounding

Figure 5. Block 39 - the superposing of development concepts (2014) - The Faculty of Dramatic Arts (1974, existing), Art & Science Campus and the
projects for the Centre for the Promotion of Science and Nano Centre. (Source: authors)

42 spatium

Ivanovi Vojvodi J., Stupar A.: Knowledge-based innovation and the city: the case of Belgrade

Blocks 28 and 38, defining the identity of a contemporary


agora as a new public space for the innovation hub, its
neighbourhood and the city. Furthermore, the project
provides an elaborated setting for the necessary synergy
of economic, physical and networking assets, opening
possibilities for the implementation of five strategies
targeting collaborative networking, inclusive growth, talent
and technology as main innovation drivers and creating
better access to capital (Katz and Wagner, 2014). The
proposed building of the Centre for the Promotion of Science
could be interpreted as a display of innovativeness, too.
Incorporating energy efficiency principles, it uses renewable
energy resources (geothermal and solar power) providing
high levels of environmental protection. Therefore, it
represents an appropriate setting for innovative activities,
connecting roles which contemporary space should fulfil.
However, in spite of its numerous positive features, the
project has faced challenging situations, especially related
to the high technology of its construction, demanding
structural solutions and encountering financial limitations.

2
EU High Education Teaching Infrastructure Project (EU HETIP) is a
joint project of the Ministry of Education, Science and Technological
Development of the Republic of Serbia and the European Union for
whose implementation the EU has secured 30 million EUR from the
IPA financial instrument for Serbia (http//: www.hetip.rs, accessed 03rd
July 2011).

Changes to the original project were authorised in 2012 by


Tschapeller. Architect Dejan Miljkovi was commissioned to
design the building of the Nano Centre. The second phase of
the project is still on hold.
CONCLUSION

Throughout the millennia, the role of intellectual exchange,


innovative ideas and their diffusion has always been the
important driver for the progress of society. At the same
time, the processes of education and research have directly
and indirectly influenced the nature and fibre of cities,
establishing multileveled links with the urban environment
and its society. In general, the cities, with their natural
setting for creating and channelling innovation flows and
providing an experimental tissue for their implementation
and evaluation, have been perceived as an important hub
of knowledge that is vital for all humanity. Therefore, the
technological and spatial improvement of urban innovation
nodes and networks has always been considered to be an
important challenge for future development. Contemporary
cities have further incorporated the relationship with
innovations by stimulating the economical dimension of
the interaction. The typology of urban spaces has been
modified and some traditional models of education/
research/innovation sites have developed new features and

Figure 6. The winning entry of the international open competition for the Campus design by Wolfgang Tschapeller, Austria.
(Source: PIU)

Figure 7. The elements of the winning proposal and its innovative typology.
(Source: authors)

spatium 43

Ivanovi Vojvodi J., Stupar A.: Knowledge-based innovation and the city: the case of Belgrade

the latest technological support. Science and education


are now considered as inevitable and necessary drivers
of urban success and competitiveness, shifting the urban
planning routines, introducing new methodologies and
tools and providing a multitude of creative solutions for
contemporary setbacks.

Mori Memorial Foundation, Institute for Urban Strategies


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innovation-cities.com, accessed 14th July 2014.

Hall, P. (2004) Creative Cultural Knowledge Cities. Built


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innovation Systems: What makes them tick? London: Routledge.

Received December 2014; accepted in revised form September 2015.

spatium 45

SPATIUM
No. 34, December 2015, pp. 46-55

UDC 331.101.262:37
371:005.961
Review paper
DOI: 10.2298/SPAT1534046J

HUMAN CAPITAL AND ITS SPATIAL DISTRIBUTION


AS LIMITING FACTORS FOR
THE BALANCED DEVELOPMENT OF SERBIA
Vesna Joki1, Institute of Architecture and Urban & Spatial Planning of Serbia, Belgrade, Serbia
Omiljena Delebdi, Institute of Architecture and Urban & Spatial Planning of Serbia, Belgrade, Serbia
Ksenija Petovar, University professor retired, Belgrade, Serbia
Human capital is one of the key factors of economic and social development. Namely, the growth potential of a territory
is largely dependent on human capital that is, on citizens creative potential and especially on their education. Society
with a better endowment of human capital has a greater development potential.
The subject of this paper is Serbias human capital seen from the point of view of workforce education structure (20-64
age group). In this paper we present spatial distribution of workforce, i.e. the differences in workforce education levels
and polarization of Serbian territory in terms of human capital pool. The result is a typology of municipalities in Serbia
based on calculated values of average completed education level the EMN index. Mapping of the corresponding values
was done at the municipality level in order to get a clear distinction and a more accurate picture of spatial disparities
in human resources.
Key words: education structure, workforce, human capital, regional polarization in Serbia.

INTRODUCTION
Many scholars have considered human capital as one of
the key factors behind social and economic development
(Rodrguez and Vilalta-Bufi, 2005). Based on such
approach, the development potential of a territory, apart
from favourable demographic indicators (in a narrow
sense), largely depends on citizens creative potentials and
especially on their education. Namely, the achieved level of
citizens education is an indicator of the quality of available
human resources potentials as agents of future development.

Underconditions of globalization and innovations in


information and communication technologies, education
gains in importance. Today, in development plans of all
developed countries and international organizations
knowledge is considered as basis of prosperity, growth
and welfare, In other words, education and strengthening
of human resources are among the top priorities in
national strategies and social, economic and technological
development strategies. At the same time, the effects of
education are not felt only by individuals, but by society
as a whole, due to which education policy is not treated
1

Bulevar kralja Aleksandra 73/II, 11000 Belgrade, Serbia


vesna@iaus.ac.rs

46 spatium

just as a policy for creating human capital, but as a part of


development policy (Mitrovi and Mitrovi, 2015).

In relevant strategic documents on international, regional


and national levels, education is one of the main focal
points. In the Lisbon Strategy (The Lisbon European Council:
n Agenda of Economic and Social Renewal for Europe) the
European Union stated its view that Europes increased
competitiveness is founded on investment in a productive
knowledge-based society. Education is set as one of the
most important pillars for achieving the defined goals. In
the newest strategic document Europe 2020 A European
strategy for smart, sustainable and inclusive growth,
education and training development policies represent
foundations of the strategy (since knowledge and skills
are seen as main resources of progress and development,
out of seven initiatives three are directly concerned with
education, while education is related to the other four
initiatives, too, albeit indirectly).
The World Bank Institute (within Knowledge for
Development program) has defined a framework and
developed the Knowledge Assessment Methodology for
systematic knowledge assessment in accordance with the
knowledge-based economy. The framework consists of

Joki V. et al.: Human capital and its spatial distribution as limiting factors for the balanced development of Serbia

four pillars essential for a country to be able to participate


in knowledge-based society and economy. Education and
training represent the first pillar. This pillar is particularly
important since in order to be included in modern
developments, a country must have well-educated and
trained citizens which create, spread and use relevant
knowledge, strive for the increase in overall productivity
and for the acceleration of economic growth. Participation
of a large number of highly educated workers is necessary
for growth, but the importance of lower levels of education
must not be neglected (Chen and Dahlman, 2004).
In summary, todays globalizing economy requires countries
to nurture a stock of well-educated workers who are able
to adapt rapidly to the changing environment and the
evolving needs of the production system (WEF, 2014). In the
modern paths of development a systematic and continuous
implementation of the learning process and education
is becoming one of the main forms of human resources
development. There is a common agreement that highly
educated population represents the greatest and most
important potential and growth resource. Highly educated
workforce, or at least a workforce with a solid primary
level of education, is much better prepared to adapt to new
technologies, innovations and competitiveness at the global
level. Countries that predominantly have a primary level of
education are more likely to be constrained by low levels of
income and fewer opportunities for future development for
individuals (WEF, 2015).

In recent decades the relevant literature has shown that


regional disparities should be associated with differences
in the endowment of the socio-economic characteristics
of each region (Karahasan and Lpez-Bazo, 2013). The
educational attainment of the population is referred to as
the key factor of differences in regional economic growth.
In other words, human capital is considered as important
factor in explaining differences in economic development
among regions and is used to show economic convergence
across them (Lucas, 1988, Barro et al., 1991). The results of the
combined analysis of cross-regional, institutional, cultural
and human capital determinants of regional development
show that more than 1,500 subnational regions of the
world suggest that the regional education is a critical
determinant of regional development, and the only such
determinant which explains a significant part of regional
variation (Gennaioli et al., 2013:152). Namely, from a
regional perspective, human capital is considered to be the
key ingredient of regional growth. Therefore, the better
knowledge of the spatial distribution of human capital could
contribute to the better understanding of the origins of
regional socio-economic inequality.
The issues of regional disparities in Serbia have been the
subject of numerous analyses and documents. However,
education of population has never been observed as relevant
factor (cause) of such disparities. Also, the intensive research
on migration (internal and external) was not understood as
an important push factor of regional inequalities (Petrovi,
1987, Davidovi, 1989). In the last decade in Serbia, one can
observe the orientation toward society based on knowledge
(education) in many state and civil society organizations
programmes and strategies. However, the analyses have

shown the inadequacy of the majority of these documents


(Miri, 2014). Consequently, in this plethora of strategies
there is was no adequate strategy for the development of
human resources in Serbia, and their efficiency and effective
implementation also present a separate problem.

At the same time, Serbia is faced with formidable intraregional and inter-regional differences which encourage
migration flows migration of human capital, causing ever
greater demographic imbalance and multiplying/deepening
disparity in all development areas (economic, social,
educational, tec.). Under such circumstances the increasing
brain drain2 of young, highly educated people is especially
worrying since it contributes to a significant exhaustion
of human capital and deepening of problems concerning
economic, social, demographic and spatial development of
Serbia in general.
This paper presents human capital in Serbia with regard
to educational attainment of the working age population
(20-64 age group)3 and spatial inequalities in endowment
of educational workforce. With the systematization of
data on the educational structure of workforce at the
micro-municipal level, it is possible to make a typology of
municipalities according to human capital-educational
stock.
RESEARCH METHOD

When measuring education, it is important to make a


conceptual difference between education flows and stocks.
The flow refers to the process of education (formal and
informal), that is, to school education, which is basically a
production of human capital (usual indicators are student
enrolment rates, student-teacher ratio, the rate of early
dropping out of school, etc.). Human capital refers to the
stock of educated adult citizens that is formed as a result of
past education flows. Usually, it is measured with regard to
the level of formal education (the highest level completed
or average length/duration of schooling), but the dimension
of quality is also included (general knowledge, capabilities,
skills, etc.)4. The level of formal education is usually stated
for the population older than 15 or 25, showing an overall

2
The term brain drain was first popularised in the 1950s and referred
to immigration of the best scientists to the United States of America
from countries such as the United Kingdom, Canada and the former
Soviet Union. Today, it is used in a broader sense to refer to international
transfer of the human capital (people with higher education) from
developing to developed countries (Rapoport, 2002). Also, for decades,
brain drain has been at the heart of many debates about the impact
of this phenomenon on the country of origin and inequalities among
countries.
3
The statistical term working age population includes all persons
from the ages of 15 to 64 that are able to work (The Statistical Office of
the Republic Serbia, Methodological explanations applied in education
statistics). For the purpose of this paper it is more important to take
into account the population in the age group from 20 to 64, because
of the upper limit for the acquisition of secondary education, the
minimum level of education necessary for the inclusion into modern
development flows.
4
In the last several years models for measuring the quality of human
capital, including cognitive abilities, have been developed. At the
moment the data is quite limited (it is being gathered through a panel
of researches, diferent testing methods, studies that involve monitoring
students after graduation and inclusion in the job market, etc.)
(Hanushek, 2015).

spatium 47

Joki V. et al.: Human capital and its spatial distribution as limiting factors for the balanced development of Serbia

human capital of a population in a given moment. However,


we can get much more accurate information when we
disaggregated this indicator by education levels across
different age groups. In that way, we can observe differences
in human capital stock between age groups which without
doubt significantly affect society and economy.
In this paper the analysis is focused exclusively on the
educational attainment of the working age population
(20-64 age group) in Serbia as a measurement of human
capital stock. The focus is on the spatial dimension, that is,
the spatial differences in education of workforce stock. We
used the 2011 Census data on the educational structure of
the population at the municipal level. Using this data has
several advantages (it provides the most complete picture
since it includes the entire population and is available at
the lowest spatial level) in comparison with other sample
based statistical surveys (e.g. The Survey on Labour Force).
In addition to that, the intention of this paper is to identify
regional and inter-regional disparities pertaining to human
resources which become much more visible when we take
a smaller territorial unit (municipality) as a starting point.
For the sake of easier comparison of education levels a proxy
index was used average completed education level /EMN
(Rodrguez-Pose and Tselios, 2011:371) that is calculated
based on the following formula:

EMN = LjSj
j

where j {1,2,3} is education level, Lj percentage of


individuals of the j-level of education, Sj assessment of each
category. S1= 2 for tertiary (higher and high education), S2= 1
for secondary/high-school education and S3= 0 for primary
education.
Average completed education level was calculated for
the entire working age population (20-64 age group), the
youngest part of workforce (20-24) and two more groups
(25-39 and 40-64) on the level of municipalities. Figure 1
shows the typology of municipalities based on calculated
values of the EMN index.

WORKFORCE EDUCATION STRUCTURE IN SERBIA


As per 2011 Census, working age population on the territory
of the Republic of Serbia amounted to 4,509,274 individuals
(around 63% of total population). Compared with the
education level (Table 1), more than half of the workforce
in Serbia (2,625,424, i.e. 58.2%) has completed secondary
education, 17.4% has graduated only from primary school
(784,392), 5.3% has not completed primary education
(239,983), 6.1% has completed higher (274,466) and 12.6%
high education (568,424). Apart from that, human capital
stock is larger in urban than in other settlements. The
percentage of workforce with high education is higher in
urban (18%) than in other settlements (around 4%), where
more than one-quarter (around 28%) are individuals who
have completed only primary education and 10% have not
completed primary education.

In comparison with the 2002 Census data, workforce


education structure in Serbia has changed, which is the
result of older generations leaving the workforce and
younger, usually more educated generations coming of
age (Chart 1). It is evident that in younger age groups the
share of individuals with higher education has increased
considerably: from 0.9% to 6.1% in the 20-24 age group
(from 4,409 individuals in 2002, to 27,044 individuals in
2011); from 7.4% to 18.7% in the 25-29 age group (from
37,096 individuals to 89,825) and from 9.4% to 18% in the
30-34 age group (from 45,929 individuals to 89,269). This
has occurred due to the opening of new faculties (faculty
departments) in Serbia. New faculties have made this level of
education more accessible to the younger population living
in the provinces. Compared to the academic year 1998/1999,
the number of faculties (organizational units) in 2010/2011
has increased by 55 (from 75 to 130). The biggest increase
has occurred in Belgrade (from 37 to 69), in Vojvodina (from
16 to 30), in umadija and Western Serbia (from 10 to 16),
and in Southern and Eastern Serbia(from 12 to 15) (SORS,
1999, 2001). The opening of private faculties was followed
by the foundation of large number of organizational units
in smaller towns and municipal centres. However, most of
these departments were not accredited, due to which in the

Table 1. Workforce education structure (20-64), across regions and types of settlements (in %) 2011 Census

Territory
REPUBLIC OF SERBIA
BLGRADE REGION
VVDIN REGION
REGION OF UMDIA AND
WESTERN SERBIA

REGION OF SOUTHERN AND


EASTERN SERBIA

48 spatium

Type of settlement

total
urban settlement
other settlements
total
urban settlement
other settlements
total
urban settlement
other settlements

total
urban settlement
other settlements
total
urban settlement
other settlements

Without ES
5.3
2.4
9.9
1.5
1.1
3.6
5.4
3.2
8.8

6.9
2.2
11.4
7.4
3.8
11.9

Primary
education
17.4
10.8
27.7
8.6
6.1
19.3
18.3
13.2
26.0

21.2
12.7
29.4
21.1
13.0
31.0

Secondary
education
58.2
60.7
54.4
59.0
57.3
66.1
59.9
61.8
57.0

57.7
63.9
51.8
55.9
60.8
50.0

Higher
education
6.1
7.8
3.5
8.5
9.3
5.0
5.2
6.4
3.4

5.2
7.2
3.2
5.7
7.8
3.2

High
education
12.6
18.0
4.1
21.9
25.7
5.6
11.0
15.3
4.6

8.7
13.7
3.8
9.3
14.3
3.3

Joki V. et al.: Human capital and its spatial distribution as limiting factors for the balanced development of Serbia

last several years students have been warned to check if the


department is accredited before enrolling5.
60.0
50.0
40.0
30.0
20.0
10.0
0.0

2002
2011

Without ES
11.7
5.3

Primary
education
22.1
17.4

Secondary
education
50.7
58.2

Higher
education

High
education

5.3

7.8

6.1

12.6

Chart 1. Workforce education level (20-64 age group) in Serbia (in %)


2002 and 2011 Census

Age
group

EU-25

EU-27

30-34

NA

24,3

31,6

40-44

20,7

24-29

35-39

45-49

50-54

40.0

2002.
22,4

19,7

17,9

Serbia

Difference between
EU average and
Serbia

2011.

2002.

2011.

33,6

14,9

24,8

9,3%

18,3

4,2%

30,1

25,9

23,6

21,7

11,9

25,1

16,1

20,6

16,5

14,7

18,4

15,6

18,2

2002.

2011.

6,3%

5,0%

2,3%

5,5%

8,8%

9,5%

7,6%

5,2%

3,5%

Regarding the share of workforce with tertiary education,


Serbia lags behind the European Union average (EU27) in
all age groups (Chart 2). The biggest differences are in the
age groups under 44, and they stand at around 9.5% in the
35-39 age group, and at 6.5% in the 24-29 age group. There
is no doubt that the emigration of young, highly educated
population contingents has much graver consequences
for the quality of human capital in Serbia than in most
European countries. In 2011, compared to 2002, Serbia has
increased the difference (lagging) in the quality of its most
valuable part of workforce in all age groups in comparison
with the European average, except for a marginal decrease
in difference in the 30-34 age group.
Relative to the neighbouring countries (Bulgaria, Romania
and Hungary) and the two former SFRY republics (Croatia
and Slovenia), all members of the EU, Serbia has better
human capital than Romania (across all age groups), similar
human capital to Hungary, similar human capital to Slovenia
in the youngest age group (24-29) and in the older age
groups (older than 50), but it lags behind Slovenia in other
age groups. Serbia has similar human capital to Croatia and
Bulgaria in the oldest age group (55-64) and the youngest
age group (24-29).
The World Economic Forum Report from 2014 also shows
Serbia lagging in education. The measured value of index for
the education and training6 amounts to 5.0 for EU28, and
3.8 for Serbia. Serbia is ranked lower than the worst ranked
Romania (3.98), but it is also ranked lower than the rest
of the EU candidate countries (Iceland 5.31, Montenegro
4.28, Turkey 4.28 and FYR Macedonia 4.0) (WEF,
2014:14).

35.0
30.0
25.0
20.0
15.0
10.0

5.0
0.0

24-29

EU-27

30-34

Slovenia

35-39

Croatia

40-44

Bulgaria

45-49

Romania

50-54

Hungary

Chart 2. A share of highly educated individuals (tertiary education) in age groups


(Source: European Commission, Education, Audiovisual and Culture Executive Agency, 2012)
For Serbia: SORS, 2013)

5
More han 100 faculties were not accredited, that is, just 14 branch
departments and 15 higher education departments were accredited in
2014 (Blic daily newspaper, 3 July 2014). In April 2015 the Commission
for Accreditation and Quality Assurance of the Republic of Serbia
published the document A Guide through Accredited Study Programs
in the Institutions of Higher Education in Serbia.

55-64

Serbia

6
Includes seven indicators: Quality of the education system; PISA scores
on education quality; tertiary education enrolment rate; secondary
education enrolment rate; availability of training services; quality of
management schools and the extent of staff training.

spatium 49

Joki V. et al.: Human capital and its spatial distribution as limiting factors for the balanced development of Serbia

Spatial distribution of Serbias human capital across


regions
Serbia is characterized by pronounced spatial polarization
and disproportion in the distribution of workforce and
stock of human capital. In 2011 almost a quarter (23.7%)
of Serbias working age population was concentrated in
Belgrade, which covers around 4% of Serbian territory. In
Vojvodina, umadija and Western Serbia regions, whose
share in the territory of Serbia is similar (32% and 34%
respectively), the distribution of workforce is also similar
(27.2% and 27.9% respectively). The region of Southern
and Eastern Serbia, characterized by depopulation, has the
smallest share in Serbian workforce (21.2%). In the last
mid-census period (20022011) the number of citizens
living in this region has decreased by 190,000, more than
90,000 of which due to migrations (ki, 2013).

When we look into the distribution of workforce with regard


to the education structure, the polarization of Serbian
territory is even more pronounced. The region of Belgrade
absorbs the largest share of Serbian quality human capital
more than two-fifths of highly educated people live there
(41%), as well as one-third (33%) of individuals with higher
education. A little bit less than one-quarter of Serbias
working age population with high and higher education
(24% and 23% respectively) lives in Vojvodina, 19% and
24% in umadija and Western Serbia, and the smallest share
of population with high and higher education is in the region
of Southern and Eastern Serbia 16% and 20% respectively.
Most of the workforce without primary education and with
primary education only is concentrated in umadija and
Western Serbia (36% and 34%, respectively), in the region of
Southern and Eastern Serbia (30% and 26%) and Vojvodina
(28% and 29%), while only 7% and 12% in Belgrade (ki
and Delebdi, 2014).
TYPOLOGY OF MUNICIPALITIES AND CITIES WITH
REGARD TO QUALITY OF HUMAN CAPITAL

Based on the EMN values in the 20-64 age group,


municipalities and cities were categorized in five groups
(Table 2, Figure 1). Group gradation was made based on
the national average, that is, on the deviation from the
national value of EMN (0.96). There are two basic groups:
above and below national average. The table also shows (for
each separate group) the average share (at the group level)
according to education levels (for the total workforce and for
the three sub-groups (20-24, 25-39, and 40-64)), in order to
monitor/perceive differences in human capital stock.
There are 20 municipalities/cities in the group which
exceeds national average, and they account for more than
a third of Serbian workforce (37.2%). Four municipalities
(Panevo, Zrenjanin, Vrbas and Vrnjaka Banja) have the
EMN slightly above national average (0.97). Within this
group a sub-group was created representing the highest
quality Serbian workforce. Ten Belgrade municipalities and
the cities of Novi Sad and Ni belong to this sub-group. The
municipalities of Vraar (1.52), Stari grad (1.50) and Savski
venac (1.45) have by far the highest EMN.
Municipalities below the national average are classified
in four groups. The best ranked municipalities are those
50 spatium

45.0
40.0
35.0
30.0
25.0
20.0
15.0
10.0
5.0
0.0

BELGRADE

VOJVODINA

Without primary school


Higher education

UMADIJA AND SOUTHERN AND


WESTERN SERBIA EASTERN SERBIA

Primary education
High educatione

Secondari education

Chart 3. Population distribution in the 20-64 age group according to


education level across regions (%) 2011 Census

with the EMN up to 5% below national average 25


municipalities in total. Almost a quarter of Serbian workforce
is concentrated in these 25 municipalities in which the
EMN value ranges from 0.90 to 0.95. The worst ranked are
municipalities (group V) with the EMN more than 30%
below national average. There are 28 municipalities in this
group which has a very small workforce stock (around 6%
of total Serbian workforce stock). The biggest concentration
of municipalities in this category is in Branievo District,
which stands out as a district with the greatest share of
external migrations (massive citizen migrations in search
for work abroad since the 1960s). According to the 2011
Census, around 20% of citizens from this region went
abroad. In some municipalities (Malo Crnie, abari and
Kuevo) this percentage exceeds 30%, and in Petrovac na
Mlavi and Veliko Gradite it exceeds 25% (Stankovi, 2014).
Besides that, in two of the above mentioned municipalities
(abari and Malo Crnie), as well as in Oseina municipality,
the deviation from the average national EMN is larger than
50%.

The remaining two groups (III and IV) represent the middle
between 5% and 30% deviations. Thus, group III includes
municipalities in which the deviation from average EMN
ranges from 5% to 17%, and group IV includes those in
which average EMN ranges from 18% to 30%. Around 15%
of Serbias workforce is concentrated in group IV which
includes 54 municipalities, while a significantly smaller
number of municipalities belong to group III (34). However,
the human capital stock in group III is larger (18%) and of
higher quality.
Municipalities belonging to groups IV and V which have a
small stock of human capital and large disproportion in human
capital, and that are surrounded by other low human capital
municipalities are in gravest danger of remaining trapped by
weak human capital and social and economic exclusion.

From the point of view of age groups, far smaller deviations


from national average can be seen in the 20-24 age group,
although in groups IV and V the share of individuals who
have completed only primary education (19.5% in group IV
and 28.8% in group V), and who have not completed primary
education (4.5% in group IV and 5.5% in group V) is very
high in comparison with other groups. Workforce in the age
group 25-39 within groups II and III is better positioned
(deviations from national average are smaller) across all

Joki V. et al.: Human capital and its spatial distribution as limiting factors for the balanced development of Serbia
Table 2. Typology of municipalities/cities with regard to the quality of human capital
Share (group average) according to workforce education level
completed, in total and across age groups (in %)
Number of
Able-bodied
Territory
Tipology according to EMN
Age groups
municipalities (number and share)
(ha)
Education level
20-64 20-24 25-39 40-64
years years years years
High and higher education 18.8
8.2
22.2
17.6
Secondary education
58.2
79.7
61.1
51.1
4,509,274
77,466
Republic of Serbia
168
(100.0%)
(100.0%) Only primary education
17.4
9.1
13.7
22.4
Without elementary school
5.3
2.6
2.5
8.4
ABOVE AVERAGE FOR THE REPUBLIC OF SERBIA
I
High and higher education 29.1
10.6
34.3
29.0
Secondary education
59.0
82.2
57.6
56.2
1,675,902
7,181
20
(37.2%)
(9.3%)
Above average
Only primary education
9.6
5.4
6.7
12.1
Without elementary school
2.0
1.6
1.2
2.4
BELOW AVERAGE FOR THE REPUBLIC OF SERBIA
II relatively good
High and higher education 14.4
7.7
18.2
13.3
Secondary education
62,8
81,9
67,5
57,6
1,087,068
16,323
25
(up to 5% below average
(24.1%)
(21.1%) Only primary education
17.8
8.2
12.0
22.4
value in Serbia)
Without elementary school
4.6
2.0
1.9
6.4
III bad/low
High and higher education 12.6
7.5
16.2
11.6
Secondary education
59.0
80.3
65.1
51.8
812,173
17,936
34
(5-17% below average value
(18.0%)
(23.2%) Only primary education
21.4
8.9
15.4
27.0
in Serbia)
Without elementary school
6.6
2.9
3.0
9.3
IV very bad/low
High and higher education
9.7
6.5
12.3
8.9
Secondary education
54.3
76.9
61.3
47.2
665,299
24,689
54
(18-30% below average value
(14.8%)
(31.9%) Only primary education
26.0
12.2
20.9
30.9
in Serbia)
Without elementary school
9.6
4.1
5.1
13.0
V extremely bad/low
High and higher education
7.2
6.0
9.2
6.4
Secondary
education
44.9
70.0
53.9
37.3
268,832
11,337
28
(more than 30% below
(6.0%)
(14.6%) Only primary education
33.0
19.5
30.6
36.2
average value in Serbia)
Without elementary school
14.4
4.5
5.8
19.7
Note: The cities of Novi Sad, Ni, Poarevac and Vranje which have two or more urban municipalities were taken as a whole, that is, the data was not
given, nor mapped separately for those urban municipalities

education levels. In groups IV and V a share of citizens who


have completed only primary education is much higher
than the share of citizens with higher and high education
(20.9%:12.3% and 30.6%:9.2%, respectively).

Noticeable differences in human capital on the territory


of Serbia (Figure 1) are undoubtedly related to migrations
(internal and external) and to the increasing depopulation of
certain districts. According to the 2011 Census, population
has increased only in 16 (11 on the territory of Belgrade)
out of 168 municipalities/cities. The most severe decrease
occurred in Bor District (by approximately 15%), followed
by Zajear and Pirot Districts (by approximately 13%), all on
the region of Southern and Eastern Serbia.
REGIONAL AND INTRA-REGIONAL INEQUALITIES IN
ENDOWMENT OF WORKFORCE

The Table 3 summarizes data by region according to the


adopted typology of municipalities, that is based on the data
of workforce stock (average completed education level). In
comparison with Table 1, which shows workforce educational
structure in the region, Table 3 presents the spatial
distribution endowment of workforce. In addition, Table 3
presents regional and intra-regional educational inequalities
within workforce, as well as its territorial polarization.

Belgrade region has by far the highest quality human capital


- about 80% of workforce are above average quality, and
the remaining 20% belong to category II relatively good
workforce.

Compared to that, Vojvodina has about 34% of the workforce


with above average quality concentrated in city of Novi Sad
and four in municipalities (15% area of the region), and
28% of workforce with relatively good education cover
about 24% of the territory. The share of workforce with
low educational attainment is around 15%; and a little bit
more than one fifth of the workforce (21.5%), covering a
large part of the territory (41%), has a very low educational
attainment. This workforce is concentrated mainly in border
municipalities in three districts (Northern Baka, South
Banat and Middle Banat).
The area south of Belgrade has a much lower quality
human capital and intra-regional disparity is much more
pronounced here.

The region of umadija and Western Serbia has about 20%


of the workforce with above average quality concentrated
in four municipalities (7.7%) that cover less than 10%
of territory of the region. About 25% of the workforce
with relatively good educational structure is concentrated
spatium 51

Joki V. et al.: Human capital and its spatial distribution as limiting factors for the balanced development of Serbia

Figure 1. Classification of municipalities and cities according to work potential EMN (20-64 age group)
Table 3. Distribution of municipalities, workforce and area according to quality of the workforce (EMN values)

SERBIA
BELGRADE
VOJVODINA
UMADIJA AND
WESTERN SERBIA

SOUTHERN AND
EASTER SERBIA

52 spatium

municipality (%)
workforce (%)
area (%)
municipality (%)
workforce (%)
area (%)
municipality (%)
workforce (%)
area (%)
municipality(%)
workforce (%)
area (%)
municipality (%)
workforce (%)
area (%)

Tipology according to EMN


Above average II (relatively good) III (bad/low) IV (very bad/low) V (extremely bad/low)
12,4
15,5
21,1
33,5
17,4
37,2
24,1
18,0
14,8
6,0
9,3
21,1
23,1
31,9
14,6
58,8
35,3
5,9
0,0
0,0
78,6
20,3
1,2
0,0
0,0
31,4
60,0
8,6
0,0
0,0
11,1
17,8
15,6
51,1
4,4
33,7
28,1
14,7
21,5
2,0
15,0
23,8
16,6
40,9
3,6
7,7
13,5
28,8
26,9
23,1
20,3
25,5
26,4
17,0
10,8
8,8
20,3
26,2
27,2
17,4
2,1
8,5
23,4
36,2
29,8
17,4
21,4
30,1
19,7
11,4
2,3
14,8
27,3
33,0
22,6

Joki V. et al.: Human capital and its spatial distribution as limiting factors for the balanced development of Serbia

on approximately 20% of the territory. Almost similar


percentage (26.4%) of the workforce with low education
attainments settled in 15 municipalities that cover 26% of
the territory. Workforce with weakest characteristics (IV
and V category) 28% covers 23% of the area. In total,
human capital stock is bad on around 71% of the territory
(categories III-V)
The region of Southern and Eastern Serbia has generally
low EMN values (III-V categories) and human capital is the
weakest in Serbia. Only the city of Ni has quality of the
workforce above average (17,4%) but it covers only 2%
of the territory of the region. The share of relatively good
quality workforce is around 21%, but it covers relatively
small territory of around 15%. The rest of the territory
(around 83%) has low quality workforce: 28% of low quality
workforce on 28% of the territory; around 20% of very low
quality workforce on 33% of the territory; and extremely
low quality workforce covers 23% of the area.
It is obvious that all regions, except Belgrade which has a
strong concentration of human capital, are characterized
by intra-regional inequalities in the spatial distribution of
workforce, in particular the region of Southern and Eastern
Serbia and the region of umadija and Western Serbia.

Such state of spatial distribution and quality of human


capital is the result of decades-long lack of appropriate
regional development policies, which are supposed to
respond to regional disparities. However, the increasing
spatial imbalance had initiated permanent migration from
the less developed territory (region of South and East Serbia
and region of umadija and Western Serbia). This is best
illustrated in the data on population numbers in Serbia in
the period from 1991 to 2011. Two decades ago, there were
532,145, or more than half a million, more citizens in the
South (umadija and Western Serbia, and Southern and
Eastern Serbia regions) than in the North (Belgrade and
Vojvodina regions). However, by 2011 the population in
the North increased by 68,903 citizens, while it decreased
by 460,000 inhabitants in the South. In total, the number
of citizens in the region of Southern and Eastern Serbia
decreased in the last two decades by around 300,000, out of
which 160,000 due to migrations. In the region of umadija
and Western Serbia the number of inhabitants decreased by
165,000, out of which 60,000 due to migrations.

When we add all this to the number of emigrants that


left during the 1990s, when a large number of highly
educated people left the country (so-called brain drain
phenomenon), becomes clearer issue of human resources
in Seria. According to data provided by Grei (2002) in
the period 19902000, a total of 73,000 citizens from
Serbia and Montenegro went to transoceanic countries, of
which number more than 17,000 were people with higher
education. When it comes to Europe and other parts of the
world as emigration targets, the author estimated that the
exodus of university-degree citizens probably counted over
30,000 (Grei, 2002: 255-257).

There is no data on the exact number of emigrants in the last


decade of the 20th and the first decade of the 21st century.
This lack of a data base presents a particular obstacle in
analysing migration trends and drafting projections for the

future. It is evident that the process of migration of young


educated population continues. In the last mid-census
period (20022011), a total of 175,021 Serbian citizens left
the country, of whom 96,000 have been abroad for longer
than one year (the ones that left between 20022010). Also,
in 2011, the number of Serbian citizens abroad equalled
313,000 (4.2% of total population), mostly people from
the region of Southern and Eastern Serbia (6.7% of the
population in this region) and umadija and Western Serbia
(4.9%), with much fewer from the Belgrade region (2.8%)
and Vojvodina (2.6%) (Stankovi, 2014).

Moreover, in addition to 31,580 citizens with university


degrees, in 2011 there were also 12,000 students abroad.
The most intense brain drain is from the Belgrade area
given that of the total number of students, a little under onethird (31.8%) are from this region, 31% are from Vojvodina,
around 22% from umadija and Western Serbia and 15%
from the Southern and Eastern Serbia region.

This constitutes one of the biggest problems for Serbia a


growing trend of highly educated and talented population
leaving Serbia and depleting the countrys human capital.
There is no doubt that the exodus of this category of
population, increasing day by day, is an irreparable economic,
demographic, cultural and intellectual loss for Serbia.
CONCLUSION

The issue of evidently unequal development of regions


in Serbia that has been neglected for decades and the fact
that the consequences of external and internal migrations
that caused a demographic depopulation of certain parts
of Serbia as early in the second half of the 20th century
that were largely ignored led to a very pronounced
territorial polarization in every respect (economic, social,
demographic).

Results of the analysis into the quality of human capital in


municipalities and cities suggest a high discrepancy and
polarization regarding the total workforce. There are no
significant differences in the younger contingent either,
because migrations continued and increased in the first
decade of the 21st century, both internally (from smaller
towns mainly to Belgrade and Novi Sad) and externally
(abroad), depleting the human capital particularly in areas
with small stock of workforce.
Taking into account the importance of educational
attainment and of the quality of human resources for the
future economic and general development of the region, it is
evident that only the region of Belgrade, and to some extent
the region of Vojvodina, fulfil necessary preconditions for
development. The region of umadija and West Serbia has
approximately 20% of above average quality workforce, and
25% of relatively good quality workforce covering around
30% of the territory. In the region of Southern and Eastern
Serbia approximately 17% of workforce belong to the above
average category, and around 21% to the relatively good
category, but this workforce is concentrated on just 17% of
the territory. In total, the largest part of the territory of these
regions has small workforce stock, and some parts could
rightfully be called the wasteland of human capital.

spatium 53

Joki V. et al.: Human capital and its spatial distribution as limiting factors for the balanced development of Serbia

In summary, the results have confirmed the existence of


a very pronounced spatial discrepancy and polarization
with regard to concentration and distribution of human
capital quality. From this perspective, we can hardly talk of
a balanced spatial development on the territory of Serbia.

It is obvious that Serbia is looking at an insoluble problem,


and that is to retain (preserve its human capital) and, which
is even harder, attract experts, as indicated by the data of the
Global Competitiveness Report 20132014 (WEF, 2014).
Two new indicators are used: the countrys capacity to keep
talent, according to which Serbia ranks as 146th, and its
capacity to attract talent, where Serbia occupies the second
but last position out of 148 countries. Countries in the
neighbourhood are in a somewhat better position (Bulgaria
142nd and 144th), Romania (138th and 132nd), Croatia (134th
and 143rd), Hungary (126th and 115th), whereas Albania is
far better ranked (60th and 63rd).
Evidently, Serbia today lacks the economic strength to
provide employment for working-age population, most
notably among the young. However, bearing in mind the
biological exhaustion of rural areas and the increasing brain
drain from towns and cities, Serbia must waste no time and
start developing mechanisms and incentives to stop young
people from leaving.
Acknowledgement

The paper was prepared within the research project The


Role and Implementation of the National Spatial Plan and
Regional Development Documents in Renewal of Strategic
Research, Thinking and Governance in Serbia, number
III 47014, financed by the Republic of Serbia, Ministry of
Education, Science and Technological Development.
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Received October 2015; accepted in revised form December 2015.

spatium 55

SPATIUM
No. 34, December 2015, pp. 56-63

UDC 005.21:338.48-44
338.484:502.131.1
Review paper
DOI: 10.2298/SPAT1534056N

ADVANTAGES OF COMBINED APPLICATION OF SEA


WITH ESIA IN STRATEGIC PLANNING
FOR SUSTAINABLE TERRITORIAL DEVELOPMENT
OF TOURISM DESTINATIONS
Marina Nenkovi-Rizni1, Institute of Architecture and Urban & Spatial Planning of Serbia, Belgrade, Serbia
Marija Maksin, Institute of Architecture and Urban & Spatial Planning of Serbia, Belgrade, Serbia
Vladica Risti, Project Studio Our apartment, Belgrade, Serbia

Whereas standard SEA (Strategic Environmental Assessment) and EIA (Environmental Impact Assessment)
methodologies aim to assess the impacts of certain activities solely on environmental quality, new tendencies in
spatial and environmental planning are directed towards the application of environmental social impact assessment
(ESIA), which implies assessment of the impacts on the quality of life, as well as on natural and cultural heritage. In
the ESIA procedure, identification and assessment of direct, indirect and cumulative effects of tourism-related and
other different activities are of key importance. The paper presents two case studies of ecologically vulnerable tourism
destinations to explore whether the application of SEA/ESIA to strategic planning helps control, minimize or avoid
negative effects of tourism; in addition, the case studies are analysed to check the efficiency of SEA/ESIA as instruments
for coordination between spatial and tourism planning for sustainable territorial development of tourism destinations.
The results/findings of the analysed case studies show that the application of combined SEA and adapted ESIA methods
contributes to better understanding of the specific problems related to sustainable territorial development of tourism
destinations, and provides support to the planning options and solutions aimed at addressing these problems n a more
ecologically and socially justifiable manner.
Key words: tourism destinations, sustainable territorial development, strategic environmental assessment,
environmental social impact assessment, controlling and coordinating role.
INTRODUCTION
Strategic planning is one of the instruments for achieving
sustainable development, in particular, the spatial
planning that can offer an integral view of future territorial
development. The implementation of a holistic approach and
coordination between spatial, sectoral and environmental
planning is crucially important for an integrated strategic
planning for sustainable territorial development.

Tourism destinations should be the first to adopt the


strategic planning and management with the aim to
achieve the sustainable territorial development, and
by this the competitiveness as well. In order to achieve
sustainable development of tourism at a destination level,
different concepts and tools need to be combined and
integrated, as they cover specific areas and contribute to
1

Bulevar kralja Aleksandra 73/II, 11000 Belgrade, Serbia


marina@iaus.ac.rs and m.nenkovic.riznic@gmail.com

56 spatium

different aspects of achieving sustainable development


at destinations (Lee, 2001; Schianetz et al., 2007). The
outcome of comparative evaluation of assessment tools and
concepts for sustainability implementation (Schianetz et al.,
2007) is that environmental impact assessment tools (EIA
- Environmental Impact Assessment and SEA - Strategic
Environmental Assessment), as well as most site-specific
assessment tools, have difficulties when dealing with
cumulative impacts. The evaluation of negative cumulative
tourism effects on a territorial development is of particular
importance in ecologically vulnerable areas, such as
protected areas with natural heritage, and in socially and
economically depressed areas which contain resources for
tourism development.
Practiced in many countries around the world, SEA is a
systematic decision-making support process designed
to help ensure that the environmental and sustainability
aspects are adequately considered in the process of preparing

Nenkovi-Rizni M. et al.: Advantages of combined application of SEA with ESIA in strategic planning for sustainable territorial development of tourism destinations

policies, plans and programmes (Fischer, 2007; Bragagnolo


and Geneletti, 2012; Fischer, 1999; Dalal-Clayton and Sadler,
1999). The SEA Directive 2001/42/EC has been effective
since July 2004. Therefore, since tourism plans fall within
the scope of the SEA Directive, they are to be subjected to
the SEA procedure (Lemos et al., 2012; Fischer, 2007). This
legal framework and its requirements raise methodological
questions with regard to the manner in which SEA should
be adapted and integrated into sectoral planning - tourism
planning (Lemos et al., 2012). Whereas standard SEA and
EIA methodologies aim to assess the impacts of certain
activities solely on environmental quality, new tendencies
in spatial and environmental planning are directed towards
the application of ESIA, or some elements of social impact
assessment, namely evaluation of impacts on the quality
of life (Fischer et al., 2010), as well as on natural and
cultural heritage. The application of SEA and EIA in tourism
planning does not follow any established procedures or
methodologies, nor are there specific legal provisions to
regulate it. The assessments are often more sociologicallyoriented and concerned with the quality of life/tourist stay
rather than the quality of air, soil, etc. According to Lemos,
Fischerand Souza (Lemos et al., 2012), there is no such thing
as a predefined, generic set of criteria which are suitable for
reviewing SEA or EIA practices in tourism planning. Thus,
there is a need for establishing a new type of assessment,
similar/derived from environmental social impact
assessment (ESIA). In the socially and environmentally
oriented assesment, identification of direct, indirect and
cumulative impacts of tourism-related and other activities
on quality of environment and life are of key importance
(Lemos et al., 2012; Gunn, 2002). This paper indicates
the differences between socially-oriented assessment
methodologies on the one hand, and the standard SEA/EIA
methodologies prescribed by the EU directives, on the other
and gives new type of methodology which is conglomerate
of SEA and ESIA methods.

The aim of this study is to contribute to increasing knowledge


on the above issues by means of SEA/ESIA case studies in
strategic planning of tourism destinations with natural
and cultural heritage in Serbia. Different planning and
institutional context, according to Lemos, Fischer and Souza,
can be challenging for evaluating SEA and EIA practices
in tourism planning in developing countries (Lemos et al.,
2012), .This paper focuses on the implementation of new,
adapted SEA/ESIA methodology and its controlling role in
spatial planning for sustainable territorial development
of tourism destinations. Case studies are used to explore
whether the application of adapted SEA/ESIA in tourism
planning helps control, minimize or avoid negative effects of
tourism, and to check the efficiency of adapted SEA/ESIA as
instruments for coordination between spatial and tourism
planning for achieving sustainable territorial development
of tourism destinations.
THE ROLE OF ADAPTED ESIA AND SEA IN STRATEGIC
PLANNING FOR SUSTAINABLE TERRITORIAL
DEVELOPMENT

Strategic environmental assessment is envisaged to


diminish or neutralize adverse effects of sectoral and spatial

planning on the environment, and to have a coordinating


role regarding planning decisions, with a view to achieving
sustainable territorial development. This should be applied
to tourism destinations as well, since tourism is an element
in spatial plans and the extent of its coverage will frequently
depend upon its significance and impact on the local
economy (Lemos et al., 2012).
Advantages of adapted ESIA over SEA and EIA

Various development activities have both positive and


negative implications for the environmental quality,
the quality of life, and economic development of local
communities and regional surroundings. For this reason, the
evaluation of these activities must include all dimensions
of sustainable development environmental, social and
economic dimensions of their impacts. Compared to the
standard approach to the evaluation of effects of these
activities on the environment applied in SEA and EIA,
as prescribed by EU directives (Directive EC 2001/42/
EC on SEA, Directive 2011/92/EU on EIA) and analysed
and improved by many authors (Dalal-Clayton and Sadler,
1999; Stojanovi and Marii, 2008; Kuoa et al., 2005),
new tendencies in spatial and environmental planning for
sustainable territorial development of tourism destinations
are directed towards ESIA. While standard SEA and EIA
methodologies evaluate only effects of certain activities on
the environmental quality, adapted ESIA (developed for
this specific research and partially based on standard ESIA
process) has a wider scope. It takes into consideration the
evaluation of all potential positive and negative impacts
of activities on physical, geographic, biological, and socioeconomic characteristics of space. The scope of this adapted
ESIA is also extended by the evaluation of the mentioned
effects on the quality of life of local residents, as well as on
the protection of natural and cultural heritage.
In the adapted ESIA procedure, it is crucial to identify and
evaluate direct, indirect and cumulative effects arising
from tourism-related and other activities. These activities
are compared with the so-called null alternative (meaning
to say that these activities will not be carried out) in order
to quantitatively and qualitatively determine their effects.
Based on the evaluation of the effects of almost all activities,
the final conclusions of adapted ESIA provide an insight
into direct and indirect effects of planned activities, and
enable the formation of a set of measures for offsetting or
diminishing adverse effects.

This adapted ESIA should necessarily take into account both


the existing state of the environmental quality (water, air,
land, noise, ionizing and non-ionizing radiation) and the
quality of life (the percentage of the local population and
tourists exposed to the increased pollution of air, water,
land, noise, then the percentage of the local population and
tourists who consider the conditions in the environment
they live in to be satisfactory/adequate, as well as the quality
of jobs in tourism and those generated by tourism, the
quality and availability of public and tourism infrastructure
and services, etc.). It should also take into consideration the
status and condition of the protected natural and cultural
heritage, including the data on the manner and intensity
of the use of space for tourist facilities, infrastructure
spatium 57

Nenkovi-Rizni M. et al.: Advantages of combined application of SEA with ESIA in strategic planning for sustainable territorial development of tourism destinations

and activities (characteristics of tourist facilities and


infrastructure, number of visitors and intensity of the tourist
use of space at monthly and annual levels and during peak
season, etc.). Also, tourism development in special purpose
areas, such as protected areas, can be a major economic
justification for their protection, but it can also pose a great
risk (Lemos et al., 2012).
This paper indicates the differences in methodologies used
for adapted ESIA application compared to the standard
methodologies for SEA and EIA applications prescribed by
EU directives.
Methodology for ESIA Application

While SEA is conceived only as an instrument for


accomplishing environmental protection objectives,
the protection of the quality of life and human health is
increasing in importance, as well as the determination of
socio-economic effects which activities can have on the
investigated area. Since tourism development activities
have significant recorded effects on the socio-economic
development of tourism destinations, the assessment cannot
be reduced only to the analysis and evaluation of negative
and positive environmental effects of these activities. For
this reason, the existing methodology for undertaking
strategic environmental assessment and environmental
impact assessment necessitates improvement by including
socio-economic parameters and goals, which are recognized
as ESIA goals.
ESIA practice in spatial planning for tourism destinations
and urban planning for tourist resorts has indirectly made
this assessment an important instrument for controlling

and coordinating sectoral plans in tourism with sustainable


territorial development of areas.

Compared to the standard instruments in SEA, ESIA


introduces new parameters for quantitative and qualitative
assessment of the effects of planned development activities
in order to improve the existing methodological framework.
Namely, by taking into account socio-economic parameters
as well, ESIA should give a comprehensive idea about the
consequences which development activities may have for a
certain area.
EXPERIMENTAL PROCEDURES: CASE STUDIES IN
SERBIA

Challenges in Strategic Planning for Sustainable


Territorial Development of Tourism Destinations in
Serbia
SEA is a relatively new tool in the planning process, both in
Serbia and across the European Union (Fischer, 2007; Arts et
al., 2004). The challenge is that the legal basis in Serbia (laws
on planning and construction, environmental protection,
transport, tourism, etc.) does not establish the obligation to
coordinate sectoral planning with environmental and spatial
planning. The Law on Tourism (National assembly of the RS,
2009) does not mention integral planning or coordination
with spatial and environmental planning, nor the obligation
of carrying out Strategic Environmental Assessment for
sectoral plans. After the adoption of tourism development
master plans for certain primary tourism destinations in
Serbia, a significant problem occurred in developing spatial
plans for special-purpose areas and regional spatial plans.

Figure 1. Differences between evaluation parameters in SEA and ESIA


(Source: authors)

58 spatium

Nenkovi-Rizni M. et al.: Advantages of combined application of SEA with ESIA in strategic planning for sustainable territorial development of tourism destinations

The integration of SEA into the spatial and urban planning


in Serbia has produced good results in evaluating different
territorial development options and contributing to the
improvement of the quality of life and environment so far.
Non-implementation of legal requirements pertaining to the
development of SEA for sector plans in tourism represents
a limitation in the implementation of coordinating and
integrative role of strategic environmental assessments
in Serbian planning system. Under such conditions, the
implementation of SEA, with the extended methodology
of adapted ESIA, in spatial plans for tourism destinations
and binding regulation plans for tourist resorts (the plan
of general regulation and the plan of detailed regulation)
is the only control instrument enabling the coordination
between sector-oriented strategic master plans and spatial
and environmental planning.
Methodology for ESIA Application in Serbia

Environmental impact analyses, i.e. SEA and EIA, have


been conducted in the Republic of Serbia over the past 10
years, based on the theoretical research by Fischer (Fischer,
2007; Fischer et al., 2010), and Therivel (Therivel, 2010).
Although the legal basis for the implementation of SEA and
EIA in Serbia has been innovated several times since 2004,
SEA and EIA methodology still remains vaguely defined.
This has encouraged a more comprehensive research
work on developing the specific and widely applicable
methodology for carrying out SEA and EIA (Stojanovi and
Marii, 2008; Stojanovi and Spasi, 2006; Maksin Mii et
al., 2009; Nenkovi Rizni et al., 2010). A common feature
of these methodologies is that they have been mainly based
on the determination of a set of goals of SEA, i.e. they have
primarily had an environmental character. ESIA has not
been recognized in the legal basis and strategic documents
in Serbia.
The major problem which appeared in the elaboration of
spatial plans for tourism destinations and special-purpose
areas in Serbia (nature parks, national parks, water basins,
cultural heritage in the UNESCO World Heritage List
etc.) was caused by the failure of SEA to provide precise
quantitative and qualitative determination of cumulative
and synergistic effects of planned activities, determination
of reversibility, durability and continuity of impacts,
and thereby their neutralization. Due to the mentioned
problems, in 2006 IAUS (Institute of Architecture and Urban &
Spatial Planning of Serbia) started to implement the adapted
ESIA methodology (initially based on the work of Alonso et
al., 2002), an innovative, adjusted and improved research
instrument which enabled the application of ESIA for the
purposes of evaluating the effects of planned activities on
territorial development of tourism destinations and specialpurpose areas. The mentioned methodology (hereinafter
referred to as adapted ESIA methodology) has the basic
systematization of impacts (type, duration, development,
sources, reversibility, possibility of neutralization,
durability, continuity, importance, and degree of necessary
intervention). In addition, it has significantly improved the
impact evaluation of tourism-related and other activities by
introducing socio-economic dimension as equally important
in the evaluation process.

However, ESIA methodology cannot be used as the one and


only methodology in impact assessment either, considering
that more detailed evaluation of the effects (particularly with
regard to their territorial distribution and impact strength)
is carried out by the initial SEA methodology. Table 1
presents a comparison of the two methodologies with their
positive and negative characteristics. Comparative analysis
is based on the results of more than 40 SEA and ESIA studies
conducted in IAUS, and their positive and negative effects,
advantages and disadvantages on planning, which were also
used in this research.
Table 1. Comparison of ESIA and SEA methodologies
in relation to the degree to which criteria are observed

Type of impact assessment


Pos./Neg.
Assessment of methodology
according to criteria

ESIA

SEA

Assessment of simple, cumulative and synergistic


effects

Assessment comprehensiveness (ecological,


economic, social indicators)

Degree of necessary intervention

Possibility for neutralizing the impact

Diversified quantitative assessment


Evaluation of variant solutions
Legal grounds

Territorial distribution of impact


(Source: authors)

This table leads to the general conclusion that there is a


strong necessity for combining these two methodologies,
especially if we consider the importance of the evaluation
of the effects of planned tourism-related activities on the
protection of environmental quality, nature and cultural
heritage, and sustainable territorial development.
RESULTS

Case Studies of Combined Complementary


Methodologies for SEA and ESIA Application in Spatial
Plans for Tourism Destinations
The role and the results obtained by the combined
complementary methods for carrying out environmental
impact assessment for tourism destinations will be
discussed on the examples of spatial plans of specialpurpose areas (SPSPA) for erdap National Park and Stara
Planina Nature Park (IAUSa, 2011; IAUSb, 2011). These
cases are taken into consideration because they are two
of the most important primary tourism destinations in
the territory of Serbia. Also, there are significant conflicts
between protection and development in these areas, which
makes them an interesting field of research.
An ESIA study was developed for the needs of elaborating
the Spatial Plan for the Special-Purpose Area of erdap
National Park SPSPA erdap (IAUSa, 2011). Occupying
the area of 637 km2, erdap National park is included in the
lists of Important Plant Areas, Important Bird Areas, Prime
Butterfly Areas, Carpathian protected areas, as well as in the
programme of the European Green Belt Project and in the
spatium 59

Nenkovi-Rizni M. et al.: Advantages of combined application of SEA with ESIA in strategic planning for sustainable territorial development of tourism destinations

Tentative List of UNESCO World Heritage. It is also part of the


Emerald Network of Areas of Special Conservation Interest
in Serbia. Valuable immoveable cultural heritage of the
National Park from prehistoric, Roman and medieval period
is an important element of its cultural identity. Besides
this, it is a primary tourism destination with all-yearround offer, and it is a section of the Danube international
waterway E-80. At the same time, this is a peripheral rural
area comprising 27 settlements. The key problems in
achieving sustainable development of the National Park
are as follows: underdeveloped presentation of natural
and cultural heritage (now under development for two
archaeological sites - Lepenski Vir archaeological site and
Golubac medieval fortress), undeveloped tourism products
and unattractive tourist offer, poor accessibility from PanEuropean Corridors VII and X, pronounced depopulation
and rural unemployment, low level of awareness of local
population and entrepreneurs about the value of heritage
for local economic development and non-engagement in
its protection (e.g. uncontrolled deforestation by private
owners), etc. Also, these are some of the reasons for
tourism development not to be at its peak, achieved in the
1980s. Therefore, the positive effects of tourism on the
socio-economic development of local communities are not
sufficient, taking into account its potentials.
The protection regimes for the nature and immoveable
cultural heritage prescribed for the National Park territory
can have great comparative advantages in tourism (taking
into account the potential attractiveness of the protected
assets, on the one hand), while they directly influence the
quality of life of people and socio-economic development
of local communities with regard to limitations in carrying
out and developing the activities, as well as limitations for
the construction of facilities in the protected area, on the
other hand. Therefore, it is necessary to precisely determine

the cumulative and synergistic effects of certain planning


solutions on the environment and local community, as well
as the strength and territorial distribution of these effects,
and to prescribe, after the detailed evaluation, the measures
for reducing and eliminating the conflicts and their negative
effects on the sustainable territorial development. Through
the use of combined ESIA and SEA instruments, the effects of
certain planning solutions have been specified according to
the type of impact, impact time duration and development,
impact source, impact reversibility and possibility of
neutralizing the impact, as well as impact durability,
continuity and importance, and the degree of necessary
intervention. The prescribed goals of SEA/ESIA concern
the effects of tourism-related and other activities on the air,
water and land, waste evacuation, etc., and the effects on
cultural heritage, biodiversity, geo-diversity and landscapes,
population and human health, socio-economic development
of local communities, development of local infrastructure
and public services, as well as on strengthening the
institutional competences in environmental protection and
tourism development at the level of the National Park. The
goals of the strategic environmental assessment have been
expressed through indicators and elaborated in more detail
through specific goals for each of the mentioned fields.

ESIA and SEA methodologies have enabled a more


detailed classification of the environment in the territory
of erdap National Park, according to the assessed effects
of planning solutions on the protection and improvement
of environmental quality (Figure 2) and socio-economic
development. The planning solutions for tourism
development proposed by the Master Plan for Lower
Danube Tourism Destination (Ministry of economy, 2007)
and implemented in SPSPA erdap have displayed several
potentially negative effects on the environment, the quality of
life and socio-economic development of local communities,

Figure 2. Classification of the environmental quality in the SPSPA erdap


(Source: IAUSb, 2011)

60 spatium

Nenkovi-Rizni M. et al.: Advantages of combined application of SEA with ESIA in strategic planning for sustainable territorial development of tourism destinations

which can be controlled by adopting the measures proposed


by ESIA. The necessary public insight implied and enabled
the participation of local community, while also facilitating
easier acceptance of proposed measures.

ESIA was carried out (IAUS, 2009; ECOSIGN, 2007) for the
purposes of the Spatial Plan for the Special-Purpose Area
of the Stara Planina Nature Park (hereinafter: SPSPA Stara
Planina). Occupying the area of 1,143 km2 Stara Planina
Nature Park has been designated as one of Important
Plant Areas and Important Bird Areas site. It is also an
area containing a great number of cultural monuments, as
well as authentic old mountain villages, water sources of
national and regional importance, etc. At the same time, this
is a peripheral rural area comprising 78 small settlements.
The key problems in achieving sustainable development of
the Nature Park are as follows: undeveloped presentation
of natural heritage, undeveloped tourism products, poor
accessibility from Pan-European Corridors X and VII and at
tourism destination, undeveloped communal infrastructure
and services, depopulation process well underway with
serious problems of poverty and ageing rural population,
low level of awareness of local population and entrepreneurs
about the heritage value and its protection, etc. Although
it is regarded as the primary tourism destination with allyear-round offer in Serbia, tourism is still in the initial phase
of development.

Based on ESIA, the tourism development has been evaluated


for the zones with different protection regimes (Figure 3).
Based on the results of the assessment, it is concluded
that significant positive effects of implementation of the
SPSPA Stara Planina will be particularly manifested in: the
protection and improvement of the natural environment;
conservation, presentation and adequate use of natural
and cultural heritage; overall economic effects and

uniform growth in local employment (in the field of


tourism, agriculture and other complementary activities);
protection and improvement of health of local population;
uniform development of infrastructure and improvement
in the quality and accessibility of public and tourism
infrastructure and public services; creation of conditions
in which tourism and recreation will be accessible to all
tourists, etc. It is concluded that, with the concept of a
dispersive development and construction which has been
implemented in most parts of the area covered by the
SPSPA Stara Planina (in about 88% of the area), none of
the planning solutions will generate significant long-lasting
unfavourable effects on the environment that cannot be
kept under control. However, in addition to the SPSPA Stara
planina, the Master Plan of the Jabuko Ravnite-Leskovac
Tourist Resort (Master Plan) (ECOSIGN, 2007) has also
been elaborated, without harmonizing the development
of this resort with the development vision and concept of
Stara Planina primary tourism destination. This Master
Plan has doubled the accommodation capacity in the
mountain zone compared to the capacity envisaged by the
SPSPA Stara Planina. ESIA indicated that the concept of high
construction concentration, which was implemented in the
Jabuko Ravnite-Leskovac Tourist Resort with long-lasting
adverse effects on the nature and environment, particularly
with regard to water supply, wastewater disposal, access
and internal traffic, solid municipal waste elimination,
electric power supply and accommodation of the employed,
the quality of life of local residents (due to the uneven
distribution of workplaces, planned dominant participation
of the employed from further surroundings, etc.), was
implemented only in the smaller part of the area covered
by the SPSPA Stara planina (in about 12% of the area).
The mentioned concept is much more difficult to control
than the concept of dispersive development, which is more

Figure 3. Classification of environmental quality in the SPSPA Stara planina


(Source: IAUS, 2009)

spatium 61

Nenkovi-Rizni M. et al.: Advantages of combined application of SEA with ESIA in strategic planning for sustainable territorial development of tourism destinations

suitable for the protected area of Stara Planina Nature Park)


(Maksin, 2012). ESIA has provided recommendations for the
reduction of accommodation capacities of Jabuko Ravnite
Tourist Resort to the level which would not endanger the
environment. It has also defined measures for diminishing
or neutralizing the negative effects of planning solutions on
the socio-economic development of local communities and
on the quality of life of local residents.

By introducing ESIA instruments into solving the planning


conflicts between the integral spatial plan and economyoriented tourism sector plan, certain tradeoffs were made,
owing to which the sustainable territorial development
of tourism in the most vulnerable area of the Nature Park
has been retained. By doing so, the main purpose of ESIA
application has been accomplished.
DISCUSSION OF RESULTS

The results of the previous studies elaborated for the needs


of two primary tourism destinations in different phases
of development erdap National Park and Stara Planina
Nature Park, indicate that the use of combined ESIA and SEA
methodology has directly influenced a more comprehensive
consideration of problems in developing tourism-related
activities in ecologically vulnerable areas. While standard
SEA and EIA solely focus on determining the effects of
planning solutions on the environmental quality, these
case studies also indicate the necessity of determining the
effects of tourism-related and complementary activities
on the socio-economic development of local communities,
the quality of life of people and protection of natural and
cultural heritage. They provide a relatively comprehensive
evaluation of the effects on all dimensions of sustainable
tourism development, and suggest a corrective modification
of the planned tourism, all for the purposes of achieving
sustainable territorial development of tourism destinations
and its surroundings. Indicators defined for the needs of
ESIA application have been significantly extended compared
to the standard goals and indicators prescribed for the
application of SEA and EIA. Namely, they primarily refer
to the incorporation of the effects of planning solutions
on population and human health, the quality of life of
local residents and socio-economic development of local
communities, natural and cultural heritage, but also on the
possibility of strengthening the institutional competence of
local administration in the field of environmental protection
and sustainable development of local communities.
Through combining these two methodologies, the
planning solutions with significant negative effects on the
environment and the quality of life have been eliminated.
Furthermore, this also allowed the simultaneous evaluation
of the different type of effects which have not been
independently considered in the structure of the planning
solutions, but evaluated synergically.

Through the analysis of the area and activities using these


two methods, the planning solutions whose realization
would not cause significant conflicts in space have been
clearly defined. In cases when conflicts were inevitable,
ESIA has defined measures aimed at diminishing these
conflicts. Therefore, it is possible to comprehensively
consider heterogeneous space of tourism destinations
62 spatium

through establishing the system of measures for improving


the quality of life and sustainability of tourism development
as an integral part of sustainable territorial development of
the area and local communities.
Through a combined use of complementary ESIA and SEA
methodologies, an indirect control of sustainability of the
planning solutions offered by the master plans for tourism
destination/resort has been achieved, as well as an indirect
coordination with spatial planning.

Although SEA is not applied to master plans in tourism


sector for the time being, its application in spatial plans
can contribute to achieving a certain balance between
the sectoral and holistic approach to development and
protection, with a view to achieving sustainable territorial
development of tourism destinations.
CONCLUSIONS

The coordination and integration of strategic planning is


one of the priorities for achieving sustainable territorial
development (Dalal-Clayton and Sadler, 2005), primarily
with regard to spatial planning, environmental planning
and tourism planning. SEA/ESIA is an important control
instrument for the support to coordination and integration
of strategic planning with a view to achieving sustainable
territorial development. Although ESIA is not legally
grounded in any EU directive, its application can contribute
to better consideration of the specific problems of
sustainable territorial development and provide a support
to planning options and solutions that will solve them in an
ecologically and socially justifiable way.
The integration of ESIA in spatial and urban planning
provides an adequate basis for the evaluation of different
variants of planning solutions for developing and spatially
organizing the tourism-related and other activities which
have direct effects not only on the environmental quality, but
also on the quality of life and overall economic development.

A precondition for SEA and ESIA to have a controlling and


coordinating role is to initiate their application in tourism
planning, using as the starting basis experiences related
to SEA and ESIA implementation and integration into the
spatial planning process, as well as to enable their adequate
integration into the strategic planning process from
preparation to implementation, monitoring and auditing of
planning documentation.
However, in spite of all abovementioned issues and
obvious advantages of ESIA methodology application (or
evaluation of environmental and social consequences of
tourist activities), the question remains whether there
is sufficient institutional capacity to implement their
recommendations for minimizing and monitoring effects on
sustainable territorial development of tourism destinations
and protected areas, given the problems of depopulation,
unemployment and underdevelopment which are evident in
the protected areas. The same question refers to the whole
territory of Serbia.
The introduction of the ESIA methods will, in perspective,
certainly have to be followed by the adoption of this
multicriteria analysis in the Serbian legislature, and

Nenkovi-Rizni M. et al.: Advantages of combined application of SEA with ESIA in strategic planning for sustainable territorial development of tourism destinations

consequently, by the proper implementation of the ESIA


objectives in the planning of the tourism destinations
(regardless the social trends in Serbia).
Acknowledgement

This work has resulted from research within the scientific


project No TR36036 Sustainable development of the
Danube area in Serbia, and No III 47014 The role and
implementation of the National spatial plan and regional
development in the renewal of strategic research, thinking
and governance in Serbia, financed by the Serbian Ministry
of Education, Science and Technological Development of the
Republic of Serbia.
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Received August 2015; accepted in revised form November 2015.

spatium 63

SPATIUM
No. 34, December 2015, pp. 64-69

UDC 556.166(282.243.744)
Review paper
DOI: 10.2298/SPAT1534064P

SPATIOTEMPORAL REVIEW OF THE TORRENTIAL


FLOOD PHENOMENON IN THE MORAVA RIVER BASIN
Ana M. Petrovi1, Geographical Institute Jovan Cviji of the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts, Belgrade, Serbia
Ratko Risti, Faculty of Forestry of the Belgrade University, Belgrade, Serbia
Phenomenon of torrential floods as the most destructive and the most frequent natural hazards in Serbia with serious
socioeconomic, cultural and environmental consequences deserve special attention. In this paper, data collection
strategy and data analysis with the aim of spatiotemporal characterization of the torrential flood phenomenon in the
largest national, Morava river basin, are presented. A dataset (derived from the Inventory of torrential floods in Serbia)
of 479 registered torrential flood events with over 84 casualties for the period 1926-2013 is presented. Monthly
distribution of registered torrential floods indicates that the majority of events with the highest share of death toll
occurred in the late spring, from May to the end of June. According to the annual distribution there is a linear increase
of torrential flood occurrence in the course of 88 years, but decrease of death toll is found. The greatest number of
torrential flood events and casualties is registered in the Juna Morava river basin (watersheds of Niava, Toplica,
Veternica, Jablanica). The results of this work can be of great value in the implementation of the Flood Directive of the
European Commission on a river basin level as well as for the future natural hazards information system in Serbia.
Key words: torrential floods, spatiotemporal distribution, Zapadna Morava, Juna Morava, Velika Morava.

INTRODUCTION
The frequency and magnitude of the torrential flood
phenomenon have made many countries in the world suffer
the large human and economic losses in the recent period
(Hershy, 2005; Mnchener Rckversicherungs-Gesellschaft,
2009; Marchi et al., 2010; Gourley et al. 2010, Shao et al.,
2014; Wang et al., 2015; Abbas et al., 2015). Torrential floods
are the frequently reccuring water-related natural hazard in
Serbia that deserves a special attention (Risti et al., 2011a;
Dragievi et al., 2011; Dragievi et al., 2013; Kostadinov
et al., 2014). This kind of natural hazard is related to the
hilly-mountainous regions in Serbia, on the territory south
of the Sava River and the Danube River, endangered by
intensive soil erosion processes, having as a consequence
specific hydrological and sediment transport regime in the
torrential riverbeds (Petrovi, 2014). Torrential flood wave
occurs after a short-duration heavy rainfall as a sudden
appearance of maximal discharge with a high concentration
of erosion sediment lasting from one to several hours
(Risti et al., 2012; Garambois et al., 2014). Torrential
flood wave discharge can be larger than 1000 times than
mean discharge having destructive energy. However, these
extremes are mostly ungauged despite the need of special
kind of surveying (Borga et al., 2008).
1

ure Jakia 9, 11000 Belgrade, Serbia


a.petrovic@gi.sanu.ac.rs

64 spatium

Torrent network at the territory of Serbia numbers more


than 12000 torrents (Kostadinov et al., 2006), mostly
situated in the Juna Morava, Zapadna Morava and Velika
Morava river basins due to relief dissection as well as extent
of area. The most striking torrential flood in the course of
the 80ies occurred in Ljetarska dolina (Juna Morava, July
1982), Sejanika (Juna Morava, July 1983), Lugomir (Velika
Morava, February 1986) and Vlasina (Juna Morava, June
1988) watersheds. Recent large-scale torrential flood events
in studied river basins happened in watersheds of Lugomir,
Grua, Jasenica and Lepenica in July 1999 (Velika Morava,
eight fatalities), Resava in June 2002 (Juna Morava, one
death), Vlasina in November 2007 (Juna Morava). Although
the extreme flood events in April and May 2014 occurred
mainly in north-western part of Serbia, flood events in
Jagodina, Poega and Luani in the Morava river basin left
noticed material damages.
However, a small number of historical torrential flood
events in Serbia were analysed, mostly they are poorly
documented and mainly described with some photos and
rare measured data. Although population and local economy
is highly affected by torrential floods in the Morava river
basin, there was no centralized and consistent collection
of data on torrential floods. Databases on natural hazards
in several developed countries which contribute to better
understanding of torrential floods as extreme hydrological

Petrovi M. A., Risti R.: Spatiotemporal review of the torrential flood phenomenon in the Morava river basin

hazards, records this phenomenon for the past several


centuries (Swiss database on natural hazards numbers
over 20,000 events; Austrian database on natural hazards
numbers about 28,000 events, of which torrent events share
is over 20000; the first record is situated in the 6th century)
(Petrovi et al., 2014). The purpose of this work is to present
a phenomenon of torrential floods in the Morava river
basin through spatiotemporal characterization of historical
torrential flood events in order to give contribution to the
improvement of the torrential flood policy which should be
in accordance with the European Union Flood Directive.
METHODOLOGY
Study area
The research focus is on the greatest national river basin
in Serbia (Figure 1), which is mostly hilly-mountainous area,
with the confluence to the Danube River. It covers 41.5 % of
the Serbian territory and homes of 53% of population are
situated within. According to the Water Management Plan of
the Republic of Serbia (2001), 38,890 ha in the Juna Morava
river basin (A=15,465 km2), 19,110 ha in the Zapadna
Morava river basin (A=14,653 km2) and 26,400 ha in the
Velika Morava river basin (A=6,810 km2) are potentially
flooded area of a return period of 100 years. Beside
meteorological extremes, geological and soil properties
unfavourable for water infiltration, deforestation, land use
changes and topography are the direct factors of torrential
regimes of water discharges, i.e. disbalanced ratio between
high and low waters in watersheds of torrential tributaries
in the Morava river basin.

studies with detailed analysis of past events. Absence of


data and reports on torrential events in archives of public
organizations on the state and local level mainly impeded
them to contribute to this dataset. Method for building
the dataset consists of five important steps: (1) defining
spatial and time framework and needed parameters, after
the insights into data availability, (2) data collection, (3)
organizing data, (4) data analysis, (5) data publishing,
distribution and use (Petrovi et al., 2015). Collection of
minimum data (as shown in an example of river Koritnika,
Table 1) facilitated analysis of spatial and temporal
distribution of torrential flood events in the Morava river
basin. The research question of data analysis consists in
examining the trend changes of frequency of torrential
flood occurrence as well as in exploring the most frequent
localities with material damages and casualties.
Table 1. An example of minimum data for registering torrential flood event

Rare torrential flood events were recorded with full


meteorological (rainfall quantity and duration), hydrological
(discharge and water level) and sediment transport data.
Mainly they are modestly documented. For example, in the
case of information about an affected location, but not the
torrent, for identification of micro-torrential catchment as
a subject of flood event, geo-referenced topographic maps
in scale 1:25,000 (printed by Military Geographic Institute,
1980) for the whole area of the Morava river basin were
used. Therefore, affected locations are given geographic
coordinates in this database becoming geospatial data on
natural hazards.
RESULTS

Figure 1. Study area Morava river basin

Materials and methods


The dataset of torrential flood events in the Velika Morava
river basin is derived from newspaper articles gathered
for the period from 1926 to 1970 in the book by Gavrilovi
(1975), archival documentation of the newspaper Politics
for the period from 1970 to 2013 and data from papers and

One of the oldest records of torrential flood events in studied


river basin dates from the sixteenth century and refers to the
flood of the Raka river (Zapadna Morava river basin) on 18th
May in 1518 (akota, 1989). Some flood descriptions were
found in monastery chronicles dating from XVIII and XIX
century representing introductory historical information of
this dataset. Dataset consists of data on the torrential floods
during XX century up to date. The first data in the previous
century we avail is the torrential flood of the Skrape in May
1926. The following 20 torrential flood events were located
in torrential 1929 in May, June and August.
Dataset on torrential floods in the Morava river basin records
479 events with over 84 casualties for the period 1926-2013.
The largest number of torrential flood events and casualties
took place in the Juna Morava river basin (Figure 2) which
spatium 65

Petrovi M. A., Risti R.: Spatiotemporal review of the torrential flood phenomenon in the Morava river basin

is a result of an inadequate soil management, extreme


forest exploitation and destruction and intensive soil
erosion processes (i.e. inadequate watershed management)
having as a consequence severe economical damages in
agriculture and traffic (for example, many times in history
damaged international routes Belgrade - Atina and - Sofia).
The greatest number of torrential floods in sub-basins is
registered in watersheds of the Ibar (Z. Morava), the Niava
(J. Morava), the Jasenica (V. Morava) and the Veternica
(J. Morava). Spatial distribution of the most destructive
torrential flood events in terms of material damages and
death tolls in the Morava river basin is given in Figure 3.
According to distribution of locations, it can be concluded
that material damages in the Juna and Zapadna Morava
river basins are the greatest at the confluence of the torrents
to greater rivers.
E=127 (26%)
DT=12

E=157 (33%)
DT= 11

Watershed

DT

etinja

16

Ibar

Lepenica

E=195 (41%)
DT>61

Niava

Veternica
Jablanica
Toplica

Juna Morava

Zapadna Morava

Velika Morava

Lepenica
Jasenica

49
21
43
26
17
19
21
27

10
4
-

3
-

4
3

Figure 2. Number of torrential flood events (E) and death toll (DT) per
river basin and selected watersheds

Hydrological statistical analysis according to the most fitted


theoretical probability function is given in this work for
some examples of extreme torrential flood events of selected
watersheds in the Morava river basin (Table 2) which are
naturally characterized by extreme discharges with high
return period (T) and low probability of occurrence (P). The
randomness of time series of maximum annual discharges
is tested by methods of Newman and Wald-Wolfowitz. The
homogeneity of average values is tested by Student test,
dispersion homogeneity by Fisher test and distribution
function by Wilcoxon test. Theoretical probability
distribution functions:
Normal, Log-Normal, Gumbel,
Pearson III and Log-Pearson III are calculated. KolmogorovSmirnov and Kramer-Mizes tests are applied for concordance
between empirical and theoretical distribution which
decided on the most competent theoretical probability
distribution.

Distribution of registered events within a year (Figure 4)


indicates that the majority of floods occurred in June (E=159
or 33.2%) and May (96 or 20%), followed by July (57 or
11.9%), February (40 or 8.4%) and March (33 or 6.9%).
Therefore, two peaks can be distinguished: the primary
peak of torrential flood occurrence in warmer part of the
year (June and May) and the secondary peak in the colder
part of the year (February and March). Monthly distribution
of registered torrential floods greatly corresponds to peaks
of the rainfall regime in hilly-mountainous regions in Serbia
as well as to the earlier domestic findings of research in
the area of frequency of maximal discharges in torrential
watersheds. Risti et al. (2009) defined two critical periods
of occurrence of the maximal discharges south of the Sava
and the Danube - primary at the end of spring (May & first
half of June) and secondary at the end of winter (February
& first half of March). This result also corresponds to the
findings of monthly distribution of recorded events at the
level of the Inventory of torrential flood events in Serbia
(Petrovi et al., 2014).
According to annual distribution (Figure 5) for an observed
period of 88 years there is a trend of linear increase of number
of torrential flood events. The peak years distinguished on
the basis of number of events are 1969 (E=37), 2005 (34),
1992 (32) and 1975 (32). The annual mean of registered
torrential flood events for the observed period is 5.4.

Figure 3. Locations with the most destructive torrential flood events


recorded in the Morava river basin in the period 1926-2013

The changes in the frequency of torrential flood events


is noticed in their distribution per periods: 1931-1960
and 1961-1990, which are recommended by the Republic
Hydromethorological Service of Serbia to analyze the
precipitation and air temperature trend changes, and

Table 2. The frequency of occurrence of maximal discharges of extreme torrential floods


Watershed: Profile

Vlasina: Vlasotince
Visoica: V. Rana
Grua: Guberevac

G. Moravica: Ivanjica
Crnica: Parain

Lepenica: Batoina

66 spatium

River basin
J. Morava

Z. Morava
V. Morava

Year

Qmax (m3/s)

20.04.2000

202

26.06.1988
12.07.1999
13.05.1965

11.06.2002

10.07.1999

Function

P (%)

T (yr)

0.79

126

780

Log-Pearson III

43

Pearson III

1.82

Log-Normal

0.51

Pearson III

362

Log-Pearson III

193

Log-Pearson III

242

0.89

0.92

0.54

113
55

109

195
184

Petrovi M. A., Risti R.: Spatiotemporal review of the torrential flood phenomenon in the Morava river basin
180

Number of events

160
140

Death toll

120
100

80
60
40

Table 3. Categorization of torrential flood events in the Morava river basin

20

40
35
30

Jan

Feb

Mar

Apr May

Jun

Jul

Aug

Sep

Oct

Nov

Dec

Figure 4. Monthly distribution of registered events and fatalities


Number of events

Death toll

25
20
15
10

1925
1928
1931
1934
1937
1940
1943
1946
1949
1952
1955
1958
1961
1964
1967
1970
1973
1976
1979
1982
1985
1988
1991
1994
1997
2000
2003
2006
2009
2012

5
0

In the Morava river basin, torrential flood events occurred


in a wide range of intensity in sense of consequences and
material damages which are inseparable part of the torrential
flood phenomenon. Therefore, the idea is to show different
stages of torrential flood event intensity (Table 3) according
to the suggested categorization of the intensity of torrential
flood events (Petrovi et al., 2014). The highest number of
recorded historical events belongs to excessive (34%), high
(23%) and very high intensity (21%), confirming the fact
about catastrophic consequences of torrential flood on the
local level.

Figure 5. Annual distribution of registered events and casualties in the


observed period with trend lines

remaining, the first period from 1915 to 1930 and the last
period from 1990 to 2013. The increase of torrential flood
frequency in the last two periods (averages of number
torrential flood events per year for periods 1961-1990 and
1991-2013 are 7.3 and 6.3 respectively, in comparison with
averages for the first period a=1.3 and the second one a=3.2)
goes in line with the data from the literature about high
increase in average annual hydrological natural hazards in
the world per decade (Abbott, 2008; Munich Re, 2009; Risti
et al., 2011; Llaset et al. 2014; Petrovi et al., 2014; Modrick
et al., 2015; Petrovi, 2015a). Although there is a linear
decrease of death toll per period (average for II period is
1.5 deaths, IIIa=0.9, IVa=0.7), there is still a need for risk
education of affected local population. Flash floods with a
high mortality rate account more than 5000 deaths annually
on a global basis (Jonkman, 2005). Considering the number
of fatalities and people affected, the torrential floods are
top natural hazards in Serbia so that the following data
should draw attention to the improvement in prevention
and response of the torrential flood risk management cycle
(Petrovi, 2015b). In terms of death toll, the peak years are
1939 (28 deaths), 1975 (12), 1937 (eight), 1956 (eight) and
1999 (eight) and peak months are June (26 deaths), May
(17) and October (17). Top torrential flood events in terms
of fatalities took place in Koritnika river - October 1939 (17
deaths), Korbevaka river - May 1975 (12), Selska river June 1939 (11).

Category of flood event


I (excessive intensity)

Flooded area

165

51-100 ha/21-50 housing units

110

II (very high intensity)

101-500 ha/51-100 housing units

IV (medium intensity)

21-50 ha/6-20 housing units

III (high intensity)


V (low intensity)

>500 ha/>100 housing units

<20 ha/1-5 housing units

101
59
44

However, even when the ability to forecast events and


warn population at risk in modern flood risk management
systems increases, an increase in flash flood impact in the
recent years is also noticed, which is a result of combination
of a higher frequency of the extreme events and a higher
exposure of the vulnerable population (Calliano et al., 2013).
Due to expected future changes in climate conditions, the
adverse impacts of flash floods could unfortunately further
increase (Ballesteros-Canovas et al., 2015).
CONCLUSIONS

According to the analysis of dataset of torrential flood events


in the Morava river basin, there are four main conclusions:
1) The greatest number of torrential flood events and
casualties are registered in the Juna Morava river basin and
belonging sub-basins of Niava, Veternica, Toplica, Jablanica.
2) The primary maximum refers to summer months, June
and May and the secondary maximum refers to winter
months, February and March (which is triggered not only
by strong showers but also coincidence of rain showers
with sudden snow melting), according to intra-annual
frequency analysis. 3) The highest death toll of registered
torrential flood events follows the primary maximum of
their occurrence, i.e. summer months June, May and July.
4) In terms of the extent of material damages, the excessive
intensity or I category of torrential flood events is the most
common.
Therefore, well-structured and systematic dataset of
historical torrential flood events for each river basin enabling
data analysis and leading to valuable findings can be of
great importance for decision making in the torrential flood
risk management and integrated river basin management.
Although there was no centralized documentation of
torrential flood phenomenon on the national level in
previous period, this gap should be overcome in decades to
come.

spatium 67

Petrovi M. A., Risti R.: Spatiotemporal review of the torrential flood phenomenon in the Morava river basin

Acknowledgement
This work is supported by the Ministry of Education, Science
and Technological Development of the Republic of Serbia
under Grant 47007 III.
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spatium 69

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