Planning Perspectives, 2014

Vol. 29, No. 1, 103 120, http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02665433.2013.860880

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One citys urban cosmography

Jeremy Kargon

Department of Architecture, School of Architecture and Planning/CBEIS 218, Morgan State

University, 1700 East Cold Spring Lane, Baltimore, MD 21251, USA
(Received 3 December 2012; final version received 17 October 2013)
Illustrations of urban scenes naturally describe the physical characteristics of the places
depicted. These representations also express implicitly broader beliefs which tie the spatial
order of the surrounding world to local systems, institutions, and human actions. Images
of a city embody, therefore, an urban cosmography, a concept inspired by early modern
artisans attempts to chart the contours of the world, both known and unknown. Seen from
this perspective, historical graphics such as maps, posters, and birds-eye views document
a citys position within a continually evolving universal order. This paper will review
graphics drawn from the history of one city in particular: Baltimore, Maryland. Like other
cities on the eastern seaboard of the US, Baltimore has been represented by diverse visual
arts for more than two centuries. With the advent of digital and social media, Baltimores
development will depend even more upon the citys local and global interrelationships.
Urban cosmography is, therefore, a useful conceptual prism through which one may
perceive the link between the citys historical legacy and contemporary urban challenges.
One consequence is that visual tropes for traditional urban polarities growth versus
decay, for instance may be superseded by new symbols that incorporate both.
Keywords: urban cosmography; Baltimore City history; graphics; maps; representation

So soon as it is apparent that metaphysicians differ in their views of reality, the idea of cosmography
appears as an ideal. It seems desirable and challenging to build some single map of the cosmos and
its full content, which will include all the results and insights of the philosophical explorations that
have taken different thinkers in different directions. Robert Brumbaugh1

Introduction: seeing the city, seeing the world

Among paintings on permanent display at Baltimores Walters Art Museum is The Ideal City,
thought to have been painted by Fra Carnevale during the 1480s (Figure 1). One of three similar
panels painted for the Duke of Urbino, this image shows a world beyond the framework of its
periods urban reality. Nevertheless, the paintings architectural forms and their place within the
imagined city were very much representations of a perceived order of things perfected,

Email:

jeremy.kargon@morgan.edu
An abridged version of this paper was presented at a meeting of the Society for American City and
Regional Planning History, Baltimore, 2011.
# 2014 Taylor & Francis

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Figure 1. The Ideal City, attributed to Fra Canevale (Bartolomeo Coradini), circa 1480. Courtesy the
Walters Art Museum.

perhaps, but within the grasp of both illustration and future realization. Fra Carnevales painting
portrays what might be called the artists urban cosmography, by which the citys design
evokes its own position within a universal order.
Outside the museums galleries, the city of Baltimore has provided other artists with a very
different kind of urban subject, yet its depiction has been equally dependent upon those artists
sense of universal order (Figure 2). The notion of urban cosmography can be usefully updated
to account for new media and for news ways by which urban form is represented. Methodologically, doing so requires special attention to visual documents, including ephemera as well as
traditional artwork; attention to visual evidence of spatial relationships operative over different
geographic scales; and attention to the presence of institutional structures, both explicit and
implicit, within a particular image. In this way, urban cosmography can be a useful prism
through which todays students of the city can grasp changing historical norms.
In the case of Baltimore, its paintings, posters, engravings, and lithographs make visible that
citys alignment with those norms over the course of three centuries (Figure 3). Contemporary
representations, including digital maps and displays of data, are hardly less evocative. Viewed
separately, each image provides information about Baltimores particular urban characteristics.
Viewed together, these images describe the trajectory of an American citys general position
within continental geography, ecology, and political culture.

Shifting scales: the universe, the world, and the city

The term cosmography had its origins in the ancient world and in the writings of Claudius
Ptolemy, whose Cosmographia was a compilation of geographical information known to Greek
and Roman society. In contrast to the Roman geographer Strabos concretely empirical description
of places and their geology, the second-century writings of Ptolemy connected local phenomena
with the mathematical order of the entire cosmos.2 Cosmography and cosmographers gained
renewed prominence at the time of Ptolemys fifteenth-century revival, the same period during
which European explorers remapped the classical worlds traditional boundaries (Figure 4).
A simple definition of cosmography is the study of the entire universe,3 but most definitions
also emphasize cosmographys simultaneous embrace of terrestrial and celestial subjects. The

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Figure 2. Detail from View of Baltimore City from the North, E. Sachse & Co., 1862. Courtesy Library
of Congress.

Figure 3. This Can Be Baltimore, from Urban Renewal in Baltimore, Planning Commission of Baltimore (1955). Courtesy St. Philips Lutheran Church.

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Figure 4. Nautical chart by Portuguese cartographer, Pedro Reinel, c. 1504. Courtesy Bayerische
Staatsbibliothek, Munich: Cod. icon. 132.

writer Frank Lestringant has argued that a cosmographers primary challenge was to embrace with
his vision . . . the two extremities of the theatre of Nature: the local scale of individual experience,
and the universal scale of the divine plan.4 This dual perspective was intrinsic to the cosmographers approach; cosmographic principles remain, therefore, embedded in the interpretive approach
of many disciplines, if only because descriptions of the world often demand simultaneous attention
to different scales. Doing so has traditionally challenged historical writing about urban forms. Baltimores general histories, from Scharf to Olsen, often stop short of exploring implicit structural
relationships within national or global cultures. urban cosmography as an interpretive paradigm
must serve to identify relationships obscured by more typical methods. One may also think of
urban cosmography itself as the subject of study, in the same way we speak of a places geography
or its terrain. All cities have, in this sense, an urban cosmography, and so for Baltimore we may
fully expect to find this landscape underlying the citys visual narrative.

Baltimores urban cosmography

This visual narrative begins, in fact, a century before the citys actual founding. An oil painting
by Gerard Soest, dating to Marylands colonial beginnings, suggests that some narratives may
resist too simple an allegorical interpretation (Figure 5). In a portrait of the second Lord Baltimore, Cecil Calvert, the Baron and his grandson are shown holding a map of the colony, the
royal charter for which was received by Calvert in 1632. The interest of this painting extends

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well beyond its geographical content; the Calverts are accompanied by a youth of African origin,
who evidently waits upon the little aristocrat. One need not exaggerate to suggest that many
future patterns of Baltimores social history are anticipated by this trios relationship; images
of the city will always demand the same interrogation: What is presented? What is hidden?
What is ignored?

Figure 5.
Library.

Cecil Calvert, Lord Baltimore, Gerard Soest (probably 1670). Courtesy Enoch Pratt Free

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The paintings map resembles closely a chart published in 1635 to accompany an account of
the territorys earliest settlements (Figure 6).5 North is to the pages right. Most prominent, of
course, is Lord Baltimores coat of arms. At the top is written NovaTERR-MARI tabula,
and at the bottom OCEANUS ORIENTALIS. According to the colonys original charter,
Marylands legal extent was a mix of universal exactitude and geographical accident characteristic of that times geodetic writing: the Potomac River to the south, the ocean to the east, 40
degrees latitude to the north, and unto the true meridian of the first Fountain of the River of
Pattowmack6 to the west. But the maps creators certainly sought to influence the publics
awareness in certain ways.7 For instance, the territory appears to be populated only by intermittent trees and hillocks. But settlements are, in fact, indicated, with subtlety; villages are named
for their Algonquin inhabitants. Yet this and later maps have served to reinforce our image of
exclusively European settlement, centred upon the Chesapeake.8 This centripetal development
was eclipsed in the next century by increasing urbanization. In contrast, Baltimores eventual
growth, expansion, and engagement with the surrounding landscape were fundamentally
centrifugal.
Baltimore Town was founded in 1729 and was incorporated in 1797. At the time, its most
prominent streets led outwards, towards other markets: Philadelphia to the north-east, of course,
but also York, Reisterstown, Frederick, and Bel Air, the principal sources of goods for Baltimores port and the destinations of goods flowing in from the rest of the world. Urban development at first simply filled in the spaces left over by these roads, or else aligned new streets
parallel to the nearest turnpike. But, as the grid-iron city plan captured the visual imagination
of so many Americans,9 so it did with Baltimoreans.

Figure 6. Nova Terrae Mariae Tabula, Jerome Hawley and John Lewger (1635). Courtesy Maryland
State Archives.

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Figure 7. Plan of the City of Baltimore, Thomas Poppleton (1823), published by CP Harrison; vignettes
engraved by J. Cone. Courtesy Library of Congress.

Seeking to plan the citys expansion, a state-appointed board deputized Thomas Poppleton to
survey the citys boundaries and thoroughfares, culminating in the famous map attributed to
Poppleton and published by Charles Peter Harrison in the year 1823 (Figure 7). This plan for
Baltimore was akin to Penns plan for Philadelphia and the Commissioners Plan for
New York. Like both plans, Poppletons map proposed a grid extending to the citys outermost
boundaries.10 As it turned out, this plan directly controlled the growth of the city for more than
60 years, and its boundary still defines the real Baltimore for many contemporary citizens.
Yet Poppletons map is even more fascinating in its own right, as an artefact. An array of architectural vignettes surrounds the city plan; each engraving illustrates a public building of significance. The choice of subjects and their relative positions are legible guides to Baltimores
publicly professed civic values in 1823. At the top, for example, are the edifices of secular and
social prominence: the Museum, Assembly Rooms, the Union Bank, Latrobes Custom House,
and the first medical school building of the University of Maryland. On the sides are religious
buildings, including churches and (with no intended irony) the penitentiary. At the maps lower
edge are Baltimores monuments, to Washington and to the 1814 Battle of Baltimore. And next
to them are two city views, anticipating the Unions great mania for such views in the succeeding

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decades.11 The first is an interpretation of an earlier drawing, Moales View of Baltimore in

1752.12 This before picture is juxtaposed with an after picture, dated to 1822. In the latter,
one can easily perceive the bend in Baltimores horizon; the city is drawn, literally, as a fragment
of a navigable globe. The entire ensemble points towards a national geography, defined by an
abstract network of mercantile and institutional relationships. Baltimores direct involvement in
the birth of rail transport, begun within the next decade, would realize this implicit promise.
Development of the Baltimore & Ohio (B&O) Railroad placed the city at the trailhead of the
nations westward expansion. As the western-most city among the Unions east-coast ports,
Baltimore was a natural starting point for the National Road as early as 1811. The energy
invested in that effort increased after 1828 with the construction of the railroad from Baltimore
towards the Ohio valley. A generation later, promise turned to promotion, and advertising of the
1850s followed suit (Figure 8). A posters hyperbole was not, necessarily, exaggeration; the
B&O line was indeed the central link of a route reaching between the countrys past and
the Great Nation of Futurity13 depicted within the lithographs trompe-lil frame.
The visual scale of continental geography shares the picture plane with smaller-scale scenes
and place maps along the railroads route. Baltimores Camden Station takes pride-of-place at
the top and centre. Vignettes, illustrating sights along the route, lie to each side. The scenes selections conform in part to touristic expectations, such as Baltimores Washington Monument or passenger destinations like Martinsburg and Cumberland. But most depict the B&Os engineering
infrastructure: Thomas Viaduct, Elysville Bridge, and innovative iron structures along the route
further west at Cheat River and over the Monongahela. The poster also promises what it could
not deliver, since direct rail connection to Cincinnati and St. Louis was at least a decade away.
On the other hand, the route map de-emphasizes rail travel as mere one-dimensional movement
from beginning to end. The B&O might have been a central link, but it was a link within a complicated web of movement patterns and technologies. Baltimores place in this web had then to be
defined in novel terms: through distances, way distances, and railway time determined by
synchronized mechanical timepieces. One can perceive already the emergence of a mechanistic
cosmography, in which Baltimores genius loci was merely one of the worlds moving parts,
more or less subservient to the whole of something more than, even, a national idea.
Baltimores role as the hub of the nations rail belied popular geography; from the point of
view of its citizens, the dividing line between North and South was not the cartographers
MasonDixon line, but the B&Os iron one. The relative density of rail lines above and
below the Ohio River shows how This Great Railroad did in fact reinforce regional differences.
At the start of the Civil War, the B&Os leadership generally identified with the Confederate
cause but nevertheless sought opportunity in exclusive service to the Union. Yet, despite the
companys aggressive expansion in the years during and after the Civic War, Baltimores commercial and geographic prominence soon foundered due to more successful entrepreneurs, technologies, and markets elsewhere on the continent. By the mid-1890s, the B&O entered
receivership, and Baltimoreans could no longer identify that companys strength with their
own commercial well-being.
A similar transition occurred at the local scale of city transportation, the increased efficacy of
which eventually undermined the functional importance of Baltimores city centre. The licensing
of streetcar lines to extend beyond the municipal boundaries and the early electrification of those
lines in 1885 allowed developers to place the entire city on railway time. Like other Americans,
increasing numbers of well-to-do Baltimoreans sought ostensibly prestigious surroundings beyond

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Figure 8. Baltimore and Ohio Railroad . . . Great National Road, G. Hunckel (circa 1858). Courtesy
Maryland Historical Society.

the citys geographical core (Figure 9). As the citys general fortunes declined, those with sufficient means could more easily remove themselves literally from the exigencies of city life.
Simultaneous with the introduction of Baltimores segregationist residential laws, among the
earliest in the nation,14 first-tier suburbanization afforded the citys social elite a visually benign
landscape in which to establish new patterns of settlement. One of the citys earliest streetcar
suburbs, Roland Park, is notable mostly for its well-known designers, the sons of Frederick Law
Olmsted. But Roland Parks fame is also in this: its planned characteristics anticipated the abstract
qualities for which American suburbs, a century later, are so exceedingly well known. The design of
Roland Park is the very embodiment of what Lewis Mumford, with obvious sarcasm, referred to
years later as the superficially restored . . . dream of Jeffersonian democracy.15

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Figure 9. Suburban and City Map, United Railways (1911). Courtesy JScholarship/The Sheridan
Libraries of Johns Hopkins University.

Before the Olmsteds involvement, Roland Parks initial parcel was planned by George
Kessler, whose work as Kansas Citys city engineer had brought him to national attention.
Roland Park was laid out initially along a slightly deformed grid, inflected by the curve of
the main boulevard. Kesslers plan, Plat Number 1, reflects the nineteenth-century developers
rational approach to subdivision, in which the simplicity of rectangular lots provided for high
yields and technically tractable infrastructure. But Plat Number 2 was a different story entirely

Figure 10. Roland Park Plat 2, Olmstead Brothers Company (1901). MS 504, Series 3, Box 35: Roland
Park Company Papers. Courtesy Special Collections, Sheridan Libraries, Johns Hopkins University.

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(Figure 10). Local legend tells that sales had been slow in the original development, so the
Roland Park Company sought to upgrade the projects design and contacted the Olmsteds.
Within the plans boundaries, circulation meanders with self-conscious picturesqueness. At
the edges, the developers typical regularity returns. But the Olmsteds scheme must be understood, in part, as a pragmatic response to topography. The parcel for which Plat Number 2 was
prepared is essentially one long, steep decent towards the west. For perhaps the first time in Baltimores urban development, planners had accommodated the lands undulations. And as a proposition about urban living, Plat Number 2 attracts our own times retrospective complaints: the
picturesque circuitousness of the streets, for instance, their implicit rejection of pedestrian
activity, or the surveillance implied by the culs-de-sac layout. Nevertheless, from a regional
or even global perspective, Roland Park and its contemporaries have afforded subsequent planners enormously seductive images. In the century since Roland Parks creation, planners in the
USA and around the world have used its formal characteristics for application to cultures and
landscapes bearing little similarity.16 These culs-de-sac and curving roadways, conceived originally to follow parallel contours, were instead embraced by professionals and the public alike as
spatial hieroglyphs of a desired way of life.
That way of life had its ultimate expression in Baltimore 60 years later, when large- and smallscale systems collided over the layout of the citys intra-urban expressways (Figure 11). When
seen from the air, against the trace of Poppletons street grid, highways appear eerily similar to
Roland Parks winding paths. Did engineers conceive such images as processes or illustrations

Figure 11. EastWest and Southwest Expressways, City of Baltimore, from Interstate Highways 70N
and 95, the EastWest and Southwest Expressways, Baltimore, Maryland, Preliminary Engineering
Report (1961). Department of Public Works, City of Baltimore. Courtesy Scott M. Kozel: http://
www.roadstothefuture.com/Balt_Early_Expwy_Plan.html#Compl_E-W_SW_Studies.

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of a planned final state? Or might these alignments have marked the borders of new developments, each with its own nucleus and community identity?
Baltimoreans responses to these questions have been varied and, often, contradictory. As
other historians have explained,17 public opposition slowed down highway development in
its earliest stages; a decade later, highway plans were in part undermined by the very
designers hired to promote them.18 But Baltimores continuing population loss to the surrounding counties attests to the success with which car transportation was embraced by
the greater part of the population. Study Locations most enduring legacy remains, therefore,
in the minds of those still subject to the ideology which created it. The imperative of personal mobility became global in its appeal and is potent even today. As a recent memorandum to the American Association of State Highway Officials maintains, [t]he Interstate
serves as a backbone of both our domestic and international logistics system, providing
for critical and timely flows between production sources and consumers.19 Baltimores position within that system has, of course, long since devolved. No longer a trailhead, the city
became instead the host for a still-growing, parasitic conurbation, effectively global in extent.
The consequence of Baltimores accelerated suburbanization included the decay of what had
long been the citys most vital urban areas. Throughout the USA, the opening of regional shopping
and business centres outside the core exacerbated problems caused by the exodus of residents. As
in other cities, Baltimores politicians and their technical staff embraced urban renewal to draw
attention to the promise of change for the better. Renewal included innovative mechanisms for
redevelopment, as well as promotion of that periods planning fads. Among them was the reinvention of Baltimores downtown as a regional hub, known by the generic phrase MetroCenter
(Figure 12). This graphic illustrates MetroCenter as a collage of old and new, vying for prominence within a precinct bounded by high-volume boulevards. Titled Baltimore 1990, an aerial
view depicts projects already under development as well as projects for which inspiration
would prove more influential than feasibility. A message from Baltimores popular mayor,
William Donald Schaefer, captures the plans boosterism: Baltimore is on the move.20
This spare, axonometric illustration was a revelation to Baltimoreans. Areas around the Inner
Harbor, long inaccessible except to gritty commerce and industry, were represented here as
open, clean, and suitable for recreation. The waterfront has remained enormously popular,
and its emphasis effected a change in the way in which Baltimoreans understood the context
of their environment. For the first time in more than 150 years, the basin and the Chesapeake
Bay beyond could be perceived as more than just the port-of-entry for goods flowing in and
out. Instead, Baltimores waterfront became the centre of a symbolic landscape, made visible
through the iconography of mass media.
One final example embodies iconographys ascendency well. Baltimore Green Map marries
digital media with the publics increasing curiosity about local ecological conditions (Figure 13).
As its website proclaims:
Baltimore is one of over 600 locales participating in the international Green Map System. Mapmaking teams pair GMSs adaptable tools and universal iconography with local knowledge and leadership to share green living, ecological, social and cultural resources.21

The digital Green Map System evolved from paper-based origins in New York City. A graphic
designer, Wendy Brawer, created the first Green Apple Map as a printed map featuring sites

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Figure 12. Baltimore 1990, Baltimore City Department of Planning (1977). Courtesy JScholarship/
Sheridan Libraries, Johns Hopkins University.

Figure 13. Baltimore Regional Green Map (2011): http://www.opengreenmap.org/greenmap/baltimoreregional-green-map. Used by permission.

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relevant to ecology. Within only a few years, Green Map became an online system, linking
similar maps around the world. A set of visual keys, called Green Map Icons, are a globally
designed universal set of symbols, conceived to [make] each Green Map easy to explore,
regardless of the language and cultural orientation of the user.22 Green Map Systems focus
on cross-cultural legibility underscores that cultural symbols have their own cosmographic
scale, depending on extent, variety, and significance (Figure 14).
Like New Yorks original example, Baltimore GreenMap was the initiative of a designer
who sought to cross disciplines. Janet Felsten, the scope of whose work includes urban planning,
education, and community activism, has explained that creating Baltimore GreenMap attests to
the power of the geographic imagination:
I believe that the self-image of our city would be infinitely improved if we could hold in our minds
eye not just the scenic characteristics that define it waterfront, stream valleys, parks, monuments,
architectural landmarks, major thoroughfares but also the many elements that show a cleaner,
greener, safer, healthier Baltimore to be a dawning reality.
. . . Through participation in the Green Map System, we also connect with the global sustainability movement, mapmakers in fifty countries sharing the common vocabulary of GMS icons to chart
their local resources.23

Figure 14. Green Map Icons (1995 2011):

GreenMapIcons_V3_Chart.pdf. Used by permission.

http://www.greenmap.org/greenhouse/files/gms/

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Baltimore GreenMaps web-based presentation of the city depends strongly on the more general
mapping technologies that are so characteristic of contemporary web-based applications. Superimposed on Googles familiar map/window interface are a large number of Green Map Icons,
curated and digitally marked by Baltimore GreenMaps staff. In addition, the global Green
Maps interactivity extends beyond mere on-screen manipulation. The public is invited to nominate sites and add their comments, so that the system may be expanded dynamically through
participation. Baltimore Green Map actively positions, therefore, the citys evolving visual
history within new contexts, affording a new mechanism by which to coordinate space, time,
and human society.

Cosmography in Baltimores twenty-first century: programme or pleading?

As architect Diana Balmori has written,
[p]hysical geography has been able to produce very detailed spatial maps, but only recently has it
developed methods to record rapid changes over time . . . Focusing on time at a much finer resolution captures changes before unnoticed yielding images of a reality that is in constant flux,
where the static, solid matter of our world melts into a series of temporary events.24

Indeed, the premise that any physical place may remain perpetually in flux seems to belie the
possibility of a true cosmography, that is, a situation within a universal order. But even
Ptolemy could admit that the movement of the heavenly bodies . . . is . . . unchangeable

Figure 15.

Baltimore Famers Market, Kevin Moreno (2010). Used by permission.

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Figure 16. Baltimore City View, 2000 10 Census Tract Population Change (2011). http://cityview.baltimorecity.gov/. Department of Planning, Baltimore City.

destiny, while the change of earthly things . . . is governed by chance and natural sequence.25
Continued attention to urban cosmography should reflect, therefore, the essentially dynamic
nature of even familiar things and should point towards a new ethos of representation.
Todays Baltimore has a continuing need for reinvestment, renovation, and (perhaps most
crucially) re-enchantment (Figure 15). Critical observers need a perspective that straddles
growth and decay, depicting both but obscuring neither. The challenge, for those who will continue to map the city, is to expand the scope of their vision and yet to render faithfully city lifes
harsh exigencies. In the past, Baltimoreans have looked to narrative media, including prose and
cinema, for such inspiration.
In the future, however, they will depend increasingly upon visualizations of data (Figure 16):
demographic, scenographic, and cosmographic.

Notes on contributor
Jeremy Kargon is a practising architect, with 25 years postgraduate professional experience. Having
worked both in the USA and in the Middle East, Kargon is especially interested in the cultural dimension
of architects work, strongly determined by local social factors. Kargons academic research explores
architecture and urbanisms representation and its role in the unfolding of historical relationships.

Notes
1. Brumbaugh, Preface to Cosmography, 53.
2. Fiorani, Marvel of Maps, 101.

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3. Park and Daston, Cambridge History of Science, 470.

4. Lestringant, Mapping the Renaissance World, 6.
5. White, Relation of Maryland. See also Papenfuse and Coale, Atlas of Historical Maps of Maryland,
8 10.
6. Charter of Maryland.
7. Bruckner, Geographic Revolution in Early America, 81.
8. Mathews, The Counties of Maryland, 16371680, 14 15.
9. Upton, Another City, 130 1.
10. Kargon, Thomas Poppletons Map, 185 207.
11. Reps, Birds Eye Views, 7.
12. The maps engraving is, in fact, a copy of a copy; a similar version, prepared by the architect William
Strickland, was published in 1817.
13. OSullivan, Great Nation of Futurity, 426 30.
14. Pietila, Not in My Neighborhood, 23.
15. Mumford, City in History, 500.
16. King, Spaces of Global Culture, 106 7.
17. For an excellent source of primary and secondary documents concerning Baltimores highway planning, see the online resource of Kozel, Roads to the Future.
18. Solberg, Riding High, 257. See also Mohl, Interstates and the Cities, 202.
19. PB Consult, Inc., Technical Memorandum #1, 42.
20. Baltimore City Department of Planning, Baltimore 1990.
21. Baltimore Green Map, Green Map System.
22. Greenmap, Green Map Icons.
23. Open Society Institute Baltimore, Audacious Ideas: Baltimore Green Map.
24. Balmori, Just in Time, 16.
25. Ptolemy, Tetrabiblos, 24 5.

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Plantation, His Majesties Charter to the Lord Baltemore. London: 1635.

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