Volosinov
Volosinov
Volosinov
Forschungsbericht
Jonathan Hall
The Bakhtin Centre, Sheffield
Kristevas (b. 1941) attempt in the 1960s to make Baxtin, in her own words, un
interlocuteur de la thorie contemporaine des annes 19601970, et non pas un
objet du pass, the stated aim of Tylkowski-Ageevas and Sriots translation is the
opposite: to achieve a systematic reinsertion (une remise en contexte systma-
tique) of Voloinovs work into the intellectual and social context from which it
emerged (p.15). The key to this goal of historical fidelity is to be the refusal of all
anachronisme (p.16), by which Sriot means the retrospective imposition of later
thinking about language, society, and consciousness upon a thinker who could not
have read the later works by such key thinkers as Emile Benveniste (19021976).
Sriots historical reading of Voloinov is explicitly focused on describing him
in terms of what he was not (p.16). Just as Baxtin was not a promoter of democra-
cy or of feminist thought, so Voloinov was not a prcurseur of Michel Pcheux
(19381984), Michel Foucault (19261984), or Jacques Lacan (19011981). Nor
was his work an anticipation de la pragmatique, de la sociolinguistique ou de
la thorie de lnonciation (pp.1617). However, there is a significant shift in
this move from a justifiable denunciation of those who project specific contem-
porary beliefs (either their own or those of their antagonists) onto Baxtin and/or
Voloinov, and the denial of historical antecedence, or even a degree of anticipa-
tion, which some might justly claim to find in the work of either thinker. Sriot
dismisses all such claims as evidence of a misleading effet de reconnaissance
(p.63). But a precursor is not a prophet, and it is surely legitimate to read his-
torical developments retrospectively. This does not necessarily impose those later
developments onto the past thinker in question. Whatever the virtues or vices of
Kristevas re-reading, it at least showed an alertness to the danger of historicism,
which condemns its objects to being mere objects of purely philological under-
standing, to cite Voloinovs own expression for the elimination of all dialogism
from the activity of reading.
However, there are undeniable advantages in attempting to observe a scrupu-
lous historical respect for the originating context, and the virtue in Patrick Sriots
critical attention to the sources (or most of them) for Voloinovs and Baxtins
thought is that it undoubtedly questions the uncritical, often hagiographic appro-
priation of these thinkers by contemporary commentators, of left or right, religious
or liberal relativist, both in the West and in post-Soviet Russia itself. Here Sriots
concern, not only with the source material but also with Voloinovs immediate
social, institutional and intellectual milieu is often valuable and instructive. More-
over, it is at one with a general trend in Baxtinian scholarship nowadays, which is
increasingly aimed at illuminating the previously obscured issues of intellectual
provenance. This field of historical research is very rich and is still being worked by
many specialists, including Patrick Sriot himself. If there is any common thread
linking these research endeavours, it is not to be found in any explicit ideology, but
Voloinov between Marx and Saussure 345
reste faire pour explorer ses autres liens avec le monde intellectuel de son lieu et
de son temps, en particulier avec Vygotski.
[And yet, as historians of linguistics and semiotics, we have read him with delight
[!]. His intellectual universe was worth exploring. There is still much to be done to
explore his other links with the intellectual world of his time and place, especially
with Vygotski.]
It is not his work, we are told, but his universe that calls for further historical ex-
ploration. The unexpected, and doubtless ironic delight springs out here because,
if there is indeed any pleasure to be derived from this text, it is said to arise from
reading Voloinov as a historical specimen of interest to experts, and certainly not
as a co-thinker or partner in ongoing dialogue. In that respect, there is simply no
discovery to be made. But there is nonetheless an intense dialogue going on within
this essay. In his global attack on Voloinov, Sriot is not simply indulging in a
rather pointless attack on a straw man. The true object of the polemic is not the
long dead Voloinov, whose thought is denied any value throughout; it is rather
those who injudiciously continue to take him seriously, and have done so since
the 1970s. It is this polemical dialogue which gives the shape, tone, meaning (and
dare I add delight?) to this critical history. Moreover, it is this provocation which
makes his introduction, and this new bi-lingual translation itself, indispensable
reading.
Bilingual texts are inherently anti-authoritarian. Here translators do not re-
serve the final word (Baxtin) for themselves, since they implicitly agree to submit
all their decisions and judgements to critical examination. It is regrettable that this
procedure is not more widely followed in the Anglophone world, where some-
times execrable translations acquire a false authority which becomes widespread
and almost unavoidable. This translation is excellent, and because of that excel-
lence it enables Patrick Sriots stringent criticisms to be tested against the text,
even by those whose knowledge of Russian may not be totally fluent (i.e., the in-
tended readers of any bi-lingual text). Although it is possible to quibble on occa-
sions, this translation easily passes the test of a dual reading. If disagreements or
counter-readings then arise, they can be considered genuine differences of opin-
ion (although they may also be genuine examples of stupidity!). Dialogue there-
fore becomes possible, rather than being stifled on the familiar grounds of the
alleged inaccessibility of the source material to all but the specialist. By the same
token, this openness also means that contemporary readers who persist in finding
value in Voloinovs work, have to concede that in Sriots polemical dialogue with
them there is a case to be answered.
One of the striking absences in Patrick Sriots otherwise thorough and in-
formative attention to the intellectual provenance of Voloinovs thought, is the
Voloinov between Marx and Saussure 347
1. Cf. Le Dictionnaire Robert: Chez HEGEL, le moment dialectique dsigne non seulement
ltape entre la thse et lantithse, mais la force [] qui mne de lune lautre. [In HEGELs
thought, the dialectical moment designates not only the stage between thesis and antithesis, but
the force [] leading from the one to the other.]
348 Jonathan Hall
tive also provides the basis for Hegels dialectic of the Master and the Bondsman,
in which a concealed reversibility means that the master is actually dependent on
the recognition of the bondsman (which Kojve, Hippolyte, and recently iek
in The Sublime Object of Ideology [1989], relate to Marxist theories of subordina-
tion). Whether the idealist myth is consistent with Marxism is an open question,
but it certainly accords with much empirical evidence of the role of conquest in
the formation of national languages (including English, for example), and with the
Gramscian idea of hegemony, developed partly through his contacts with Russian
linguists. Indirectly, this calls into question Sriots assertion that Voloinovs ideas
had nothing to do with those of Antonio Gramsci (pp.57, 64, and 80).
Patrick Sriot rightly points out that Voloinovs denunciation of Saussurean
linguistics as a system of normatively identical forms fails to note that the system
in question is defined by Saussure in his Cours as a system of differences without
positive terms, in a key passage which Voloinov does not quote. Accordingly,
Voloinov affirms that the Saussurean sign is bereft of all flexibility, and this gives
no space for discussing the signifier/signified dyad which will be so central to later
structuralist, post-structuralist, and even post-modernist readings of texts and
cultural productions. But Sriots basic charge here is that Voloinov simply mis-
understood Saussure because he was a sociological empiricist who failed to under-
stand that the science of linguistics founded by Saussure, like any science, did not
rest on the naive concept of a one-to-one relationship between scientific theory
and objective reality (pp.8889 and 9192). His counter-argument, that a science
models its object by constructing it from a theoretical point of view, is undoubt-
edly the nub of the matter, but it is far less certain that Voloinov did not under-
stand that point. Indeed, his inattention to Saussures insistence on the principle of
internal differentiation within la langue, constructed or modelled by abstraction
from the otherwise unsystematisable chaos of le langage, may well have been be-
cause that internal play did not affect what was for him the main issue, namely the
ontological status of the system derived through the process of abstraction.
There is no space for pursuing these issues here, beyond noting that they are
very much alive today, particularly with the fading of the structuralist paradigm.
But Galin Tihanovs observation that the prevalent neo-Kantianism was develop-
ing towards Hegel for its own internal reasons is very important for understanding
the historical sources. This was supported from another, perhaps suspect direction
by Lenins injunction in the Philosophical Notebooks, also published in 1929, that all
Marxists should turn back to a thorough study of Hegel (Tihanov 2000:268270).
There are no references to this in Sriots account of the intellectual background or
his footnotes. The relevant point to be made about Voloinovs attempt to outline
the basic problems of the sociological method in the science of language (the sub-
title of this work) is that, at its most interesting (and not at its weakest polemical
Voloinov between Marx and Saussure 349
points), it invokes the dialectic as a way of moving beyond the limitations (not
just the falsehoods) of the systemic rationalism of the Saussurean revolution. That
is why he argues for a need for a theoretical mode which can move back from
the moments of abstraction to their concrete realisation, in order to understand
their reciprocal interaction within this totality more fully. It is undoubtedly true
that Voloinov presents the issue in terms of the contrast between the Romantic
schools concern with creativity and becoming (in which, like Baxtin he assigns
the creative or transformational function to social dialogism) and the abstract
systematicity whose origins he traces back to the Enlightenment and Cartesian
philosophy. But it is Patrick Sriot who translates that into a conflict between the
philosophical traditions of France versus Germany (with Bergson as an example
of the unfortunate dominance of German irrational and Romantic energeia over
the besieged rationalism of France). Setting aside Voloinovs numerous explicit
criticisms of Vosslers subjective individualism, Sriot presents him as a follower
of Humboldt and Vosslers Romantic anti-empiricism, which he merely recasts
in Marxist terminology. In Voloinovs references to totality, contrasted with the
mechanical aspect of rationalistic systems, Sriot detects the organicism charac-
teristic of the reactionary face of German Romanticism and its notorious heritage.
But here the absence of references to Hegel and Hegelianism in both text and foot-
notes is telling. In 19th-century science, biological thought was not initially an
affirmation of the enclosed unities of state, race, or culture which it became later.
It was above all a way of putting the arrow of time, which is to say becoming and
irreversibility, into scientific rationality. This applied to both the natural and the
human sciences, and in complex ways the reckoning of time and transformation
had to include the position of the observer too. Whether Voloinovs attempted
dialectic is successful is certainly debatable, and there is a large unaddressed ques-
tion of the relationship between his dialectics and Baxtinian dialogism, but his use
of dialectical thought cannot be assessed if it is not even acknowledged, except to
be dismissed.
Near the end of his essay, Patrick Sriot asks: Comment construire une tho-
rie de la connaissance de ce qui nest pas ritrable? [How is it possible to con-
struct a theory of knowledge of the unrepeatable?] (p.92). The question is rhe-
torical, meaning that Voloinov fails to do so. But he gives no space to Voloinovs
dialectical formulation of the problem on page 332. There he carefully outlines
the constitutive relationship between the iterable abstract momenty (translated on
the opposite page as lments) and the unique or specific situation to which the
utterance struggles to be adequate, arguing that to focus on the non-iterable (or
unrepeatable) alone would make us poor dialecticians (de pitres dialecticiens).
This attempt to formulate the relationship of the abstract to the concrete as dialec-
tical may be mistaken perhaps, but it is not an argument which amounts to saying
350 Jonathan Hall
2. As always, Sriots page reference is to the 1930 publication, but the corresponding pages in
this volume are pp.159161.
Voloinov between Marx and Saussure 351
He cites the objections from the Marrists to Voloinovs description of the sign as
ideologically neutral in support of his own view that Voloinov is not a Marxist in
any recognisable sense, and that he makes no reference to the class struggle:
Ce nest que dans la premire partie que le marxisme est discut, avec lide que le
signe idologique est larne de la lutte des classes (MPL, p.27). Mais en mme
temps le signe est neutre (MPL, p.18).
[It is only in the first part that Marxism is discussed, with the idea that the ideo-
logical sign is the arena of the class struggle (MPL, p.27). But at the same time,
the sign is neutral] (MPL, p.18).3
As Russian has no definite article, the arena of class struggle (larne de la lutte
des classes), might just as well have been rendered as an arena (une arne ),
which seems closer to Voloinovs argument that the sign becomes (stanovitsja/
devient) such an arena. But it is the little mais between Sriots two selected quo-
tations which is more significant. They are set in a rhetorical contrast to make
Voloinov seem absurdly self-contradictory rather than a theorist of contradic-
tions within a single field of encounter (edinstvo) which is necessary to dialecti-
cal understanding (and to dialogism too, in fact). In the first of these references,
Voloinov makes a distinction between the word as an ideological sign and all
other ideological signs whose meaning is more fixed. So when he discusses the
neutrality of the word, he does so to argue for its greater degree of flexibility. Ad-
mittedly, the relative fixity of the other kinds of sign is not fully clarified, but the
idea of the linguistic sign as an arena of class struggle in the second reference is
perfectly clear. Moreover, it puts Voloinov quite close to Gramsci, despite Sriots
affirmation to the contrary. Here Voloinov relates the idea of linguistic refrac-
tion (perelomlenie)4 within the sign to the indisputable fact, for a Marxist anyway,
that single communities are inwardly divided by conflicting interests, while none-
theless speaking (communicating) in a common language (p.161):
La classe ne concide pas avec la collectivit smiotique, cest--dire avec la collec-
tivit qui utilise les mmes signes dchange idologique. Les diffrentes classes
utilisent une seule et mme langue. Par consquent, dans chaque signe idolo-
gique sentrecroisent des accents dorientation diffrente (raznonapravlenniye ak-
centy) . Le signe devient larne de la lutte des classes.
3. The equivalent page references for this volume are p.161 and p.139, respectively.
4. Galin Tihanov notes Voloinovs originality here: It is important to stress that endowing
language (and hence literature) with the power to refract, not merely reflect reality signifies a
major departure from the prevailing Marxist view of that time, in which language and the super-
structure were afforded a largely passive status (Tihanov 2000:98).
352 Jonathan Hall
[A class does not coincide with a semiotic collectivity, that is to say with the col-
lective which makes use of the same signs of ideological exchange. The different
classes use one and the same language. Consequently, within each ideological sign
there is an interplay between accents bearing different intentions. The sign be-
comes the [or an?] arena of class struggle.]
The most obvious semiotic collectivity would be the nation, all of whose mem-
bers use the same national language (normally, at least, although Tsarist Russia
was a notable exception), even though they are divided by class and, it could be
added, by age, gender, status, caste, and smaller group identities too. One might
object that not all these differences are necessarily dialectically opposed in mutual
struggle. Or, to put this in Baxtinian terms, dialogical interplay and dialectical bi-
polarity are not necessarily the same. But Voloinovs stronger point here is that
even within the minimal social group, whose members may communicate co-op-
eratively like good Habermasians, the linguistic signs used will still be inevitably
fissured inwardly by the ongoing social struggles. Sriots assertion that Voloinov
does not even deal with symbolic violence (p.57) is very wide of the mark.
It is certainly true that Voloinovs account of the mobility of the sign has
nothing to do with the instability of the signifier/signified dyad which has re-
cently become somewhat overused in much of our radical deconstruction as it
dispenses with the old ideas of historical agency. For Voloinov, by contrast, the
multiple overdetermination of the sign, and its potential for development, are a
consequence of the social struggles conducted through it (p.161):
Cette pluriaccentuation sociale du signe idologique en est une composante essen-
tielle. En fait, ce nest que grce cet entrecroisement des accents que le signe est
vivant et mobile, capable dvoluer.
[This pluriaccentuation is an essential component of the ideological sign. In fact,
it is only because of this accentual interplay that the sign is alive and mobile, and
capable of evolving.]
The translators choice of tend for stremitsja (strives) weakens Voloinovs idea
of inward struggle. However, the apparently inaccurate rendre invisible for zag-
nat vnutr (to drive inwards) is fully justified, because Voloinov is referring to a
struggle within discursively organised signs that are already constitutive of inward
consciousness. Voloinovs enquiry has brought him to a different perspective here,
and his struggle is apparent too. What the would-be hegemonic ideology seeks to
make unavailable to consciousness (i.e., invisible) in pursuit of its own unchal-
lenged monological dominance, is not just the opposing viewpoints and evaluations
but the very existence of the struggle (borba/lutte) itself. It was Voloinovs earlier
antagonist Freud who argued that the internal censor, like the actual external censor,
had not achieved its task until it obliterated the traces of its own censoring activ-
ity. Here Voloinov produces a reverse account of the unconscious. Whereas Freud
had argued that the displacements of metaphor and metonymy (i.e., refractions) are
the strategies which enable the repressed contents of the unconscious to achieve a
measure of indirect expression, bypassing the vigilance of the censorship, Voloinov,
who had no time for such bourgeois concepts as the unconscious, is nonetheless
brought to the point of giving it articulate theorisation but from the other side. Here
the unconscious is actively produced by the censorship, i.e., the ideology struggling
to impose or maintain its dominance, because in this very drive to silence (or make
invisible) its opposing other, it creates the distortions and misrecognitions which
it needs. This is a version of ideology as activity, not as prior structure, and its pro-
duction of misrecognitions in the course of its struggles has more in common with
the arguments of Gilles Deleuze (19251995) and Flix Guattari (19301992) in
their Anti-Oedipe (1972)5 than with Freud. At the same time, unlike the Marxist
Voloinov, they argue that there is no such thing as ideology, meaning in all prob-
ability the various versions of ideology as a single structure which were predominant
at the time, and still are.
5. Cf. Deleuze & Guattari (1972:136137) in particular. There the displacement which pro-
duces guilty misrecognition in the subject addressed by the law is the strategy which secures
its dominance.
354 Jonathan Hall
References
Deleuze, Gilles & Flix Guattari. 1972. LAnti-Oedipe: Capitalisme et schizophrnie. Paris: Les
ditions de Minuit.
Tihanov, Galin. 2000. The Master and the Slave: Lukcs, Bakhtin and the ideas of their time. Ox-
ford: Oxford University Press.
Zizek, Slavoj. 1989. The Sublime Object of Ideology. London & New York: Verso.
Authors address:
Jonathan Hall
The Bakhtin Centre
University of Sheffield
Jessop West
1 Upper Hanover Street
Sheffield S3 7RA
Un ite d Ki ngd om
e-mail: jonathanraehall@gmail.com