Austin 2nd Edition
Austin 2nd Edition
Austin 2nd Edition
AUSTIN
PHILOSOPHICAL
PAPERS
SECOND EDITION
EDITED BY
J. 0. URMSON
AND
G. J. WARNOCK
OXFORD
AT THE CLARENDON PRESS
1970
O x j r d University Press, Ely House, London W. 1
GLASGOW NEW YORK TORONTO MELBOURNE WELLINGTON
CAPE TOWN SALISBURY [BADAN NAIROBI DAR ES SALAAM LUSAKA ADDIS ABABA
EIOMBAY CALCUTTA MADRAS KARACHI LAHORE DACCA
KUALA LUMPUR SINGAPORE HONG KONG TOKYO
P R I N T E D I N GREAT B R I T A I N
FOREWORD
applies, that that was the same as the order of their public
presentation in print or otherwise.
J. 0. U R M S O N
G. J. W A R N O C K
Oxford 19 69
CONTENTS
4. Other ~ i i l d s
5 . Truth
7. Unfair to Facts
I I. Pretending
Index
ATAOON A N D EYAAIMONIA I N THE
E T H I C S OF A R I S T O T L E 1
with him, but I think his article has the great merit of raising
serious questions.
Statement of Pr.fessor Prirhard's ronclusions. Professor Prichard
begins by stating
- -
his 'heretical' conclusions, as follows:
I. Aristotle really meant by ciaddv 'conducive to our hap-
piness'.
2. ~ristotlemaintained that when a man does an action
deliberately, as distinct from impulsively, he does it simply in
order to, i.e. from the desire to, become happy, this being- so
even when he does what is virtuous or speculates.2 -
(To take a parallel case. Suppose that I do not know the mean-
ing of the adjective 'green': and that throughout a certain work
A r A @ O N AND EYAAIMONIA 3
I find it opposed to the adjective 'experienced', except in two
passages where it is opposed to 'red' and 'yellow'. Then if I
know on other grounds that 'experienced' means something
sufficiently different from 'red' or 'yellow', I can infer that
'green' must, in these two passages, have a meaning different
from that which it has throughout the rest of the work.)
If this is actually the sort of argument on which Professor
Prichard is relying, I think there are considerations which will
lead him to abandon it.
I. & ~ eis dopposed
~ to poXOqP6velsewhere in the NE-e-g. in
IX. viii. 7-where pleasure is not under discussion. (Not to
mention passages in other works, e.g. Met. 1ozo~21.)I have
not found a case of dyaedv being explicitly opposed to # a ~ h o v
elsewhere, but cf: (3) in&.
2. dyaBdv is constantly opposed to ~ a ~ in
. - -
d the
v two discussions
of pleasure: VII. i. 1-2, xiii. I and 7, xiv. 2 and 9, x. ii. 5 . In
vn in particular, the discussion is introduced and terminated by
an opposition between dyaedv and ~ a ~ dand v , in xiv. z we read :
easily be found.)
~t is, of course, possible that some distinction can be drawn
betweenm~dvon the one hand and +aCAov and p~x07pdv on the
other. But (a) it is clearly incumbent on Professor Prichard to
draw it-which he does~notdo. (b) Even so he would by no
means be out of the wood, for (i) it does not seem to be true
that a'yaOd~is, in these passages on pleasures, more commonly
opposed to +aCAov and po~87p6vthan to ~ a ~ d pxOTpdv v . only
occurs once in each book, and is only used as opposite of &yaedv
in v11. xiv. 2: and there it is only so oppo&d because it is
equated with ~ a ~ d +aGAov v. is opposed to ciya06v only once in
x. i. z, a rather popular passage: and there, as section 5 of
the same chapter shows, it is equivalent to K ~ K ~ V(ii) . Actually
&yaedv is in these same passages much more commonly opposed
to ~ a ~ d and v , so presumably has its 'normal' sense. (But we
shall see that it is vital for Professor Prichard that, when
Aristotle says '480vi is an dyaed~',dyaOdv should never have its
'normal' sense of 'conducive to our happiness.') (iii) In a most
important passage, x. ii. I, exactly the same remarks are made
about &yaOdv as in I. i. r, a passage on which Professor Prichard
relies in arriving at his interpretation of it as 'conducive to our
happiness'. Here then & a B d v must presumably have that mean-
ing: but this is one of the places where $04is said to be an
dyaOdv, which, on Professor Prichard's interpretation of dyaedv,
-
compatible with the rest, on the ground that it will not square
with our interpretation of those-meanings. At least it would
be necessary to prove that s68acpovla must elsewhere mean
'pleasure': but, it seems to me, Professor Prichard does not
prove this, he assumes it.
However, it would in any case be of no use to exclude from
consideration the 'two discussions of For pleasure is
mentioned in many other parts of the NE, and precisely the
8 A r A 8 0 N AND EYAAIMONIA
same difficulties for Professor Prichard's view are to be found
in them also.
Let us confine ourselves to book I, since it is upon that book
that Professor Prichard principally relies, including chapters
v and xii, which he cites.
In I. v we are told that o i noMoi K U ~ # O ~ T ~ K ~ T U T maintainO&
does the word 'good' mean?' or (2) What things are good, and in
what degrees? Of course, these two questions may be formu-
lated in a variety of ways. For ( I ) we may substitute: What
is the nature of goodness? or: In saying of anything that it is
good, what am I saying about it? even: What sort of a predi-
cate is 'good'? and so on. For (2) we may substitute: Of what
things may it be truly said that they are good? And which-is
the best of them? and so on.
T o these two different sorts of question, as Moore claimed,
we shall get two corre~~ondin~l.17 different sorts of answer.
To ( I ) the answer might be: Goodness is a simple unanalysable
quality like yellow, or: 'Good' means 'approved by me',
or: To say of anything that it is good, is to say that it is con-
ducive to happiness, or: 'Good' is an evaluative word. Whereas
to (2), the answer might be: Friendship is good, or: Violence
is better than justice, and so on. Note here that it is assumed
that the only sense in which a'ya6dv has a 'meaning' is some
'factual' sense. Aristotle assumes this too.
Now we must ask, on this distinction does Aristotle con-
cern himself with both these questions or with one only?
And if the latter, with which? And I think that we must
answer, that he concerns himself professedly with the second
only.z
For Aristotle himself is aware of and draws this distinction
between the two questions, and says that, in the ~ t h i c s he
, is
concerned only with the second. This he does in the celebrated
chapter r. vi. He there confutes those who had supposed that
the word dya6dv always stands for a single identical yredicate.3
Which is itself probably an ambiguous question, but we nzay let this pass
for the moment. (We also have to distinguish (a) how to translate a word?
( b ) what does someone say about the analysis of the meaning or of the defini-
tion of a word? and both of these from (c) possibly different senses of 'mean'.)
And with that only in the more special form: 'What particular things
are good, and in what degrees, for man?'
Compare H. W. B. Joseph, Some Problems in Ethics (Oxford, 1g31), p. 75;
'That goodness is not a quality is the burden of Aristotle's argument in NE
I. vi.': but this is not quite correct. Aristotle is anxious to say that dyaedv has no
22 AFABON A N D E Y A A l M O N I A
But in proving this, he does not tell us what are the various
meanings of dyaOdv--the furthest he goes in that direction is to
give us a hint as to how the various meanings may be related
to one another, i.e. how the variety yet forms a unity. He then
dismisses the matter, 1096~30:dM' b o g ~ a c r a+v d+erlov ~ r b
vcv. d ( a ~ p i p o ~ y&p
v hipa h & v dMTs Zv E ~ T~ u \ o o o + ~ aO;KEL&
s
T E ~ O V . ~He then turns to his present problem: What is that
- -
good which is rrparrbv ~ a Kl T V T ~ V dv0P;rrY, that is: What
particular things are good for man (and in what degrees)?
Unfortunately, as is well known, he does not in fact discuss 'the
meaning of &ya0dv' elsewhere.
It is clear, then, that Aristotle declines in general to discuss
the meanings of &yaOdv but argues that it has no single meaning.
In both respects Professor Prichard's view conflicts, prima
facie, with Aristotle's statements. Nevertheless, it may be urged
both that Aristotlc is unjustified in declining to explain the
meaning of dyaOdv, and that he must himself attach some mean-
ing to 2 hl using it throughout the Ethics, which we may be
able to discover. And further, that meaning might be identical
in all important cases (this will be explained later).
If asked to justify himself, there is no doubt how Aristotle
would reply.2 The NE is only intended as a guide for politicians,
- ~
the point about, say, healthy. Then Aristotle would accept the
claim, and say that what he offers is not an elucidation and is not
intended to be one. W e have seen, however, that Professor
Prichard is prepared to believe that the passage may be seriously
intended as an elucidation of a'ya8dv in the 'nuclear' sense. Seeing
that he has already dismissed the distinction between AyaOci K ~ B '
a;+d and a'ya8ci 6 ~ hracra as 'no elucidation', and seeing - that
Aristotle makes no attempt to elucidate the meaning of dra8dv
in the nuclear sense, and further states that it has at-least three
nuclear senses, it is clearly bound to be difficult for Professor
~richardto find anything in the passage which could be de-
scribed as 'an elucidation of the meaning of alya8dv'. He fastens
-
6
they do claim to stumble across universals' in some easy
manner: or it may be that they rely upon some other argument
which is admittedly transcendental. But I propose to consider,
not very fully, that celebrated argumen; which, above all,
seems suited to Drove
A
the existence-of 'universals' in the most
ordinary sense of that word: it runs as follows:
It is assumed that we do 'sense' t h g s , which are many or
diRerent.2 Whether these h g s are 'material objects' or what
are commonly called 'sensedata', is not here relevant: in fact
the argumentcan be made to apply to the objects of any kind
of 'acquaintancey, even non-sensuous-although such applica-
tions were not originally envisaged. It is assumed, further, that
we make a practick o f c i h g mimy cLfferent sensa by the same
single name: we say 'This is greyp,and ' That is grey', when the
sensa denoted by 'this' and by 'that' are not identical. And
finally it is assumed that this practice is 'justifiable' or indis-
pensable. Then we proceed to ask: How is such a practice
possible ? And answer:
(a) Since we use the same single name in each case, there must
surely be some single identical thing 'there' in each case:
For there are in fact several: see below.
There is a constant and hardid ambiguity here: the sensa are commonly
different both 'numerically' and 'qualitatively' (the former, of course, always).
The 'universal' is alleged to be single and identical in bath ways. Hence, fiom
the start, that fatal conhion of the problem of 'genus and species' with the
problem of 'universal and particular'.
34 ARE THERE A P R I O R 1 C O N C E P T S ?
something of which the name is the name: soinethiilg,
therefore, which is 'common' to all sensa called by that
name. Let this entity, whateter it may be, be called a
6
universal'.
(b) Since it was admitted that the things we sense are many
or different, it follows that this 'universal', which is
single and identical, is not sensed.
Let us consider this argument.
I.This is a transcendental1 argument: if there were not in
existence something - other than sensa, we should not be able
to do what we are able to do (viz. name thngs). Let us not
consider here whether, in general, such a form of argument is
permissible or fruitful: butit is important to notice the follow-
ing points:
(i) The 'universal' is emphatically not anything we stumble
across. W e can claim only to know that, not tohat, it is. 'Uni-
versal' means that which will provide the solution to a certain
-
and I think the plain man would quite rightly persevere in these
assertions. I have heard it said that it is odd to talk of 'smelling
a resemblance': and certainly it is well to consider other senses
than that of sight. But it is not odd to talk of smelling two
similar smells, or two smells whlch are sensibly alike (though,
the plain man might well ask, how could they be alike except
sensibly?). And if I were forced to say either 'I smell the
resemblance' or 'I intuite it7, I know w1;ich I should choose.
The plain dog would, I am sure, say it smelled resemblances:
but no doubt your phlosophca dog would persuade itself
that it 'inhaled' them.
Similar considerations hold also in the case of other 'relations' :
plainbmen say 'ths tastes sweeterlthan that' or ' h s sounds louder
A R E THERE A P R I O R 1 CONCEPTS? 53
than that'.' In the case of such 'relations' as these, indeed, I can
scarcely conjecture what it is that Mr. Maclagan would try to
persuade me I really mean. Later on, Mr. Maclagan comes to
discuss 'louder'z and says it is a 'comparative word': I wonder
whether 'louder than' is a 'relation' w h c h has to be intuited?
Surely, in such cases as these, it is evident that sentences con-
taining 'relation9words describe what we sense in precisely thc
same way as sentences containing 'quality' words? For it is
difficult to decide which sort of word 'loud' is.
6. I agree with Mr. Maclagan that, on h s view of 'resem-
blance', a non-sensuous acquaintance with the particular in-
stance would occur, to which nothing similarwould occur
in the case of 'redness'. But he seems to hold that, even if I am
to say 'this is red', some non-sensuous acquaintance (or 'aware-
ness') must occur: apparently because, in order to name this
colour red, I must institute a certain 'comparison'. I am not sure
what t h s means. I agree that, in many cases, where I say, for
example, ' h s is puce', I have compared the present sensum
with some 'pattem', perhaps a memory-image of the insect,
but in any case an entity of the same lund as the sensum itself.
Now this seems to me to require no non-sensuous acquaintance
with anything: but I realize that Mr. Maclagan may think it
does, because, when I compare the present image with the
pattem, I must notice that they resemble. Is it, then, that he
t h & an intuition oj'resemblance is needed even if I am to say
'this is red'? At least this rather qualifies h s original statement
that 'I sense the colours'. However, I am not sure he does mean
thls: he does not state with what I 'compare' the sensum, and
perhaps he is Amking that I compare the sensum with some-
thing whch is the object of a non-sensuous awareness, e.g.,
the universal 'redness' (though it would be surprising to find
Very plain men wlll say 'I hear this louder than that'.
Professor W. G. Maclaga~i,whose paper is here referred to, has suggested
in a private letter that 'loud' nus st be meant here, not 'louder', though it is
the latter that appears in the printed text of 1939. It seems clear that 'loud'
is what the sense requires.-Eds.
54 A R E T H E R E A P R I O R I CONCEPTS?
ourselves 'acquainted' with universals, Mr. Maclagan is pre-
pared to allow the possibility for the sake of argument). I
should like, then, to know what non-sensuous acquaintance
Mr. Maclagan has here in mind.
THE M E A N I N G OF A WORD
SPECIMENS OF SENSE
SPECIMENS OF NONSENSE
I. I. what-is-the-meaning-o f a word ?
I. I I. what-is-the-meaning-of any word ?
I. 12. What-is-the-meaning-of a word in general?
I. 2 I . What is the-meaning-of-a-word ?
I. 2 I I . What is the-meaning-of- (the-word)-'ra t' ?
I . 22. What is the 'meaning' of a word?
I . 221.What is the 'meaning' of (the word) 'rat' ?
2. I . Wha t-is-the-meaning-o f (the phrase) 'the-meanin g-
of-a word' ?
2 . 11. what-is-the-meaning-of (the sentence) 'What is the-
meaning-of- (the-word) -"x" ?' ?
2. 12. what-is-the-meaningof (the sentence) 'What is the
6 1
meaning" of "the word" "x" ?' ?
56 T H E M E A N I N G OF A WORD
THISpaper is aboutAthe phrase 'the meaning of a word'. It is
divided into three parts, of w h c h the first is the most trite and
the second the most muddled: all are too long. In the first, I
try to make it clear that the phrase 'the meaning of a word' is,
in general, if not always, a dangerous nonsense-phrase. In the
other two parts I consider in turn two questions, often asked
in phlosophy, w h c h clearly need new and careful scrutiny if
that facile phrase 'the meaning of a word' is no longer to be
permitted to impose upon us.
I now pass on to the first of the two points whch need now a
careful scrutiny if we are no longer
-
to be imposed upon by that
convenient phrase 'the meaning of a word'. wha; I s h d say
here is, I know, not as clear as it should be.
Constantly we ask the question, 'Is y the meaning, or part of
the meaning, or contained in the meaning, of x?--or is it not?'
A favourite way of putting the question is to ask, 'Is the judge-
ment "x is y" analytic or synthetic?' Clearly, we suppose,
y must be either a part of the meaning of x, or not any part of it.
And, if y is a part of the meaning of x, to say 'x is not y' will
be self-contradictory: whle if it is not a part of the meaning
of x, to say 'x is not-y' will present no difficulty-such a state of
affairs will be readily 'concLivable'. T h s seems to be the merest
common sense. And no doubt it t~otridbe the merest common
sense if 'meanings' were things in sonie ordinary sense which
contained parts in some ordinary sense. But they are not.
~ n f o r t u n a c e l ~many
, who know they are not,
still speak as though y must either be or not be 'part of the
meaning' of x. But this is the point: if'ex~lainingthe meaning
of a word' is r e d v the complicated sort of affair that we have
4 A
upon except our working-model. From the start, it is clear that our
working-model fails to do justice, for example, to the distinc-
tion between syntactics and semantics: for instance, tallung
about the contradictory of every sentence having to be eithei
self-contradictory or not so, is to talk as though all sentences
w h c h we are prohbited from saying were sentences w h c h
offended against syntactical rules, and could be formally re-
duced to Gerbal self-contradictions. But t h s overlooks all
semantical considerations, w h c h philosophers are sadly prone
to do. Let us consider two cases of some dungs w h c h we
simply canrzot say: although they are not 'self-contradictory' and
although-and this of course is where many will have axes to
grind-we cannot possibly be tempted to say that we have
'synthetic a priori' knowledge of their contradictions.
Let us begin
-
with a case whlch, being about sentences rather
than words, is not quite in point, but which may encourage us.
Take the well-known sentence 'The cat is on the mat, and I do
not believe it'. That seems absurd. On the other hand 'The cat
is on the mat, and I believe it' seems trivial. If we were to adopt
a customary dichotomy, and to say either a proposition p
implies another proposition r, or p is perfectly compatible with
not-r, we should at once in our present case be tempted to say
64 T H E M E A N I N G OF A WORD
that 'The cat is on the mat' implies 'I believe it': hence both the
triviality of adding 'and I believe it' and the absurdity of
adding 'and I do not believe itY.But of course 'the cat is on the
mat' does not imply 'Austin believes the cat is on the mat': nor
even 'the speaker believes the cat is on the mat'-for the speaker
may be lying. The doctrine which is produced in this case is,
that not p indeed, but asserting p implies ' I (who assert p) believe
p'. And here 'implies' must be given a special sense: for of
course it is not that 'I assert p' implies (in the ordinary sense)
'I believe p', for I may be lying. - -
It is the sort of sense in
which by asking a question I 'imply' that I do not know the
answer to it. By asserting p I give it to be understood that I
believe p.
Now the reason why I cannot say 'The cat is on the mat and
I do not believe it' is not that it offends against syntactics in the
sense of being in some way 'self-contradictoryy. What prevents
my saylng it, is rather some semantic convention (implicit, of
course), about the way we use words in situations. What pre- p
~ uanother
t party would point ;ut, that 'Ths noise might not
have existed' makes perfectly good sense. They would say,
therefore, that existence cannot be 'part of the meaning of' this.
Both -parties, as we are now in a position to see, would be
-
I dare say, so far as those -phrases have any clear meaning, that
it is not:-but the question is: is the thmg therefore 'synthetic'
-
a priori knowledge?
Or, again, take some examples from Berkeley: is extended
'part of the meaning' of coloured or of shaped, or shaped 'part of
THE M E A N I N G OF A WORD 67
the meaning' of extended? Is 'est sed non percipitur' self-
contradictory (when said of a sensum), or is it not? When we
worry thus, is it not worth considering the possibility that w e
are oversinlplifying ?
What we are to say in these cases, what even the possi-
bilities are, I d o not at present clearly see. (I) Evidently, we must
throw away the old worlung-model as soon as we take account
even of the existence of a distinction between syntactics and
semantics. (2) But evidently also, our new worlung-model, the
supposed 'ideal' language, is in many ways a most inadequate
model o f any actual language: its careful separation of syn-
tactics from semantics, its lists of explicitly formulated riles
and conventions, and its careful delimitation of their spheres of
operation-all are misleading. An actual language has few, if
any, explicit conventions, no sharp limits to the spheres of
- - -
6
similarity'. And show how consideration of these facts may
warn us against errors whlch are constant in philosophy.
r. A very simple case indeed is one often mentioned by
Aristotle: the adjective 'healthy': when I talk of a healthy body
and again of a healthy complexion, of healthy exercise: th-e
word is not just being used equivocally. Aristotle would say it is
being used 'paronyrn~usly'.~ In this case there is what we may
call a primary nuclear sense of 'healthy': the sense in which
'healthy' is used of a healthy body: I call thls nuclear because it
is 'contained as a part' in the other two senses whlch b a y be
set out as 'productive of healthy bodies' and 'resulting from a
healthy body'.
Ths is a simple case, easily understood. Yet constantly it is
-
~ I a t or
o many other philosophers, if we use the rigid dichotomy
-
I FEEL that I agree with much, and especially with the more
important parts, of what Mr. Wisdom has written, both in his
present paper and in his beneficial series of articles on 'Other
Minds' and other matters. I feel ruefully sure, also, that one
must be at least one sort of fool to rush in over ground so well
trodden by the angels. At best I can hope only to make a contribu-
tion to one part of the problem, where it seems that a little
more industry still might-be of service. I could only wish it was
a more central part. In fact, however, I did find myself unable
to approach the centre whle still bogged down on the peri-
phery. And Mr. Wisdom hlmself may perhaps be sympathetic
towards a policy of splitting hairs to save starting them.
Mr. Wisdom, no doubt correctly, takes the 'Predicament'
to be brought on by such questions as 'HOW do we know that
another man is angry?' He also cites other forms of the
question-'Do we (ever) know?', 'Can we know ?','How can
we know?' the thoughts, feelings, sensations, mind, &c., of
another creature, and so forth. But it seems 1lkely that each of
these further questions is rather different from the first, whlch
alone has been enough to keep me preoccupied, and to which
1 shall stick.
Mr. Wisdom's method is to go on to ask: Is it like the way
in which we know that a kettle is boiling, or that there is a tea-
party next door, or the weight of thistledown? But it seemed
to me that perhaps, as he went on, he was not giving an alto-
gether accurate account (perhaps only because too cursory a
Reprinted from Proceedings UJ the Arimtelian Society, Supplementary
Volume xx (1946), by courtesy o f the editor.
OTHER M I N D S 77
to state not merely whether but also how we know. But on the
other hand, we may well reply 'No' in answer to the first
question: we may say 'No, but I t M c there is', 'No, bur I
believe he is'. F& the im~licationthat I know or am sure
I
isn't angry' or 'You know very well that isn't calico', though of
course about the current case, ascribe the excellence of the
knowledge to past experience, as does the general expression
'YOU are old enough to know better'.2
'I know, I know, I've seen it a hundred times, don't keep on t e h g me'
complains of a superabundance of opportunity: 'knowing a hawk from a
handsaw' lays down a minimum of acumen in recognition or classification.
'As well as I know my own name' is said to typify sometlung I must have
experienced and must have learned to discriminate.
The adverbs that can be inserted in 'How . . . do you know?' are few in
number and fall into still fewer classes. There is practically no overlap with
OTHER M I N D S 8r
By contrast, the questions raised in (2) and (4) concern the
circumstances of the current case. Here we can ask 'How
definitely do you know?' You may know it for certain, quite
positively, officially, on h s own authority, from unimpeach-
able sources, only indirectly, and so forth.
Some of the answers to the question 'How do you know?'
are, oddly enough, described as 'reasons for knowing' or
'reasons to know', or even sometimes as 'reasons why I know',
despite the fact that we do not ask 'Why do you &ow?' But
now surely, according to the Dictionary, 'reasons' should be
given in answer to &e question 'Why?' just as we do in fact
give reasons for believing in answer to the question 'Why do
you believe?' However there is a distinction to be drawn here.
'How do you know that IG Farben worked for war?' 'I have
every reason to know: I served on the investigating comrnis-
sion': here, giving my reasons for knowing is stating how I
come to be in a position to know. In the same way we use the
expressions 'I know because I saw h m do it' or 'I know because
I looked it up only ten minutes ago': these are similar to 'So it
is: it is How did yo;know?' 'I did quite a bit of
physics at school before I took up phdology', or to 'I ought to
know: I was standing only a couple of yards away'. Reasons
for believing on the oiher hand are normally quitea different
affair (a recital of symptoms, arguments in support, and so
forth), though- there are cases where we do give as reasons for
believing our having been in a position in which we could get
good evidence: 'Why do you believe he was lying?' 'I was
w a t c h g him very closely.'
Among- the cases where we give our reasons for knowing
thngs, a special and important class is formed by those where
we cite authorities. If asked 'How do you know the election
is today?', I am apt to reply 'I read it in The Times', and if
asked 'How do vou know the Persians were defeated at Mara-
J
I. Reality
If you ask me, 'How do you know it's a real stick?' 'How do
you know it's really bent?' ('Are you sure he's really angry?'),.
OTHER M I N D S 87
Conjurers, too, trade on this. 'Will some gentleman kindly satisfy himself
that this is a perfectly ordinary hat?' This leaves us baffled and uneasy: sheep-
ishly we agree that it seems all right, while conscious that we have not the least
idea what to guard against.
88 OTHER M I N D S
manner that leads us on to the supposition that 'real' has a
single meaning ('the real world' 'material objects'), and that
- .
only fairly certain, or practically certain, that G's the taste of,
say, laurel. In all such cases, I am endeavouring to recognize
the current item by s e a r c h g in my past experience for some-
thing like it, some likeness in virtue of which it deserves, more
or less positively, to be described by the same descriptive word:'
and I am meeting with varying degrees of success.
(b) The other case is different, though it very naturally
combines itself with the first. Here, what I try to do is to savour
the current experience, to peer at it, to sense it vividly. I'm not
sure it is the taste of pineapple: isn't there perhaps just some-
Or, of course, related to it in some other way than by 'similarity' (in any
ordinary sense of 'sirmlarity'), which is yet sufficient reason for describing it
by the same word.
OTHER MINDS 93
thing about it, a tang, a bite, a lack of bite, a cloying sensation,
w h c h isn't quite right for pineapple? Isn't there perhaps just
a peculiar h t of green, whch would rule out mauve and
would hardly do fir heliotrope? Or perhaps it is famtly odd:
I must look more intently, scan it over and over: maybe just
possibly there is a suggestion of an unnatural shmmer, so that
it doesn't look quite like ordinary water. There is a lack of
sharpness in what we actually sense, which is to be cured
not, or not merely, by thmking, but by acuter clscernment,
by sensory discrimination (though it is of course true that
-
When I say 'S is P', I imply at least that I believe it, and, if I
- .
have been strictly brought up, that I am (quite) sure of it: when
I say 'I shall do A', I imply at least that I hope to do it, and, if
I have been strictly brought up that I (fully) intend to. If I only
believe that S is P, I can add 'But of course I may (very well)
be wrong:' if I only hope to do A, I can add 'But of course
I may (very well) not'. When I only believe or only hope, it
is recognized that further evidence or further circumstances
are liable to make me change my mind. If I say 'S is P' when
I don't even believe it, I am lying: if I say it when I believe
it but am not sure of it, I may be misleading but I am not
exactly lying. If I say 'I shall do A' when I have not even any
hope, not the slightest intention, of doing it, then I am de-
liberately deceiving: if I say it when I do not fully intend to, I
am misleading but I am not deliberately deceiving in the same
way.
But now, when I say ' I promise', a new plunge is taken: I
have not merely announced my intention, but, by using h s
formula (performing this ritual), I have bound myself to others,
and stakid my reputation, in a new way. Similarly, saying
'I know' is takmg a new plunge. But it is not saying 'I have
~erformeda specially s t r h g feat of cognition, superior, in
the same scale as believing and being sure, even to being merely
quite sure': for there is nothing in that scale superior to being
quite sure. Just as promising is not s o m e h g superior, in the
same scale as hoping and intending, even to merely fully in-
- -
but his second marriage was not a marriage, is null and void
(a useful formula in many cases for avoidmg saying either 'he
did' or 'he didn't'): he did 'order' me to do it, but, having no
authority over me, he couldn't 'order' me: he did warn me it
was going to charge, but it wasn't or anyway I knew much
more about it than he did, so in a way he couldn!t warn me,
didn't warn men2W e hesitate between 'He didn't order me',
'He had no right to order me', 'He oughtn't to have said he
ordered me', just as we do between 'YOUdidn't know', 'You
can't have known', 'You had no right to say you knew' (these
perhaps having slightly different nuances, according to what
precisely it is that has gone wrong). But the essential factors
are ( a ) You said you knew: you said you promised ( 6 ) You
were mistaken: you didn't perform. The hesitancy concerns
only the precise &ay in whch we are to round on the original
'I know' or 'I promise'.
To suppose that 'I know' is a descriptive phrase, is only one
example of the descriptive fallacy, so common in philosophy.
Even if some language is now purely descriptive, language was
not in origin so, and much of it is still not so. Utterance of
obvious ritual phrases, in the appropriate circumstances, is not
describing the action we are doing,- but doing it ('I do'): in other
cases it functions, l k e tone and expression, or again l k e punc-
tuation and mood, as an intimation that we are employing
language in some special way ('I warn', 'I ask', 'I define'). Such
phrases cannot, strictly, be lies, though they can 'imply7 lies,
as 'I promise' implies that I fully intend, which may be untrue.
such things as a pounding of the heart or tensing of the muscles, which cannot
in themselves be justifiably called 'the feeling of anger'.
It is therefore misleading to ask 'How do I get from the scowl to the
anger ?'
OTHER MINDS III
never did believe it, then we probably should not know what
to say.
I should like to make in conclusion some further remarks
about thls crucial matter of our believing what the man says
about h s own feehgs. Although I know very well that I do
not see my way clearly in t h , I cannot help feeling sure that
it is fundamental to the whole Predicament, and that it has not
been given the attention it deserves, possibly just because it
is so obvious.
The man's own statement is not (is not treated primarily as)
a sign or symptom, although it can, secondarily and artificially,
be treated as such. A unique -place is reserved for it in the sum-
mary of the facts of th; case. The question then is: 'Why
believe h m ?'
There are answers that we can give to t h s question, w h c h
is here to be taken in the general sense of 'Why believe h m
ever?' not simply as 'Why believe him this time?' W e may say
that the man's statements on matters other than h s own feehgs
have constantly been before us in the past, and have been
regularly
- verified by our own observations of the facts he re-
ported: s o that we-have in fact some basis for an induction
about h s general reliability. Or we may say that h behaviour
is most simply 'explained' on the view that he does feel emo-
tions hke ours, just as psycho-analysts 'explain' erratic be-
haviour by analogy -
-
with normal behaviour when they use the
terminology of 'unconscious desires'.
OTHER MINDS 115
Final Note
One speaker at Manchester said roundly that the real crux
of the matter remains still that 'I ought not to say that I know
Tom is angry, because I don't introspect his feelings': and this
no doubt is just what many people do boggle at. The gist of
what I have been trying to bring out is simply:
I . Of course I don't introspect Tom's feelings (we sllould be
in a pretty predicament if I did).
2. Ofcotirse I do sometimes know Tom is angry.
116 OTHER M I N D S
Hence
3. to suppose that the question 'How do 1 know that Tom is
angry?' is meant to mean 'How do I introspect Tom's feelings?'
(because, as we know, that's the sort of thng that knowing
is or ought to be), is simply barking our way up the wrong
gum tree.
TRUTH'
I. 'WHATis truth?' said jesting Pilate, and would not stay for
an answer. Pilate was in advance of h s time. For 'truth' itself
is an abstract noun, a camel, that is, of a logical construction,
-
true that the cat is on the mat', or 'It is true to say that the cat
is on the mat', or ' "The cat is on the mat" is true'. We also
remark on occasion, when someone else has said somethmg,
6
Very true' or 'That's true' or 'True enough'.
Most (though not all) of these expressions, and others besides,
I Reprinted from Proceedings 4 the Aristotelian Society, Supplementary
Volume xxiv (1950)~by courtesy of the editor.
It is sufficiently obvious that 'truth' is a substantive. 'true' an adjective and
'of' in 'true of' a preposition.
E
118 TRUTH
certainly do occur naturally enough. But it seems reason-
able to ask whether there is not some use of 'is true' that is
primary, or some generic name for that whch at bottom we
are always saying 'is true'. Which, if any, of these expressions
is to be taken au pied de la leftre? To answer this will not take
us long, nor, perhaps, far: but in phlosophy the foot of the
letter is the foot of the ladder.
I suggest that the following are the primary forms of es-
pression:
It is true (to say) that the cat is on the mat.
That statement (of his, &c.) is true.
The statement that the cat is on the mat is true.
But first for the rival candidates.
(a) Some say that 'truth is primarily a property of beliefs'.
But it may be doubted whether the expression 'a true belief'
is at all common outside philosophy andtheology: and it seems
clear that a man is said to hold a true belief when and in the
sense that he believes (in) something whirl1 is true, or believes
that something which is true is true. Moreover if, as some also
say, a belief is 'of the nature of a picture', then it is of the nature
of what cannot be true, though it may be, for example,
faithful. I
(b) True descriptions and true accounts are simply varieties
. . - .
A likeness is true to life, but not true of it. A word picture can be true, just
because it is not a picture.
Predicates applicable also to 'argvments', which we likewise do not say
are true, but, for example, valid.
TRUTH 119
Peirce made a beginning by pointing out that there are two (or three)
different senses of the word 'word', and adumbrated a technique ('counting'
words) for deciding what is a 'different sense'. But his two senses are not well
defined, and there are many more-the 'vocable' sense, the philologist's sense
in which 'gramar' is the same word as 'glamour', the textual critic's stnse in
which the 'the' in I. 254 has been written twice, and so on. With all his 66
divisions of signs, Peirce does not, I believe, distinguish between a sentence
and a statement.
120 TRUTH
sentence) to an audience with reference to an hstoric situation,
event or what not.'
A sentence is made up ofwords, a statement is made in words.
A sentence is not English or not good English, a statement is
not in English or not in good English. Statements are made,
words or sentences are used. We talk of my statement, but of
the English sentence (if a sentence is mine, I coined it, but I do
not coin statements). The same sentence is used in making
different statements (I say 'It is mine', you say 'It is mine'): it
may also be used on two occasions or by two persons in making
the same statement, but for this the utterance must be made with
reference to the same situation or event2 We speak of 'the
statement that S,' bur of 'the sentence "S" ', not of 'the sentence
that S'.3
When I say that a statement is what is true, I have no wish
to become wedded to one word. 'Assertion', for example, will
in most contexts do just as well, though perhaps it is slightly
wider. Both words share the weakness of being rather solemn
(much more so than the more general 'what you said' or 'your
words')-though perhaps we are generally being a little solemn
when we cLscuss the truth of anydung. Both have the merit
1 'Historic' does not, of course, mean that we cannot speak of future or
possible statements. A 'certain' speaker need not be any defrnite speaker.
'Utterance' need not be public utterance-the audience may be the speaker
himself.
'The same' does not always mean the same. In fact .it has no meaning in
the way that an 'ordmary' word like 'red' or 'horse' has a meaning: it is a (the
typical) device for establishing and distinguishing the meanings of ordinary
words. Like 'real', it is part of our apparatus in words for f h g and adjusting
the semantics of words.
3 Inverted commas show that the words, though uttered (in writing), are
not to be taken as a statement by the utterer. This covers two possible cases,
(i) where what is to be discussed is the sentence, (ii) where what is to be dis-
cussed is a statement made elsewhen in the words 'quoted'. Only in case (i)
is it correct to say simply that the token is doing duty for the type (and even
here it is quite incorrect to say that 'The cat is on the mat' is the name of an
English sentence-though possibly The C a t is on the Mat might be the title of
a novel, or a bull might be known as Catta est in matta). Only in case (ii) is
there something true or f&e, viz. (not the quotation but) the statement made
in the words quoted.
TRUTH 121
(ii) for every true statement there exists 'one' and its own
precisely corresponding fact-for every cap the head
it fits.
It is (i) whch leads to some of the mistakes in 'coherence' or
formalist theories; (ii) to some of those in 'correspondence'
theories. Either we suppose that there is nothing there but the
true statement itself, nothing to which it corresponds, or else
I
we populate the world with linguistic Doppelgliitger (and grossly
overpopulate it--every nugget of 'positive' fact overlaid by a
massive concentration of 'negative' facts, every tiny detailed
fact larded with generous general facts, ahd so on).
When a statement is true, there is, of course, a state of affairs
whch makes it true and whch is toto mundo distinct frdm the
true statement about it: but equally of course, we can only
describe that state of affairs in words (either the same or, with
luck, others). I can only describe the situation in which it is
true to say that I am f e e h g sick by saying
-
that it is one in
-
and so on and so on, yet faced with the situation where we have
the pen of our aunt, find ourselves quite unable to say so. The
characteristics of a more developed language (articulation,
morphology, syntax, abstractions, &c.), do not make state-
ments in it any more capable of being true or capable of being
any more true, they make it more adaptable, more learnable,
more comprehensive, more precise, and so on; and these aims
-
TRUTH
any part of it inclusive of tstS, though once again exclusive of
itself, i.e. of tstST. That is, tstST refers to somedung to which
tstS cannot refer. TstST does not, certainly, include any state-
ment referring to the world exclusive of tstS whch is not in-
cluded already in tstS-more, it seems doubtful whether it
does include that statement about the world exclusive of tstS
whch is made when we state that S. (If I state that tstS is true,
should we really agree that I have stated that S? Only 'by
implication'.)' But all ths does not go any way to show that
tstST is not a statement different from tstS. If Mr. Q writes on
a notice-board 'Mr. W is a burglar', then a trial is held to decide
whether Mr. Q's published statement that Mr. W is a burglar
is a libel: finding 'Mr. Q's statement was true (in substance and
in fact)'. Thereupon a second trial is held, to decide whether
Mr. W is a burglar, in whlch Mr. Q's statement is no longer
under consideration: verdict 'Mr. W is a burglar'. It is an
arduous business to hold a second trial: why is it done if the
verdict is the same as the previous finding?2
What is felt is that the evidence considered in arriving at the
one verdict is the same as that considered in arriving at thE other.
Ths is not strictly correct. It is more nearly correct that when-
ever tstS is true then tstST is also true and conversely, and that
whenever tstS is false tstST is also false and conversely.3 And
it is argued that the words 'is true' are logically superfluous
because it is believed that if any two statements are
always true together and always false together then they must
mean the same. Now whether t h s is in general a sound view
may be doubted: but even if it is, why shoild it not break down
in the case of so obviously 'peculiar' a phrase as 'is true'?
Mistakes in pMosophy notoriously arise through thinlung that
And 'by implication' tstST asserts something about the making of a state-
ment which tstS certainly does not assert.
Thls is not quite fair: there are many legal and personal reasons for holding
two tri Is-which, however, do not affect the point that the issue being tried
is not t i t e same.
3 Not quite correct, because tstST is only in place at all when tstS is en-
visaged as made and has been verified.
128 TRUTH
what holds of 'ordinary' words like 'red' or 'growls' must also
hold of extraordinary words hke 'real' or 'exists'. But that
'true' is just such ano;her extraordinary word is obvious.'
There is something peculiar about the 'fact' whch is de-
scribed by tstST, something whch may make us hesitate to
call it a 'fact' at all; namely, that the relation between tstS and
the world whch tstST asserts to obtain is a purely conventional
relation (one whch ' t h h g makes so'). For we are aware
that thu; relation is onq whch we could alter at will, whereas
we like to restrict, the word 'fact' to hard facts, facts which are
natural and unalterable, or anyhow not alterable at will. Thus,
to take an analogous case, we may not hke c a h g it a fact that
the word elephant means what it does, though we can be
induced to call it a (soft) fact-and though, of course, we have
no hesitation in calling it a fact that contemporary English
speakers use the word as they do.
An important point about tlus view is that it confuses falsity
with negation: for according to it, it is the same thing to say
'He is not at home' as to say 'It is false that he is at home'. (But
what if no one has said that he is at home? What if he is lying
upstairs d e a ? ) Too many philosophers maintain, when anxious
to explain away negation, that a negation is just a second order
affirmation (to the effect that a certain first order affirmation is
fdse), yet, when anxious to explain away falsity, maintain that
to assert that a statement is false is just to assert its negation
(contra&ctory). It is impossible to deal with so fundamental
a matter here? Let me assert the following merely. Affirmation
Unum, venrm, bonum-the old favourites deserve their celebrity, There
is something odd about each of them. Theoretical theology is a form of
onomatohtry.
The following two sets of logical axioms are, as Aristotle (though not his
successors) makes them, quite distinct:
(a) No statement can be both true and false.
No statement can beneither true nor false.
(b) Of two contradictory statements-
Both cannot be true.
Both cannot be false.
The second set demands a definition of contradictories, and is usuallyjoined
TRUTH 129
all (it is not true or false; it is compatible with 'The cat may not
be on the mat'). In the same way, the situation in which we
discuss whether and state that tstS is true is different from the
situation in whch we discuss whether it is probable that S. Tst
it is probable that S is out of place, inept, in the situation where
we can make tstST, and, I think, conversely. It is not our business
here to discuss probability: but is worth observing that the
phrases 'It is true that' and 'It is probable that' are in the same
line of b~siness,~ and in so far incompatibles.
7. In a recent article in Analysis Mr. Strawson has pro-
pounded a view of truth whch it wdl be clear I do not accept.
Though it is not yet in place to call it either. For the same reason, one
cannot lie or tell the truth about the future.
Compare the odd behaviours of 'was' and 'will be' when attached to
'true' and to 'probable'.
TRUTH 133
S O M E SIMPLE WAYS
I. Name-giving.
2. Sense-giving .
Every word in our language So (except for 'is' and 'a') has
either a reference fixed by I-conventions or a sense fixed
by T-conventions, but not both, and is accorrGngly either an
I-word or a T-word.
W e shall not go into the 'metaphysical status' of types and
senses (nor of items). If we went back to the rudiments of speech
theory, both might appear as 'constructions'. Nevertheless, to
talk of types and senses,l and, as we shall, of n l a t c h g the one
to the other, is not necessarily inexpedient in all contexts: and
in particular it is expedient in our present context, where we
are engaged to elucidate some of our ordmary language about
speech-acts, since such ordinary language does embody a
model l k e So. Conceive of our items here as, say, a number of
samples or specimens of colours, or of (geometrical) shapes, each
with a reference-numeral allotted to it: conceive of our senses
as a number of standards or patterns of colours, or of (geo-
metrical) shapes, each with a name allotted to it: thmk of name-
giving or sense-giving as involving the selection $ a sample or
specimen as a standard pattern. Ths is not so far from the truth.
- Let us now take the stage of linguistic legislation as over.
-
~ o m ~ l e k i tarises,
y nevertheless, owing to the complexity,
whch may escape notice, of the notions of 'fitting' and 'match-
ing'.
We have already noticed in passing, in the case of name-
giving and sense-giving, the distinction in point of direction
between allotting an X to a Y and allotting a Y to an X. In a
similar way, when we operate in accordance with such legisla-
tion, thereis a difference-in direction offit between fitting a name
to an item (or an item with the name) and fitting an item to
a name (or a name with the item). These differ as fitting a nut
with a bolt differs from fitting a bolt with a nut. W e may be
'given' a name, and purport to produce an item of a type w h c h
matches (or is matched by) - the sense of that name: this pro-
~
the type of the item and the sense of the name match. But in
matching X and Y, there is a distinction between matching
X to Y and matching- Y to X, whch may be called a distinction
in point of onus of match. We are apt to overlook thls w ~ t hthe
verb 'match" (especially where it is being taken to mean
I If X matches Y, Y matches X: just as, if X fits Y, Y fits X. But if I match
X to Y, I do not match Y to X, any more than, if I fit X to Y, I fit Y to X.
142 HOW TO TALK
'match exncrly'): but if we consider the analogous word
'assimilate', the distinction between assimilating X to Y, where
the onus of assimilability is on X, and assimilating Y to X,
where the. onus of assimilability is on Y, is clear enough. W e
go wrong in assimilating because we are mistaken about or
misrepresent the nature of the member, X in the first case and
Y in the second, on which the onus of assimilability rests.
When we ask whether we should assimilate X to Y, the ques-
tion is loherher X has the qualities Y has: a simile, 'A is like B',
is a bad simile not because B has not the features which A has
or has features whch A has not, but because A has not the
features which B has or has features which B has not.
These two distinctions generate our four different perform-
ances in uttering '1227 is a rhombus', which are, in the form
of a diagram:
c-iden tifying stating
(placing
'Nfits I' 'I fits N'
(casting)
'Nfits I' '1 fits N'
T o explain first the choice of terms. W e use the useful word
I
the name does not exactly fit the item-because in the one case
the sense does not exactly match to the type and in the other
case the type does not exactly match to the sense.
If we are accused of wrongly ca&ng 1228 a polygon, or of
miscalling it a polygon, then we are accused of abusing language,
of doing violence to language. In calling 1228 a polygon, we
admit a multifornlity into our pattern, we modify or stretch
Not: call 1228 a 'polygon'. A'mbiguity of 'call'.
148 HOW TO TALK
the sense of our name, and future uses of the name will be
influenced by the precedent here set. If on the other hand we
are accused of wrongly describing, or of misdescribing, 1228 as
a polygon, we are accused of doing violence to the facts. In
describing 1228 as a polygon we impose admittedly a uni-
formity on our specimens, we are simplifying or neglecting
the specificity of the type of the item 1228, and we are com-
mitting ourselves thereby to a certain view of it.
In the same way, briefly, when we give exaniples as opposed
to instances we admit a multiformity in the pattern to w h c h
justice is not done by one specimen, and when we class some
item as a polygon, as opposed to identifying (casting) it as a
polygon, we admit to a neglect of the f d specificity of the item.
Two warnings may be here repeated, concerning the
'ordinary' use of such terms as 'call' and 'describe'. Firstly, these
same terms may be used of speech-acts performed in envisaged
speech-situations other than S,, for example in a speech situa-
tion in which the same item may possess more than one
feature, to draw attention to feature; of such speech-acts other
than (though no doubt connected with) the features just
described above. Secondly, it is hkely enough that our ordinary
use of the terms is fairly loose, that we do not always distinguish
carefully between them, although -
there is a distinction whch
can be marked by their means. Contrast, for example, the
following:
( I ) You call that crimson ? But surely no crimson can have
so much blue in it? That is not what crimson is at aU.
You describe it as crimson? But look, it has a lot of blue
in it. It is not really llke crimson at all.
(2) He calls me a dictator, in spite. of the fact that I have
notoriously always acted only on the advice of Parlia-
ment!
He describes nie as a dictator, whereas in fact, as he must
have known, I have always acted only on the advice
of Parliament.
HOW TO T A L K I49
If many such examples are studied, the watershed between
-
from that which we refer for another, and usually for good
and understandable reasons. This, however, I shall not pursue
here, but instead conclude by giving- a short example of how
a small variation in our model of the speech-situation, this time
on the language side rather than on the side of the world, will
have repercussions on the speech-acts we perform.
Hitherto we have confined ourselves, in our sentence form S,
to a$rmative assertions. But if we now introduce a second
sentence form 'SN', viz.
'I is not a T',
we find that this, unllke form S, is not equally usable for the
performance of all four of our speech-acts in s,.-By introducing
-
this sentence form, we bring out a resemblance not hitherto
pointed out, between c-identifying and b-identifying in con-
trast with stating and instancing, which might be symbolized
in our diagram by lirkng them with a diagonal line, thus:
c-identifying ' stating
instancing x b - i d e n t i f y i n g
A sentence of form SN will be correct on any occasion of its
utterance if the type of the item referred to by 'I' and the sense
of the name 'T' do not match-where 'I is a T' assimilates sense
and type, 'I is not a T7contrasts thcm. We may call thls speech-
situation, which is the same as So except for the introduction
of the negative sentence form SN, 'speech-si t uation SON7.
152 H O W TO T A L K
When in situation So, I utter the sentence '1229is not a T',
then I may be statitzg something about 1229,but I cannot be
identifying it-to say that 1229 is not somethng is not to
identify it. In both stating and identifying our utterance is
intended to fit a name to, to pin a label to, the item: but there
was a difference between the two performances in point of onus
of match. And it now appears that where the interest is in
matclung a sense to the type, nothing is achievcd to the purpose
by the production of a sense whch does not match the type.
T o tell us that 1229is not a T is not to tell us what it is, nor to
identify it. But where, on the other hand, the interest is in
matching the type to a sense, something is achieved to the pur-
pose even by the discovery that the type does not match some
or any one particular sense. W e identify 1229as red as opposed
to blue, &c., but we state that 1229is red as opposed to is not red.
In a similar but opposite manner, when I utter the sentence
6
1229is not a T', I may be giving a negative or counter instance,
but I cannot be identifying (casting): there is no such thing as
a negative or counter identdication. In both instancing and
casting I am fitting an item to the name: but where I am match-
ing the sense to a type something significant is achieved even by
a refusal to match, whereas where I am m a r c h g a type to the
sense, nothing is acheved by a failure to match. W e identify
(cast) 1229 as a square, as opposed to 1228, &c., but we instance
1229as a square as opposed to not a square.
So far, it has been said that the sentence form SN is in order
when we are matchmg the (given) senseltype to a (produced)
typelsense, but not in order when we are matching a (pro-
duced) senseltype to the (given) type/sense. The same distinc
tion can be put in another way and in our old terms as result g
fiom a combination of the two distinctions of direction of fit
IJ
and onus of match, as shown by the following table on p. 200.
In h s table we may say that with both c- and b-identifying
the direction of fit is parallel to the onus of match, whereas with
both stating and instancing the direction and onus are opposite.
In identifying we fit the name to the item because the sense of
HOW TO T A L K I53
the former matches the type of the latter, or we fit the item
to the name because the type of the former matches the sense of
the latter: but in stating and instancing we fit the namelitem
to the item/name becausc the type/sense of the latter matches the
sense/type of the former. In the verbalizations given in our
original diagram, parallelism is shown by the subject of the
sentence being in italics.
Direction of Fit Onus of Match
c-identifying .
stating .
instancing
b-identifying .
W e cannot, in either sense of 'identifv', identifv I as not a T:
to identify as not is nonsense for not- to identify. Whereas,
therefore, the use of the affirmative sentence form S will not
decide whether we are identifying or stating or instancing, the
use of the negative sentence form SN makes it clear that we
must be either stating or instancing. In similar ways other
variations in the permitted forms of sentence will in general
have effects on the varieties of speech-acts whch, in uttering
them, we may be performing. [ ~ h o u in ~ hgeneral of course
also the use of any one sentence form does not tie us down to
the performance of some one particular variety of speech-act.)
U N F A I R TO FACTS
fact that so and so' or 'fits the fact that so-and-so' and proceed to
claim that this is somehow tautological. Thls is a method
which seems to be becoming fashonable. Strawson writes,
'What could fit more the fact that it is raining than
the statement that it is raining? Of course statements and facts
fit. They were made ror eaX other.' But in answer to ths:
surely it is not sense either to ask whether the statement that S
fits the fact that S or to state that it either does or does not.
And I may add that it seems to me, pace Mrs. Daitz, equally
nonsense to ask whether the statement that S fits or corresponds
to the fact that F, where 'F' is dflerent from 'S' not identical
with it (though of course it is not nonsense to ask something
that sounds rather similar to ths, viz. whether the statement
that S squares with or 'doesjustice to' the fact that F ('F' # 'S')).
But even, further, if we allowed the expression: the statement
that S fits the fact that S, surely we cannot allow the suggestion
of 'statements and facts were made for each other'. T o begin -
with, obviously, some statements do not fit the facts; we need
not elaborate on ths. But even if we take it as: ' True statements
fit the facts',' True statements and facts are made for each other'
U N F A I R TO FACTS 161
we cannot agree that there is any more sense in saying they are
'made for each other', or if there is sense, any more m&ce in
saying it, than there would be in saying, on-the ground that
'well-aimed shots hlt their marks', that marks and shots (well-
aimed) are made for each other.
It may be said-before we proceed further-why bother?
Why raise h s cry 'unfair to facts'? There are two reasons
I hnk.
I. It seems in the past to have been, at least often, inexpedient
to say 'Facts are not things-in-the-world'. Ths misled, for ex-
ampie, Bradley who had some by no means dl-deserved cold
water to pour hpon facts, at the crucial point. Still, on the other
hand, no doubt it may for some purposes also be expedient to
give ourselves a jolt by suggesting that 'there are no facts'.
2. More important altogether, to my mind, than h s is the
following. The expression 'fitting the facts' is not by any means
an isolated idiom-in our language. It seems to have a very
intimate connexion with a whole series of adverbs and adjec-
tives used in appraising statements-I mean, 'precise', 'exact'.
'rough', 'accurate', and the ilke, and their cognate adverbs.
All these are connected with the notion of fitting and measuring
in ordinary contexts, and it can scarcely be fortuitous that they,
along with fitting and correspondmg, have been taken over as
a group to the sphere of statements and facts. Now to some
extent the use of this galaxy of words in connexion with state-
ments may be a transferred use; yet no one would surely deny
that these constitute serious and important notions w h c h can
be, and should be elucidated. I should certainly go much
farther and claim-as I have done before-that these are the
important terms to elucidate when we address ourselves to
the -problem of 'truth', just
-
as, not 'freedom' but notions llke
duress and accident, are what require elucidation when we
worry about 'freedom'. Yet all these terms are commonly
dismissed along with the supposed useless 'fitting the facts'.
T o give
- an dustration of h s . Wamock, in h s excellent
book on Berkeley, says that Berkeley's complaint is that
162 U N F A I R T O FACTS
ordinary language does notfit the facts (or, as he says at other
times, is inaccurate or inexact or loose or imprecise): Warnock
says thls is a confusion: for 'fits the facts (exactly?)' is simply
equivalent to 'is true'-and he reduces the notion to helplessness
by the same device as Strawson did: he asks, e.g.
What statement could possibly fit the fact that there is a table in
my study more exactly than the statement 'There is a table in my
study' ?I
and says
It is really tautologous to say that any true statement exactly fits
the facts; it exactly fits those fans, or that fact; which it states.
It would be most unreasonable to object to a statement becausd
it fails to state facts which it does not state.2
Having thus disposed of 'fitting the facts', Wamock considers
all the rest-inaccuracy,J looseness, &c. (but he does not dis-
tinguish between these!) as apparently disposed of, and offers
us as the only reasonable complaint against statements w h c h
could very well, by confusion, be intended by, for example,
Berkeley, this: that the statenlent is 'logically complex' and
can be analysed into more verbose but logically simpler ex-
pressions. Such an analysis does not he says 'fit the facts' any
better but is merely more explicit or more detailed-less con-
centrated. Well, maybe thls does occur (if it is a single phen*
/
menon?); maybe it was what Berkeley meant, though - t h i s
would need proving; but all the same inaccuracy, looseness,
and the rest do also occur, are important, are distinct, and they
cannot be dismissed from consideration by thls ~ervertedlittle
rigmarole about 'fitting the facts'.
II. Now I shall set out what I take to be Strawson's main
positive contentions about the word 'fact'. i t h n k that others
too hold the same beliefs.
4
is so high.
Also (b) asking whether 'The fact that S' is a name o; a
description is U e askmg whether 'the person Cicero' is a name.
But we seem to lack a name for thls type of expression and a
description of its role and limitations.
Now let us ask, what was Strawson actually arguing in
saying 'Fact is wedded to that-clauses'. He was t h h g- of its
-
times, we fall for the mvth of the verb. We treat the expression
J L
things seem confused together under this term. Sometimes when I blame
X for doing A, say for breaking the vase, it is a question simply or mainly
of my disapproval of A, breaking the vase, which unquestionably X did:
but sonletimes it is, rather, a question simply or mainly of how far I think X
responsible for A, which unquestionably was bad. Hence if somebody says
he blames me for something, I may answer by giving a justification, so that
he will cease to disapprove of what I did, or else by giving an excuse, so
that he will cease to hold me, at least entirely and in every way, responsible
for doing it.
I 82 A PLEA F O R E X C U S E S
language sets us. Secondly, words are not (except in their own
little corner) facts or thngs: we need therefore to prise them
off the world, to hold them apart f r o n ~and against it, so that
we can realize their inadequacies and arbitrariness, and can re-
look at the world without bhnkers. Thrdly, and more hope-
f d y , our common stock of words embodies all the distinctions
men have found worth drawing, and the connexions they have
found worth marking, in the lifetimes of many generations:
these surely are llkely to be more numerous, more sound, since
they have stood up to the long test of the sunival of the fittest,
and more subtle, i t least in a~brdinaryand reasonably ~ractical
matters, than any that you or I are likely to thuJr up in our
arm-chairs of an afternoon-the most favoured aIternative
method.
In view of the prevalence of the slogan 'ordinary language', ;
even discover for himself what the difference is and what each
means.
Then, for the Last Word. Certainly ordinary language has
no claim to be the last word, if there is such a thing. - It em-
bodies, indeed, somedung - better than the metaphysics
.
of the',
.
Caveat or hedge: of course we can say 'I did not sit in it "intentionally"'
as a way simply of repudiating the suggestion that I sat in it intentionally.
For we are sometimes not so good at observing what we crzn't say as what
we can, yet the first is pretty regularly the more revealing.
A PLEA FOR E X C U S E S 191
that 'could have' in such cases simply means 'could have if1 had
chosen', or, as perhaps we had better say in order to avoid a
possible complication (these are Moore's words), simply means
'should have if I had chosen'. And if this is all it means, then
IFS A N D C A N S 207
The ij; then, in 'I can if I choose' is not the causal conditional
if. What of the ifin 'I shall if I choose'? At first glance, we see
that h s is quite hfferent (one more reason for refusing to
substitute shall for can or should have for could have). For from 'I
shall if I choose' w e clearly cannot infer that 'I shall whether I
choose to or not' or simply that 'I shall'. But on the other hand,
can we infer, either, that 'If I shan't I don't choose to'? (Or
should it be rather 'If I don't I don't choose to'?) I t h k not,
as we shall see: but even if some such inference can be drawn,
it would s t d be patently wrong to conclude that the meaning
of 'I shall if I choose' is that my choosing to do the t h g is suffi-
cient to cause me inevitably to do it or has as a consequence that
I shall do it, whlch, unless I am mistaken, is what Moore was
supposing it to mean. This may be seen if we compare 'I shall
ruin him if I choose' with 'I shall ruin him if I am extravagant'.
The latter sentence does indeed obviously state what would
be the consequence of the fulfilment of a condition specified in
the $-clause-but then, the first sentence has clearly cbfferent
characteristics from the second. In the first, it makes good sense
in general to stress the 'shall', but in the second it does not.'
This is a symptom of the fact that in the first sentence 'I shall' is
the present of that mysterious old verb shall, whereas in the
second 'shall' is simply being used as an aux&ary, without any
meaning of its own, to form the future indicative of 'ruin'.
I expect you will be more than ready at h s point to hear
s o m e h g a little more positive about the meanings of these
curious expressions 'I can if I choose' and 'I shall if I choose'.
Let us take the former first, and concentrate upon the ij:
The dictionary tells us that the words from which our ifis des-
cended expressed, or even meant, 'doubt' or 'hesitation' or 'con-
dition' or 'stipulationy. Of these, 'condition' has been given
a procbgious innings by grammarians, lexicographers, and
philosophers allke: it is time for 'doubt' and 'hesitation' to
1 In general, though of course in some contexts it does: e.g. 'I may very
easily ruin him, and 1 shall if I am extravagant', where 'shall' is stressed to
point the contrast with 'may'.
212 IFS A N D C A N S
be remembered, and these do indeed seem to be the notions
present in 'I can if I choose'. W e could give, on different occasions
and in hfferent contexts, many mfferent interpretations of
this sentence, which is of a somewhat primitive and loose-jointed
type. Here are some:
I can, quaere do I choose to?
I can, but do I choose to?
I can, but perhaps I don't choose to
I can, but then I should have to choose to, and what about that?
I can, but would it really be reasonable to choose to?
I can, but whether I choose to is another question
I can, I have only to choose to
I can, in case I (should) choose to,
and so on.
These interpretations are not, of course, all the same: which it
is that we mean will usually be clear from the context (other-
wise we should prefer another expression), but sometimes it can
be brought out by stress, on the 'if'or the 'choose' for example.
What is common to them all is simply that the asserlion, positive
and complete, that 'I can', is linked to the ~aisingofthe question
whether I choose to, which may be relevant in a variety of
ways. I
Ifs of the lund I have been trying- to describe are common
enough, for example the ifin our example 'There are biscuits
on the sideboard if you want them'. I do not know whether you
want biscuits or nit, but in case you do, I point out that there
are some on the sideboard. It is tempting, I know, to 'expand'
our sentence here to this: 'There are biscuits on the sideboard
which you can (or may) take if you want them': but this, legiti-
mate or not, will not make much difference, for we are still left
with 'can (or may) if you want', which is (here) just llke 'can
if you choose' or 'can if you lke', so that the ifis still the ifof
doubt or hesitation, not the if of condition.1
I will mention two further points, very briefly, about 'I can
if I choose', important but not so relevant to our discussion
here. Sometimes the can will be the can, and the choice the
choice, of legal or other right, at other times these words will
refer to practicability or feasibhty: consequently, we should
sometimes interpret our sentence in some such way as 'I am
entitled to do it (if I choose)', and at other times in some such
way as 'I am capable of doing it (if I choose)'. We, of course,
are concerned with interpretations of t h s second kind. It would
be nice if we always said 'I may if I choose' when we wished to
refer to our rights, as perhaps our nannies once told us to: but
the interlocking histories of can and may are far too chequered
for there to be any such rule in p r a ~ t i c eThe
. ~ second point is
that choose is an important word in its own right, and needs
careful interpretation: 'I call if I lke' is not the same, although
the 'can' and the 'if' may be the same in both, as 'I can if I
choose'. Choice is always between alternatives, that is between
several courses to be weighed in the same scale against each
other, the one to be prrfrred. 'You can vote whichever way you
choose' is different from 'You can vote whchever way you
k e '.
And now for somethmg about 'I shall if I choose'-what sort
of ifhave we here? The point to notice is, that 'I shall' is not an
assertion ofjzct but an expression of intention, verging towards
the giving of some variety of undertaking: and the $ conse-
An account on these lines should probably be given also of an excellent
example given to me by Mr. P. T. Geach: 'I paid you back yesterday, if
you remember.' This is much the same as 'I paid you back yesterday,
don't you remember?' It does not mean that your now remembering that
I did so is a condition, causal or other, of my having paid you back yester-
day.
Formerly I believed that the meaning of 'I can if I choose' was something
hke 'I can, 1 have the choice', a i d that the point of the +clause was to make
clear that the 'can' in the main clause was the 'can' of right. This account,
however, does not do justice to the role of the 'if', and also unduly restricts in
general the meaning of 'choice'.
214 IFS A N D C A N S
if
quently, is the not of condition but of stipulation. In sentences
Ue:
I shall I marry him if I choose
I intend I to marry him if I choose
I promise I to marry him if he will have me
the if-clause is a part of h e object phrase governed by the
initial verb ('shall', 'intend', 'promise'), if this is an allowable
way of putting it: or again, the ifquaMes the content of the
undertaking given, or of the intention announced, it does not
qualify the giving of the undertaking. Why, we may ask, is it
perverse to draw from 'I intend to marry him if I choose' the
inference 'If I do not intend to marry him I do not choose to'?
Because 'I intend to marry hun if I choose' is not U e 'I panted
if I ran' in h s important respect: 'I panted if I ran' does not
assert anythmg 'categorically' about me-it does not assert that
I did pant, and hence it is far from surprising to infer something.
beginning 'If I did not pant': but 'I intend to marry him if I
choose' (and the same goes - for 'I shall marry him if I choose')
is a 'categorical' expression of intention, an2 hence it is para-
doxical to make an inference leading offwith 'If I do not intend'.
3 . Our third question was as to when we are entitled or
required to supply iJ-clauses with can or could have as main
verb.
Here there is one thing to be clear about at the start. There
are two quite hstinct and incompatible views that may be put
forward concerning ifs and cans, which are fatally easy to con-
fuse with each other. One view is that wherever we have can
or could have as our main verb, an if-clause must always be
understood or supplied, if it is not actually present, in order to
complete the sense of the sentence. The other view is that the
meaning of 'can' or 'could have' can be more clearly repro-
duced by some other verb (notably 'shall' or 'should have') with
an if-clause appended to-it. he first view is that an if is re-
quired to complete a can-sentence: the second view is that an iJ
is required in the analysis of a can-sentence. The suggestion of
Moore that 'could have' means 'could have if I had chosen' is
IFS A N D C A N S 21 S
ffthe $-clause is 'if I had chosen', then I was able, was actually in a position,
to ruin you: hence 'potui'. But if the +clause expresses a genuule unfufjlled
condition, then plainly I was not actually in a position to ruin you, hence not
'potui' but 'potuissern'. My colleague Mr. R. M. Nisbet has pointed out to
me the interesting discussion o f this point in S. A. Handford, The Latin Sub-
junctive, pp. 1 3 0 ff. It is interesting that although this author well appreciates
the Latin usage, he still takes it for granted that in English the 'could have' is
universally subjunctive or conditional.
IFS A N D CANS 217
for of course the argument I have just given does not suffice to
show that there could not be some verb which has always to be
annlysrd as somethng containing a conditional if-clause: sug-
gestions that this is in fact the case with some verbs are common
in philosophy, and I do not propose to argue this point, though
I think that doubt might well be felt about it. The only sort of
'verb' 1 can think of that might always demand a conditional
clause with it is an 'auxiliary' verb, if there is one, which is used
solely to form subjunctive or conditional moods (whatever
exactly they may be) of other verbs: but however this may be, it
is quite clear that can, and I should be prepared also to add shall
and will and may, are not in this poyition.-
To summarize, then, what has been here said in reply to
Moore's suggestions in his book:
"
(a) 'I could have if I had chosen' does not mean the same as
should have if I had chosen'.
(b) In neither of these expressions is the iJklause a 'normal
conditional' clause, connecting antecedent to consequent
as cause to effect.
(c) T o argue that can always requires an if-clausewith it to
complete the sense is totally different from arguing that
can-sentences are always to be analysed into sentences
containing if-clauses.
(d) Neither mn nor any other verb always requires a condi-
tional +clause after it: even 'could have', when a past
indicative, does not require such a clause: and in 'I could
have if I had chosen' the verb is in fact a past indicative,
not a past subjunctive or conditional.
* Plausibility, but no more. Consider the case where I miss a very short putt
and kick myself because I could have holed it. It is not that I should have holed
it if I had tried: I did try, and missed. It is not that I should have holed it if '
conditions had been different:. that might of course be so, but I am talking
about conditions as they precisely were, and asserting that I could have holed
it. There is the rub. Nor does 'I can hole it this time' mean that 1shall hole it
this time if I try or if anything else: for I may try and miss, and yet not be
convinced that I could not have done it; indeed, further experiments may
confirm my belief that 1 could have done it that time although I did not.
But if I tried my hardest, say, and missed, surely there must have been some-
thing that caused mc to fail, that made me unable to succeed? So that I could not
have holed it. Well, a modern belief in science, in there being an exp!anation
of everything, may make us assent to this argument. But such a belief is not
in line with the traditional beliefs enshrined in the word can: according t o
them, a human ability or power or capacity is inherently liable not to produce
success, on occasion, and that for no reason (or are bad luck and bad form
sometimes reasons ?).
IFS AND CANS 219
These two features are dictated by the fact that a shtp is inani-
-
There are, I should myself think, good reasons for not speaking of 'I can
lift my finger' as being directly verified when I proceed to lift it, and likewise
for not speaking of 'He could have done it' as being directly verified by the
discovery that he did do it. But on Nowell-Smith's account I think that thae
would count as direct verifications.
IFS A N D C A N S 225
pro tanto he could not have acted otherwise. And the same will
be true if we try saying 'He would have read Emma yesterday if
there had been a copy available': this too certainly implies that
he could not in fact have read it, and so cannot by any means
be what we mean by saying that he could have read it.
In the concludmg paragraph of h s discussion, Nowell-Smith
does finally undertake to give us h s analysis not merely of
'could have', but also of 'can' (whch he says means 'will if').
And this last feature is very much to be welcomed, because if
an analysis is being consciously given of 'can' at least we shall
at length be clear of confusions connected with the idea that
6
could haves is necessarily a subjunctive.'
1 It must, however, be pointed out once again that if w e are to discuss the
assertion that somebody can (now) do something, the previous arguments
that our assertions are not categorical because they are based on induction and
226 IFS A N D C A N S
h as follows. It is
The argument of the last ~ a r a ~ r a pruns
'logically odd' to say something of this kind (I am slightly
emending Nowell-Smith's formula, but only in ways that are
favourable to it and demanded by his own argument):
Smith has the ability to run a mile, has the opportunity to run a
mile, has a preponderant motive for running a mile, but does not
in fact do so.
From t h s it follows directly, says ow ell-smith, that 'can'
means 'will if', that is, I suppose, that 'smith can run a mile'
means 'If Smith has the opportunity to run a mile and a pre-
ponderant motive for running it, he will run it'.
It seems, however, plain that nothing of the kind follows.
Ths may be seen first by setting the argument out formally.
Nowell-Smith's premiss is of the form
Not (p and q and r and not -s)
+
Logically odd (ability+ opportunity+ motive non-action) .
Now from this we can indeed infer
p 2 ((q and r) 3 s),
that is that
If he has the ability, then, if he has the opportunity and the
motive, he will do it.
But we cannot infer the converse
((q and r) 3 s) 3 p,
or in other words that
If, when he has the opportunity and the motive, he does it, he has
the ability to do it.
(I do not say t h s last is not s o m e h l g to which we should,
cannot be verified directly, whether they were good or not, must now be
abandoned: because of course it is possible to verify this 'directly' by the
method Nowell-Smith has sptcified in another connexion earlier, viz. by
getting the man to try and seeing him succeed.
IFS AND CANS 227
when so put into English, assent, only that it does not follow
from Nowell-Smith's premiss: of course it follows merely from
the premiss that he does it, that he has the abhty to do it, ac-
cordmg to ordinary English.) But unless h s second, convene
implication does follow, we cannot, accordmg to the usual
formal principles, infer that p is equivalent to, nor therefore that
it means the same as, (q and r) 2 s, or in words that abhty means
that opportunity plus motive leads to action.
To put the same point non-formally. From the fact that, if
three thmgs are true together a fourth must also be true, we
cannot argue that one of the three thngs simply means that if the
other two are true the fourth will be true. If we could argue
indeed in this way, then we should establish, from Nowell-
Smith's premiss, not merely that
'He h a s the ability to do X' simply means that 'If he has the
opportunity and the motive to do X, he will do X'
but also equally that
'He has the opportunity to do X' simply means that 'If he has the
ability and the motive to do X, he will do X'
and hkewise that
'He has a preponderant motive to do X' simply means that 'If he
h a s the ability and the opportunity to do X, he will do X'.
For clearly we can perform the same operations on q and r as
on p, since the three all occupy positions in the premiss.
But these are fantastic suggestions. Put shortly, ~oweU-smith
is pointing out in h s premiss that if a man both can and wants
to (more than he wants to do anything else), he w d : but from
thls it does not follow that 'he can' simply means that 'if he wants
to he wd'. Nowell-Smith is strcgglhg to effect a transition
from can to will w h c h presents difficulties as great as those of
the transition from coul&o would: he puts up hk show of effect-
ing it by importing the additional, and here irrelevant, concept
of motive, whch needless to say is in general very intimately
connected with the question of what 'he d' do.
228 IFS A N D C A N S
When, in conclusion, Nowell-Smith finally sets out his
analysis of 'Smith could have read Emma last night', it is ths:
He would have read it, if there had been a copy, if he had not been
struck b h d , Gc., Gc., and if he had wanted to read it more than he
had wanted to read (this should be 'doY)anything else.
But so far from this being what we mean by saying he could
have read it, it actually implies that he could not have read it, for
more than adequate reasons: it implies that he was b h d at the
time, and so on. Here we see that Nowell-Smith actually does
make the confusion I referred to above between a statementb
which implies or asserts that certain conchtions were fulfilled and
I
Y o u are more than entitled not to know what the word 'per-
formative' means. It is a new word and an ugly word, and
perhaps it does not mean anything very much. But at any rate
there is one thing in its favour, it is not a profound word. I
remember once when I had been talking on this subject that
somebody afterwards said: 'You know, I haven't the least idea
what he means, unless it could be that he simply means what
he says'. Well, that is what I should like to mean.
Let us consider first how this affair arises. We have not got
to go very far back in the history of phlosophy to find philo-
sophers assuming more or less as a matter of course that the
sole business, the sole interesting business, of any utterance-
that is, of anything we say-is to be true or at least false. Of
course they had always known that there are other kinds of
things which we say-thmgs llke imperatives, the expressions
of wishes, and exclamatioAs-some o f which had eGen been
classified by grammarians, though it wasn't perhaps too easy
to tell always which was which. But still -philosophers - have
assumed that the only things that they are interested in are
utterances which report facts or whch describe situations truly
or falsely. In recent times this kind of approach has been
questioned-in two stages, I think. First of all people began to
say: 'Well, if these things are true or false it ought to be possible
to decide which they are, and if we can't decide which they
are they aren't any good but arc, in short, nonsense'. And this
new approach did a great deal of good; a great many dungs
23 4 PERFORMATIVE UTTERANCES
which probably are nonsense were found to be such. It is not
the case, I t W , that all kinds of nonsense have been ade-
quately classified yet, and perhaps some things have been dis-
missed as nonsense which really are not; but still this movement,
the verification movement, was, in its way, excellent.
However, we then come to the second-stage. After all, we
set some limits to the amount of nonsense that we talk, or at
least the amount of nonsense that we are prepared to admit
we talk; and so people began to ask whether after all some
of those things which, treated as statements, were in danger
of being dismissed as nonsense did after all really set out
to be statements at all. ~ i g h t n ' tthey perhaps be- intended
not to report facts but to influence people in this way or that,
or to let off steam in this way or that? O r perhaps at any rate
some elements in these utterances -performed such functions,
or, for example, drew attention in some way (without actually
reporting it) to some important feature of the circumstances
in which the utterance was being made. On these lines people
have now adopted a new slogan, the slogan of the 'different uses
of language'. The old approach, the old statemental approach,
is son~etin~es called even a fallacy, the descriptive fallacy.
Certainly there are a great many uses of language. It's rather
a pity that people are apt to invoke a new use of language
whenever they feel so inclined, to help them out of ths, that,
or the other well-known philosophcal tangle; we need more
of a framework in which to discuss these uses of language; and
also I think we should not despair too easily and talk, as people
are apt to do, about the infinite uses of language. ~ h i l o s o ~ h e r s
will do this when they have listed as many, let us say, as seven-
teen; but even if there were somethng like ten thousand uses
of language, surely we could list them all in time. This, after
all, is no larger than the number of species of beetle that ento-
mologists have taken the -pains to list. But whatever the defects
of either of these movements-the 'verification' movement or
the 'use of language' movement-at any rate they have effected,
nobody could deny, a great revolution in philosophy and,
PERFORMATIVE U T T E R A N C E S 23 5
many would say, the most salutary in its history. (Not, if you
come to thnk of it, a very immodest claim.)
Now it is one such sort of use of language- -
that I want to
examine here. I want to discuss a kind of utterance which looks
like a statement and grammatically, I suppose, would be classed
as a statement, which is not nonsensica1,and yet is not true or
false. These are not going to be utterances which contain curious
verbs llke 'could' or 'might', or curious words llke 'good',
which many philosophers regard nowadays simply as danger
signals. They will be perfectly straightforward utterances, with
ordinary verbs in the first person singular present indicative
active, and yet we shall see at once that they couldn't possibly
be true or false. Furthermore, if a person makes an utterance
of this sort we should say that he is doing something rather than
merely saying something. This may sound a little odd, but the
examples I shall give will in fact not be odd at all, and may
even seem decidedly dull. Here are three or four. Suppose, f i r
example, that in the course of a marriage ceremony I say, as
people will, 'I do'-(sc. take this woman to be my lawful
wedded-wife). Or again, suppose that I tread on your toe and
say 'I apologize'. Or again, suppose that I have the bottle of
champagne in my hand and say 'I name this ship the Querrz
Elizabeth'. Or suppose I say 'I bet you sixpence it will rain
tomorrow'. In all these cases it would be absurd a, regard the
thing that I say as a report of the performance of the action
which is undoubtedly done-the action of betting, or christen-
ing, or apologizing. We should say rather that, in saying what
I do, I actually perform that action. When I say 'I name this
ship the Qlrrrrl Elizabeth' I do not describe the christening
ceremony, I actually perform the christening; and when I say
'I do' (sc. take this woman to be my lawful wedded wife),
I am not reporting on a marriage, I am indulging in it.
Now these kinds of utterance are the ones that we call per-
formative utterances. his is rather an ugly word, and a new
word, but there seems to be no word already in existence to
do the job. The nearest approach that I can think of is the word
236 PERFORMATIVE U T T E R A N C E S
'operative', as used by lawyers. Lawyers when tallung about
legal instruments will distinguish between the -preamble, whch
- -
act, of whch the words then are to be the report. It's very easy
to slip into t h s view at least in difficult, portentous cases,
though perhaps not so easy in simple cases like apologizing. In
the case of promising-for example, 'I promise to be there
tomorrow'-it's very easy to thmk that the utterance is simply
the outward and visible (that is, verbal) sign of the performance
of some inward spiritual
-
act of promising,
- -
and h s view has
certainly been expressed in many classic places. There is the
case of Euripides' Hippolytus, who said 'My tongue swore to,
but my heart did not'-perhaps it should be 'mind' or 'spirit'
-
report facts and are not themselves true or false, saying these
h g s does very often imply that certain t h g s are true and
not false, in some sense at least of that rather woolly word
'imply'. For example, when I say 'I do take this woman to be
my lawful wedded wife', or some other formula in the marriage
ceremony, I do imply that I'm not already married, with wife
- .
living, sane, undivorced, and the rest of it. But still it is very
important to realize that to imply that something or other is
true, is not at all the same as saying something which is true
itself.
These performative utterances are not true or false, then.
But they do sufir from certain disabhties of their own. They
can fail to come off in ~pecialways, and that is what I want to
consider next. The various ways in which a performative
utterance may be unsatisfactory we call, for the sake of a name,
the infelicities; and an infelicity arises-that is to say, the utter-
ance is unhappy-if certain rdes, transparently simple rules,
are broken. I will mention some of these rules and then give
examples of some infringements.
-
irk of all, it is obvious that the conventional ~rocedure
which by our utterance we are purporting to use must actually
exist. In the examples
- given here this -procedure will be a verbal
-
are just about to bang the bottle against the stem; but at that
very moment some low type comes up, snatches the bottle out
of your hand, breaks it on the stem, shouts out 'I name this shlp
th; Generalissimo Stalin', and then for good measure kicL
240 PERFORMATIVE UTTERANCES
away the chocks. Well, we agree of course on several things.
W e agree that the s h p certainly isn't now named the ~mrrafis-
simo Stalin, and we agree
- that it's an infernal shame and so on
and so forth. But we may not agree as to how we should classify
the particular infelicity in this case. W e might say that here is
a case of a perfectly legitimate and agreed procedure whch,
however, has been invoked in the wrong circumstances,
namely by the wrong person, ths low type instead of the
person appointed to do it. But on the other hand we might
look at it differently and say that h s is a case where the pro-
cedure has not as a whole been gone through correctly, because
part of the procedure for naming a s h p is that you should
first of all get yourself appointed as the person to do the
naming and that's what this fellow did not do. Thus the way
we should classify infelicities in different cases will be perhaps
rather a difficult matter, and may even in the last resort be a bit
arbitrary. But of course lawyers, who have to deal very much
with this land of thing, have invented all kinds of technical
terms and have made numerous rules about different lunds of
cases, whch enable them to classify fairly rapidly what in
particular is wrong in any given case.
As for whether this list is complete, it c e r t d v is not. One
A #
active-not just any kind of verb of course: but still they all
are in fact of that form.. Furtherinore, with these vcrbs that I
have used tllere is a typical asynlmetry between the use of thls
person and tense of ilk verband the use of the same verb in
242 PERFORMATIVE U T T E R A N C E S
other persons and other tenses, a l d this asynlmetry is rather an
important clue.
For example, when we say 'I promise that . . .', the case is
very different from when we say 'He promises that . . .', or in
the past tense 'I promised that. . . . For when we say 'I promise
2
--is that the little word 'hereby' eitller actually occurs or illight
naturally be inserted.
Unfortunately, however, we still can't possibly suggest
that every utterance which is to be classed as a performative
has to take one or another of these two, as we might call them,
standard forms. After all it would be a very typical performative
utterance to say 'I order you to shut the door'. This satisfies all
the criteria. It is performing the act of ordering you to shut the
door, and it is not true or false. But in the appropriate circum-
stances surely we could perform exactly the same act by simply
saying 'Shut the door', in the imperative. Or again, suppose
that somebody sticks up a notice his bull is dangerous', or
simply 'Dangerous bull', or simply 'Bull'. Does this necessarily
differ from sticking up a notice, appropriately signed, saying
'You are hereby warned that this bull is dangerous'? It seems
that the simple'notice 'Bull' can do just the same job as the
more elaborate formula. Of course the difference is that if we
just stick up 'Bull' it would not be quite clear that it is a warn-
ing; it might be there just for interest or information, llke
'Wallaby' on the cage at the zoo, or 'Ancient Monument'.
No doubt we should know from the nature of the case that it
was a warning, but it would not bc explicit.
Well, in view of this break-down of grammatical criteria,
what we should llke to suppose-and there is a good deal in
this--is that any utterance which is performative could be
reduced or expanded or analysed into one of these two standard
forms beginning 'I . . .' so and so or beginning 'You (or he)
hereby . . .' so and so. If there was any justification for this hope,
as to some extent there is, then we might hope to make a list
of all the verbs which can appear in thcse standard forms, and
then we might classify the kinds of acts that can be performed
by performative utterances. We might do t h s with the aid of
a dictionary, using such a test as that already mentioned-
whether there is the characteristic asyinnletry between the first
person singular present indicative active and the other persons
and tenses-in ordcr to decide whether a verb is to go into our
246 PERFORMATIVE U T T E R A N C E S
make it quite plain that the act being performed is the con-
ventional one of doing obeisance rather than some other act.
Now nobody would want to say that lifting your hat was
stating that you were ~ e r f o r m i nan ~ act of obeisance; it
certainly is not, but it does make it quite m lain that you are.
And so in the same way to say 'I warn you that . . .' or 'I order
you to . . .' or 'I promise that . . . is not to state that you are
A second case that has come to light is the one about John's
chldren-thc case where somebody is supposed to say 'All
John's chldren are bald but John hasn't got any children'. Or
perhaps somebody says 'A11 John's chlldren are bald', when as
a matter of fact-he doesn't say so-John has no children.
Now those who study statements have worried about this;
ought they to say that the statement 'A11 John's chldren are
bald' is meaningless in this case? WeU, if it is, it is not a bit like
a great many other more standard hnds of meaninglessness;
and we see, if we look back at our list of infelicities, that what
is going wrong here is much the same as what goes wrong in,
say, the case of a contract for the sale of a piece of land when
PERFORMATIVE U T T E R A N C E S 249
the piece of land referred to does not exist. Now what we say
in the case of this sale of land, which of course would be effccted
by a performative utterance, is that the sale is void-void for
lack of reference or atnbiguity of reference; and so we can see
that the statement about all ~ d m ' children
s is likewise void for
lack of reference. And if the man actually says that John has
no children in the same breath as saying they're all bald, he is
malung the same kind of outrageous utterance as the man who
says 'The cat is on the mat and I don't believe it is', or the Illan
who says 'I promise to but I don't intend to'.
In this way, then, ills that have been found to aHict state-
ments can be precisely paralleled with ills that are characteristic
of perforrnative
-
utterances. And after all when we state solllo
.thing or describe something or report s o m e h g , we do per-
form an act wllich is every bit as much an act as an act of
ordering or warning. There seems no good reason why stating
should be given a specially unique position. Of course phdo-
sophers have been wont to talk as though you or I or anybody
could just go round stating anytlung about anythmg aid that
would be perfectly in order, only there's just a little question:
is it true or false? But besides the little question,
*
is it true or
false, there is surely the question: ir it in order? Can you go
round just malung statenlents about anythmg? Suppose for
example you say to me 'I'm feeling pretty nlouldy this morn-
ing'. Well, I say to you 'You're not'; and you say 'What the
devil do you mean, I'm not?' I say 'Oh nothitlg-~'m just
stating you're not, is it true or false?' And you say 'Wait a bit
about whether it's true or false, the question is what did you
mean by malung statements about somebody else's feelings?
I told you I'm feeling pretty mouldy. You're just not in a
position to say, to state that I'm not'. Thls brings out that you
can't just make statetnents about other p&ople's feclkgs
(thougll you can make guesses if you llke); and there are very
many things which, having no knowledge of, not being in a
position to pronounce about, you just can't state. What we
need to do for the case of stating, and by the same token
250 PERFORMATIVE U T T E R A N C E S
describing and reporting, is to take then1 a bit off their pedestal,
to realize that they are speecll-acts
- no less than all these other
speech-acts that we have been mentioning and talking about
as performative.
Then let us look for a moment at our original contrast
between the performative and the statement from the other
side. In handling performatives we have been putting it all the
time as tho~lghthe only thing that a perfomlative utterance
had to do was to be felicitous, to cotnc off, not to be a misfire,
not to be an abuse. Yes, but that's not the end of the mattcr.
At least in the case of many utterances which, on what we have
said, we should have to class as performative--cases where we
say 'I warn you to . . .', 'I advise you to . . .' and so on-there
will be other questions besides simply: was it in order, was it
all right, as a piece of advice or a warning, did it come off?
After that surely there willmbe the question: was it good or
sound advice? Was it ajustified
- warning?
- Or in the case, let us
say, of a verdict or an estimate: was it a good estimate, or
a sound verdict? And these arc questions that can only be
decided by considering - how the content of the verdict or
estimate is related in some way to fact, or to evidence available
about the facts. This is to say that we do require to assess at
least a great many performative utterances in a general dimen-
sion of correspondence with fact. It may still be said, of course,
that this does not make them vsrv like statements because still
I
they are not true or false, and that's a little black and white
speciality that distinguishes statements as a class apart. But
a ~ t u a l l ~ - - t hitowould
~ ~ ~ htake too long to go on about this-
the more you thmk about truth and falsity the more you find
that very few statements that we ever utter are just true or just
false. UsualIy there is the question are they fair or are they not
fair, are they adequate or not adequate, are they exaggerated
or not exaggerated? Are they too rough, or are they
precise, accurate, and so on? 'True' and 'false' are just general
labels for a whole dimension of different appraisals which have
somedung or other to do with the relation between what we
PERFORMATIVE U T T E R A N C E S ZS 1
say and the facts. If, then, we loosen up our ideas of truth and
faisity we shall see that statements, when assessed in relation to
the facts, are not so very different after all from pieces of
advice, warnings, verdicts, and so on.
W e see then that stating something is performing an act just
as much as is giving an order or giving a warning; and we see,
on the other hand, that, when we give an order or a warning or
a~L
i e c eof advice. there is a question about how this is related
A
gone too far.' Try to plead that you were only pretending, and
I shall advert forcibly to the state of my calf-not much pre-
tence about that, is there? There are liniits, old sport. This sort
of t h g in these circumstances will not pass as ' (only)
ing- to be a hyena'. True-but then neither will it pass as really -
Indeed in English even the accusative case after 'prctend', as in, for
example, 'He pretetrded sickness', though a venerable coilstruction is by n o w
archaistic. In the special construction 'pretending not t o be' there is however
a reference to what is being concealed.
PRETENDING 261
performance gone through in pretenhng, disregarding its
motivation,
and
(GBs) The genuine-behaviour-simulated, whch PBm
is intended to resemble. This may be related to a further
(Gs) 'Genuinity'I-simulated, as genuinely behaving angrily
is related, for example, to genuinely being angry.
When some simple contrast between 'pretence' and 'reality'
comes up in discbssion, it is all too often uncertain whch of
the things here listed is being contrasted with whch.
T o return now to our three examples. (2)-the girl-sawing- -
simply supports the rule suggested by the precedGg discussion,
that in pretending to do A you must not actually do A, or that
PBm must not coincide with GBs. Defending h s rule, we are
tempted to try some special dodge to get out of (I)--the tree-
sawing. The miscreants are 'pretendmg to be sawing the tree'
and also 'they are sawing it' in fact, but perhaps they are pre-
tending to 'be sawing' it in a sense that covers times earlier and
later than the time during which they 'are sawing' it in fact: so
that PBm does differ from GBs, it extends over a shorter stretch
of time. Or perhaps we should not allow that they 'are
(seriously) sawing' it, for example, in the sense that they are
not embarked on an operation designed to terminate in the fall
of the tree: but it is not clcar whit ths means-suppose the
police are suspicious and continue to hang around indefinitely ?
The case will then become llke that of the man who pretends
to be playing golf by playing a few strokes: can he prolong the
- ~
pretence all round the course and yet not be actually playing
golf? It is llkely that by introducing 'seriously' (and of course
I am driven to this horrible word because I wish to use throughout the
second contrast a different term from 'real', which I have kept for the first
colltrast.
The Gs may staid to the GBs as, say, its 'motivation': then such an expres-
sion as 'pretending to be angry' will commonly run the two together. But
where the GBs is something more purely 'physical', such as 'sawing a girl in
half', the Gs, if any, is at a discount.
262 PRETENDING
it is true that their heart is not in sawing
-
the tree, they are only
doing it at all to cover up something) we are really already on
the way to the treatment which we mitst use for example (3)-
the window-cleaner.
Here surely no dodge will help us; we must allow that he is
indeed actually cleaning the windows, from start to finish and
throughout the whole tiltle he is pretending to be cleaning
them. But it is still a pretence, because what he is redly doing
all the time is something different, namely noting the valuables:
he is only cleaning the windows to disguise and promote tlis
other activity-RBd goes on during the course of PB, which
facilitates it and distracts attention from it. (In other cases RBd
may actually be incorporated into PB as a camouflaged part
of it.) It looks, then, as though it does not matter if PB does
coincide with GBs, so long as the contrast between PB and
RBd is -preserved.'
It is worth noting once more that it will seldom be possible
to decide with certainty that PBtn does coincide exactly with
GBs, because in so rnany cases GBs is apt to be described, and
may only be describable, in terms wllich already import the
Gs w h c h underlines it: thus when someone is 'pretending to
be angry', the GBs will be 'angry behaviour' or 'the behaviour
of an angry man', a description which may be held already to
mean that the actions are done 'in anger'. Only when the GBs
is describable in pretty purely 'physical' terms which disregard
I
motivation' and the like, for example, as 'sawing a girl', shall
we be confident of the coincidence.
In the light of example (3)' it c m now be seen that the sup-
posed rule that in certain cases, such as example (2),PBm must
not coincide with GBs, is really only a marginal case of a more
general rule. The essence of the situation in pretending is (not -
P A R T SI, 11, and 111 of the following paper arc taken, almost
verbatim, from J. L. Austin's longhand draft, found alllong his
papers after his death, of a lecture he gave to the American Society
of Political and Legal Philosophy, which met in Chicago in 1958.
Authenticity of expression can be claimed for these sections, though
no doubt Austin would have changed much had he hiinself com-
pleted his revisions for publication in the yearbook of the Society:
R~s~orrsibility(Nomos 111), edited by Carl Fricdrich (New York,
1960). A11 outline of this lecture, which was. 'distributed at the
meeting and available to the participants', was published as an
-
g ~ ~ i between
sh acting irrtc~rrtioriilll~
and acting dolibc)rntely or on
ptrrposc, as far as this can be donc b y attending to what lallguagc
can teach us.
'A Pica for Excuscs' (1956).
274 T H R E E W A Y S OF SPILLING I N K
A schoolteacher may ask a child who has spilled the mk in
class: 'Did you do that intentionally?' or 'Did you do that
deliberately?' or 'Did you do that on purpose (or purposely) ?'
It appears at first sight to matter little which question is asked.
he^ appear to mean the same or at least to come down to the
same in thls case. But do they really ? There are in fact techniques
available for distinguishing between these expressions. I cannot
exploit these by any means fully here, but only indicate the
resources available. W e may consider, for instance, for a start:
(i)
. . imagined or actual cases, and (ii) the 'grammar', 'etymo-
-
but then the words are used to dcscribc a certain slow style of
performance, which makes an impression on the observer.
'Deliberately' is used in the same way, as when solileonc eats
his soup dcliberatcly. (Compare the case whcrc he deliberately
eats my soup. Here, if he is well advised, he will make haste
over it.) Now this sort of sccoildary smsc is fairly common
with adverbs of this kind; and 'purposefully' is in fact also
used in this way. W e know the kind of performance it de-
scribes: a purposeful air is one of gctting the preliminaries, the
-
first stages, each stage ovcr trfith, in order to proceed to the next
and get the whole business achieved: it is an air of pressing on.
Strikingly ci~ough,however, there is no expression connected
with 'intentional' which call bc used in this nlanncr. The ex-
planation, whatever it is, would seem to lie in the samc direction
as that of the adjectival ternii~~ations referred to above: inten-
tion is too intimately associated with ordinary action in general
for there to be any sppecial style of performance associated
with it.
T H R E E W A Y S OF S P I L L I N G I N K 283
4. Finally, we might consider the trailing etymologies of
the three words: for no word ever achieves entire forgetfulness
of its origins. The mctaphor in 'deliberate' is one from 'weigh-
ing' or 'weighing up', that in 'intend' (one which keeps break-
ing through in many cognate words) is from bending or
straining toward (compare 'intent on mischief' and 'bent on
mischief'j. In 'purpose', the idea is that of setting something
up before oneself.
situation in which I act, which may put all three words out of
joint, in spite of the other standard conditions for their use
being satisfied. For instance, I may be acting under a threat:
however much I weigh up the pros and cons, if I act under
the influence of a threat I do not do that act deliberately. This