G Washington, Moses
G Washington, Moses
G Washington, Moses
JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide
range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and
facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.
Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at
http://about.jstor.org/terms
The Johns Hopkins University Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and
extend access to American Quarterly
This content downloaded from 86.59.13.237 on Sat, 12 Aug 2017 14:58:27 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
ROBERT P. HAY
Marquette University
George Washington:
American Moses
WHAT GEORGE WASHINGTON WAS REALLY LIKE WE WILL NEVER KNOW. LONG
before his death in 1799, he had become so enveloped in myth and legend
that not even his contemporaries could discern his true, unadorned visage.
Distressed by the extravagant praise heaped upon him by eulogists,
Abigail Adams declared: "Simple truth is his best, his greatest eulogy."'
But was the truth "simple"? And did Abigail Adams, or anyone else for
that matter, know what the "simple truth" was? The fact is that a nation
of bereaved children laid to rest a Father as much myth as man. Despite
the inability of diehard Republican foes to forget immediately the Mount
Vernon planter's alleged pandering to their Federalist archenemies,2 the
mythologizing and legend-making continued at a still more furious pace
after the venerated hero's demise.3
'Quoted in Bernard Mayo, Myths and Men: Patrick Henry, George Washington, Thomas
Jefferson (New York, 1963 [first published Athens, Ga., 1959]), p. 39.
2Mayo has concluded: "It was not until Jefferson defeated Adams in that bitter presidential
campaign of 1800, and the Hero of Monticello in his first inaugural had praised the Hero of
Mount Vernon ... that, at last Washington was transfigured into 'Freedom's myth' and 'more
than man.'" Myths and Men, p. 48. It is clear, however, that the transfiguration actually
came later for some Jeffersonians. As late as 1803, ardent Pennsylvania Republicans observ-
ing the Fourth of July were still insisting that Washington was "dear to patriots, ONLY as
the leader of the American armies." Oracle of Dauphin and Harrisburgh Advertiser, July
11, 1803.
3Though none of them develops the Washington-as-Moses theme, Daniel J. Boorstin,
Bernard Mayo and Dixon Wecter have described the process by which the American hero
was thoroughly mythologized. Boorstin, "The Mythologizing of George Washington,"
The Americans: The National Experience (New York, 1965), pp. 337-356; Mayo, "Washing-
ton: 'Freedom's Myth' and 'More Than Man,'" Myths and Men, pp. 37-60; and Wector,
"President Washington and Parson Weems," The Hero in America (Ann Arbor, Mich,
1963 [first published New York, 1941]), pp. 99-147. For an extended introduction to the
most famous legend-maker and his work, see Marcus Cunliffe's edition of Mason L.
Weems, The Life of Washington (Cambridge, 1962), pp. ix-lxii.
This content downloaded from 86.59.13.237 on Sat, 12 Aug 2017 14:58:27 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
George Washington: American Moses 781
Assuming that it were possible at this late date to solve the riddle-to
see the man whole-that knowledge would not be so valuable as an under-
standing of the legendary Washington and the psychological reason for
his having been created. In thoroughly dissecting the man, we would
explain only one person, albeit an extremely important one. By dissecting
the popular images of Washington, we begin to see the hopes and fears,
dreams and aspirations of countless men.4 Theoretical considerations
apart though, when we actually attempt to separate what the old general
was from what his countrymen made him out to be, as Marcus Cunliffe
recently did, we find ourselves coming to the British scholar's conclusion
that the goal is now quite unattainable: "The man is the monument; the
monument is America."5 There is promise in this self-confessed failure.
By becoming less enamored of telling the Washington story wie es
eigentlich gewesen, we may move toward an adequate delineation of the
multitudinous aspects of the myth and toward an explanation of why they
were believed. A full treatment of the many nuances in the popular view of
Washington remains one of the most significant unwritten stories in the
intellectual history of the United States.6 Some men are symbols for an
age. Washington was far more: he was a mirror reflecting the beliefs of
generation after generation of Americans. Indeed in their remembrances
of the Father of his Country is registered in large measure the entire
ideological development of the American people. The purpose of the pres-
ent essay is to explore one nuance in the greater story of Washington
symbolism: the widely held idea that "As the deliverer and political
saviour of our nation, he has been the same to us, as Moses was to the
Children of Israel."7
Early in the Revolutionary War, patriots began to see that conflict as
their escape "from the worse than Egyptian bondage of Great Britain";8
and "deliverer of America"9 was one of Washington's many popular post-
4"In the twentieth century symbols have become instruments of power often consciously
manipulated by individuals, organizations, or governments to further definite ends. Early
American symbolism was a folk product. As such it is of prime importance in any investiga-
tion of popular thought. The symbols which had meaning for the people reveal, as nothing
else does, the ideas and attitudes of the inarticulate masses." Ralph Henry Gabriel, The
Course of American Democratic Thought (2nd ed.; New York, 1956), p. 104.
5George Washington: Man and Monument (Boston, 1958), p. 213.
6Two brilliant works which could serve as models for such a study are Merrill D. Peterson,
The Jefferson Image in the American Mind (New York, 1960) and John William Ward,
And rew Jackson: Symbolforan Age (New York, 1955).
7Thad[d]eus Fiske, A Sermon, Delivered Dec. 29, 1799. At the Second Parish in Cam-
bridge, Being the Lord's Day, Immediately Following the Melancholy Intelligence of the
Death of General George Washington, Late President of the United States of America
(Boston, 1800), p. 10.
8Maryland Journal and Baltimore Advertiser, July 8, 1777.
9Pennsylvania Mercury and Universal Advertiser (Philadelphia), July 8, 1785.
This content downloaded from 86.59.13.237 on Sat, 12 Aug 2017 14:58:27 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
782 American Quarterly
war titles. Before the "deliverer's" death, it had become fairly common-
place for Americans to refer to the Revolution as "our miraculous
deliverance from a second Egypt-another house of bondage,"'0 to liken
the Fourth of July to the day the Hebrews "came up out of Egypt,"" and
to insist that "God [had] raised up a Washington" just as He had earlier
"qualified and raised up Moses. "12
The most serious and sustained effort to draw the parallels between the
lives of the American President and the ancient Jewish lawgiver occurred
in the ten weeks following Washington's death on December 14, 1799. In
eulogies delivered throughout the land, and especially by New England
clergymen,'3 Washington was compared favorably to all the outstanding
biblical, classical and modern heroes, but no analogy was so well
developed as the contention that the departed leader had truly been a
Moses for America.'4
Among the most frequently used texts for Washington eulogies were
those verses from the thirty-fourth and final chapter of Deuteronomy
which described the death of the Hebrew deliverer.'5 The children of
Israel had mourned their fallen leader on the plains of Moab for thirty
days, Holy Writ related. "Scarcely less sorrowful is the occasion, or less
This content downloaded from 86.59.13.237 on Sat, 12 Aug 2017 14:58:27 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
George Washington: American Moses 783
afflictive the death now felt and deplored by this American Israel,"
eulogists now declared. "The Children of Columbia now weep for Wash-
ington in the plains of America."'16 Parallels in the mourning scenes were
thus pointed out. But these were not the most arresting analogies. Ameri-
cans were enjoined to weep for Washington as the Hebrews of old had
wept for Moses precisely because the lives of the two men had seemed to
parallel each other so closely.
The most striking and general theme of each man's life was that God
had commissioned him to fulfill some great work in the divine plan. When-
ever God has a monumental task to be done, a physician knowledgeable
in the ways of the Almighty assured his audience, He raises up the man
of the hour and qualifies him for the mission at hand. So Moses, Joshua
and David had each been raised up in God's good time.17 So too had
Washington: "kind Heaven, pitying the abject and servile condition of our
American Israel, gave us a second Moses, who should, (under God) be our
future deliverer from the bondage and tyranny of haughty Britain."18
The spiritual origins of the two leaders were one.
Some could even find similarities in the physical circumstances sur-
rounding their births. Moses had been born in fertile Goshen, "one of
the best" provinces of Egypt. He was "from an honorable lineage." His
"Ancestors in a particular covenant with the Most High, [had] moved
thither by invitation and divine confirmation, to secure themselves against
the devastation of famine." Similarly, Washington had been born in
Virginia, a British colony "well known for its profusion and wealth."
He was "from a respectable parentage." His ancestors had emigrated from
Britain "from views to enjoy on this side [of] the Atlantic, greater ad-
vantages both civil and religious." By luring the forebears of Moses and
Washington to new lands, Providence had made preparation for the time
when their offspring would be needed. The fathers' lands of opportunity
would become the sons' lands of oppression: "both our Conductors drew
their first breath in countries, where their Ancestors first enjoyed perfect
rational liberty and every blessing connected therewith, in which coun-
tries tyranny and oppression did afterwards become to them insupport-
able."19 When tyranny came, God's instruments would be found in their
proper stations.
This content downloaded from 86.59.13.237 on Sat, 12 Aug 2017 14:58:27 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
784 American Quarterly
Early in their lives both agents had been providentially rescued from
lesser fates. Through the actions of loving mothers, heaven had saved them
from ends that it had not intended. For three months Moses' mother had
hid her baby in order to spare him from the Egyptian sword. When this
was no longer feasible, she had put him in an ark of bulrushes, leaving
him "to the care of Providence: He was found and preserved by the hands
of Pharaoh's daughter." In like manner, "the future hero of AMERICA,"
fatherless since the age of ten, had been spared by God through the appeal
of a mother's love. At fifteen, it was said, Washington had become a mid-
shipman on a British man-of-war. "But fortunately for himself, and for
the world, he was soon released from that corrupting, hazardous employ-
ment, by the earnest solicitations of his affectionate mother." Had the
impressionable juvenile continued along the course which his natural
curiosity dictated, he would have hazarded his morals, his "future useful-
ness," perhaps even his life. But in God's plan it was not to be. "Providence
snatched him from the brink of ruin, in almost as singular a manner as he
did the Hebrew child."20
Preserving the deliverers from other, meaner fates was only one way
that God manifested his peculiar care. Throughout his youth, Washington
was being fitted "exactly" for the preordained purpose, just as Moses had
been before him.2' Both leaders were provided with the kind of education
later to be needed.22 Few of the details of this education were spelled out.
But even here the eulogists were patterning their remarks after the biblical
account, which gave little that was specific about Moses' earliest years.
Occasionally someone did note that "Like as was Moses, so was Washing-
ton, early instructed, both theoretically and practically, in the art of war."23
The end for which they were predestined was the most important part of
each deliverer's story. Mourners were thus preoccupied with the analogies
between the two heroes' successful efforts to free their people. Even
superficial similarities in the rebellions were dutifully pointed out. At the
opening of the Revolution, Washington was "nearly the age of Moses when
he entered upon his divine legation, to liberate the posterity of Jacob,
20Jonathan Huse, Discourse . . . Delivered in Warren (Wiscasset, Me., 1800), pp. 5-6.
Huse was partially in error here. Although a naval career was considered, Washington never
actually became a midshipman in the British navy. James Thomas Flexner, George Washing-
ton: The Forge of Experience (1732-1775) (Boston, 1965), pp. 30-31.
21Jonathan Bascom, An Oration, Delivered February 22, 1800. The Day of Public Mourn-
ingfor the Death of General George Washington (Boston, 1800), p. 13.
22Ernst, Sermon, pp. 6-7.
23Proceedings of the Town of Charlestown, in the County of Middlesex and Common-
wealth of Massachusetts; in Respectful Testimony of the Distinguished Talents and Pre-
eminent Virtues of the Late George Washington (January M,DCCC) (Charlestown, 1800),
p. 30. Jedidiah Morse delivered the sermon.
This content downloaded from 86.59.13.237 on Sat, 12 Aug 2017 14:58:27 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
George Washington: American Moses 785
This content downloaded from 86.59.13.237 on Sat, 12 Aug 2017 14:58:27 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
786 American Quarterly
Not only did the deliverers have to deal with the foe, they had also to
silence opposition among their domestic detractors. "The Israelites had
murmurers, who complained, and found fault with their commander-Had
not Washington the same difficulties to encounter? yea, worse, he had
tories and traitors- 30 Among the pettiest "murmurers" with whom
Washington had to contend were those jealous and impatient members of
Congress who made various attempts to replace him. Actually Washing-
ton's detractors had as little chance of success as Moses' had, for "Provi-
dence had designed him as the deliverer of his country, and the divine
purposes were not to be frustrated."3'
After having served their nations ably in both military and civilian
capacities, the two leaders in their old age left their people sage advice;
both bequeathed their wisdom to posterity in farewell addresses. The
whole book of Deuteronomy was Moses' "valedictory address." "And
Washington, not long since, bequeathed the American States, an invaluable
legacy, in his advice, on the resignation of the Presidency. An advice,
which if scrupulously observed, might, under the smiles of Providence,
ensure numerous blessings to this happy country for future ages."32
There were the final parallels. Both men, one eulogist declared, had
brought their nations within sight of permanent capitals. "A few steps more,
& the israelitish nation would have pitched their Government in Canaan.
A few steps more, and the American nation would have pitched their
Government in the City of Washington."33 And both men had died "at a
few hours warning, when their eyes were not dim nor their natural force
abated." Here, concluded one eulogist, was the analogy "to complete the
picture."34
But was the picture complete? The parallels in the outward events of
their lives did not exhaust the comparisons between the two leaders. Simi-
larities in their "personal virtues" seemed obvious to most. Both Washing-
ton and Moses ardently loved their countrymen "and served them with
equal zeal, fidelity and disinterestedness."35 Both, strangers to ambition,
30Folsom, Eulogy, p. 6.
31 Braman, Eulogy, p. 13.
32Huse, Discourse, p. 11. In a footnote one eulogist approvingly quoted the appraisal of the
Farewell Address which appeared in the British Analitical Review for January 1797: "There
is nothing in profane history to which this sublime address to the states can be compared.
In our Sacred Scriptures we find a parallel in that recapitulation of the divine instructions
and commands, which the legislator of the Jews made in the hearing of Israel, when they
were about to pass the Jordan." Thaddeus Mason Harris, A Discourse, Delivered at Dor-
chester, Dec. 29, 1799. Being the Lord's Day after Hearing the Distressing Intelligence of
the Death of General George Washington, Late President of the United States, and Com-
mander in Chief of the American Armies (Charlestown, 1800), p. 13n.
33Ebenezer Gay, Oration ... (Suffield, Conn., (1800), p. 14.
34Ibid., p. 15.
35Proceedings of the Town of Charlestown, p. 35. See also Huse, Discourse, pp. 7-9.
This content downloaded from 86.59.13.237 on Sat, 12 Aug 2017 14:58:27 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
George Washington: American Moses 787
were diffident as they accepted the roles of leadership which their people
thrust upon them.36 In accepting these tasks, both demonstrated great
self-denial: Moses gave up the luxuries of the Egyptian court and Washing-
ton the agrarian bliss of Mount Vernon for a higher cause.37 In per-
forming their tasks well, both demonstrated their great self-discipline.
Although Moses had slain the Egyptian oppressor of his fellow Hebrew
and although Washington was said to be "naturally passionate," both had
learned to so govern their passions, "as very seldom to discover them at
all."38 Both had had their extraordinary patience severely tested by the
unfounded charges of their countrymen. Washington pursued "the wisest
measures that could have been adopted," and though reproached as
"traitorous, cowardly, and deficient in martial skill," he bore it all for,
like Moses, he seemed to know that the detractors would soon see that
his course was the most advantageous possible.39
Both deliverers were pre-eminently courageous. Encamped by the Red
Sea with the Egyptians pressing hard upon them, many of the Israelites
had been overcome by fear. Moses had stood firm. "In several instances,
during the war between Great Britain and America, there were seasons
as dark and gloomy as that of the Israelites, and the people were as sorely
afraid; but the American Moses hushed the murmurs of the people-dis-
pelled the gloom, and opened a passage through the waters."40 Both could
be calm though all about them wavered because both recognized the
superintendence of Providence.4' Both trusted in God; both knew the
importance of religion.42 Thus the outward behavior of the two had been
remarkably similar precisely because both men's inner selves were alike.
After all the analogies had been drawn, patriots admitted, there re-
mained two significant differences between the ancient and the modern
Moses. The Jewish lawgiver was directly inspired by God. He could rely
upon the aid of miracles and his own God-given "prophetic spirit."43
"His path was so plainly marked by Heaven, that it was nearly impossible
for him to mistake it."44 This was not the case with Washington, who was
This content downloaded from 86.59.13.237 on Sat, 12 Aug 2017 14:58:27 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
788 American Quarterly
This content downloaded from 86.59.13.237 on Sat, 12 Aug 2017 14:58:27 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
George Washington: American Moses 789
This content downloaded from 86.59.13.237 on Sat, 12 Aug 2017 14:58:27 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
790 American Quarterly
nor did they end in 1800. The nation was beset throughout the 19th
century by sectional and partisan squabbles which seemed to threaten the
very survival of the Union. Then, too, there was the awful challenge of
history: the ancient republics had fallen, and there was a clearly implied
danger in the frequent boast that America was the world's only republic.
Those who faced these challenges also found solace in the notion that
America was the modern Israel of the Lord. Always implicit and frequently
explicit in any reiteration of this old idea was the belief that Washington
had been America's counterpart of the Jewish lawgiver. Hence the
veneration of the American Moses continued to be a vital part of the
enduring legend of providential guidance of the nation.52
Decade after decade patriots returned to the theme. During the War of
1812, those New Englanders who felt threatened by a hostile administration
could look back nostalgically to the time when the Union had been
riveted by a new Constitution, acknowledging their "obligations to the
God of our fathers for his merciful interpositions in behalf of his American
Israel."53 Recalling a happier time when the Mount Vernon planter
instead of James Madison had ruled, they thanked God anew for having
ordained Washington for service to "his American Israel."54 During that
prelude to four decades of sectional crises, the Missouri controversy, a
South Carolinian remembered that unity which he imagined to have
existed in the Revolutionary era. "The only union of the states, was the
bond of their common suffering; their only trust in Him, who never
deserts the faithful, who as he once led his chosen people from the task-
masters of Egypt, was able to carry his American Israel through the waves
and wilderness of revolution and to place them in the Canaan of peace
and independence."55 As the nation was being buffeted by the bitter
52For a general discussion of the Providence legend, 1776-1876, see Robert P. Hay,
"Providence and the American Past," Indiana Magazine of History, LXV (June 1969),
79-101. The patterns in the popular response to two instances of "providential intervention"
in early 19th century America are developed by the same author: "The Glorious Departure
of the American Patriarchs: Contemporary Reactions to the Deaths of Jefferson and
Adams" (scheduled for publication in the November 1969 issue of Journal of Southern
History) and "The Meaning of Monroe's Death: The Contemporary Response," West
Virginia History, XXX (Jan. 1969), 427-35.
53Samuel M. Burnside, Oration, Delivered at Worcester, on the Thirteenth of April, A.D.
1813, before the Washington Benevolent Society of the County of Worcester, in Commemo-
ration of the First Inauguration of General Washington as President of the United States.
(Worcester, 1813), p. 8.
54Henry Bigelow, A Sermon, Delivered at Castleton, on the 22 of February 1814, before
the W. B. Society, of the County of Rutland, in Commemoration of the Birth of Washington
(Middlebury, Vt., 1814), p. 12.
55Francis D. Quash, An Oration Delivered on the Fourth of July, 1820, before the Cin-
cinnati and Revolution Societies (Charleston, 1820), p. 8. Developing the American Israel
theme in the same year, a Kentucky lawyer said of Washington: "he was to us 'a pillar of
cloud by day & a pillar of fire by night.'" Western Citizen (Paris, Ky.), Aug. 15, 1820.
This content downloaded from 86.59.13.237 on Sat, 12 Aug 2017 14:58:27 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
George Washington: American Moses 791
This content downloaded from 86.59.13.237 on Sat, 12 Aug 2017 14:58:27 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms