Plaintiff Response SM Stay
Plaintiff Response SM Stay
Plaintiff Response SM Stay
Plaintiffs,
CIVIL ACTION NO.
v. 1:15-CV-399
Defendants.
Legislative Defendants seek a stay, pending Supreme Court review, of the Court’s
January 19, 2018 Memorandum Opinion and Order (the “Order”), ECF No. 242, which
ordered the implementation of the State’s 2017 Plan as modified by the Special Master’s
Recommended Plan. Leg. Defs.’ Emerg. Mot. to Stay Pending S. Ct. Rev. & Req. for
Exp. Rul’g (hereinafter the “Motion”), Jan. 21, 2018, ECF No. 243. Pursuant to Local
Rule 7.2 and the Court’s January 22, 2018 order setting the deadline for responsive
briefing, ECF No. 244, the Plaintiffs submit the following response brief in opposition to
the Motion.
INTRODUCTION
affirmed by the highest court in the land. An adequate remedy is now long overdue, and
Plaintiffs and other voters of North Carolina are entitled to participate in their first
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ensure that its Order provides such an adequate remedy while respecting the policy
judgments of the people of North Carolina. The request for a stay should be denied, as
this Court’s well-reasoned Order has already established that Legislative Defendants’
legal arguments are groundless and unlikely to prevail on appeal. Further, when
balancing the equities, it is clear that granting the stay would only serve to prolong and
exacerbate the constitutional harms from which Plaintiffs have suffered for the better part
handful of new districts in time for the opening of the filing period—but nearly five
months before the regularly scheduled primary election—cannot justify subjecting North
ARGUMENT
pending appeal. Larios v. Cox, 305 F. Supp. 2d 1335, 1336 (N.D. Ga. 2004). This
Alcorn, 155 F. Supp. 3d 552, 558 (E.D. Va. 2016). Legislative Defendants must show
four factors: “(1) whether the stay applicant has made a strong showing that he is likely to
succeed on the merits; (2) whether the applicant will be irreparably injured absent a stay;
(3) whether issuance of a stay will substantially injure the other parties interested in the
proceeding; and (4) where the public interest lies.” Nken v. Holder, 556 U.S. 418, 433–34
(2009) (quoting Hilton v. Braunskill, 481 U.S. 770, 776 (1987)). Defendants have failed
The Supreme Court of the United States has already unanimously affirmed this
Court’s finding that twenty-eight districts in the 2011 state legislative plans were
Covington, 137 S. Ct. 2211 (2017) (mem.). And it is the “unusual case in which a court
would be justified in not taking appropriate action to ensure that no further elections are
conducted under the invalid plan.” Reynolds v. Sims, 377 U.S. 533, 585 (1964). This
Court, therefore, acted in accordance with its duty to ensure that a “constitutionally
acceptable” remedy is implemented in time for the 2018 election by first allowing the
General Assembly the opportunity to draft a remedial map, and subsequently appointing
a special master to narrowly adjust that map where it failed to cure the constitutional
violation or exceeded the court’s remedial order. Chapman v. Meier, 420 U.S. 1, 27
(1975); see also Upham v. Seamon, 456 U.S. 37 (1982) (noting that it would be error for
a court-drawn plan to “reject[] state policy choices more than . . . necessary to meet the
state policy judgments by approving all but 9 of the 116 districts as drawn by the
legislature in 2017. With respect to the nine districts at issue, the Court has simply
reinstated the legislature’s 2011 versions for five districts and remedied the continuing
constitutional violations in four districts. The Order could hardly be more limited and
Motion are no more compelling now than they were when originally argued. As a
threshold matter, this Court has already carefully and thoroughly considered Legislative
remedial attempt “because this case became moot as soon as the legislature repealed the
2011 plans and replaced them with the 2017 plans,” Motion at 5-6, and found it to be not
only baseless, but contrary to the established precedent of both this Circuit and the United
States Supreme Court. Order at 21-24. The authority and duty of federal courts to oversee
or credibly be questioned. Chapman, 420 U.S. at 27 (1975) (if a state legislature fails to
enact a “constitutionally acceptable plan,” then “the responsibility falls on the District
Court”).
case in asserting that this Court should have treated “the race-neutral line-drawing as
dispositive,” Motion at 6, or should have “attempt[ed] to analyze whether the shape of the
2017 districts was dictated by the legislature’s legitimate use of election data and not
race.” Id at 7-8. As the Supreme Court has unequivocally established, and as this Court
explained, a remedy to a constitutional violation must “so far as possible eliminate the
discriminatory effects of the past as well as bar like discrimination in the future,”
Louisiana v. United States, 380 U.S. 145, 154 (1965), see also Order at 22, 35, 43. This
decennial census that is afforded the presumption of validity, a redistricting plan drafted
to ensure all such infirmities have been cured. Order at 36 (collecting cases).
Moreover, Legislative Defendants’ assertions that the decision to not use race
data, even while retaining the cores and, indeed, the bizarre shapes of the districts the
gerrymandered, insulates even remedial districts from judicial scrutiny would produce an
absurd result. If that were legally plausible, a state found to have racially gerrymandered
could, during a remedial redrawing, “turn off” the race button on the redistricting
software, and re-enact the same districts. That cannot possibly be the law.
House districts in Wake and Mecklenburg counties are unavailing. There can be no
doubt that the state may only redraw districts mid-decade to cure a constitutional
violation found by a court. N.C. Const. art. II, §§ 3(4), 5(4); Granville Cty. Comm’rs v.
Ballard, 69 N.C. 18, 20-21 (1873). Taken to its logical conclusion, as this Court has
recognized, Order at 28, Legislative Defendants’ argument would allow the legislature to
redraw the entire map without consequence. The North Carolina Constitution limits the
legislature’s ability to do just that, and Legislative Defendants have made no contrary
showing.
Thus, Legislative Defendants have failed to demonstrate any likelihood that the
care and consideration that has culminated in this Court’s January 19 Order will be
reversed.
Plaintiffs and millions of North Carolina voters have already suffered years of
irreparable harm as a result of the unconstitutional 2011 state legislative plans, and a stay
in this case would all but guarantee that these harms endure yet another election cycle.
The right to vote is undeniably fundamental in a free and fair society. See Wesberry v.
Sanders, 376 U.S. 1, 17 (1964). “Other rights, even the most basic, are illusory if the
right to vote is undermined,” id., and any impediment on this fundamental right
constitutes irreparable injury. See League of Women Voters of NC v. North Carolina, 769
F.3d 224, 247 (4th Cir. 2014); see also Reynolds, 277 U.S. at 555 (“The right to vote
freely for the candidate of one’s choice is of the essence of a democratic society, and any
restrictions on that right strike at the heart of representative government.”). And while all
impediments to voting cause irreparable injury, the Supreme Court has held that racial
democracy.” Shaw v. Reno, 509 U.S. 630, 648 (1993). To implement a stay now, after the
Supreme Court has unanimously agreed that North Carolina voters have been
unconstitutionally segregated for three election cycles and after the Legislature has
resisted all attempts to develop remedial plans at an even earlier date, July 27, 2017 Mot.
Hearing Trans. at 86:4-7, 88:1-89:2, would almost certainly foreclose the possibility of a
2018 remedy.
“last minute” and “on the eve of the filing period,” Motion at 4, would reward Legislative
Larios v. Cox, 305 F. Supp. 2d 1335, 1344 (N.D. Ga. 2004). As this Court has observed,
any alleged harm to Legislative Defendants based upon the timing is a result of their own
delay and inaction. See Order at 7 (noting the General Assembly waited nearly two
months after the Supreme Court affirmance to begin the redrawing process). Indeed, in
just July of last year, Legislative Defendants acknowledged that there would be ample
time to implement remedial districts even if this Court did not conduct its remedial
review until January of 2018. Leg. Defs.’ Position on Remedy, July 6, 2017, ECF No
161 at 29 (stating the legislature was positioned to “enact[] new plans by the end of the
year, which would leave time for this Court’s review and implementation of the plans in
an orderly way in 2018.”). There is no need, then, to disrupt a long-overdue remedy for
Defendants.
It is in the public’s interest for this Court to deny the stay. “The public has an
Personhuballah v. Alcorn, 155 F. Supp. 3d 552, 560-61 (E.D. Va. 2016). See also
Purcell v. Gonzales, 549 U.S. 1, 4 (2006) (noting that plaintiffs have a “strong interest in
exercising the fundamental political right to vote”) (internal quotations and citations
omitted); Newsome v. Albermarle Cnty. Sch. Bd., 354 F.3d 249, 261 (4th Cir. 2003)
(“upholding constitutional rights serves the public interest”). Allowing the State’s 2017
plan, as slightly modified by the Special Master’s Recommended plan, to go into effect
will both prevent further irreparable harm to Plaintiffs and best serve the public interest
not only to “one racial group,” but rather to “their constituency as a whole.” Shaw, 509
U.S. at 648.
Bearing in mind the grave constitutional injury that Plaintiffs have suffered, and
will continue to suffer absent a denial of Legislative Defendants’ Motion, the mere
delaying this long overdue remedy. See Buchanan v. Evans, 439 U.S. 1360, 1361 (1978)
(in considering a stay, the court “should balance the equities” to “determine on which
side the risk of irreparable injury weighs most heavily”) (citation omitted). First,
irreparably harmed. They state that “North Carolina’s sovereign interests” are harmed,
but fail to explain any harm that they as leaders of the General Assembly will suffer.
Motion at 4. In fact, it is the State Defendants who presumably will bear the
administrative burden of implementing the new districts, and they have not joined in this
motion.1
Second, it is highly unlikely that “voters and candidates have become accustomed
to the 2017 plans and have been making electoral plans using those districts,” Motion at
4, given the fact that those plans have been publicly challenged as inadequate since their
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Furthermore, Legislative Defendants have represented to this Court that they lack the
authority to represent the interests of the General Assembly, let alone the sovereign
interests of the State as a whole. Leg. Defs.’ Resp. to Special Master’s Draft Report at 5,
ECF No. 215.
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Mem. of Law, Sept. 15, 2017, ECF No. 187. However, even if true, only a mere fraction
of all voters and candidates will be affected by the Court’s order, as objections were
sustained against only 9 of the 116 proposed remedial districts, and thus the
logic and their own assertions to this Court. Though the filing period is currently set to
open on February 12, 2018 (which the legislature is within its power to postpone if
deemed truly necessary), the primary is not set to take place until May 8, 2018—nearly
five months from the issuance of this Court’s order. See N.C. Gen. Stat. § 163A-700(b)
(establishing primary elections for state legislators to be held “on Tuesday next after the
first Monday in May preceding each general election . . . ”). In contrast, in Purcell, which
Legislative Defendants cite as support for their contention that voter confusion and
defection will result absent a stay, only one month stood between the issuance of the
district court’s injunction and the upcoming general election. 549 U.S. at 3. Additionally,
at the July 27, 2017 hearing on remedy, Legislative Defendants assured this Court that it
would have plenty of time to implement any new districts in time for the 2018 election,
even if the legislature did not enact its own districts for this Court’s review until mid-
November, a month and a half later than they were actually submitted. July 27, 2017 Mot.
does not rise to the level of injury that courts have considered irreparable and sufficient to
justify a stay. Conkright v. Frommert, 556 U.S. 1401, 1403 (2009) (“[m]ere injuries,
however substantial, in terms of money, time, and energy necessarily expended in the
absence of a stay are not enough.”) (Ginsburg, J. in chambers) (quotation marks omitted);
see also Johnson v. Mortham, 926 F. Supp. 1540, 1542 (N.D. Fla. 1996) (having to
Supp. 695, 698 (D. Md. 1995) (“the time and expense of implementing a new system” is
an “injury [that] is not irreparable”). And it certainly does not outweigh the constitutional
injury inflicted on Plaintiffs’ fundamental right to vote. See Taylor v. Louisiana, 419
U.S. 522, 535 (1975) (administrative concerns cannot justify infringement upon a
fundamental right).
CONCLUSION
do the burdens they assert rise to the level of irreparable harm. Given the ongoing,
irreparable constitutional harm to Plaintiffs and to voters across North Carolina as a result
of the unconstitutional 2011 plan and the legislature’s delay tactics intended to “prolong
the harm that plaintiffs have [already] suffered,” Larios, 305 F. at 1344, Plaintiffs
respectfully submit that the Court should deny Defendants’ motion and allow the State’s
2017 Plan as modified by the Special Master’s Recommended Plan to go into effect.
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I hereby certify that I have this day electronically filed the foregoing with the
Clerk of Court using the CM/ECF system, which will provide electronic notification of
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Legislative Defendants’ Emergency Motion to Stay Pending Supreme Court Review And
Request for Expedited Ruling contains 2,653 words, which were counted by the Word
Count feature of Microsoft Word 2016, and thereby complies with Local Rule 7.3(d)(1).
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