Sounds of Satyagraha

❂
THE SOUNDS OF SATYAGRAHA:
MAHATMA GANDHI'S USE OF
SUNG-PRAYERS AND RITUAL
Cynthia Snodgra ss
University of Sti rling
❂
For My Mother, Lila ,
My Fi rst Teacher
AC KN OWLEDGEMENTS
I would like to gratefully acknowledge the many people who supported me

in this work. First of all, I owe my deepest gratitude to Dr. Gavin Flood, for
agreeing to oversee the project, and for his insight in helping frame the primary
tenets of the thesis as one of Mahatma Gandhi, religion and ritual. Beyond and
around the framework, Dr. Timothy Fitzgerald was very helpful in advising the
placement of the thesis in historical perspective, while Dr. David Smith was
instrumental in weaving the thesis into current events, as well as offering his
linquistic acuity.
I would like to thank those at the University of Stirling, especially,

Katharine Reibig and Alison Cooper for their administrative oversight, as well as
Julie Dawson for her administrative support. Special gratitude is owed to Shirley
Harryman, Stonehouse Studio, Kansas City, Missouri, for work on the computer
formatting and graphics.
I am very grateful to Dr. Monish R. Chatterjee of the University of Dayton

for his translation of Ayi Bhuvanamanamohini. I also owe much gratitude to
Aushin Abraham and Sherly Abraham for their advisement in the translating of
Hindi, Marathi, and Bengali texts; also much gratitude is due to Jitu Patel and
Hitesh Patel for their advisement in the translating of Gujarati texts. Meilu Ho was
also very generous with information concerning the Pusti Marg.
I very much need to thank the Sur Laya Sangam of Albany, California for
their generous hospitality and support. Of course, the work could not have been
completed without the knowledge, generosity, and wit of the inspirational Shri
Karunamayee of the Shri Aurobindo Ashram in Delhi, India. Her knowledge of
the Ashram Bhajanavali is indispensable.
Finally, I owe great gratitude to the Barbulesco Family Fund for travel
grants, and to my many parents, family, and friends who have nurtured me and
encouraged the continuation of this work.
THE SOUND S O F SATYAGRAHA :
MAHATMA GANDHI'S U SE OF S UNG-PRAYERS
AND RITUAL
Cynthia Snodgrass
Page
Table o f C ontents
1
CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTION 5
INTRODUCING THE ASHRAM BHAJANAVALI 5
METHODOLOGY AND RELIGIOUS STUDIES 8
METHODOLOGY AND RITUAL STUDIES 15
TOWARDS THE DEFINITION OF A FEW TERMS 18
Religion and Politics 21
Theology and Creed 26
Hymns, Poetry, and Sung-Prayers 26
Bhajan, Kirtan, and Ram-dhun 27
TEXTUAL CONSIDERATIONS 32
SETTING THE SCENE: PRE-GANDHI CONTEXT 32
GANDHI'S RETURN TO INDIA AND
HIS VIEW OF SVARAJ 45
CHAPTER 2. ASHRAM BHAJANAVALI 51

HISTORICAL OVERVIEW AND DESCRIPTION OF
CONTENTS 52
South Africa: 1893-1914 52
India: 1915-1930 54
1930 62
The 1930 Salt March 62
Gandhi's Translations of 1930 66
1930 to1942 72
1942 to 1947 73
1947 74
ASHRAM BHAJANAVALI: DESCRIPTION OF CONTENTS 75
Preface through Raº-dhun 75
After 1947 160
SUMMARY/CONCLUSION 160
CHART #1 - Abbreviated Historical Overview 169
2
CHAPTER 3. RITUAL: TWICE-DAILY SUNG-PRAYERS 171

THE FEATURES OF RITUAL 173
Encoding by Others than Performers 173
Decorous Formality 174
Invariance 176
Performance and Participation 181
Non-Physical Efficacy 184
Self-Referential and Canonical Streams of Information 186
Communication 192
Ultimate Sacred Postulates 192
Acceptance 193
Levels of Meaning 195
Ritual Space 196
HOW RITUAL FUNCTIONS 198
Communitas 199
Hidden Similarities Discovered 201
The "I" of Discourse 202
Extraordinary States of Consciousness 209
Frequency of Recurrence 215
Divine Order Enacted 217
OUTCOME OF RITUAL 220
Outcome for the Individual 220
"State of Grace" 220
Extra-Ordinary Feats 221
Overcoming Fear 222
Transcending Time and Space 223
"Even Unto Death" 225
Outcome for the Community 227
CHAPTER 4. RITUALS BEYOND THE TWICE-DAILY

SUNG-PRAYERS 230
RITUAL (YAJNA) FOR DANGEROUS TIMES 235
Fasting 236
The 1930 Salt March 242
RITUALS OF TRANSITION 243
Kasturbai's Funeral 243
Marriage Ceremony 245
COMMUNITAS 247
Satyagraha Communitas 248
Ash¿am Administration and Organization 248
"Spiritual Advice" from Bapu 253
3
Raºanama 258
National Communitas 262
Bhajan Parties Organized 262
Hindu-Muslim Solidarity 266
Inter-religious and International Communitas 267
Christian Fellowship 267
Europe 268
America 269
Universal Appeal 271
SUNG-PRAYERS AND PUBLIC TEXTS:
THE FINAL YEARS 271
Sung-Prayer Meetings throughout India 271
Bhajans: The Texts for Gandhi's Public Discourse 272
1945 273
1946 274
1947 279
1948 288
CHAPTER 5. GANDHI, MUSIC, AND SUNG-PRAYER

AND RITUAL 294
GANDHI AND THE POWER OF MUSIC 294
Music Produces Synchronized, Non-Violent Behavior 296
Sung-Prayers Produce Synchronized Non-Violent Reaction 398
Spiritual Development 301
The Music of the Charkha 303
Musical Instruments 304
THE POWER OF SUNG RITUAL 308
Rappaport and the Power of Sung Ritual 309
The Power of Sound in Ritual Participation 310
A Phenomenology of Sound 314
THE POWER OF SOUND IN THE INDIAN CONTEXT 319
The Sound Sacrifice 320
brahman 323
Upanishads and Later 329
The Sants 333
CHAPTER 6. SHRI KARUNAMAYEE 337

FAMILY BACKGROUND 341
SINGING FOR GANDHI 346
4
INSIGHTS INTO ASHRAM BHAJANAVALI 348

THE CURRENT MISSION OF A TRADITION-BEARER 360
CHART # 2 - SHRI KARUNAMAYEE'S FAMILY TREE 364
CHAPTER 7. POST-COLONIALISM, SOME REFLECTIONS,

AND A FINAL SUMMATION 366
POST-COLONIALISM AND ASSESSMENTS OF
SATYAGRAHA 366
MAHATMA GANDHI'S VOICE 373
A SUMMATION OF THE THESIS 376
A FINAL SUMMATION 381
BIBLIOGRAPHY 383
ABBREVIATIONS 395π
APPENDIX 1-A
5
CHAPTER ONE - INTRODUCTION
INTRODUC ING TH E ASHRAM BHAJANAVALI

The life and work of Mohandas K. Gandhi have been, it would seem,
examined quite thoroughly by every academic discipline, with Gandhi's public and
personal lives having been placed beneath the microscopes of diverse and
diverging theoretical perspectives, and with his actions having been viewed and
analyzed from every conceivable angle. So, it is with healthy amounts of both
respect and fear that I take up the examination of the present topic. The topic, not
so easily captured beneath the lens of a miscroscope, is that of Gandhi's use of
music and sung-prayers during the time of India's struggle for independence, during
the time of satyagraha (satya = truth; agraha = strongly grasping).
These sung-prayers are found in a volume entitled Ashram Bhajanavali. This
collection of chanted prayers used by the Indian satyagraha community, was and is
sometimes referred to as a hymnal or a hymn-book. However, the collection was
and is much more than what the term "hymnal" might imply to most, both in the
scope of its contents and in its importance as another tool with which to understand
the developments of Gandhi's non-violent, satyagraha community.
Gandhi's use of music, chant, and sound has been largely unrecognized, if at
all, and when mentioned, it has been sorely under-thematised. Thus, a very
important aspect of the satyagraha movement has been missed, "written off," or
"viewed" as insignificant musical entertainment. While Gandhi's satyagraha
encompassed vast social and political change, it was heavily grounded in devotional
principles, and ultimately, those devotional principles were undergirt by a
repertoire of sung-prayers found in the Ashram Bhajanavali. Highly-developed
theologies concerning the divinity of sound have been part of India's development
and self-definition for millenia, and this understanding of sound and/or music as a
6
Thing Divine played, as well, a very important role in Gandhi's ability to

accomplish his goals of national organization and change. While this has remained
unrecognized in western estimation, we will see, in the course of this work, that
Gandhi's "political" and "religious" aspirations were grounded in his utilization of
ritual and sung-prayers. We will hear how the Ashram Bhajanavali sung-prayers,
resounding from India's depths, struck such a correspondence of inspiration with
Gandhi's followers, and why India responded so strongly to his call.
Woven into the discussion will be a consideration of the phenomenon of
sound itself. India has a long tradition of regarding sound (music, chant, mantra, and
the phenomenon of sound) as a pathway to connect with, comprehend, and manifest
divinity.
'The primary aesthetic criterion for the evaluation of an Indian

music performance is...the strength of the [devotional] message
conveyed through it. Thus, insight into and comprehension of the
prevalence of the devotional aspect at the core of Indian music is the
key to the understanding of this unique and many-shaped tradition'
(Thielemann 1998, p.116).
This elemental reality has been largely missed by academia. Even in western
musical circles, where a certain acknowledgement of music's divine character has
been acknowledged, there has remained a predominance of seeing music as servant
to theology: '...worship is wonderfully served by music' (Blackwell 1999, p.23).
From this perspective, music (sound, mantra, chant) has been consigned to the rank
of "second-class citizen."
As a result of this limited perspective, the significance which Gandhi placed
on the regularity of group sung-prayer meetings (the chanting of holy scriptures and
singing of devotional songs) has been overlooked in current scholarship. While
some attention has been paid to the historical tradition of bhajan (hymn) singing in
India as a political tool connected with social critique and unrest (see, e.g.,
7
Lorenzen, D.L. 1987 in K. Schomer & W.H. McLeod, Eds. 1987, The Sants. Delhi:
Motilal Banarsidass, pp. 281-303 and Lorenzen (1995), this view of bhajan singing
can not be readily applied to Gandhi and the satyagraha movement. Gandhi's use of
sung-prayers went beyond that of a purely political tool, and it can not, therefore,
be viewed so singularly.
The present examination will begin by looking at the the social, cultural, and
historical context in India prior to the time of Gandhi's reform efforts. Many Indian
reformers had been working to open a public space for dialogue wherein Hinduism
itself was being examined and defined, along with a growing dialogue concerning
independence from Britain. It will then present a brief overview of the
development of the Ash¿am Bhajanavali, followed by a more detailed
consideration of the contents of the 1947 edition of the Bhajanavali. The
significance of the Ash¿am Bhajanavali for Gandhi will be established from the
primary literature of and secondary literature in which Gandhi specifically
mentioned the Ash¿am Bhajanavali, its use, and its development. This consideration
of the Bhajanavali will be placed, then, within the ritual framework provided by the
work of Roy Rappaport. Finally, these observations will be supplemented by the
fieldwork completed with Shri Karunamayee, a spiritual musician who, as a
tradition-bearer, continues to teach the content and history of the Ashram
Bhajanavali at the present time.
As this presentation progresses, it will become obvious that the Ash¿am
Bhajanavali constituted more than what it has previously been assessed to be. The
contents of the Ashram Bhajanavali reflected the daily life of the Gandhi ashrams
[retreat houses] as well as the evolution of Gandhi's belief system. The chanting of
these prayer-songs was for the satyagraha community and for India, a living,
sounding resource of strength and inspiration. It was an active spiritual practice
grounded in an honouring of sacred sound more than four thousand years old. The
prayer-songs came from many religious traditions, primarily Hindu, but non-Hindu
8
as well. The collection upheld the religious/musical traditions of chanting ancient

Sanskrit scriptures, as well as including the devotional singing in native Indian
languages, the simpler practices of Ram-dhun (short repetitive pieces sung to God)
and the chanting of Ramanama (chanting the name of Rama). Gandhi himself had
been shaped by religious as well as musical influences that would form the Ashram
Bhajanavali, and concomitantly, the prayer-songs of the Ashram Bhajanavali
continued to shape his life, along with millions of others'.
This work will develop a broader framework from which to perceive the
very central role that sung-prayers and hymn-singing (or chanting) played in
Gandhi's satyagraha movement, as well as their universal importance for Indian
society. It will be seen that the sung-prayers were a stablizing element in the early
development of satyagraha. They evolved into regularized rituals for Gandhi's
independence movement, and it will be seen that these sung-prayers were
foundational to the work of satyagraha. Gandhi and his closest colleagues shaped a
national social movement informed by the deeper desire to raise India's spiritual
consciousness. Undergirding the svaraú (home-rule) movement were the ancient
inspirations and time-honored practices of sung-prayers and chanting. They
provided the regular rhythms of daily life; they sustained the ebb and flow of
ordinary time. They provided a sung vocabulary of shared belief and story-telling.
The prayer-songs brought the participants of ritual into the presence of the Divine,
and they prepared people to live and act in non-violent ways, despite the possible
consequence of personal injury or death. The prayer-songs also created ritual space
and periods of extra-ordinary time that joined the –atyagraha community together.
The same prayer-songs, in turn, joined the community to the nation.
M E THODOLOGY AND R ELIG IOUS STUDIES

In Beyond Phenomenology, Gavin Flood (1999) called for an approach to
Religious Studies that would be both dialogical, yet reflexive. In interactions which
9
are often cross-cultural, the dialogical interaction can not presume that one culture
(that of the participant-observer) can make blanket statements or pronouncements
concerning the other's culture (that of the informant's), as the "outsider" to a culture
can not truly know what the reality of that culture's "insider" is. This kind of
research model combines 'the study of living traditions through the interaction of
situated observer and people...and in the study of texts which itself is a form of
interaction' (Flood 1999, p.145). This is the approach followed in this presentation
of the Ashram Bhajanavali, as interaction occurs herein with Shri Karunamayee as
cultural and historical informant, as well as with primary and secondary sources
that focus on Gandhi's use of the Ashram Bhajanavali, and with the Ashram
Bhajanavali itself.
The Ashram Bhajanavali is a text, which was an evolving entity at the center
of Gandhi's satyagraha community. As such, it can be studied as a religious text of
that community. Flood goes further to define "religion" itself as referring 'par
excellence, to forms of human practice communally arrived at which are
constrained by a text or group of texts set aside and regarded as sacred. ...The faith
traditions of the world which refer back to their life-forming and life-giving texts
are thus the primary 'objects' of Religious Studies' (Flood, G., 2006. Reflections on
Tradition and Inquiry in the Study of Religions. JAAR, 74(1), p. 52). While the
Ashram Bhajanavali is a combination of texts, the details of which will be described
in these chapters, it is precisely that type of text about which Flood has spoken, in
that it 'has a 'voice' from the past that is complex in its formation -- perhaps being
the totality of authorial voices that have composed it -- and enlivened by the
present communities who set the text aside, breathe life into it through their reading
or reception, and enact it' (Flood, G., 2006. Reflections on Tradition and Inquiry in
the Study of Religions. JAAR, 74(1), p. 53). Within the Bhajanavali there are
representations from several different traditions. Those sung-prayers represent
several 'voices' from the past and function in 'authorial' fashions for the satyagraha
10
community. The daily praying of these sung-prayers from the Bhajanavali (which
had been set aside as sacred) did 'breath life' into those prayers and, thus, enabled
the community through its 'reception' to 'enact' what were the the guidelines for
behavior and the religious inspiration behind Gandhi's satyagraha. The
Bhajanavali, in the sung-prayers specifically chosen for satyagraha 's purpose of
non-violent non-cooperation provided that 'blueprint for how people should live
their lives (...prohibitions, injunctions, and stories to live by)' (Flood, G., 2006.
Reflections on Tradition and Inquiry in the Study of Religions. JAAR, 74(1), p. 52).
In approaching the Ashram Bhajanavali (which has almost, but not quite,
become silent), we are also approaching an historical text from the past. Just as
Flood has encouraged a dialogical approach to text, in which the objects of study
are allowed a self-representation, so William Pinch (2006, p.ix) has referred to
history as 'a conversation with the past...which could not take place if we could not
hear voices of those who have gone before us'. As such, the many quotations and
excerpts from M.K. Gandhi's writings allow Gandhi to speak for himself in a more
direct manner to us, his readers. The attempt has been made, in presenting the
historical development of the Ashram Bhajanavali, to include as many quotations
made by Gandhi himself which refer directly to the Ashram Bhajanavali and its
contents, so as to clarify context and meaning for Gandhi and his followers. As
Pinch (2006, p. 13) has written, in a hermeneutic of dialogue, 'it is appropriate to let
the objects of study take a hand in our understanding of religion -- to become, for a
time, subjects of their own representation'.
Likewise, the field work undertaken for this research project has been
conducted in a similar vein. Again, Flood's (2006) definition of a Religious Studies
that 'gives hospitality to traditions and their self-representation' has been active
here. The primary informant for this piece has been Shri Karunamayee, a spiritual
musician who continues to teach the repertoire of the Ashram Bhajanavali. In order
to illustrate her credibility as a witness to the Bhajanavali and its practices, those
11
interviews which were conducted with her that concerned her family background
and her connection with Gandhi's satyaíraha movement have been presented here
in full, in her own words, as a tool for clearer presentation. Karen McCarthy Brown,
while trained in the interpretive anthropological discipline of Clifford Geertz, has
used a similar story-telling technique in her presentation of Mama Lola. While the
current presentation of the teachings and stories of Shri Karunamayee in regard to
Gandhi are not presented in such an informal a manner, they do act, as Brown
(1991, p.14) indicated in her own work, as 'bridges' between people who have their
own traditions of the 'web-spinning styles we call culture.' In this way, Shri
Karunamayee's stories speak for themselves.
In a second section of interviews with Shri Karunamayee, which focussed
specifically on the Ashram Bhajanavali, its context, contents, and usage, the
questions that were asked are presented (as recorded) in my own voice. The
answers that were given are presented (as recorded) in Shri Karunamayee's words,
in order to present the reader with the clearer, fuller sound of her "voice" as a
tradition-bearer, or carrier, of the Ashram Bhajanavali tradition. While remaining
reflectively engaged with the academic questions being asked, this method does not
assume the traditional participant-observer and informant, but rather an attitude of
respect which is grounded in the methodological approaches to Religious Studies of
both Flood and Pinch, and which allows 'people being studied to speak for
themselves' (Brown 1991, p.14). It is an approach to Religious Studies that is that
type of 'broad inquiry,' which, while offering a sufficiently thick description of the
material, goes beyond that, not in order to judge or even to liberate, but to act as a
bridge between cultures 'contributing to human self-understanding and the human
good' (Flood, G., 2006. Reflections on Tradition and Inquiry in the Study of
Religions. JAAR, 74(1), p.53).
While Edward Said's critique of the western, Euro-centric approach to
"Oriental" studies (primarily of the Islamic culture) has been endorsed by Ron
12
Inden's perspective (in Imagining India) on how the West has also minimized and
categorized the cultures and peoples of India for the sake of domination, some
scholars are calling for an approach to East-West "understanding" that might reach
beyond these criticisms which, in their own way, tend to confine and encase cross-
cultural relationship. In Beyond Orientalism, Fred Dallmayr (1996, p. 86) has
acknowledged that the Europeanization or westernization of the world has become
a reality, which must be engaged, and not simply criticized or ignored:
'Under the relentless impact of globalism, indigenous cultures are

increasingly pushed into a context of cross-cultural encounter or
confrontation. ... In many third world societies -- bruised already by
decades of colonial domination -- confrontation involves an intense
questioning of self-identity, a process that often gives rise to a
profound identity crisis' (Dallmayr 1996, p.135).
In this view, Indian and other non-western cultures must find their "own voice" in
this continuing encounter. (Furthermore, it could be stated that the necessity for
such an approach has increased, as witnessed by the more recent clashes of culture,
global terrorism, and violence which have only intensified since the time of
Dallmayr's writing the above.)
J.L. Mehta (l985) has contributed richly to the discourse of cross-cultural
encounter, offering an array of provocative suggestions. He has, for instance, called
for an East-West encounter that would entail a "letting-be" of the other. '...[I]n this
time of common need, [we must] look for a hermeneutic that lets-be, a
hermeneutics that does not turn the past, or the other, into a dream-image, an
unreality...but lets them be, real, and speaking in their own right (Mehta 1985, p.
196). Mehta further suggests that Indian culture does indeed have a voice of its
own:
'The Indian cultural tradition has retained its identity and

continuity but has at no time defined itself in relation to the other, nor
acknowledged the other in its unassimilable otherness, nor in
13
consequence occupied itself with the problem of relationship as it arises

in any concrete encounter with the other. ... The other was allowed to live,
mostly in peace, but without any effort at mutual dialogue and
understanding' (Mehta 1985, pp.117-18).
Therefore, writes Mehta, whereas, in the past, Indian culture often allowed "the
other" to exist in a kind of benign neglect, it is currently time for a new type of
engagement within the field of Religious Studies, as
'...the free encounter with other traditions made both possible

and necessary in today's planetary civilisation provides an unparalleled
opportunity to reawaken, in Whitehead's words, the sense of vast
alternatives...awaiting to overwhelm our safe little traditions, which was
lost by the moderns' (Mehta 1985, p.124).
Such an approach, although possibly uncomfortable for all parties involved, also
offers, for Mehta, the possibility of marvelous outcomes. For, it is precisely at this
time that it is 'important and timely "to keep 'the rumor of angels' alive" and, in
doing so, to grant a human abode to the sacred' (Dallmayr 1996, p.108).
In a similar vein, Wilhelm Halbfass (1988, p.442) has asserted:
'For Indians as well as Europeans, the "Europeanization of the

earth" continues to be inescapable and irreversible. For this very reason,
ancient Indian thought, in its unassimilable, non-actualizable, yet
intensely meaningful distance and otherness, is not obsolete'.
It is not possible here, in this small space, to summarize either the entire academic
discourse and history of the East-West dialogue (with its impetus to move beyond
the Orientalism and colonialism of the past), or to do full justice to the impact that
the work of Wilhelm Halbfass has had on this on-going engagement. Suffice it to
say that, far more eloquently and completely than could be done here, Halbfass'
India and Europe presents a comprehensive overview of the history and intricacies
of that discourse, from Said to the present (1981). Subsequent to India and Europe,
Halbfass produced Tradition and Reflection, a series of essays that 'deal with
14
indigenous Indian reflections on the sources, the structure and meaning of the
Hindu tradition, ...based upon the premise that...reflections of...traditional Indian
theorists are no less significant than the observations and paradigms of modern
Western historians and social scientists' (Halbfass 1991, pp.16-17) when it comes to
the realm of self-understanding. Franco and Preisendanz (1997) have presented a
multi-faceted response and tribute to Halbfass's work in Beyond Orientalism, in
which Halbfass himself has written:
'Certainly, we want to be 'beyond' European and Eurocentric

claims to higher or absolute authority.... But do we want to be 'beyond
the quiet and patient pursuit of understanding,which has also been part
of the history of Indian and 'Oriental' studies? [We] may be able to find
certain positive implications in some of the phenomena criticized by Said
or Inden....
In this sense, we may want to be not only beyond Orientalism,
but also beyond the critique of Orientalism' (Halbfass in Franco and
Preisendanz, 1997, pp. 22-23).
In this kind of engagement, there exists an openness to the other, in 'which

both partners are potentially transformed (without necessarily entailing an ultimate
convergence)' (Dallmayr 1996, p.120). This kind of engagement, parallel to that
presented by Flood, is and will be one which may use new methods of encounter,
which may not always be fully formulated, and which may not always be cut-and-
dried. For, as Halbfass admitted himself, from a similarly open and surprisingly
candid stance in regards to his own methodology, a certain openness to approach
may even be expected at times: 'At the end, we do not have a well-defined method,
and perhaps not even a definite perspective, of our exploration of the Indian texts
and teachings. Our procedure will be eclectic' (Halbfass, W, 1996. On Being and
What There Is. In F. Dallmayr, ed. Beyond Orientalism: Essays on Cross-Cultural
Encounter. Albany, NY:SUNY Press).
So it is that we have attempted to proceed with this presentation of the
Ashram Bhajanavali.
15
'[W]e understand the text not by transposing ourselves into the

mind of the author but by sharing the meaning of what he says and
allowing for the possibility of its being true' (Mehta 1985, p.130).
This kind of open approach to "text, person, or tradition" has been attempted
in this investigation of Gandhi's use of sung-prayers and the place of the Ashram
Bhajanavali in the satyagraha community. As the research for this project began,
there were no expectations of this text or of its ritual importance for Gandhi's life-
work. The research could have proven to be sadly disappointing or happily
surprising. The text (Ash¿am Bhajanavali), the persons (M.K. Gandhi and Shri
Karunamayee), and their traditions have hopefully been presented in a way in
which they speak for themselves, each with an individual "claim to be valid."
M E THODOLOGY AND R ITUAL STUDIES

In her book Ritual Theory, Ritual Practice, Catherine Bell presents a
comprehensive overview of ritual theory and ritual theorists, beginning with the
statement that '...ritual is both activity and the fusion of thought and activity (Bell
1992, p.31). She covers those who are advocates of performance theory, those who
view ritual as a text to be deciphered, and remarks that in the post-colonial era,
most indigenous cultures have now been affected to such an extent by modern and
post-modern western worlds that it is no longer possible for the old paradigm of a
"superior" culture to analyze an "inferior" culture's rituals without help from the
latter. Sperber has referred to this as a "form of 'cognititve apartheid' (Bell 1992,
p.66, note 145) in this new era of cultural blending and "relativism."
In Natural Symbols, Mary Douglas presents ritual primarily as
communication, regarding "how the preservation of the group involves a drive to
coordinate all levels of experience and expression by correlating the body with
16
society and the cosmos" (Bell 1992, p.97). Edmund Leach also "argues that we
engage in rituals in order to transmit collective messages to ourselves" (Bell 1992,
p.73). Jonathan Z. Smith views ritual as a way to demonstrate how things should be,
as opposed to the way they currently are. Burridge has focussed on ritual and the
social body, with ritual's power and ability to transform and socialize that body. The
environment of ritual has been proclaimed as a most important element, and 'the
importance of ritual environment has been elaborated before.... Mircea Eliade, for
example, found ritual inseparable from the delineator of a sacred place and the
"regeneration of time"'(Bell 1992, p.99). Elsewhere, Eliade has proclaimed that the
purpose of ritual is to move us from "profane time" to "sacred time." Victor Turner
has also focussed on the speciality of the creation of "ritualized space."
Bourdieu claims that ritual manipulates relationships in such a way that it
puts the participant in trust with what one can not see (the point of "faith"). There
are theorists who see ritual only as a power relationship 'in order [for one group] to
dominate (shift or nuance) others' (Bell 1992, p.107). Bloch, for instance feels ritual
'catches people up in its own terms,' in a kind of self-promoting propaganda
machine. As for Foucault, the whole point of ritual is 'to structure the possible field
of action of others' (Bell 1992, p.200).
Other theorists have come close, or produced additions to these theories
already enumerated, but it is not possible in this space to cover all ritual theorists.
Bell ends her overview, interestingly, with the words of Durkheim, who, felt simply
that 'the believer who has communicated with his god is not merely a man who sees
new truth of which the unbeliever is ignorant; he is a man who is stronger. He feels
within him more force, either to endure the trials of existence, or to conquer them'
(Bell 1992, p.217).
For another very comprehensive survey of ritual, major theoretical
perspectives, in an historical overview, along with a consideration of ritual's role in
17
society and societal organization, and ritual as cultural communication, see

Catherine Bell (1997) Ritual: Perspectives and Dimensions.
So the question arises, which of these ritual theorists' work is most
appropriate with which to engage Gandhi's uses of ritual? Humphrey and Laidlaw
(2004) have written a marvelous description of Jain rituals, The Archetypal Actions
of Ritual, but the often complex and sometimes confusing elements of the Jain
ceremonies (pujas) are, as was mentioned above, a far cry from Gandhi's simply
rituals.
However, Humphrey and Laidlaw, who agree with Bell that most ritual
theorists are anthropologists, have very astutely pointed out '...that anthropology
has signally neglected the analysis of liturgical ritual in general, and in particular
has neglected religious acts of worship, those plain and featureless rituals which
offer few handles for virtuosity in symbolic interpretation and yet are so important
to people's religious life' (Humphrey & Laidlaw 2004, p.80).
The sung-prayer meetings that were initiated in the early days of
satyagraha are exactly those kinds of "plain and featureless" rituals which
Humphrey and Laidlaw have highlighted. So, it is to the work of a liturgical ritualist
that we turn, in order to best understand Gandhi. Therefore, the theory and
framework of Roy A. Rappaport (1999) in his Ritual and Religion in the Making of
Humanity will be utilized in this work to establish clearly that the Ashram
Bhajanavali was liturgically foundational for Gandhi's satæagraha community.
For the purposes of this study, we will be relying primarily on the
methodology and categories of definition presented by Roy A. Rappaport (1999) in
Ritual and Religion in the Making of Humanity. This choice is premissed on
Rappaport's work as a scholar of liturgical ritual, and on this author's estimation of
Rappaport's work as being the most appropriate of any single approach to ritual in
regards to its usefulness in describing and analyzing Gandhi's Ashram Bhajanavali.
A Æ‰™ailed presentation of Rappaport's schema and definitions of ritual will follow,
18
presented in Chapters Three and Four. These criteria, in that presentation, will be
utilized to engage the Ashram Bhajanavali in a critical analysis of its historical
development, a review of its contents, and its context within several ritual settings.
TOWARDS TH E D EFINITION OF A FEW TE R MS

Assuming the reader to possess at least a fundamental grasp of the
complexities of the term "Hinduism," two more recently published sources are
hereby suggested as helpful to the reader: 1) The Blackwell Companion to
Hinduism (Flood, G., ed 2003) wherein the subject is presented in kaleidoscopic
completeness, from theoretical issues and considerations of text and tradition, to
histories of systematic throught and sociopolitical issues that relate to the
contemporary world; and 2) as well as David Smith's Hinduism and Modernity:
Religion in the Modern World (Smith 2003) which gives clear oversight to history,
Indian philosophies and literature, as well as articulating the problems and
challenges facing Hinduism in modernity and the India of today.
Similarly, mention of several sources in the Gandhian literature would be
fitting. First of all, is The Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi (1971), which was
published by the Indian government, has been a large support to this work. As far as
biographies are concerned D.G. Tendulkar's Mahatma: Life of Mohandas
Karamchand Gandhi, in eight volumes (1960-1963), is considered primary,
followed by Pyarelal and Sushila Nayar's Mahatma Gandhi, in ten volumes.
Mention should also be made of Gandhi's own An Autobiography (1957), and
Homer Jack's The Gandhi Reader (1956), as a shorter compilation and overview of
texts. In the area of psychological analysis Erik Erikson has written Gandhi's Truth:
On the Origin of Militant Non-violence (1969), and Gene Sharp has written Gandhi
Faces the Storm (1961), desribing Gandhi's inner turmoil surrounding the India-
Pakistan division.
19
Nirmal Kumar Bose, as an anthropologist, has produced three books on

Gandhi: Selections from Gandhi (1934), an anthology of Gandhian thought; Studies
in Gandhism (1940), which concentrates on non-violent practice and theory; and
My Days with Gandhi (1953), which consists of his memoires while travelling with
Gandhi in Noakhali.
In the area of politics and history, helpful sources are: Ravinder Kumar's
Essays on Gandhian Politics: The Rowlatt Satyagraha (1971); Judith M. Brown's
Gandhi's Rise to Power: Indian Politics 1915-1922 (1972) and her Gandhi and Civil
Disobedience: The Mahatma in Indian Politics, 1928-1934 (1977); moving to a
later time period is Frances G. Hutchinson's India's Revolution: Gandhi and the Quit
India Movement (1973), and then Leonard Mosley's The Last Days of the British
Raj (1961).
In the area of morals, philosophy, and politics, Raghavan N. Iyer has written
The Moral and Political Thought of Mahatma Gandhi (1973), Mark Juergensmeyer
has written Fighting with Gandhi (1984), which concerns Gandhi's views and
theories of social conflict, and Bhiku Parekh has produced Gandhi's Political
Philosophy (1989). Helpful sources that consider Gandhi's religious views are
Margaret Chatterjee's Gandhi and the Challenge of Religious Diversity (2005), and
J.T.F. Jordens' Gandhi's Religion: A Homespun Shawl (1998), and K.L. Seshagiri
Rao's Mahatma Gandhi and Comparative Religion, (1978).
With regard to evaluating Gandhi's overall contributions and success, John
Hick and Lamont Hempel have written The Significance of Gandhi for Today
(1999), while Lloyd and Susanne Rudolph have produced Postmodern Gandhi and
Other Essays (1967). See also Fred Dallmayr's "Gandhi as Mediator between East
and West," in Margins of Political Discourse (1989, pp.22-38). Chapter Nine in
Hugh Tinker's Reorientation is entitled "Magnificent Failure? The Gandhian Ideal
in India" (1965). And, finally, Ved Mehta's Mahatma Gandhi and His Apostles
(1977) covers a variety of topics, while attempting to demythologize Gandhi.
20
The complex figure of Mohandas Gandhi has been examined to such an

extent that the question might be raised as to whether Gandhi was simply one of
those geniuses of human history in whom scholars find what they desire most to
find. From the beginnings of his career within his own country, Gandhi was
continually sought out by hundreds of thousands of fellow Indians for darshan [a
blessing given through the sense of seeing] while at the same time, fellow
reformists often disagreed with his methodologies, and some, such as B.R.
Ambedkar, even viewed him as an elitist fake.
Beyond his own country, epithets for Gandhi have ranged from that by
Winston Churchill, who esteemed him as a "half-naked fakir," to estimations by
Alfred Einstein as being one of the greatest men to have walked the earth and by
Reinhold Neibuhr as being the quintessential homo religiosus. Modern researchers
have found in Gandhi figures in concert with their own interests, such as William
Pinch, who in Warrior Ascetics and Indian Empires recognizes in Gandhi shades of
the eighteenth-century "warrior ascetic," and Philip Lutgendorf (1991), who
identifies Gandhi as a katha-vacak [story-teller] of the sixteenth-century
Ramcaritmanas (Tulsidas's Hindi version of the Ramayana). Depending upon time
and continent, Gandhi has been viewed in a myriad different ways, revered by
some, disrespected by others. Works by Ashis Nandy and others have sought to raise
his reputation from the ashes (Dallmayr 1989, pp.22-38), while 'Gandhi's
postmodernism has become increasingly visible and relevant on the Indian and
world stage. He has become a pre-eminant voice for civil society and against the
modern state' (Rudolph & Rudolph 2006, p.34). Having been at the center of a
British-Indian discourse, "[e]ach of these Gandhis, the anti-imperialist, the guru, the
mahatma, and the fraud, [has also] provided text and context for a roughly
chronological examination of Gandhi's meaning in and for America" (Rudolph &
Rudolph 2006, p.93) in Charles Chatfield's research, The Americanization of
Gandhi: Images of the Mahatma (1976). It is my hope that in this work, through the
21
examination of the sung-prayers of the Ashram Bhajanavali, their development,

and their ritual usages, to add yet another perspective to the ever-evolving
comprehension of the multi-dimensional figure of Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi.
Religion and Politics

The many and varied approaches to Gandhi's life-work have, in many
respects, reflect the current complexities of academic discourse. Studies of one
aspect or another of Gandhi's life have resulted in at least one continuing debate,
that of whether Gandhi acted primarily from either a political agenda or a religious
agenda. It has been clarified by Peter van der Veer (van der Veer, P., 1995. The
Politics of Devotion to Rama. In D. Lorenzen, ed. Bhakti Religion in North India:
Community Identity and Politcal Action. Albany, NY: SUNY Press, 1995, pp. 288-
305) that '"[p]oliticalization" and "depoliticalization" of something called
"religion" are notions that belong to a discourse of modernity ...developed in the
European Enlightment, which assigns religious faiths to the private domain as a
matter of personal beliefs without political consequences" (van der Veer 1995,
p.288), so the very question of whether Gandhi acted "religiously" or "politically"
is suspect.
Furthermore, coming to a definition of "religion" presents an equally
complex discourse. Asad (1993, p.27) has warned against a definition that
"essentializes" any distinct differences between religion and politics, as it places
religion and politics in differing realms of power, and it is based in the western
post-Reformation view: 'The attempt to understand Muslim [or any other]
traditions by insisting that in them religion and politics (two essences modern
society tries to keep conceptually and practically apart) are coupled must, in my
view, lead to failure. At its most dubious, such attempts encourage us to take up an a
priori position in which religious discourse in the political arena is seen as a disguise
22
for political power'. Additionally, Timothy Fitzgerald (2000, pp.8-9) sees "religion"
even more strongly along this same vein, summarizing it as a product invented in
Europe 'along with western individuals, law courts, free markets, and educational
systems. "Religion" was part of the complex process of establishing...capitalist and
individualist values', something to which M.K. Gandhi would have been greatly
opposed. Therefore, for the sake of clarity as well as for a more particularized
understanding of these terms, we will focus here upon what Gandhi himself
considered to be "religion," and upon what Gandhi himself considered to be
"politics."
Gandhi was greatly influenced by the nationalist Gopal Krishna Gokhale's
political agenda and aspirations, who wrote:
'Our problem is, indeed, an enormously difficult one. ... Endless

divisions and sub-divisions in the country, the bulk of the population
ignorant, and clinging, with a tenacity of which only those who are of them
can have an adequate conception, to old modes of thought and sentiment,
which are averse to all change and do not understand change,
seventy millions of Mohammedans more or less hostile to national
aspirations, and all power lodged in the hands of a fleeting body of
foreign officials most of whom generally represent...Tory principles at
their worst .... Out of this mass an India has to be evolved, strong, free,
united, democratic and qualified generally to take her proper place among
the nations of the world' (Hoyland, paper 2003, p.183).
Dedicated to Gokhale and these aspirations, Gandhi voiced his agreement with
Gokhale's further estimation that India needed a process of "character-building," in
which 'it was necessary to spiritualise the political life of the country'
(Gandhi 1998, p.6).
Following Gokhale's death, at the unveiling of Gokhale's portrait at
Bangalore in 1915, Gandhi memorialized him in this manner:
23
'Mr. Gokhale taught me that the dream of every Indian, who claims
to love his country, should be to act in the political field, should be not to
glorify in language, but to spiritualize the political life of the
country, and the political institutions of the country. He inspired my life
and is still inspiring; and in that I wish to purify myself and spiritualize
myself '(CW-e, 14, #372, p.438).
When analyzing Gandhi's use of the word "politics" as found in the Collected
Works, we see that early on Gandhi applied the word "politics" to what he called
the "national institutions": 'Politics are part of our being; we ought to study our
national institutions (Jack 1956, p.144). These institutions were the court systems,
the school sytems, and business establishment to the extent that government
intervention and taxation were involved. However, he did not feel that those
institutions should or could stand on their own: '[p]olitics divorced from religion has
no meaning (Jack 1956, p.144). The great work of character-building which he had
in mind was connected to his use of the term "religion:" '[n]o work done by any
man, however great, will really prosper unless it has a distinct religious backing
(Jack 1956, p.137). From the very beginnings of satyagraha, Gandhi was convinced
that social or political change in India would only be achieved through "religious"
means.
Gandhi claimed himself to use the term "religion" in a non-sectarian manner,
defining it 'in its broadest sense, meaning thereby self-realization or knowledge of
self (Jack 1956, p.14). Further, he referred to "religion" as something beyond
intellectual understanding or the rote observance of ritual; it was something not
'grasped by the brain, but a heart grasp (Jack 1956, p.137). It was a matter of
consciousness-raising at the national level, which involved principles of religious
awareness: [f]irst we want to realize our religious consciousness, and immediately
[when] we have done that the whole department of life is open to us....'(Jack 1956,
p.144).
24
This approach was further evidenced as the non-violent activities of non-

cooperation grew. 'A man who has realized his manhood, who fears only God, will
fear no one else' (Jack 1956, p.113). With this awareness of being ruled only by God
(in whichever name or form), Gandhi felt that religion and politics fell into proper
alignment. Those who felt that man-made laws were unjust or "un-Godly" could
protest those laws out of respect for a deeper religious law -- however, only through
non-violent means. Nothing but a non-violent course of action could reflect the full
development of a truly evolved consciousness: 'Wherein is courage required -- in
blowing others to pieces from behind a cannon, or with a smiling face to approach a
cannon and be blown to pieces? (Jack 1956, p.114).
The deeper religious law to which Gandhi was dedicated, he referred to as
satya (truth). It was a principle, which, for him, was undeniably connected to deeper
religious conceptions in India's past. 'Deluded by modern western civilization, we
have forgotten our ancient civilization and worship the might of arms' (CW-e, 16,
#5, p.11). India had, in his opinion, abandoned its religious identity, succombing to
the materialism of the West. As he felt 'India was pre-eminently the land of
religion, [it] was the first and the last duty of Indians to maintain it as such (CW, 15,
#209, p. 281). Gandhi spoke often of establishing a fairly-run, well-organized
democratic society in which the leaders, and the King, in particular, took their
orders and guidance from even the most lowly in the land. He referred to this as
"Ramrajya," and it hearkened back to a time told of in the Ramayana when such a
"lordly kingdom" or "Kingdom of God" existed. In this regard, he estimated
western civilization to be "the reverse of civilization," sometimes referring to it as
"Ravanarajya" (the kingdom of Ravana, the demon king in the Ramayana). He
considered the West to be inferior in its law courts and its schools -- in short, inferior
in those "national institutions" that he deemed to be "political:" We want our own
ancient schools and courts to be restored (Jack 1956, p.118).
25
In support of these claims, Gandhi asked the West to look to its own Christian
scriptures as support for his vision and 'abandon your so-called civilization' (Jack
1956, p.118), while he asked India to do the same: 'If we take recourse to
satyagraha, we can conquer our conqueror the English, make them bow before our
tremendous soul-force [satyagraha] and the issue will be of benefit to the whole
world (CW-e,16, #5, p.11).
It might be argued that it was necessary to adopt the methods and

instruments of western civilization to meet the material forces of that
civilization. But the forces born of spirituality, the bedrock of Indian
civilization, were more than a match for material forces.... They should
draw their strength from the soul, from God. If they adhered to that
path, swarajya [self-rule] which they were aspiring to and working for
would become their handmaid (Speech at Allahabad on Education,
Ancient and Modern, 23-12-1916, CW-e, 15, #209, p.281).
While many national leaders disagreed with Gandhi concerning the amount
of emphasis he placed on religious definitions as the foundation for societal change
(e.g., Jawaharlal Nehru), this continued to be Gandhi's outlook as he developed
satyagraha throughout India. In his campaign to shape identity through religious
means, the advice he gave to relatives and followers was often punctuated by
religious references to scriptural prayers and laced with quotations from hymns. It
was not unusual for Gandhi to suggest chanting prayers or singing bhajans as part of
his counsel.
'[F]or Gandhi [sung-]prayer provided entry into a power house

available at all times. It was here, in the citadel of Truth, as he saw it,
that the counter force to big battalions was generated. The cave of the
heart was not a place of retreat, but where batteries were charged and the
inner voice prompted the next step' (Chatterjee 1983, pp140-41).
For Gandhi, "religion" and "politics" were two sides of the same coin. 'I do not
believe that religion has nothing to do with politics. The latter divorced from
26
religion is like a corpse only fit to be buried' (Speech on Swadeshi at Missionary

Conference, Madras, Feb. 14, 1916) (CW-e, 15, #127, p.160).
Theology and C reed

The terms "theology" and "creed" will be employed herein in their
customary western usage, although we are looking at a man, Mohandas Gandhi,
raised as a Vaishnava Hindu, the bulk of whose work was situated in India. Francis
Clooney (2003) has made the very salient point that the Enlightenment use of the
term "theology" as a perjorative term for what was at the time esteemed to be
"less-than" the revered pursuit of "philosophy" is currently out-moded, and that
theology, as "the study of God" applies cross-culturally, and certainly for much of
Hinduism.
'...excluding 'theology' is not a service to Indian thought. Rather,

such a denigration reads a problem indigenous to European history into
an Indian context where religious commitments have so often been
deeply intertwined with the most rigorous reasoning; even a richer sense
of philosophy seems inadequate to the spiritual and religious values at
stake; differences aside, 'theology' remains a most viable and useful
term (Clooney 2003, pp.448-9).
Likewise, the term "creed," indicative of what one believes, will be similarly
utilized to refer to the same in an Indian context.
Hymn s, Poetry , and Sung-Prayers

In an introduction to her work on Tamil hymns, The Embodiment of Bhakti,
Karen Prentiss (1999) relates a short history of the bhakti (devotion) movement
across India, while focussing on the regional tradition of Tamil Sh⁄∆a-bhakti as a
neglected tradition. Prentiss (1999, p.5) writes: 'In focusing on a regional tradition
of bhakti, I join many contemporary scholars in the study of bhakti in regional-
language poetry'. While tracing the Tamil tradition from its earliest chanted
27
compositions in the seventh century to the fourteenth century, a time of written

texts, Prentiss alternatingly refers to these works as "hymns" at some points and as
"poems" at others. While a fuller appraisal of the bhakti movement scholarship will
be introduced in Chapter Two, what is of significance here, which must be
remembered, is that these pieces of text were "hymns," which used "poetry." It must
be re-called that these texts were (and are) sung.
Another important distinction that must be made is that while these texts are
"hymns" and "poetry," they are also referred to as "prayers" in the Gandhian
literature that concerns those texts when they are included in the Ashram
Bhajanavali. The vast majority of "prayer" in India is not spoken. It is sung or
chanted. Unlike "prayer" in the West, wherein the general connotation is either that
of silent thought or of spoken utterance, "prayer" throughout India's history has
been a sung medium. "Recitation" has generally meant material that was sung or
chanted with tone. This is an important distinction to mark, as singing or chanting
affects the human body and psyche in different ways than that of simple speech, a
fact which will be detailed more fully in Chapter Five. Due to this distinction, the
term "sung-prayer" will be used throughout this work, as opposed to the term
"prayer" (unless, the reference is clearly only to speech), as a reminder to the
reader that "sung" is an important qualifier. "Sung-prayer" refers comprehensively
to all genres found within the Ashram Bhajanavali.
Bhajan, Kirtan , and Ram-dhun

The term bhajan, as it appears in the Ashram Bhajanavali, is often translated
with the English word "hymn." The term kirtan is not used in the Ashram
Bhajanavali. However, the terms "bhajan" and "ki¿™an" are often interchanged as
co-terminous in common parlance, when they are actually, in finer usage, slightly
different genres. So, an attempt to refine what these terms mean, at least in regard
28
to those pieces included in the Ashram Bhajanavali, will allow more clarity in this
matter.
In Hindustani Music, Raja (2005, p.361) gives the following definition:
'Bhajana: the word derives from the Sanskrit verb bhaja = to serve/to
worship. A bhajana is a song based on devotional poetry, and owes its
influence to the literary flowering triggered off by the bhakti movement.
These songs were originally performed in the temples, and moved from there
to people's homes as solo or choral expressions. They are composed typically
in folk tunes, or based on a handful of classical rŸgas. The advent of the
gramophone record gave a tremendous boost to their popularity and
standardization in rendering. The infusion of classicism into their rendition,
and their adoption as repertoire for the concert platform is a 20th-century
phenomenon. In the latter context, the bhajana has steadily replaced, and
displaced, the ¢humar and ¢appŸ genres '.
In addition, Ashok Ranade (1992, p.18) presents this definition:
'It may be recalled that the all-encompassing devotional movement

sweeping over the country from the eighth century gave music a place of
importance. The result was a burgeoning of song, dance and drama. A
number of song-types crystallized into musical structures of immense variety,
according to the regional genius and linguistic-literary traditions. When such
song-types are employed (with or without ritualistic context) as items in
musico-devotional acts they can be brought under the generic term bhajan'.
Edward O. Henry (1988, p.140)has made the observation that 'the bhajana
has many forms', indicating that the term has several different usages, both as a
general denominator and as a particular denominator of a specific variety, based on
regional practices. In Henry's own fieldwork with Bhojpuri-speaking people, he
mentions one type of bhajan that appears to be most indicative of the type of bhajan
included in the Ashram Bhajanavali. Henry has classified his musical study into
music that is participatory and music that is non-participatory. He refers to a
specific type of non-participatory music sung by musical mendicants, who 'would
come into the village and sing 'bhajans,' sitting on doorsteps of richer houses, leave
the village with food, clothing, [and] pots' (Henry 1974, p.162). These songs were
29
longer songs, often by Kabir; they were sometimes ten or eleven lines long,
sometimes thirteen or fourteen lines long (Henry 1974, p.162).
'The songs of the mendicants refer to a kind of religion which differs

from ecstatic devotionalism...and from the essentially ritualistic religion
which pervades village life. ...[They] derive from the Sufi-influenced North
Indian bhakti movements...No doubt the mendicants who ply the villages
today transmit this variety of religion in the same way it has been
transmitted for four or five hundred years' (Henry 1974, p.176).
This type of bhajan was a kind of "non-participatory music...in which the

performers were largely soloists" (Henry 1974, p.182), ... [and in which 't]hese
didactic and reverent songs, provide a moral setting conducive to charitable
donations ' (Henry 1974, p.246).
The bhajans included in the Ashram Bhajanavali are largely this type of
bhajan. While refrains are common for choral chanting, the pieces are, for the most
part, longer and fall into that category of non-participatory music related more
closely to the "larger" classical tradition of which Carol Babiracki (1991) speaks.
M. K. Gandhi himself mentioned that it was the usual practice for Narayan Moresh
Khare (the music director) to sing the bhajans during the sung-prayers, as they
demanded more musical expertise. If Khare were not present, or someone who
could sing a bhajan properly, they would resort to singing the simpler form of
Ram-dhun.
Kirtana is another term that carries many meanings. In general, it connotes a
shorter form than a bhajan, with its form, again, being dependent upon regional
differences. In Hindustanti Music, Raja (2005, p.378) gives the following definition:
'Kiirtana: Kiirtana is the verb associated with the Sanskrit abstract

noun k rti = glory/praise. A kiirtana is a song sung in praise of, or
dedicated to the glory of someone, principally God. In thematic content,
the kiirtana is similar to the bhajana, the distinction between them often
being no more than semantic. Kiirtanas are, generally, shorter forms of
poetry than bhajans'.
30
It is important to take note of Raja's defining kirtan as being generally

shorter verses with fewer lines. This corresponds with Henry's descriptions of éirtan
as being participatory: '[k]irtan refers to devotional music sung in groups.... [c]hant-
like and extremely repetitious' (Henry 1988, p.139). Henry investigated further a
type of kirtan referred to as harikirtan: "[t]he music most often referred to in
Eastern Uttar Pradesh as hariikiirtan ... is a sub-division of the class of music called
bhajan, the general term for religious song that can also mean 'any sort of audible
worship' (Bharati 1961: p.277)" (Henry, p.150) [Bharati here having used the term
bhajan in its generic sense]. 'Harikirtans are antiphonal in form, with short, simple
stanzas continuously repeated, e.g. hari krishna hari é¿⁄–“≤a, krishna krishna hari
hari, one of the most common, and je sia ram je je sia ram -- 'Hail Sita-Ram, hail
hail Sita-Ram!' Each harikirtan lasts from ten to fifteen minutes. Dholak [drum],
ghal [cymbal] and hand clapping accompany the singing, and there is occasionally a
harmonium' (Henry 1974, pp.151-52).
Dimock (1968) has written of the kirtan practices in Bengal, being in that
area primarily Krishnite: "[k] rtana can be of three varieties: dancing and singing
of religious lyrics which celebrate the story of Krishna, repetitive singing the names
of the deity, and street processionals with singing and dancing" (Dimock 1968,
p.220). This is the same, repetitive practice of 'Sankirtana, ...the term used in the
Gaudiya tradition to refer to the public chanting of the Hare Krishna mantra. By
extension, the term came to be used in ISKCON to also refer to the distribution of
books and soliciting of donations that accompanied this public chanting'
(Deadwyler 2004, p.355, note 2). This simpler type of ecstatic chanting was later
transplanted by ISKCON, '[b]eginning in 1968, [when] Srila Prabhupada instituted
the practice Hare Nama" [chanting Hari's name] into western airports and public
spaces, wherein "a group of devotees [would go] out in public to chant and
preach...selling products to the public for money' (Rochford, 2004, p.274).
31
When investigating the forms he found in his fieldwork in India, Henry has
written: 'Those that sing harikirtan believe that, as an expression of bhakt
('devotion') harikirtan is one way in which salvation-release from the cycle of
rebirth and/or union with the absolute can be obtained. ... The prefix hari can be an
epithet of Vishnu, Siva, Ram, Krishna, or Indra. ...[K]irtan in this area are usually
addressed to Ram and Krishna, incarnations of Vishnu (although I did record one
addressed to Hanuman, a deity currently very popular in the Varanasi region)
(Henry 1974, p.154). He further described the characteristics of harikirtan: "...
harikirtan consists of a series of cycles, each beginning at a slow tempo and
moderate volume and accelerating to the verge of frenzy (Henry 1974, p.155)....
Harikirtan is...extremely repetitious, imprecisely articulated, unembellished and
heavily rhythmic" (Henry 1974, p.237).
It is of interest that in the Ashram Bhajanavali Gandhi did not refer to kirtan.
Further, when the Collected Works were consulted, Gandhi used the term bhajan
frequently, whereas the term kirtan was seldom used. When Gandhi referred to
kirtan it was generally in response to someone who had first used the term with him.
He referred, on a few occasions, to the encouraging of "bhajan parties or kirtan
parties," with the use of "or" suggesting that they were, for him, separate genres.
Therefore, it will be argued here that those shorter, more rhythmic pieces, which
might be termed as kirtan by some, were referred to by Gandhi as Ram-dhun,
regardless of the deity being addressed. This corresponds with the shorter, simpler,
and more repetitive nature of those pieces designated as Ram-dhun in the Ashram
Bhajanavali.
Ram-dhun is sung prayer, and once more, the aptness of the term "sung-
prayer" must be noted, as "sung-prayer" refers comprehensively to all genres found
within the Ashram Bhajanavali.
32
TEX TUAL CONSIDERA TIONS

Translations found herein are those of M.K. Gandhi himself, unless otherwise
noted. Diacritical marks are avoided, except in direct quotations, such as from the
Ashram Bhajanavali, or when quoting another author who has used diacritical
marks. Due to computer limitations, the Sanskrit vowel long i will be represented
by “ii”. Therefore, from one citation to the next, the spellings will not always be
consistent. For the most part, quotations herein from the Collected Works of Gandhi
correspond to the digital numbering (in 98 volumes as opposed to the printed 90
volumes) in English. Use of the digital indexing has greatly facilitated the tracing
of individual terms, and quotations. The digital files are referred to as CW-e. Any
references to the original, printed Collected Works of Gandhi are referred to
simply as CW. Transliterations are generally mine.
SETTING THE SCENE: PRE-GANDHI CONTEXT

Before lauching into either a description of the Ashram Bhajanavali or into
Gandhi's satyagraha campaigns, it is important to remember that much of the new
awareness for nation-building was fermenting in India during the late nineteenth
and early twentieth centuries, while Gandhi was, for the most part, out of the
country. In 1888, he was in England obtaining a law degree; in 1891-93, he
practiced law (not very successfully) in Bombay and Rajkot; in 1893 he went to
South Africa and was there roughly eight years; he then returned to India in 1901
and 1902, during which time he travelled extensively around India, and attended
the Indian National Congress. However, in 1902, he returned to South Africa and
remained there until 1915.
It goes without saying that Gandhi was not the first reformer in India. Upon
his return from South Africa, he was to witness the fruits of many social and
religious reformers whose work had indeed been initiated before he left India, but
which had blossomed during the time he was away.
33
Ronald Inden has written that Vincent Smith (1848-1920), an Indian Civil
Servant, claims to have written India's first history concerning events prior to the
12th-century Muslim conquests (Inden 2000, p.7). Smith's surmise was that India
was, and probably always had been, composed of people who were lazy,
disorganized, and who constituted a "deficient body politic" unable to rule itself
without some firm hand of authority. Hegel had described India as living in a dream
state of imagination and ecstasy (Inden 2000, p.7). Others had described India with
degrading images of being feminine, with Hinduism being compared to an
amorphous sponge or to an irrational, irritating jungle. Smith focussed on the
phenomenon of the caste-system as an especially-effective instrument to bind and
restrain India within these so-called degenerative social patterns.
'Apart from caste itelf, perhaps the most important attribute in

Smith's representation of India as a deficient body politic was world-
ordering rationality. The metaphor of society as a machine [which he
used and which was prevalent at the time] presupposed the
notion of a unitary reason with the will or capability of knowing and
maintaining the system that Smith saw as synonymous with order
itself. He alleged that Indian civilization had not ever possessed
the political order that flows from rationality....Just as the man of practical
reason was the rational master and maker of the machine and just as God
was the one cause of the universe, so the British would become the
bearers of rationality in relation to India that they would make over into a
machine of a body politic' (Inden 2000, p.17).
When speaking of capabilities to act or not to act in terms of 'human agency',

Inden makes it clear that 'from the standpoint of agency, we could say that
colonialism consisted quite precisely of the attempt to make previously autonomous
(or more autonomous) agents into instruments...and patients," by which and through
whom they could dominate and rule India' (Inden 2000, p. 23). He also makes the
point that while the rulers obviously wished to rule, the ruled have at times both
expressed complicity in the relationship, while also having drives to push against
34
being ruled. Through these complex actions of human agency, rulers and the ruled
shape each other. 'They make and remake one another through a dialectical
process in changing situations' (Inden 2000, p.2).
Rather than being separate and detached entities, the ruled and the rulers are
actually 'composed of entitites that overlap' (Inden 2000, p.25), according to R.G.
Collingwood. In either dialectical processes (those moving from opposite directions
into agreement) or eristical processes (in which each attempts to triumph over the
other), the rulers and the ruled have an impact on each other, and are, thus, both
changed in the process.
This type of interaction is what Ronald Inden focusses on in such eloquent
detail in Imagining India, which brought him to state that: '...the Euro-American
Selves and Indian Others have...dialectically constituted one another. Once one
realizes the truth of this, he or she will begin to see that India has played a part in
the making nineteenth- and twentieth-century Europe (and America) much greater
than the 'we' of scholarship, journalism, and officialdom would normally wish to
allow' (Inden 2000, p.3). For, by describing certain aspects of Indian culture in
pejorative, disdainful, and elitist ways, we have projected parts of ourselves in
exaggerated forms onto the Indian sub-continent. With the return of those
projections, both India and the West had at least two hundred years of dialectical
intercourse before Mohandas K. Gandhi even entered the picture.
The East India Company, having traded in India since the early seventeenth
century, had, traditionally, not been overly involved in the arena of Indian politics;
their primary goal was trade. 'From the 1780s onwards, however, the power of the
company was gradually curtailed by the state' (Zavos 2000, p.24), and with the
Indian Rebellion of 1857 having been squelched by the British, the outcome was to
transfer all governmental and political power from the East India Company to the
British Crown. The new relationship, as described to the Indian people, gave 'an
impression of representation, justice, and benevolence' (Zavos 2000, p.35), between
35
the Rulers and the ruled and furthermore, the Queen, though herself a Christian,
promised that the Christian religion would not be imposed upon the Indian peoples.
This, however, was not the way things would proceed, as the English people
seemed to be under the "rational spell" of evangelicalism. In England,
'[e]vangelical revival starts conventionally with John Wesley in the first half of the
eighteenth century, but there was an important second wave in the 1790s that lasted
into the nineteenth century' (van der Veer 2001, p.34). The British people had
begun to protest the East India Company's tradition of supporting and sustaining the
Hindu temples, and they pressured the government to allow and encourage
Christian missionary work in India. 'Effeminacy, indolence, deceitfulness, the
closed nature of the village economy: all these images were projected as elemental
features of a drifting changeless society [that was] the degeneracy of Hinduism'
(Zavos 2000, p.30).
Britain saw itself as the superior, rational saviour of a degraded India. The
missionaries zealously took on the task of cleaning up India as "the white man's
burdon." So, despite the official policy of "hands-off" in regards to Indian religion,
British religious organizations became quite actively involved in evangelizing and
converting, especially lower-caste Indians. Along with this came 'the abolition of
sati (widow immolation) by the British in 1829. Sati was perhaps the most definite
sign of Hindu depravity and Christian moral superiority evengelicals could get'
(van der Veer 2001, p.43).
As the evangelizations grew stronger and the anti-Hindu polemic increased,
and as governmental policies reinforced these movements, the Hindu population,
whether dreaming or not, awoke to the fact that their religion was under siege and
being attacked. Thus, "a great number of organizations emerged in South India in
the 1820s and 1830s to resist the missionary onslaught" (van der Veer 2001, p.21).
Concerning these Indian organizations which were formed in response to
Christian evangelization, Peter van der Veer (2001, pp.67-8) has suggested that
36
'[t]here were at least three possible intellectual responses to the

Christian attack on Hinduism. One was to see Christianity as one instance
of universal religion and to combine elements of Christianity and
Hinduism into a common rational religion with strong deist tendencies....
A second approach was much more aggressive by repudiating Christianity
and showing the failures and problems of Christian thought, preferrably
in the Bible itself. ... A third possibility [was] argued that Christianity
was simply a lesser form of the universal spirituality found in all
religions, but at the highest level only in Vedantic Hinduism'.
Just as the British were arguing strongly for Christianity and for its definitions
and responsibilities within the forming of their own nation-state, the attack on
Hinduism and its ensuing responses allowed India to create a public space in which
to discuss, define, and debate what Hinduism truly was. These kinds of dialectical
encounters, manifested here for the first time, were also "instrumental in creation
[of] a modern public space on which [a] nation-state could be built" in India (van
der Veer 2001, p.28).
The waves of Indian reaction against Christian evangelization have been
referred to as "the Indian Renaissance," and organizations manifested themselves
around the country. The man sometimes referred to as "the father of the Bengal
Renaissance" was Rammohan Roy (1772-1833), and he, in particular, wrote
strongly against the practice of sati, being largely responsible for convincing the
British government to abolish the practice. "Rammonhan rejected the practice [of
sati] on the basis of his reading [and, importantly, on his reading, and not a
Brahmin's reading] of Hindu scripture. He distinguished authoritative sources (such
as the Vedas) from other sources" (van der Veer 2001, p.44). Rammohan was a
rational universalist, influenced by western Unitarianism and deism, as well as
being dedicated to social reform. In 1828, (corresponding to van der Veer's first
classification of response against Christian evangelism -- to see Christianity as one
instance of universal religion and to combine elements of Christianity and
37
Hinduism into a common rational religion with strong deist tendencies),

Rammonhan Roy founded the Brahmo Samaj. It was "a small movement
propagating a deist and universalist kind of religion, based, however, on Hindu
sources and especially the Upanishads and philosophical commentaries on the
Upanishads (together known as Vedanta)" (van der Veer 2001, p.44-45).
Roy believed that it was the prerogative of all people to have access to the
sacred scriptures, such as the Vedas, and was strongly opposed to the many
deceptions and superstitions perpetrated so often by Brahman priests upon simple
yet devout people. He was equally opposed to idol worship, both for its
"irrationality," as well as for the Brahmanic conduit through which it was generally
delivered.
'Reason and ethics are central concepts for Roy. Because of

reason, the doctrine of karma and reincarnation should be rejected,
but also because of reason the theology surrounding Jesus, such as the
doctrine of atonement and the trinity, should also be rejected as
irrational. Reason, rather than revelation, leads to the discovery of
universal ethical codes, whereas dogmas lead to irrationality and
unethical behaviour. The adoption of a purified, rational and ethical
religion -- the essential qualities of Hinduism according to Roy --
would be the transformation of Indian society (Flood 1996, pp.252-53).
Following Roy's death, two leaders came to take charge of the Brahmo
Samaj, first, Debendranath Tagore (1817-1905), father of the well-known poet
Rabindranath Tagore, and, second, Keshab Chandra Sen (1838-1884). Over time,
however, a split would occur between them.
The Brahmo Samaj "was modelled on Christian reform movements and met
regularly for religious services. During these services passages would be read from
the Upanishads, sermons delivered, and hymns sung" (Flood 1996, p.253). Four
Brahmo students had been sent from Calcutta to Benares, each assigned to study
one of the Vedas and bring back their knowledge. When they returned in 1850, the
outcome resulted in the Samaj giving up its belief in the inerrancy of the Vedas
38
altogether (Farquhar 1915, p.41). 'Yet the Upanishads did not cease to be the chief
scripture of the society; for just at this crisis, Debendra compiled a series of extracts
from Hindu literature, the bulk of them being from the Upanishads, for use in public
worship and private devotion. This volume is called Brahma Dharma, i.e. Brahma
Religion' (Farquhar n.d., p.41), in which monism was tantamount.
Sen, Tagore's junior, however, had been even more influenced by
Christianity. Sen broke with the Brahmo Samaj in 1866 "to form the Brahma
Samaj of India, and invited all Brahmans throughout the country to join it"
(Farquhar 1915, p. 46). Sen compiled a devotional manual with quotations for the
Brahma Samaj; in a move to address the tensions of East and West, it contained
texts from Hindu, Buddhist, Jewish, Chinese, Islamic and Christian scriptural
sources. The manual, entitled Shlokasangraha was apparently not well-received,
and never gained the success of Tagore's Brahma Dharma.
Among some of Sen's other attempts to merge world religions in this new
society
'...he adopted a number of new practices which were meant to deepen
and strengthen the religious life of the Samaj. The sources of new methods
were the Vishnuism of Chaitanya, which was traditional in his own family,
with Christianity, which was now influencing him so deeply. He began to use
the old Vishnuite word bhakti...[he introduced] the instruments used from the
old sect, and [began] sankirtana, the enthusiastic singing in chorus...dancing
and singing praise to God, with flags flying and drums beating' (Farquhar
n.d., p.47).
Sen died in 1884, leaving no leadership to follow him (Farquhar n.d., p.69).
In keeping with van der Veer's analysis of how India reacted to Christian
evangelism (the second category being that of a strong reaction against
Christianity), we move to the very powerful movement initiated by Dayananda
Sarasvati (1824-1883). While Dayananda had been 'initiated in the order of the
Shaivite Dashanamis, a prestigious ascetic order that only allowed Brahmans to
take the ascetic vows' (van der Veer 200l, p. 49), he became disallusioned, left the
39
temple in Gujarat, and became a wandering mendicant. When he met his guru
Virjananda Sarasvati, the encounter was such that it changed Dayananda's life and
direction to becoming a reformer of Hinduism based on ancient Vedic precepts.
Dayananda established the Arya Samaj (Noble Society) in 1875 in Bombay.
He advocated a return to the use of only the four Vedas (of which Max Mueller had
just provided a complete edition of the Rig Veda), as they were the original source
of revelation, with all other scriptures having been layered upon them, and thus,
having ultimately obscured them.
'He provided his own Sanskrit commentaries to these texts, in which

he sought to show that all the scientific knowledge of the West was, in fact,
already present in the Vedic revelation. He spoke of the Vedic teachings of
telecommunications, about the constructions of ships and aircraft...the
importance given to science and its appropriation is, of course, extremely
significant. Vedic religion was a universal, rational, religion of the Aryan
people. It was the cradle of all human civilization' (van der Veer 200l, p.50).
Interestingly, in his desire to present the Vedas as being a monotheistic

revelation, "he obscured the reference to many gods in the Vedic hymns.... He
wanted to get rid of the Hindu pantheon and the practice of image worship" (van
der Veer 200l, p.50).
It is also an interesting addition to this story, that in 1879 Madame

Helena Blavatsky and Col. Henry Steel Olcott, Theosophists, arrived in
Bombay. They had planned to join with the Arya Samaj, until they met
Swami Dayananda in person. Dayananda had not been aware of the extent to
which their beliefs were based on "spiritualism," a way of psychically
contacting the dead, and other exotic practices, practices which, as advocates,
they were advertsing as having originated in "the East." Dayananda broke
off the expected connection with them, and Blavatsky and Olcott began to be
questioned as frauds.
40
'Crucial to both Theolosophists and Hindus was the issue of

authenticity, of genuine religion as against 'fake,' unauthentic religions.
Theosophists had to defend themselves constantly against the charge that
they were inauthentic frauds, but many Hindus as well did not accept
Dayananda as authenthic. He was painted as a reformist with dangerous
modern ideas that threatened ancient Hinduism. In fact, his opponents
were seen as defending the caste system as well as Sanatana Dharma,
authentic, unchanging 'eternal religion.' This opposition was organized by
the nineteenth-century precursor of the present day Viswa Hindu Parishad,
the Bharat Dharma Mahamandal, founded in 1887 by Din Dayalu
Sharma. It is worth noting that one of the founding members of this
stronghold of Hindu orthodoxy was Colonel Olcott, the Theosophist'
(van der Veer 200l, p.57).
While Dayananda's disdain for image worship, "the dominant form in

popular Hinduism," did not help to advance his cause, he took on many social
problems as a reformer. He wanted to revive the original four varnas, or classes,
(priests, warriors, traders, and servants) to provide positions for people based on
merit and inclination, rather than on birth. He wanted reforms for women: marriage
by choice, the abolition of child-marriage, equal education for women, and widow-
remarriage. He founded a number of schools, gurukulas, especially in the Punjab, in
which the Aryan culture was taught, including Sanskrit (as India's great sacred
language) and Hindi (which Dayananda wanted to become India's national
language).
Dayananda's primary work concerning the Aryan practices, was Satyartha
Prakash (The Light of Truth), and chapter thirteen was a scathing diatribe against
Christianity. A strong voice against Christianity, he was also a strong political voice,
advocating that Indians return to the ancient Vedic practices in all areas of their
lives. Openly opposed to the Brahminic and British controls over society, his
advocacy for change in the political arena was a large presence for Hindu
nationalism in a public space which was, by now, growing and contemplating how to
proceed toward being its own nation-state.
41
Towards the end of his life, one of Dayananda's last campaigns was for Cow
Protection against Muslim and British meat-eaters, an issue that would greatly
enliven the political debates and enlarge the growing public sphere. Swami
Dayananda died in 1883, and his work was carried on by Swami Shraddhananda.
Other reformers continued to appear. Through a deeply spiritual encounter
with Paramahansa Ramakrishna (1836-1886 - a mystic devoted to the goddess
Kali), Narendranath Datta took the name of Swami Vivekananda (1863-1902). He
became an ascetic, and continued to spread the teachings of his guru, though in
more rational terms. Vivekananda attended the World Parliament of Religions in
Chicago in 1893, where his message of love and caring for all was extremely
popular.
His teachings would equate with the third group of van der Veer's scheme of
how Hindus reacted to Christian evangelism, as he 'argued that Christianity was
simply a lesser form of the universal spirituality found in all religions, but at the
highest level only in Vedantic Hinduism. Christianity had been much corrupted by
materialism, indeed to the extent that it had lost its spiritual value (van der Veer
200l, p.68). Vivekanda's vision of a Neo-Vedanta 'is partly to blame for the
commonly held belief that the East is spiritual while the West is materialistic. He
was convinced of the spiritual superiority of the East, while acknowledging the
material, technological and scientific superiority of the West. This dichotomy has
tended to reinforce the image of India as the West's 'other'....' (Flood 1996, p.258).
Vivekananda founded the Vedanta Society in 1895 in New York, and then
returned the same year to India to found the Ramakrishna Mission. The mission
trained monks to be sent out for the purpose of propagating education, social work
and reform, and caring for the sick. Vivekananda's vision placed great emphasis on
"karma yoga, the yoga of action or good works, and there are colleges, high schools
and hospitals run by the Ramakrishna Mission thoughout India" (Flood 1996, p.258.)
42
During the late nineteenth century, many public organizations interested in

political representation were also born. Two of the most important of these were
the Sarvajanik Sabha and the Indian Association. "The Sarvajanik Sabha was
established in Poona in 1870 with a significant membership.... This criterion meant
that the Sabha had a tangible representative base...by 1871, the Sabha could
confidently claim to represent the view of some 17,000 citizens of Poona. ...the
government kept a close watch on the Sabha and subjected it to mild harrassment
during the 1870s " (Zavos 2000, p.69).
The Indian Association was established in 1876 in Calcutta, with

its purpose being to represent the views of the educated middle class
community and inspire them with a living interest in public affairs.
...organizations similar to the Indian Association were formed at
'Lahore, Meerut, Allahabad, Cawnpore and Lucknow. Thus a network
of organizations was started, and the foundations were well and truly
laid...for united and concerted action among our representative men,
over an area extending from Calcutta to Lahore' (A. Banerjea 1963
p.44 in Zavos 2000, pp.69-70).
In 1885, the Indian National Congress was formed. It is now understood to

have been a process of negotiation, rather than "the work solely of an individual
Englishman (A.O. Hume) hoping to provide a 'safety valve' for volatile political
aspirations" (Zavos 2000, p.69). Two of the most significant organizations to join
what would be the Indian National Congress were the Sarvajanik Sabha and the
Indian Association. "It was these organizations which did much to establish the
Maharashtra-Bengal axis that characterized the Congress in its early phase" (Zavos
2000, p.69)
In Maharashtra, nationalist B.G. Tilak was working during the 1890s. While
he has been criticized as an elitist, John Zavos has written that Tilak's importance
lay in "his exploration of new methods of political representation in the public
space of colonial India...[He] challeged the accepted discursive structure of how a
public organization should operate;' (Zavos 2000, p.72).
43
In both the Ganapati festival in Poona in 1894, where Tilak restructed the
celebration so as to be newly focussed at the local, community level, and in his
attempt to raise money to renovate the Shivaji memorial, Tilak's objective had
been to motivate non-elite members of the community.
'The fund--raising principle is articulated here as a means of

raising levels of consciousness; its significance lies not so much in
achieving of the objective, as in the educative and consciousness-
raising functions of individual commitment. As with the Ganapati
movement, the emphasis was on mobilizing interest and support
for elite-led nationalism in non-elite sectors of the population, and so
reifying the idea of a nationalist constituency.... '(Zavos 2000, p.73).
In 1873, Jotirao Phule established the Satyashodak Samaj (Truth Seeking

Society) 'to promote low caste consciousness and increase awareness of Brahman
oppression...[with] access to education for low castes and to opposed certain
customs and practices associatd with low castes, such as liquor drinking and meat-
eating' (Zavos 2000, p.78).
There were also activists whose principles and methodologies were not so
peaceful, nor so charitable. V.D. Savarka (1883-1966) had vowed to the goddess
Durga when he was 15 that 'he would drive the British out of India. He became
known as 'the Hero' on account of his terrorist activities' (Smith 2003, p.187).
Savarkar published Hindutva: Who Is a Hindu? in 1923, and his concepts of
Hinduism had little to do with religion, but, rather, with a strong concept of
nationhood, which he felt had always existed in India: 'During the course of the last
5,000 years of continuous growth and consolidation, this gigantic Octopus of
Hindudom has clutched and crushed within the formidable grip of its mighty arms a
number of Shakasthans, Hunasthans [kingdoms set up by invaders in India]'.
Addressing himself to Muslims, he continued, 'the Marathas swallowed and gulped
down your very empire entirely and altogether before it knew what was happening'
(Savarkar n.d., n.p. in Smith 2003, p.187).
44
The image of a crushing, devouring, many-armed octopus is quite a strong

image -- a far cry from the western images which had been offered to India of
feminity, of dreaming, or that of a feeble, pliable sponge. Savarkar continued to
propagate his militant brand of nationalism and to travel around India, as President
of the Hindu Mahasabha (All-India Assemby) 'mobilizing opposition to Congress
and Muslim leaders' (Savarkar n.d., n.p. in Smith 2003, p.187).
Later, K.B. Hedgewar, who had originally been influenced by Savarkar's
strong personality and writings, left the Hindu Mahasabha to establish the Rashtriya
Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS, National Volunteer Corps) in 1925. The RSS groups
wore military uniforms, and were dedicated to Hanuman (the athletic monkey-god
devoted to Rama). Nathuram Godse had been an activist with the RSS; however, he
left that organization to join up with Hindu Mahasabha. Godse founded a
newspaper for the Hindu Mahasabha, entitled Agrani, and originally Godse and his
colleagues were pro-Gandhi. Eventually, however, they felt Gandhi had catered to
Muslim and other minorities, and that due to his insistence on Hindu-Muslim
cooperation, Gandi had also helped to cause the unspeakable violence on both sides
of the Pakistan-India partition. Nathuram Godse assassinated Mohandas Gandhi on
January 30, 1948.
So, the climate in India to which Gandhi returned in 1915 was one of a
ripening national dialogue wherein the definitions, prescriptions, and constrictions
of Hinduism were being argued and, and concommitantly, being formed. A public
space had opened up in which nationalistic discussions were taking place. Annie
Besant had come to India in 1893, regarding herself as Hindu, and by the 'second
decade of the twentieth century Besant had fully entered India nationalist politics'
(van der Veer 2001, p.77), actually becoming President of the Indian National
Congress in 1917.
45
However, while Gandhi was "out-of-country," he had not failed to consider

most deeply how his experiences in South Africa could aid India in becoming free
of British rule, and to establish svaraj -- India's own home rule.
'One of the most clear-sighted and pure formulations of the

idea [of svaraj or self-rule] was penned by Gandhi during the later
phase of his South African period. Titled Hind Swaraj - translated as
Indian Home Rule the booklet was written on board an ocean liner
that carried him back from London to South Africa in November of
1909.
...At the time his booklet was published, there was already an
ongoing home rule movement on the subcontinent, sponsored in part
by the Indian National Congress.....(Dallmayr 2006, p.105)
Annie Besant, Bal Gangadhar Tilak, and Mohammad Ali Jinnah were all
simultaneously, from 1916 to 1918, creating Home Rule Leagues, which were
campaigning across India, and advocating for national Indian self-government.
GANDHI'S RETURN TO INDIA AND HIS VIEW OF SVARAJ

Gandhi returned to India in 1915, and established his first Indian ashram,
naming it Satyagraha [clinging to the Truth]. While in South Africa, he had been
corresponding with G.K. Gokhale, a moderate member of the Congress, and when
Gandhi arrived in India, Gokale 'advised him to spend his first year with 'ears open
and his mouth shut.' Gandhi travelled a great deal but did not always heed
Gokhale's advice (Jack 1956, p.128). With the protest activities of South Africa
behind him, he was not one to remain uninvolved. The ashram became involved in
weaving, carpentry, sanitation construction, agriculture, dairy, and cattle raising. He
began speaking out against untouchability, about Cow Protection, and aware that
the peasantry was the key to change, based on experience in South Africa, he
started political mobilizations, e.g., with the peasants in Kheda (Zavos 2000, p.129).
The ashram became leaders for social change, women's and widow's rights,
vegetarianism, and non-violence resistance.
46
Like other individuals and political organizations, Gandhi began speaking

out about national independence, or home-rule. Gandhi's ideas were, however,
different from the other approaches being taken. Obviously, his campaigns were
built on the two well-known principles of satya (Truth) and ahimsa (non-violence).
Furthermore, his over-all strategy was known as satyagraha [satya = Truth; agraha
= grasping; clinging], which was by no means a passive type of resistance, but one
in which one was prepared to suffer one's self as oposed to cause harm or violence
to another.
Gandhi's concept was, literally, one of an involvement of the self (sva) -- a
more personal interpretation of swaraj [sva meaning the personal self and raj
meaning rule] (Parel 2000, p.1). Many people and parties used the term swaraj, but
for Gandhi it was a complex concept. He used the term in several different ways,
and Anthony J. Parel has outlined four distinct ways in which Gandhi utilized the
term swaraj : 1) national independence, 'by which he means collective freedom
from alien rule. The enjoyment of sovereign independence is a basic need' (Parel
2000, p.4); 2) political freedom of the individual, which for Gandhi meant both the
assurance of "rights" plus the complement of "duty", or dharma;
'The modern Western theory of human nature on which rights are

based presupposes that humans are basically bodily creatures, led by their
imagination, appetites, aversions, and instrumental reason. They are not
by nature social beings. They are radical individualists, distrustful of one
another. Rights are the means by which they can protect their individual
interests from the interference of others. ...
Gandhi's defense of freedoms and rights is based on his view of

human nature, which he borrows from Indian sources. Humans are
body-soul composites. They are by nature social beings. ...As for
epistemology, Gandhi assumes that humans live by truths established
by empiricism, reason, and spiritual insights. Here he relies on the
epistemology and the anthropology underlying the Bhagavad Gita'
(Parel 2000, p.9).
47
Therefore, for Gandhi, duty came before rights -- for a simple demanding of rights,
without an accompanying sense of duty, would lead to political anarchy;
3) economic freedom for the individual, by which 'Gandhi meant freedom from
poverty,' meaning 'the availability of the necessities of life (decent food, clothing,
and dwelling), the ability to enjoy the fruit's of one's toils, and the opportunity for
growth as an individual' (Ibid., 12). Opposed to the abuse and destruction that
machinery and the Industrial Revolution could cause to the human soul, Gandhi
proposed the use of the spinning wheel. This was, indeed, a machine, but one which
the human being could be in contol of, rather than vice versa. It was simple, and
available to the poorest of the poor in order to be trained and to make a living. 'Its
practical economic uses...did not extend beyond the 1920s and 1930s' (Parel 2000,
p.15), but as a symbol of self-reliance and self-ingenuity, the spinning wheel
remains a powerful symbol even today; 4) self-rule, by which Gandhi meant 'the
process of removing the internal obstacles to freedom. When achieved it is nothing
more than spiritual freedom' (Parel 2000, p.15). Gandhi felt there could be no
national liberty without internal self-rule and his ideas came from the ancient
Hindu scriptures, especially from Bhagavad Gita II:54-72, which described "the
person of steady wisdom" the sthitha-prajna.
He also formed a set of vows based on Patanjali's Yogasutra II:30 [the
yamas]: ahimsa, satya, asteya, brahmacarya, and aparigraha (non-violence, truth,
non-stealing, chastity, and non-possessiveness). To these five ancient vows, he
added six modern virtues: swadeshi (concern for what pertains to one's own
country), removal of untouchability, bodily labor, control of the palate, fearlessness,
and respect for all religions (Parel 2000, p.16). Without the practice of self-
knowledge built upon a deeper consciousness, Gandhi felt national freedom was
futile. Gandhi was determined to achieve self-rule himself, and for this purpose he
participated in sung-prayers twice a day.
48
So, as Parel has said, Gandhi's concept of swaraj, unlike others around him,
who interpreted it simply as national freedom from Britain, was a complex one.
'[H]e drew from both Indian and Western sources. From the Indian
sources he derived the all-important notion of self-rule. Almost all of the
classical systems of Indian philosophy -- the Vedanta and the Yoga
systems, for example -- deal with the ways and means of attaining
self-fule, known also as self-realization, or moksha. No matter how
strongly committed he was to political and economic freedoms, he
never lost sight of the fact that humans, by their destiny, also have
the duty to strive for self-rule. ...
Western sources supplied Gandhi with the starting points of his

notions of independence and political and economic freedoms. ...His
training in London as a lawyer and his later readings and activities
both in South Africa and India made him a staunch advocate of
national as well as individual freedoms' (Parel 2000, pp.1-2).
For, Gandhi, however, they were all of one piece. External swaraj for the
nation was nothing without the internal swaraj of the individual.
Gandhi also spoke of svaraj often in terms of Ramrajya, as his idealized
vision for India.
'To understand this, one must recognize that Ramrajya to [Gandhi]

did not signify a Hindu state at all. He saw in Lord Rama a votary of truth
and justice. During Rama's legendary reign there was equality for all,
there were no rich and no poor, no one with power and no one helpless.
This is nothing Hindu about this concept. ...[Gandhi] used the term
Ramrajya because it was one that a vast majority of the Indian
population, including Muslims and Christians, understood and appreciated'
(Arun Gandhi, Gandhi's grandson, in Gandhi 2000, p. 11).
So, while Gandhi, at this time, agreed with the summation that the West was
soaked in materialism, and that the East was a spiritual lighthouse for the world
('...the forces born of spirituality, the bedrock of Indian civilization, were more than
a match for material forces.... They should draw their strength from the soul, from
49
God. If they adhered to that path, swarajya [self-rule] which they were aspiring to
and working for would be their handmaid' (23-12-1916,
CW-e, 15, #209, p.281), he held a strong conviction that it was his duty to
instruct and reform the Indian people along those spiritual lines. His approach, as
will be shown herein, was quite different from many other reformers around him.
'The Arya Samaj movement lost its momentum after Gandhi arrived on the
political scene, and many erstwhile Arya Samajists embraced the Gandhian
movement' (Hardiman 2007). (See also Shri Karunamayee's comments herein,
p.352, for a parallel report concerning her own family.)
Gandhi began recruiting people for his Satyagraha Ashram, wherein he
would train them in the principles of swaraj. Most importantly, one of the first
things he did at the ashram was to establish twice-daily prayer meetings, using the
sung-prayers that are now found in the Ashram Bhajanavali as educational and
training devices.
This consideration of the Ashram Bhajanavali can not be "all things" to "all
fields." It is an attempt to place the Ashram Bhajanavali in in its original context
within Gandhi's satyagraha movement, to examine its development, and to
elucidate its contents and usage. Chapter Two will consist of an historical overview
of the Ashram Bhajanavali, along with a descriptive summary of the sung-prayer
materials found within it. (An analysis of ritual practices presented in Chapters
Three through Five will also provide additional information regarding historical
context and development.)
Chapters Three, Four, and Five will examine in more detail how the Ashram
Bhajanavali was used in ritual contexts, and how these sung-prayers supported
Gandhi's vision of swaraj and the nation's work for social change. Chapter Three
will discuss the use of these sung-prayers in ritual prayer meetings that occurred
twice daily. Chapter Four will look at additional ways in which these songs were
used by Gandhi and the satyagraha community to achieve their purposes, as the
50
movement grew into a national initiative. Chapter Five will consider how it is that
sung-prayer, being specifically sung and chanted (rather than read or spoken), had
a significant appeal and power for the nation of India and the satyagraha
communities. By placing this collection in its historical, social, and ritual contexts,
the extent to which these sung-prayers affected and shaped Gandhi's teaching of
swaraj in India will become clear.
C hapter Six will consider the life and work of one spiritual musician, Shri
Karunamayee Abrol, who teaches the Ashram Bhajanavali, its melodies, its history,
and its significance for satyagraha. Shri Karunamayee's family were freedom
fighters, and, as a child, she sang for Mahatma Gandhi, receiving his blessing. Shri
Karunamayee represents a living tradition, inspired by childhood experiences and
her respect for Gandhi as a sant. Her recollections of family stories told from the
days of India's freedom-fighting era, her direct connection to Gandhi, along with
her presence at satyagraha events and the evening prayer meetings in Delhi, have
resulted in a deep devotion to the songs of the Ashram Bhajanavali. The chanting of
these sung-prayers has been her own daily devotional ritual for decades, and she
teaches this literature from both a grounded musical knowledge and Æ⁄¿‰ò™
historical experience. The melodies she uses are those she heard as a child at the
evening prayer meetings. She is a link to Gandhi, a "tradition-bearer" for the
Ashram Bhajanavali and satyagraha.
Chapter Seven will consider the post-Colonial situation of India today, along
with some reflections concerning Gandi's possible on-going contributions to the
current situation, with a final summary of our thesis.
51
CHAPTER TWO. THE ASHRAM BHAJANAVALI:

HISTORICAL OVERVIEW AND DESCRIPTION OF CONTENTS
This chapter consists of an historical overview of Gandhi's satyagraha

movement along with a descriptive summary of the sung-prayer materials found
within the Ashram Bhajanavali. (An analysis of ritual practice presented in
Chapters Three through Five will also provide additional information regarding
historical context and development.) This collection of chanted prayers used by the
Indian satyagraha community, was and is sometimes referred to, in an
unintentionally misinforming manner, as a hymnal or a hymn-book. However, the
collection was and is much more than what the term "hymnal" might imply to many,
both in the scope of its contents and in its importance as another tool with which to
understand the developments of Gandhi's satyagraha community. The materials
found in the 1947 edition of the Ashram Bhajanavali reflect a practice that
developed over almost forty years, reaching from the beginning of Gandhi's human
rights campaigns to the end of his career.
The Ashram Bhajanavali materials, which consist of over 240 pages,
represent what was an active and evolving religious practice. They cover time
periods that span the earliest satyagraha campaigns in South Africa and continue
into India after 1915, during the Indian satyagraha movement. They reach through
the period of Gandhi's having been asked by his devotee Mirabehn to translate the
then-sung repertoire into English (while he was in Yeravda Prison in 1930), and
into the later decades of Gandhi's career during the mid-1930s and 1940s when
international visitors and new ashramites from around the globe became the
inspiration for the contribution of chants from various religious traditions.
These developments, examined within the context of their own growth, need
to be at least cursorily described and outlined historically for the reader, as such an
examination has not been completed in detail elsewhere (to my knowledge). The
52
Ashram Bhajanavali may have been viewed by some as useless, periferal music to
be nonchalantly written off as ephemeral and unimportant, or patently dismissed as
too generic or too "whichever" one might want to use to dismiss music and chant as
an important resource for understanding the religious depths of a movement as
profound as Gandhi's satyagraha movement. However, this material is both literally
and substantially more than simple hymns (or bhajans). A review of the
developments of these sung-prayers provides a deeper understanding of Gandhi's
religious life and mission as directed by those sung-prayer meetings, as well as a
glimpse into the Satyagraha Ashram life and the ritual rhythms that supported the
purpose and strength of that community.
OVERVIEW OF HISTO R ICA L D EVELOPMEN T

South Africa: 1893 to 1914
The Satyagraha movement was initiated in South Africa as Gandhi and
fellow Indians (both Hindu and Muslim) struggled against the South African
government in a bid for their human rights. The mode of "attack" was originally
referred to with the English words "passive resistance," but was then modified to
an Indian term satyagraha, which was meant to connote an active force. 'Truth
(satya) implies love and firmess (agraha) engenders and therefore serves as a
synonym for force (Jack, p.65).
While in South Africa, Gandhi established Phoenix Farm (Durban) in 1904,
and Tolstoy Farm (Johannesburg) in 1910, experiments in religious and communal
living which would provide the foundation for a more organized program of
satyagraha later on in India. Gandhi wrote of these earlier Farms that
'congregational prayer in the evening played a large part in our lives' (Gandhi
1998, p.29). The 'congregational prayer' that he mentions would have been chanted
prayer, the singing of hymns or bhajans. When recalling Tolstoy Farm specifically,
he wrote:
53
'After the evening meal we had prayers at seven or half past seven.
At prayers we sang bhajans and sometimes had readings from the
Ramayana or books on Islam. The bhajans were in English, Hindi and
Gujarati. Sometimes we had one bhajan from each of the three
languages, and sometimes only one. Everyone retired at 9 o'clock'
(CW-e, 34, p.203).
A memoire of Prabhudas Gandhi's [the nephew of Maganlal Gandhi and

son of Chhaganlal Gandhi, Gandhi's cousin] describes what took place at the
Phoenix Settlement:
'In 1906, that is two years after the settlement was founded,
less than half the boys in the Phoenix School were Hindus. Before the
evening meal Gandhi would recite a verse from the Gita and explain the
meaning in Gujarati. Prabhudas' mother, Kashibehn, had a good
voice and would sing bhajans. Gandhi was always partial to such
music,.... There is also mention of an 'organ,' probably a harmonium.
The format of scripture reading, short commentary on a text, and
bhajans seems to have become the 'order of service' from these early
days onwards' (Chatterjee 2005, p.126).
In 1908, Gandhi was arrested and jailed for being an Indian in South Africa
who had not registered with the government as part of the "Black Act." In an
attempt to compromise with the government, Gandhi volunteered to be the first
Indian to register voluntarily, in return for the government's repeal of the Black
Act. Following his release from jail, while on his way to the Registration Office, he
received the first attempt on his life from a business colleague, a Muslim Indian,
who attacked him physically. This was the famous occasion upon which Gandhi
often remarked concerning his use of music as a mendicant: 'I am so fond of music
that once, while I was in [S. Africa] and ailing from a bruise on my upper lip, I felt
greatly soothed as the daughter of a friend of mine sang the song, 'Lead, Kindly
Light' at my request' (CW-e, 27, #5, Feb. 2, 1924, p.4.)
54
During the civil rights marches, it was also common for informal bhajan (or
hymn) singing to occur. As the satyagraha movement grew and 'challenged the
powerful government of the Transvaal, [their] only weapon was a faith in the
righteousness of their own cause and in God' (Jack, p.79), as they challenged the
government by crossing the Transvaal border into Natal without permits. Gandhi
wrote this of the third satyagraha campaign, or Great March of 1913, illustrating the
extent to which religious conviction underpinned the thousands of pilgrims' action:
'The next day (6th Nov. 1913) at the appointed stroke of the hour
(6:30 [AM]) we offered [sung-]prayers and commenced the march in
the name of God" (GR, 88). He also wrote that, having crossed into the
Transvaal, the pilgrims marched peacefully until 5:00 in the evening,
at which time, they spread themselves in the open air. Some were talking
while others were singing bhajans '(Jack, p.90).
As a result of this march, Gandhi was arrested three times in four days, and
was then sentenced to nine months in prison. He remained in jail until December
18, when, under pressure from England, he was released and negotiations were
initiated between the Indians and the South African government. The Indian
Relief Act was passed in South Africa in July of 1914, and Gandhi returned home to
India that same month.
India: 1915 to 1930

As we saw in Chapter One, Gandhi was not the only reformer in India in the
early twentieth century. 'The entry of M.K. Gandhi into Indian politics towards the
end of the second decade of the twentieth century must be seen in the context of the
developing radical trend in elite-led nationalism over the previous twenty-five
years' (Zavos 2000, p.128).
Gandhi's first ashram [retreat; hermitage] in India took the name Satyagraha
Ashram and was instituted in 1915 with 25 people
55
'[i]n a rented bungalow at Kochrab, a small village near Ahmedabad,

in his Gujarati-speaking section of India. Because of an outbreak of plague,
this ashram was removed to Sabarmati, across the river of that name from
Ahmedabad' (Jack, p.136).
In his article "Satyagraha Ashram" (printed in Young India in 1928), Gandhi

looked back on 13 years of practice to describe Satyagraha 's purpose as a
'prayerful and scientific experiment' [emphasis added] (Gandhi 1998, p.15).
Sung-prayer, as a regular event of the community was instituted by Gandhi in the
very beginning of the ashram. He wrote: "If insistence on truth constitutes the root
of the Ashram, [sung]-prayer is the principal feeder of that root" (AO, 36). It was
established that the ashram community would participate daily in sung-prayer
about 4.15 or 4.20 AM every morning, and sung-prayer at 7.00 PM every evening.
In his "History of the Satyagraha Ashram," Gandhi described the practice of
the morning sung-prayers: 'At the morning prayer we first recite the shlokas
(Sanskrit verses) printed in Ashram Bhajanavali (hymnal), and then sing one
bhajan (hymn) followed by Ramdhun (repetition of Ramanama [the name of
Rama]) and Gitapath (recitation of the Bhagavad Gita)'(Gandhi, 1998, p.38). This
was a short liturgy of sung-prayers to be chanted every morning, and which lasted,
at that time, about half an hour. He made no mention of a sermon.
Morning
1. Shlokas
2. Bhajan
3. Ramdhun
4. Gi™a¥atha
In his Ashram Observances (1998) Gandhi has described twice the evening
sung-prayer meetings and those sung-prayers that were chanted at the evening
meetings. Initially, he stated 'In the evening we have recitation of the last 19 verses
of the second chapter of the Gita, one bhajan and Ramdhun and then read some
portion of a sacred book' (Gandhi 1998, p.38); he then offered further elaboration:
56
'At the evening prayer we recite the last 19 verses of the second
chapter of the Gita as well as sing a hymn and repeat Ramanama. These
verses describe the characteristics of the sthitaprajna (the man of stable
understanding), which a satyagrahi too must acquire, and are recited
in order that he may constantly bear them in mind' (Gandhi 1998, p. 40).
This was also a short liturgy to be chanted every evening, also lasting for about half
an hour. Again, no mention was made of a sermon.
Evening
1. Sthitaprajna-lakshana (Bhagavad Gita II: 54-72)
2. Bhajan
3. Ramdhun
4. Reading: "some spiritual book"
Ea rly A shram Practices and Sung-Prayers

'The chief activity in the Ashram at this time [1915] was teaching Sanskrit,
Hindi and Tamil to the old as well as the young, who also received some general
education' (Gandhi 1998, p.30). Gandhi felt it crucial for the community to learn as
many Indian languages as possible (so as not to be always forced to speak English
during gatherings), including the ancient language of Sanskrit, which would give
the community access to the spiritual foundations of Indian scripture.
'The time for morning worship was as a matter of experiment

fixed at 4, 5, 6, and 7 a.m., one after another. But on account of my
persistently strong attitude on the subject, it has been fixed at last at
4.20 a.m. With the first bell at 4 everyone rises from bed and after a
wash reaches the prayer ground about 4.20' (Gandhi 1998, p.37).
Attendance at daily sung-prayers was expected and was mentioned under the
category of "Worship":
'The social (as distinguished from the individual) activities of the

Ashram commence every day with the congregational morning worship
at 4.15 to 4.45 and close with the evening prayer at 7 to 7.30. All
inmates are expected to attend the worship. This worship has been
57
conceived as an aid to self purification and dedication of one's all to

God' (Gandhi 1998, p.18).
An excerpt from that article outlines the daily rhythms of the ashram:
'DAILY ROUTINE
a.m. 4 Rising from bed
" 4-15 to 4-45 Mo rning p rayer
" 5-00 to 6-10 Bath, exercise, study
" 6-10- to 6-30 Breakfast
" 6-30 to 7 Women's prayer class
" 7 to 10-30 Body labour, education and sanitation
" 10-45 to 11-15 Dinner
" 11-15 to 12 Rest
" 12 to 4-30 p.m. Body labour, including classes
p.m. 4-30 to 5-30 Recreation
" 5-30 to 6-00 Supper
" 6 to 7 Recreation
" 7 to 7-30 Common Worship
" 7-30 to 9 Recreation
" 9 Retiring bell' (emphasis added) (Gandhi 1998, p. 27).
Dattatreya Balkri shna Kalelkar

The shlokas, or Sanskrit verses, were chosen by Dattatreya Balkrishna
Kalelkar "(born. 1885), [and] popularly known as Kakasaheb, a co-worker of
Gandhiji since 1915" (CW-e, 55, #548, Note 3, p.477). Before 1915, Shri Kaka
Kalelkar had been at Shantiniketan, Tagore's ashram in Calcutta.
Tagore gave permission for Kalelkar to leave Shantiniketan and to live with
Gandhi. 'Kaka taught the children how to recite the [Sanskrit] verses repeated in
prayer. Some of these verses were omitted in the Ashram prayer in order to save
time. Such is the history of the verses recited at the morning prayer all these days '
(Gandhi 1998, p.38) (emphasis added).
Kalelkar's addition of shlokas from the scriptures added an element of
traditional, historical Hinduism to the singing of the bhajans, thereby expanding the
58
small ritual into a new form. "Indeed singing hymns was the only item of the
prayers in South Africa. The shlokas were added in India" (Gandhi 1998, p.39).
Narayan Mo re shwar Khare

It was eventually decided that a professional singing teacher was needed to
teach music at the ashram, and
'One such was found in Narayan Moreshwar Khare, a pupil of

Pandit Vishnu Digambar [the great music reformer], whom the master
kindly sent to the Ashram. Pandit Khare gave us full satisfaction and is
now a full member of the Ashram. He made hymn-singing interesting,
and the Ashram Bhajanavali (hymnal) which is now read by thousands
was in the main compiled by him. He introduced Ramdhun, the third
item of our prayers (Gandhi, p.40).
The Gita
The fourth item of sung-prayer mentioned by Gandhi were the verses recited
from the Bhagavad Gita, which had furnished the ashram with guidlines for living
since its inception:
'It has provided us with a test with which to determine the

correctness or otherwise of ideas and courses of conduct in question.
Therefore we wished that all Ashramites should understand the
meaning of the Gita and if possible commit it to memory. If this last
was not possible, we wished that they should at least read the original
Sanskrit with correct pronunciation. With this end in view we began to
recite part of the Gita every day. We would recite a few verses every
day and continue the recitation until we had learnt them by heart'
(Gandhi 1998, p. 40).
From there, every morning, the Ashram went on to practice a regular,

continuous cycle of successively chanting all the books of the Gita, first in two-week
cycles and then in weekly cycles (with several chapters being chanted per day).
However, very evening, they always chanted only the verses from Gita Chapter II,
54-72.
59
'Hindus being in an overwhelming majority in the Ashram, the verses must be

selected from the sacred books of the Hindus...[but] there were occasions on which
Imam Saheb [Khare] recited verses from the Koran. Muslim and Christian hymns
are often sung' (Gandhi 1998, p.38).
As can be discovered from a perusal of the Collected Works, Gandhi made
many written references to those hymns or bhajans that moved him, and to those
religious writings that he felt to be foundational to his work. The religious writings
mentioned in his memoires were myriad; they spanned decades, and reflected
Gandhi's personal and evolving spiritual quest, as well as his expansive search for
knowledge. Yet, out of all the Gita verses Gandhi could have chosen, as witnessed
in the above statement concerning the importance for satyagraha for the
sthitaprajna, it is clear that Gandhi included in the ashram's daily sung-prayers
those verses concerning self-control, or individual svaraj, that he deemed to be
quintessentially important enough to be repeated daily, studied, and personally
absorbed by those in the satyagraha movement.
Those religious sung-prayers and shƒËéas that Shri Kaka Kalelkar chose for
the Bhajanavali would have been those that Gandhi felt to be most foundational,
instructive, and supportive to the purposes of the ashram. Likewise, those bhajans,
while being compiled by Narayan Moreshwar Khare, would have been those that
Gandhi approved of as being reflective of the values of the satyagraha movement.
Some of the words in the bhajans that had been chosen were actually changed on
occasion, so as to reflect more correctly the community's values. (See Shri
Karunamayee comments herein, pp.364-65).
By combining several collections of sung-prayers within the Ashram
Bhajanavali, both Sanskrit shlËéa– and prakrit ∫ajans, Gandhi demonstrated his
equally-deep admiration for both the sung-prayers found in religious scriptures and
the sung-prayers found in the villages of the common people. From the early days
of the ashram he wrote the following, while travelling through the villages:
60
'Last evening, two bhajan parties came to see me. Their musical
instruments must be worth some 5 or 10 rupees. These included drums,
cymbals, kartals, and one single-stringed tamboor. With these, they
produced music which was all sweetness. ... I said to one of
them: "Friend, you are enjoying yourselves thoroughly." He replied:
"Well, what else should we do? We prefer to pass our time in bhajans
and kirtans rather than just gossip' (CW-e,17, #140, pp.160-61, July
29, 1918)
The choosing of materials that represented a diversity of traditions from the

Sanskrit shƒËéa– Ëf 'the educated classes' to the bhajans of the village peoples, and
their setting, juxtaposed within very simple daily recitations, or liturgies, reflected
Gandhi's beliefs of human equality, simple worship, and practice put into action that
guided the ashraº ⁄≤ ⁄™– mission and desired behaviors.
'Ever since the Ashram was founded, not a single day has passed to my
knowledge without this worship' (Gandhi 1998, p.36) of sung-prayers. An
observation concerning Satyagraha Ashram's early practices of sung-prayer from
that early time was made by an ashramite, Rajendra Prasad: 'We did not have
congregational prayers then as we used to have later, wherever we happened to be
with Mahatmaji' (Jack, p.153). Rajendra Prasad's comment provides significant
insight into the fact that the regular chanting of [sung]-prayers initiated at
Satyagraha Ashram continued to grow, gaining an increased importance, and,
subsequently, became an established, sustaining structure of the community.
Not only were additional items added to the prayers, but, the popularity of
the sung-prayers grew as the Satyagraha movement grew to be the foundation of a
national initiative. The prayer-songs provided the regular, rhythmic impetus of
daily chanting, prayer, and meditation that served as a sort of sonic energy, fueling
the inner flames of resource and inspiration that propelled the expanding svaraj
movement forward. Gandhi wrote: 'Ashram rules were observed at first with some
laxity, but the observance has become stricter from day to day' (Gandhi 1998, p.31).
61
Gandhi was in his early forties as he established that first Indian ashram and
became involved in his many non-co-operation, or satyagraha, projects.
In 1917, a year when the ashram was moved to a new location near the Sabarmati
River, Gandhi became involved with a satyagraha campaign in favor of releasing
peasants who worked in the indigo fields of Champaran from paying taxes to the
British on their own product. A year later, he successfully negotiated a settlement
between the mill-workers and mill-owners of Ahmedabad, by a three-day fast.
Under the pressure of what was his first fast in Indian, the mill-owners gave into a
settlement. In the same year, Gandhi led a successful satyagraha campaign for the
peasants in Kheda. Gandhi realized in 1919, however, that India was not as ready
for non-violent confrontation as he had hoped, as a hartal (boycott) which he had
called for against oppressive measures contained in the British Rowlatt Act, broke
out in violence, with a school teacher in Amritsar being killed. This resulted in the
British retaliation of rounding up and ambushing thousands of Indians in an
enclosed area called Jallianwalla Bagh. With only one way out of the enclosure,
four hundred Indians were massacred and twelve hundred were injured. '[T]he
Jallianwalla Bagh massacre, though it was exceptional in the history of the British
raj, became a byword for British brutality' (Mehta 1976, p.141). This was a defining
moment for Gandhi, as he understood just how difficult satyagraha 's task would be.
Yet he blamed himself for having "miscalculated the forces of evil in Indian
society, and...had summoned his people to satyagraha before they were ready for
it" (Mehta 1976, p.141).
Among the many campaigns of the 1920s, was the boycotting of British yard
goods. In 1921, Gandhi initiated the opening of the first store to sell homespun
cotton cloth (khadi), as well as coordinated the first burning of British and foreign
cloth in Bombay. It was during this time that he gave up British attire altogether, to
don only a cotton dhoti (loincloth) from then on.
62
In 1922, he was arrested on charges of sedition, and sentenced to six years in

Yeravda Jail. From there, in 1923, he wrote some of his autobiography and
Satyagraha in South Africa.
After an attack of appendicitis, he was released early from jail in 1924, the
year of his 21-day "Great Fast," which was meant to quell fighting and act as
penance for Muslim-Hindu violence which was occurring. 1925 was noteworthy, as
he fasted not for a political or social cause, but due to transgressions committed by
his own ashramites. As their leader, he felt it was from his short-comings that their
transgressions had occurred. This was, thus, another one of his fasts meant as an act
of expiation for others' actions, meant to demonstrate the true meaning of svaraj. At
the end of the decade, in 1929, he was again arrested for burning foreign cloth in
Calcutta. The decade had been filled with satyagraha campaigns, travelling,
negotiations, imprisonments, violence, and fasting. However, as Gandhi wrote,
there was a history attached to almost every shloka and every selected bhajan
(CW-e. 81, #742, p.487). As "experiments" came and went, the sung-prayers were
the bedrock of the satyagraha community.
1930
1930 brought what would be Gandhi's next most dangerous satyagraha
campaign, following the khadi programs, the Salt March to Dandi.
The 1930 Salt Ma rch
Gandhi was sixty one, when he focussed on the unfairness of the salt tax,
which had been fixed by the British on the Indian people. Salt was free -- it came
from the sea. But only the British had been allowed to refine it, and then sell it back
to India. On March 12, 1930, Gandhi and 79 colleagues marched from the
Sabarmati Ashram to Dandi on the western sea coast, a distance of roughly two
hundred miles. The planned civil disobedience, an intentional breaking of the law,
was to entail Gandhi's picking up "illegal" salt from the shoreline. The famous 24-
63
day march was initiated with the chanting of the 'hymn' "Vaishnava jana" (Jack
1956, p.246) found in the Ashram Bhajanavali (A.Bhaj. 1947, #102, p.156) .
On route to Dandi, the march was followed closely by national
correspondents, as well as by journalists from the international community. Gandhi
gave several speeches along the way, continuing to instruct the marchers in the
basic tenets of non-violence: 'I repeat that ours is a sacred pilgrimage, and self-
examination and self-purification are essentials which we cannot do without' (CW-
e, 48, #482, p.450). For Gandhi, self-examination and self-purification came
through the avenue of sung-prayer.
Gandhi also continued the twice-daily sung-prayers during the march; he
spoke of the love for an enemy which had been described in one of the bhajans:
'You have just heard Panditji [Khare] sing that the path of love
is like a flame. A satyagrahi's path is the path of love, not one of enmity.
It should be the ambition of a satyagrahi to win over even the most hard-
hearted of enemies through love.
How can one demonstrate that there is nothing but love
underlying civil disobedience? Pritam the singer must have had a direct
experience of this, as a result of which this bhajan poured forth from
his heart ["Harino ma¿ga" - "The Godward way is for the brave not for
the cowardly" (Ç.Bhaj. 1947, #117, p.170).
...This band of satyagrahis which has set out is not staging a play; its
effect will not be merely temporary; even through death, it will prove
true to its pledge -- if death becomes necessary.
Not only should there be no anger within one's heart at the time
of death, but on the contrary, one should feel and pray: "May good
befall him who kills me!" (a quote from another hymn).When anyone
meets death in such a manner, I would call it a satyagrahi 's death and
only in such a death would the dying person be considered to have been
true to his pledge' (CW-e, 48, #481, pp.446-47). (emphasis added)
The group arrived at Dandi on April 5th, where Gandi announced: 'God
willing, I expect with my companions to commence actual Civil Disobedience...
tomorrow morning. April 6th has been to us since the ...Jallianwala massacre a time
64
of sacramental remembrance. We therefore commence it with [sung]-prayer and

fasting' (Jack 1956, p.239).
The next morning was begun with sung-prayers.
'Soon after [sung-]prayers, Mr. Gandhi with his volunteers

proceeded exactly at 6 in the morning for a bath in the sea. A large
crowd accompanied the party. Gandhi was walking at a slow pace in
grave solemnity and entered the water of the sea amidst loud cries of
'Mahatma Gandhi-ki-jai' '(Jack 1956, p.239).
As they walked back from their bath, Gandhiji bent down, breaking the law,
and picked up the salt that lay there on the open shore. In one significant gesture,
Gandhiji raised up a handful of salt, and the whole world knew what it meant.
Gandhi was not arrested on that day; he returned to an encampment near the sea.
But, it was as if a dam had been broken -- thousands of people throughout the
country started to refine their own salt. As a result, thousands were then arrested,
beaten, and jailed, all across the country.
Twenty-five hundred volunteers marched in one non-violent protest, as
Webb Miller, a correspondent for the United Press wrote:
'the Gandhi men halted 100 yards from the British.... A column
of men advanced from the crowd ... and approached the barbed-wire
stockade...At a word of command, scores of native police rushed upon
the marchers and rained blows upon their heads using [5-foot clubs
with steel tips]. Not one of the marchers even raised an arm to fend
off the blows. They went down like ten-pins. From where I stood, I
heard the sickening whacks of the clubs on unprotected skulls....
Then another column formed, while their leaders pleaded with
them to retain their self-control. They marched slowly towards the
police, everyone knowing that within a few minutes he would be beaten,
perhaps killed....
Group after group walked forward, or sat down, whereupon they
were beaten or kicked senseless. By 11:00 AM, when the temperature
hit 116 degrees and the march was called off, 320 were badly injured, 2
(with no medical help) had died' (Jack 1956, 248-53).
65
After many other non-cooperation leaders -- including Nehru and the mayor
of Calcutta -- had been arrested for encouraging the "illegal" manufacture of salt
by the Indian people, Gandhi himself was arrested in the middle of the night on
May 5th, 1930. A newspaper of the time, reported:
'Near the cottage of reeds is a plain cot out in the open, under the
blue canopy of the Indian sky. Not far from the cot on one side there is a
young man sleeping on the ground; on the other side of the cot is a
young Indian lady (stopping over for the day) sleeping on the ground.
Farther away both to the right and to the left are mango trees under
which are sleeping groups of young men. Still farther away in the
background is a modest school building in front of which about forty
men, young and old, are sleeping. It is 12:45 A.M' (Jack 1956, p.244).
Two English police officers with guns and more than thirty Indian police officers
with rifles entered the encampment by surprise and awakened Gandhi on his cot.
Gandhi asked for permission to brush his teeth before being arrested, and he was
given permission to do so. During the time of Gandhi's brushing his teeth, a bell was
rung and the entire encampment awoke, surrounding the arresting officers. An
article reads:
'Mahatma Gandhi (surrounded by his loyal band of Satyagrahists,

i.e., Civil Resisters) [pronounced]: 'Punditji, please recite the hymn
describing the qualities of a Vaishnava. ...
The Mahatma stands up, his eyes closed, his head bent in mute
reverence, while Pundit Khare recites the hymn. At the end of the hymn
Punditji leads the congregational worship in which all, including the thirty
odd Indian policemen, participate. The two English officers are standing
stiffly, watch in hand, during the singing of the Vaishnava hymn.
Pundit Khare (seated on the ground, mono-string musical
instrument in hand): 'Oh Rama! Lord of the Dynasty of Raghus!
Thou, an ideal king, an ideal husband of the ideal wife Sita, Thou art
verily the Redeemer of the fallen and the sinful!' ["Ragupati Raghava,"
Ashram Bhajanavali, 234].
The congregation repeats this verse each time after Punditji
sings it. The joyous chanting purifies the countryside -- white clouds
are seen hovering overhead' (Jack 1956, p.246).
66
At 1:10 p.m., Gandhi was taken into custody and transported to jail, having
been described as being "tranquility-incarnate" (Jack 1956, p.247). Between the
time of the officers' arrival and the time of Gandhi's leaving (a space of just under
half-an-hour) the entire community had gathered and had participated in a
chronos-stopping community ritual, with sung-prayers from the Ashram
Bhajanavali. They had provided Gandhi (and themselves) with the energy and
inspiration that the secure regularity of the Bhajanavali's twice-daily sung-prayers
had always provided them. Most significantly, because Gandhi stood on the brink of
being incarcerated for an indefinite amount of time, these deeply-revered prayers
were expressed in an intentional way. They were offered as eternal, sonic "fuel for
the journey" beyond his arrest. 'Truth, immortality and eternity may merge and be
grasped in liturgy's moment' (Rappaport 1999, p.232).
Gandhi used these sung-prayers, as he had once stated, as "training" for non-
violence. and as instruction regarding a "true Vaishnava." With the satyagrahis
having sung-prayers and meditation as part of their daily routine, it was hoped that
these tools would override the natural, human reaction to violence, and that they
would help to control the reaction of striking back when violence became the order
of the day.
Gandhi's Tran slations o f 1930
On May 6th, 1930, having just been transported to Yeravda Central Prison for
his actions at Dandi, Gandhi began to translate the then-sung pieces of the Ashram
Bhajanavali into English. The request for the translations had come from
Madeleine Slade, an ashramite and devotee, and daughter of a British admiral, who
was also called Mirabehn by Gandhi, after the princess-poetess Mirabai. He
translated generally one song each day, until December 15 of that year, when 253
items had been completed.
67
The pieces translated at that time are described thusly in a footnote to their
presentation in the Collected Works:
'Ashram Bhajanavali is a collection of devotional songs which

formed part of the morning and evening prayers at Gandhiji's ashrams.
They were in various languages and taken from various sources, some
of them obscure, but all fairly popular in the Hindu religious tradition.
... The version reproduced here is taken from a photostat of the original
work in Gandhiji's hand (CW-e, 50, #458, p.323, note 1).
This rather bland description is fair enough. However, it gives the reader neither a
full and clear picture of the collection's contents nor an impression of the
importance of the collection itself.
By examining available correspondence which Gandhi had written to
Mirabehn before and during his imprisonment, it is possible to place this collection
more clearly within its historical context, as he worked to translate these often-
chanted verses so that Mirabehn could understand them. A first and second letter
written to Mirabehn before the arrest illustrate Gandi's usual habit of fitting in his
continuous letter-writing whenever and wherever he could during the day, often
early in the mornings: 'I hate writing letters in pencil. But I am writing this whilst I
am waiting at the prayer ground for the others to come. It is just nearing 4.20. (CW-
e, 49, #155, p.150, Letter to Mirabehn, April 21, 1930). A second letter was written
subsequently while travelling, in order to continue regular contact: 'Now these lines
whilst I am in the train' (CW-e, 49, #217, p.215, Letter to Mirabehn, April 29, 1930).
As outlined above, Gandhi was arrested on May 5, and was not permitted to
send any correspondence until May 12: 'Yours is the first letter I take up to write
from the jail and that on a silence day' (CW-e Vol. 49, #277, p. 274, Letter to
Mirabehn, from Yeravda Prison, May 12, 1930). (Every Monday was a "silence" or
a "maun" day for Gandhi.) Although this May 12 letter makes no mention of
translations, a second letter from the prison refers to his having begun the project: 'I
think I told you last time that I had started translating the verses and hymns in the
68
hymn book. I am nearing the end of the morning verses' (CW-e. 49, #289, p.286,
Letter to Mirabehn, May 18, 1930). He continued to translate the Sanskrit shlokas
during May, June, and July: 'My translation of one verse per day from the prayer
book continues. I wish I could do more. But the spinning and carding [of cotton on
the charkha] won't leave me any more time (CW-e, 49, #299, p.295, Letter to
Mirabehn, May 25, 1930).
Gandhi's correspondence from this time also provides information
concerning the importance of the sung-prayers to his life while imprisoned:
'I think very little about things outside. I am so busy with work
[spinning, etc.] that I get no time to think about them. I fix my eyes on
the central teaching of the Gita, and so enjoy peace of mind. If I did
not do that, though I am supplied newspapers, reading about all that
happens would have made it difficult for me to experience peace. The
prayers twice a day and the daily reading of the Gita have proved a
great support to me ' (CW-e, 49, #303, p.288, May 26, 1930).
(emphasis added)
On July 7, 1930, Gandhi began to translate the bhajans (hymns) which were
composed in various local languages. During that time Mirabehn had written to him
asking for a translation also of the Bhagavad Gita;
'In translating the hymns for you I have given myself much joy.
... I did the 10th hymn today. The verses [Sanskrit ÀƒËéas] took me a
long time. The hymn [sic] I am doing one per day. And I have still
nearly 170 to do! There is not much likelihood of my reaching the Gita
just yet (CW-e, 49, #444, p.399, Letter to Mirabehn, July 28, 1930).
The bhajan translating continued throughout the summer and fall: 'We [Gandhi and
Kaka Kalelkar, also imprisoned with Gandhi] pray regularly every day' (CW-e, 50,
#27, p.17, Sept. 1, 1930).
In December 1930, Gandhi was nearing the end of the translation project:
69
'In another ten days I shall have finished the translation of the
Bhajanavali. It has given me such a joy. I am not satisfied with the
performance. Save for the fact that it is an act of love, it has no other
merit -- certainly no literary merit. But it will help you to know the
meaning of the bhajans and that was all I aimed at (CW-e, 50, #433,
p.305, Letter to Mirabehn, Dec. 8, 1930).
Those items which Gandhi translated for Mirabehn consist of:

# Item - Collected Works Vol. 50, #458
1-3 Three verses concerning the early morning (pratah) from the
Bhagavat Padacarya by Adi Shankaracarya
4 - 17 Verses to various gods and goddessess from a variety of sources
18 - 52 Verses from the Upanishads
52 Bhagavata Purana 12.13.1, which would become the

the opening verse for the Evening Prayers (nothing in #458 is
specifically signified as "Evening Prayers")
53 - 55 School Prayers
56-62 Women's Prayers
63 - 67 Dwadashapanjarika-[Stotra]
68 - 72 Pandavagita
77 - 253 BHAJANS
77 - 178 Hindustani
179 - 203 Marathi
204 - 207 Bangali
208 - 253 Gujarati
Gandhi, for obvious reasons, did not include any of the English hymns, nor
were any Gita verses included, as Mirabehn had already requested of Gandhi a
translation of the Gita, which would be one of his next translation projects. In
addtion to items used for morning sung-prayers (#1-#52), sections of School Prayers
70
and Women's Prayers had been added. These prayers would have been sung at
other times of the day, according to the ashram's schedule of work and study. Verses
from the Bhagavata Purana, Dwadashapanjarika, and the Pandavagita were also
included.
Gandhi noted that the last bhajan was finished on December 15, and he
wrote of the entire collection:
'I have in general given the literal translation of Bhajanavali.

Now it is up to Mirabehn. I do not consider the translation worth
publishing. It cannot even be published while I am in jail. How can I
choose from the bhajans? Different bhajans appeal on different
occasions. We might say that all are well liked. But I do wish to drop a
few in the new edition. In 'Who is not devoted to Rama and Vaidehi' I
take Rama to mean Daridranaryana [Vishnu as "God of the Poor"] and
it is our duty to forsake the company of one who does not serve
Daridranarayana. Non-co-operation emanates from that' (CW-e, 50,
#464, pp.411-12, Dec. 17, 1930).
This letter is interesting in a number of ways. First, it is an indication that

Gandhi did not conceive of the collection as a closed collection or as some kind of
completed "canon." He referred to the fact that different bhajans were appropriate
for different occasions, their needing to be chosen for each occasion, and he
referred to the fact that for the next printed edition (in whatever form it was to be
printed), he wished to leave out a few pieces. It is, furthermore, also clear from this
letter (and it is only one example of hundreds available) that Gandhi was
continuing to shape, define, and explain the satyagraha movement in terms of what
he found to be "of Truth" within these verses.
The Navajivan Trust printing press was confiscated and dismantled by the
British government when Gandhi was jailed in 1930 following the Dandi Salt
march. The Ashram Bhajanavali had been printed up and circulated in various
ways for use during worship, but in 1930, when the press was dismantled, that
publishing stopped. Gandhi referred in a letter to Narayan M. Khare, dated
71
February 8, 1932, that he wished to "offer some suggestions" for a new version of
the Bhajanavali before it was re-published. Printing, however, by Navajivan Trust
was unable to be resumed until 1933, when Kakasaheb Kalelkar and Mahadev
Desai (Gandhi's personal secretary) were released from prison (Gandhi being
again incarcerated as a result of incidents in 1932 and 1933).
Songs from Prison: Translations of Indian Lyrics Made in Jail by M.K.
Gandhi, Adapted for the Press by John S. Hoyland, was published by George Allan
and Unwin Limited in London in 1934. Also included was this description of the
material being presented:
'The translation was made by Mr. Gandhi during his

imprisonment in Yeravda Jail, Poona, in 1930, the original matter
being taken partly from the Upanishads and other Sanskrit scriptures,
and partly from the poets of the Bhakti school of thought and devotion.
Where the source is not otherwise shown, it may generally be taken
to be an ancient Sanskrit poem.
In preparing Mr. Gandhi's translation for publication in the West,
it has been thought best to omit certain material, chiefly Indian names
and symbolism. A metrical form has been adopted, and alterations
made in phraseology, etc. The blame for possible errors must fall on me
and not on Mr. Gandhi' (Hoyland 1934, p.9).
In regards to this statement concerning the "omission" of some materials, and

in spite of Mr. Hoyland's excellent intention to donate all proceeds from (as stated
in) the book to 'Mr. Gandhi's work for the removal of Untouchability in India,' it
was noted in a footnote to the Ashram Bhajanavali in the Collected Works, that '...in
order to make the poems acceptable to English readers Hoyland omitted a great
deal, 'chiefly Indian names and symbols,' but also much else so that at places it is
difficult to recognize the original in the adaptation' (CW-e, 50, #458, p.323, note 1).
72
1930 to 1942
After being released from prison, 1931 was a year of travelling, to London
for the second Round Table Conference, where Gandhi lodged in the London slums,
broadcast over the radio to America, travelled to Switzerland, meeting with
Romain Rolland, and to Italy, meeting with Mussolini. In 1932, he was arrested in
Bombay and imprisoned again in Yeravda Prison. During this stay he conducted his
six-day "Epic Fast" against the British move to grant untouchables their own
political electorate. 1933 brought several fasts against the institution of
untouchability, and involvement with the cause and the plight of the untouchables.
In 1934, three attempts were made against Gandhi's life. In 1936, having donated
Sabarmati Ashram to a center for the upliftment of untouchables, Gandhi
established a new ashram near Warda in 1936 (later, in 1940, to be called
Sevagram). In 1937, he travelled south to Travancore on a campaign for the
removal of oppression against the untouchables. It was on this trip that Ishopanishad
I.1 became so important to him, and it was added as the first element to the morning
and evening prayers.
Satyagraha campaigns and civil non-co-operation continued until 1942, when
the Indian Congress finally passed the "Quit India" resolution. This was a national
satyagraha campaign, and Gandhi was to be its leader. Gandhi's ability to mobilize
the "common people" and the younger people of India had changed the Indian
Nation Congress from a body of elitists, concentrated in the larger cities, into a
political body of 15 million that reached out across India into all smaller, local
venues -- into the 900,000 towns and villages of he nation's poor and
disenfranchised.
The sung-prayers, known at one time only to ashramites, had continued to be
sung twice-daily, and to be used during dangerous times of fasting and marching.
"Ever since the Ashram was founded, not a single day has passed to my knowledge
without this worship" (Jack, p.36) of sung-prayers. The Ashram Bhajanavali
73
continued to support Gandhi and and his training of svaraj as the movement
burgeoned into a national initiative.
1942 to 1947
In 1942, Gandhi wrote:
'The Ashram prayer has become very popular. Its development has
been spontaneous. The Ashram Bhajanavali (Hymn Book) has gone into
several editions and is increasingly in demand. The birth and growth of this
prayer has not been artificial. There is a history attached to almost every
shloka and every selected bhajan. The Bhajanavali contains among others
bhajans from Muslim Sufis and Fakirs, from Guru Nanak, and from the
Christian Hymnary. Every religion seems to have found a natural setting in
the prayer book' (CW-e, 81, #742, p.487, The Ashram Prayer, Sevagram,
Feb. 2, 1942). (emphasis added)
Directly after the Quit India movement was launched, Gandhi and many
Congress leaders were arrested. There were protests and satyagraha campaigns all
throughout the country. Gandhi began a correspondence with the Viceroy, Lord
Mountbatten, and on February 10, 1944, he started a 21-day fast to end stalled
negotiations between the Viceroy and Indian leaders. Kasturbai, Gandhi's wife,
died while in prison, as did Mahadev Desai, Gandhi's private secretary. With
Gandhi's own health declining, he was finally released in 1944, and conducted
significant negotiations with Mohammed Ali Jinnah, leader of the Muslim League
concerning Muslim-Hindu unity.
His final years were devoted to solving Muslim-Hindu violence. In
November 1946, he took a four-month tour through East Bengal to attempt to lessen
the rioting there. In 1947, he toured Bihar to quell Hindu-Muslim tensions there. He
participated in talks with the Viceroy and Jinnah regarding the division of Pakistan
and India. He fasted to quiet riots in Calcutta; he visited Delhi to stop the rioting
between Hindus, Muslims, and Sikhs.
74
The last three to four years of his life were devoted to communal unity, and
in every village and town, every city he visited, he chanted morning and evening
prayers from the Ashram Bhajanavali. He explained to crowd after crowd (some
times as many as one hundred thousand people) what were in the Ashram
Bhajanavali prayers, and he encouraged everyone to take up the daily ritual of
these prayers and continue chanting them even after he had left their area.
In the Collected Works, an entry can be found from 9 December 1945 which
reported the events of a prayer meeting at Sodepur in western Begal which had
been held that day. After thanking the congregation for their prayerful attitude and
their punctuality in commencing on time, Gandhi explained to the crowd what the
individual sung-prayer units had been: a Buddhist mantra, followed by a Sanskrit
shloka to Mother Earth, a prayer from the Qur'an, a verse from the Zend-Avesta,
and finally a bhajan. Gandhi explained that the bhajan selection could change
depending upon time and circumstance, and as they were in Bengal, Bengali songs
had been included in the sung-prayers. Further, the article reported on Gandhi's
stated "desire to get all the prayers included in a booklet with their meanings given
in Hindustani. He wished it to be printed both in Devanagari and Urdu scripts and, if
possible, in Bengali, too" (CW-e, 89, #28, pp.15-16).
He often spoke to the current conflicts using anecdotes and verses from the
Ashram Bhajanavali to teach right conduct and to bolster non-violence.
Using quotations for the Upanishads, from Guru Nanak, Mirabai, and Kabir, etc., he
sought to teach non-violence. See Chapter Four for a fuller explication of these
practices.
1947
In 1947, a revision of the Ashram Bhajanavali was published. This was the
fullest compilation yet (as seen from the verses just mentioned above). About one
year before he was killed, Gandhi himself wrote the preface to this edition,
75
apologizing for his short-comings as compared to Narayan Moreshawar Khare, who

would have normally compiled the edition, but who had died in 1938. This edition
had been expanded from the time of 1930, with more scriptures, and verses from
other religions, having been added to the morning and evening prayers. As Gandhi
wrote, the growth of the Bhajanavali had not been a calculated one, but a very
organic process, with 'a history [story] attached to almost every shloka and every
selected bhajan' (CW-e, 81, #742, p.487).
It is to this 1947 edition that we will give the most attention here. Although
every verse can not be translated as part of this work, chosen selections will
hopfully give the reader an idea of the contents of the edition, along with the stories
concerning how each of the additions came to be added. Please see Appendix A for
a listing of all the singer-saints identified, as well as a presentation of the 1947
publication's contents as compared to the contents of Gandhi's 1930 English
translations found in the Collected Works. The two collections differ in certain
respects, such as size, selections chosen, as well as the selections' numberings and
pagination. The transliterations presented here from the 1947 edition are mind; the
translations of these selections have been made by M.K. Gandhi himself, as found
in the Collected Works.
ASHRAM BHAJANAVALI (1947) - DESC R IPTION OF CON TEN TS

Pre face
The preface to the 1947 edition was written on Feb. 8, 1947, by Mohandas
Gandhi himself:
'It is with sadness that I write this preface to the new edition of
Ashram Bhajanavali. Its compiler was the late Shri Khare Shastri (Note 1
= Narayan Moreshwar Khare, who died on February 6, 1938). I do not
feel myself equal to the task. But this much I can say that the primary aim
of the collection was to sustain right conduct. Let it also be remembered
that it has brought together a group of people who for years have been
reciting these hymns with great devotion. And, thirdly, it has not restricted
76
itself to any particular sect or religion. Gems available from all places have
been collected.Therefore many Hindus, Muslims, Christians and others,
recite from it with pleasure and derive whatever moral sustenance they can.
Shri Kishorelal Mashruwala [essayist and close associate of Gandhi
who lived at Sevagram] has taken great pains to translate the Sanskrit
verses.' (emphasis added)
M.K. GANDHI
Prasadpur, February 8, 1947 (CW-e, 93, #536, p.382)
For the sake of space and efficiency, when quoting a verse from the Ashram
Bhajanavali digital version (CW-e) from Volume 50, we will dispense with using
#458, (which is the number of the Ashram Bhajanavali within Volume 50, CW-e).
We will, however, note first the page number of the piece and second the number
of the piece on that page. All other references will include the number of the piece
within its given volume.
Nityapatha
The first verse set forth in the Ashram Bhajanavali is entitled the
"Nityapatha" [nitya in Sanskrit means always, eternal; patha means recitation], as
it was intended to be sung at the beginning of every prayer meeting, regardless of
whether it was morning or evening prayer. Prefaced in the published edition by the
invocation "Hari OM" [honor to the God Hari], the Nitaypatha consists of the
opening verse of the Isha Upanishad, I.1:
'ÖÀŸ∆Ÿ–æaº ⁄Æaº –a¿∆am

yat k⁄†òa jagatyŸm jagat
™‰≤a tyaktena bhu†jii¨Ÿ(:)
ºŸ í‡∞aÅ kasyasvid dhanam' (Ashram Bhajanavali (hereafter A.Bhaj.) ,
p.2.
'God the Creator and Ruler pervades every atom, ever so tiny,
in the universe, and therefore seeing that it is all God's and God
pervades everything, we have to surrender everything and renounce
everything in His favour and eat or enjoy or use just what His gives
from day to day. The verse closes by saying: 'Do not covet anybody's
riches' (MKG's translations, CW-e, 70, p.345, #357, 1937).
77
It, however, had not always been the first verse sung at the morning prayers.
This verse was originally added as the first element to the sung-prayers during the
Harijan (untouchable) tour through Travancore that took place from January 12
though 21, 1937.
'The Ishavasya gripped me during my Harijan tour of Travancore.

All my speeches invariably included the first verse of this Upanishad:
'All that is pervaded by God. It all belongs to Him, therefore nothing
belongs to you. But in a way it is yours too. But why get caught up
in the argument? Renouce all, and all is yours. Nothing will remain in
your hands if you regard anything as yours.' This was the note with
which I concluded my Travancore tour and I felt that I had come by
a treasure' (CW-e, 85, p.277, #449, Jan. 10, 1945).
Gandhi held this verse to be of the utmost importance to his religious

understanding and he has been quoted as regarding this verse as the highest
summation of all spiritual truth. 'I consider [this verse] to be the bedrock of
Hinduism without which Hinduism is nothing and with which Hinduism need not be
anything else. ...There is nothing so satisfying and beautiful in all the scriptures of
the world as this mantra and it enunciates a universal truth applicable to all' (CW-e,
70, p.346, #357, January, 1937).
P¿a™ah Smaranam (Morning Prayers)

Next follow three verses by AÆ⁄ Shankaracarya, all of which speak of praise
offered to the Infinite in the time of the early morning dawn, p¿atah.
'prŸtaÅ smarŸmi “‡Æ⁄ –aÄ–∂‹¿ad Ÿ™ºa-tattvam

–at-cit-sukham paramaha®–a-gatim t‹¿iiæam
æat svapna-jŸgara-suŒ‹¥™aº avaiti nityam
™aÆ brahma niŒkalam aham na ca bh›™a-sañîaÅ' (A.Bhaj., p.2, #1)
'Early in the morning I call to mind that Being which is felt in

the heart, which is sat (the eternal), chit (knowledge) and sukham
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(bliss), which is the state reached by perfect men and which is the
super-state. I am that immaculat Brahma which ever notes the states
of dream, wakefulness and deep sleep, not this body, the compound
made of the elements -- earth, water, space, light and air' (CW-e, 50,
p.323, #1).
'¥¿Ÿtar bhajŸº⁄ ºanaso vacasŸm agamyam

∆Ÿco vi∫Ÿ≤™⁄ ≤⁄ê⁄ƒŸ yad anugrahe®a
yan 'neti neti' vacanair nigamŸ avocus
tam deva-devam ajam aòæ‹™am Ÿ“‹¿ agryam' (A.Bhaj., p.4 #2).
'In the early morning, I worship Him who is beyond the reach of
thought and speech and yet by whose grace all spech is possible. I
worship Him whom the Vedas describe as neti neti (not this, not this).
Him they, the sages, have called God of gods, the unborn, the unfallen,
the sourse of all' (CW-e, 50, p.323, #2).
'¥¿Ÿtar namŸmi tamasaÅ param arka-var®am

¥›¿®am sanŸtana-padam pur›ŒottamŸkhyam
yasmin idam jagad aÀeŒam aÀeŒa-m›r™au
rajjvŸm bhujañgama iva pratibhŸsitam vai' (A.Bhaj., p.4, #3).
'In the early morning I bow to Him who is beyond darkness, who
is like the sun, who is perfect, ancient, called Purushottama, (the best
among men) and in whom (through the veil of darkness) we fancy the
whole universe as appearing even as (in darkness) we image a rope
to be a snake' (CW-e, 50, p.324, #3).
Although the translating of the collection was finished December 15, 1930,
Gandhi sent a correction of the first verse to Mirabehn on December 20, 1930:
'I am sorry that the very first verse needed correcting. The more I
think, the more clearly I see the meaning. ... I perceived that it was the
very best thought with which to commence the day. It is a solemn
declaration that we are not the changeful bodies which require sleep, etc.,
but deep down, we are the Being, the witness pervading the
countless bodies. The first part is the recalling to mind the presence of
the vital principle and the second part is the affirmation that we are
that vital principle. The description of that Being, the Brahman, is also
quite apposite. It is, nothing else is (sat), it is all knowledge or light
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(chit), and naturally, therefore, it is all bliss (sukham) or the word

generally used is anand. The rest is simple' (CW-e, 50, #476, p.419,
Letter to Mirabehn, Dec. 20, 1930).
A couple years later, Gandhi expressed reservations about the first verse of
the morning, but on considering things more deeply, felt it was the appropriate
prayer with which to begin the day as a satyagrahi.
'Our reason certainly tells us that we are not this physical body,
but are the witness who dwells in it. The stanza describes this witness,
and then the seeker asserts that he is that witness -- the Brahman. ... By so
doing, one becomes that on which one daily meditates. We may,
therefore, daily recite that stanza with humility and firm aspiration and
keep in mind our assertion in all our actions' (CW-e, 56, #158, p.129).
These three chants, sung in alignment with the rising of the sun and the
breaking of the dawn were, for years (at least until 1937), the opening verses of the
satyagraha community's morning prayers.
Following these morning verses come several sung-prayers dedicated to a
variety of dieties. Over the thirty to forty years that Gandhi's followers sang these
prayers, he was continually questioned as to why certain prayers should be
included, with the often-stated intention of the questioner having been to exclude
certain sung-prayers from the collection. This was especially true for this section of
sung-prayers to various dieties, which he defended as being representative of the
many and varied religious sects and and forms of worship found throughout India.
The section begins with a pri¨⁄∆i vandana, a prayer to Mother Earth. (For
clarity's sake, titles, such as "pri¨⁄∆i vandana," have been added here, whereas the
chants printed in the original were not marked with such identifications.)
[Pri¨⁄∆i Vandana]
'samudra-vasane devi parvata-stana-ma®•ale
viŒ®‹-patn⁄ ≤amas ™‹∫æam pŸÆa-sparÀam ’amasva me' (A.Bhaj., p.4, #4)
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'O! Goddess Earth with the ocean for thy garment, mountains of
for they breats, thou consort of Vishnu (the Preserver), I bow to thee;
forgive the touch of my feet.
NOTE: Bowing to the earth, we learn to be humble as the earth
which supports the beings that tread upon it. Earth therefore is rightly
the consort of the Preserver' (CW-e, 50, p.324, #4).
When called upon to defend the inclusion of this song in the collection, Gandhi
stated:
'The Earth bears our burden but does not hurt us;.... According to
modern discoveries, she is hanging in space without support. If she were
to get angry with us and stray ever so slightly from her path, we would
instantly perish. For crores of years, however, the Earth has been
rotating in her orbit and has sustained our life. This is the utmost limit
of humility. We have sprung from this earth and to that shall we return
(CW-e, 53, #87, p.79, July 20, 1931).
Gandhi would also later use this shloka, which garnered respect for Mother Earth,
to teach proper hygiene (such as not spitting, and proper toileting procedures) as
well as to propagate certain natural cures (CW-e, 90, #379, p.310, April 24, 1946).
Chants to the goddess Sarasvati, goddess of learning, music, and Sanskrit, as
well as to the elephant-god Ganesha were also included:
[Sarasvati Aròana]
'YŸ é‹≤Æ‰≤Æ‹-™‹ŒŸra-“Ÿra-dhavalŸ
YŸ À‹∫¿a-vastrŸ∆‡™Ÿ
YŸ ∆ ®Ÿ-∆arada®•a-ma®•⁄™a-karŸ
YŸ Àveta-padmŸsanŸ
YŸ ∏¿ahmŸ-'cyuta-Àañéara-prabh‡tibhir devaiÅ –adŸ-∆anditŸ
SŸ ºŸº ¥Ÿ™‹ –arasvatii ∫agava™ii ≤⁄ÅÀ‰Œa-úŸ•æŸ¥a“Ÿ' (A.Bhaj., p.6, #5).
'May the Goddess Saraswati (of learning), the destroyer

completely of black ignorance, protect me. She who is white as the
mogra flower or the moon and a garland of snow, who has worn
white robes, whose hands are adorned with the beautiful bamboo
of her veena (a kind of violin), who is seated on a while lotus and
who is always adored by Brahma, Vishnu, Siva and the other gods
(CW-e, 50, p.324, #5).
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[Ganapati Vandana]
'∆akra-tu®•a ma“ŸéŸya s›¿æa-ko¢⁄-–ama-prabha
nirvighnam kuru me deva À‹∫a-éŸ¿yeŒ‹ –arvadŸ' (A.Bhaj., p. 6, #6).
'O God with a curved mouth, big body refulgent like ten million
suns, keep me ever free from harm whilst doing beneficent acts.
NOTE: This is addressed to God represented by the mystic letter
'F'. Mark its curved mouth and big body. Its mystic splendor has
been sung by the Upanishads' (CW-e, 50, p.324, #6).
When, on one occassion, an ashramite objected to the inclusion of these songs as

representating an out-lived mode of image worship linked to superstitious belief,
and thus inconsistent with "Truth," Gandhi's reply included a defense of India's
historical traditions which had for centuries used various images to portray
particular aspects of deity:
'Sarasvati and Ganesh are not independent entities. They are all
descriptive names of God. Devoted poets have given a local habitation
and a name to His countless attributes. ...The[se] shlokas which I have
been reciting every day for the last fifteen years give me peace and
hold good for me. In them I find beauty as well as poetry. Learned
men tell many stories about Sarasvati, Ganesh and the like, which have
their own use' (Jack 1956, p.39).
Gandhi called then for an ad hoc committee (the names of whom he did not
mention in the citation) to examine the question of excluding these verses from the
Ashram Bhajanavali. As the collection was inclusive of so many traditions and
religions, the committee decided that "the shlokas should remain as they were, for
every possible selection would be viewed with disfavour by someone or other"
(Gandhi 1998, p.39).
The final shlokas [verse] of this section might appear to be addressed directly
to anyone who might question whether one prayer or another should be excluded
based upon the superiority of one deity over another. The first chant is devoted to
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the guru who exists within, yet beyond, the three manifestations of Brahma, Vishnu,
and Shiva:
[Guru Vandana]
'G‹¡¿ ∏¿ahmŸ í‹¡¿ ∆⁄Œ®‹¿ í‹¡¿ Æ‰∆Ë ºa“‰À∆araÅ
GuruÅ sŸkŒŸ™ ¥arabrahma tasmai Àriií‹¿a∆‰ ≤amaÅ '(A.Bhaj., p.6, #7).
'Guru (teacher) is Brahma, he is Vishnu, he is Mahadev, he

is the great Brahman itself. I bow to that guru' (CW-e, 50, p.325, #7).
While Gandhi defended the worship of various deities, over the years of
questioning, he by-and-large disparaged the practice of devoting one's self to a
human teacher who promised complete fulfillment and spiritual enlightenment:
'Such a guru is a rarity, at least nowadays. The best thing is to think of God Himself
as one's guru...' (CW-e, 50, p.325, #7, Note).
The next chant is a Vishn‹ stuti [verse]from the Introduction to theVishnu
Sahasranama [Thousand Names of Vishnu] (in the Shanti Parva of the
Mahabharata):
[Vishn‹ stuti]
'ÀŸ≤™ŸéŸ¿am bhujaía-Àaæa≤aº ¥adma-nŸbham sureÀam
viÀ∆ŸdhŸ¿am gagana-sad‡Àam megha-var®am Àu∫Ÿñíam
ƒaéŒºii-éŸntam kamala-nayanam yogibhir dhyŸna-gamyam
∆Ÿ≤Æ‰ ∆⁄Œ®‹º ∫ava-bhaya-haram sarva-lokaika-nŸtham' (A.Bhaj., p.8, #8).
'I bow to Vishnu, who is peace incarnate, who lies on a snaky

bed, from whose navel grows the lotus, who is the supreme lord of
gods, who sustains the universe, who is like unto the sky, who has the
colour of clouds, whose body is blissful, who is the lord of Lakshmi
(goddess of good fortune), who has lotus-like eyes, who is knowable
by the yogis through meditation, who dispels the fear of the wheel of
birth and death and who is the sole Ruler of all the worlds' (CW-e,
50, p.325, #8).
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This is followed by a Sh⁄∆a stuti from the Sh⁄∆a-ºanasa Puúa of Adi

Shankaraòa¿ya:
[Sh⁄∆a stuti]
'kara- cara®a-k‡™am ∆Ÿé-éŸyajam karmajam vŸ
À¿ava®a-nayanajam vŸ ºŸ≤asam ∆Ÿ 'pa¿ŸÆham
vihitam avihitam vŸ sarvam etat kŒamasva
jaya jaya karu®Ÿ∏∞‰ À¿iiºa“ŸÆ‰∆a Àambho' (A.Bhaj., p.8, #9).
'Forgive, O merciful and blessed Mahadev [name of Shiva], all those sins
of mine, of commission or omission, mental or actual and whether done
through the hands or the fet, the speech, the ears or the eyes. Let Thy will be
done' (CW-e, 50, pp.325-6, #9).
Following the inclusion of prayers addressed to both Vishnu and Sh⁄∆a,

whose worship has been interpreted as stemming from adversarial traditions, come
two shlokas that speak of a universal vision for religion. The first is a description of
the community's aspiration for freedom from sorrow and suffering for all
"breathing beings" or "¥¿an⁄nam." The second is a prayer that calls for universal
well-being and right relationship among all beings, in all times and places.
[Universal Aspiration for Relief from Pain] Bhagavata IX.21.12

'na tvaham kŸmaye rŸjæaº ≤a –∆argam nŸ¥‹≤arbhavam
éŸºaye duÅkha-taptŸ≤Ÿº ¥¿Ÿ®⁄≤Ÿº Ÿ¿™⁄-≤ŸÀanam' (A.Bhaj., p.8, #10).
'I desire neither earthly kingdom nor paradise, no, not even
release from birth and death. I desire only the release of afflicted
life from misery' (CW-e, 50, p.326, #10).
[Universal Well-Being] "The Mangala [Auspicious] Mantra"

'svasti ¥¿aúŸ∫æaÅ paripŸlayantŸm
nyŸyyena mŸ¿í‰®a mahiim mahiiÀŸÅ
íË-∏¿Ÿ“ºanebhyaÅ À‹∫am astu nityam
lokŸÅ samastŸÅ –‹ê⁄≤Ë ∫avantu' (A.Bhaj., p.10, #11).
'Blessed be the people; may the rulers protect their kingdoms by

just means, may it be always well with the cow and the Brahman; may
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all the peoples be happy.

1 Note by Gandhiji: Cow = agriculture
2 Note by Gandhiji: Brahman = education' (CW-e, 50, p.326, #11).
These two shlokas, calling for universal beneficence and active concern in
regard to the dissolution of pain and suffering for all, are followed by four verses
that could be called "namaskara mantras," or verses of honoring. They are four of
five verses from the Brahma Stotram of the Mahanirvana Tantra, and refer to an
eternal, nirguna (without attributes) Being, Brahman, which exists beyond name
and form. The verses encourage the hearer to conceive of this Being as the
ultimate, eternal reality, responsible for all means of description, but which, lies
ultimately beyond description.
[Namaskara mantras 1 through 4]

'Namaste sate te jagat-éŸra®Ÿya
Namaste cite sarva-lokŸÀ¿ayŸya
NaºË 'dvaita-tattvŸya mukti-praÆŸya
Namo brahma®‰ ∆æŸ¥⁄≤‰ ÀŸÀ∆atŸya' (A.Bhaj., p.10, #12).
'I bow to Thee the sat (see first verse) the cause of the universe, I
bow to Thee the chit (1st verse), the refuge of the world, I bow to Thee
the one without a second, the giver of salvation, I bow to Thee the
Brahman, the all-pervading, the eternal' (CW-e, 50, p.326, #12).
'Tvam ekam Àara®æam tvam ekam vare®yam

™∆am ekam jagat-pŸlakam sva-prakŸÀam
Tvam ekam jagat-éa¿™‡-¥Ÿ™‡-¥¿ahar™‡
™∆am ‰éam param niÀòalam nirvikalpam' (A.Bhaj., p.10,#13).
'Thou are the only refuge, Thou art the only one to be desired,
Thou art the sole protector of the universe, Thou art self-revealed,
Thou art the sole creator, preserver, and destroyer of the universe,
Thou alone art supreme, immovable, unchangeable' (CW-e, 50,
p.326, #13).
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'BhayŸ≤Ÿº bhayam bhiiŒanam ∫iiŒa®Ÿ≤Ÿm

gatiÅ prŸni≤Ÿº ¥Ÿvanam ¥ŸvanŸ≤Ÿº
ºa“ËòòŸ⁄Å padŸnŸº ≤⁄æa≤™‡ ™∆am ekam
pareŒŸº param rakŒa®am rakŒa®Ÿ≤Ÿº' (A.Bhaj., p.12, #14).
'Of all the fears, Thou art the chief, of all that is terrible Thou
art the most terrible, Thou art the motion of all life, Thou art the holy
of holies, Thou art the sole regulator of the mightiest places, Thou
art the greatest among the great. Thou art the chief among all
protections.' (CW-e, 50, p.327, #14).
'Vayam tvŸm sºarŸmo vayam tvŸº bhajŸºË

vayam tvŸm úagat-–ŸéŒi-¬pam namŸmaÅ
–ad ekam nidhŸnam nirŸlambam iiÀaº
∫avŸº∫Ë∞⁄-¥Ë™am Àara®æam vrajŸmaÅ' (A.Bhaj., p.12, #15).
'We think of Thee, we worship Thee, we bow to Thee as the

witness of this universe, we seek refuge in Thee the sat, our only
support, yet Thyself needing none, the ruler, the barque in the midst
of this ocean of endless birth and death' (CW-e, 50, p.327, #15).
These four verses close the section of verses designated specifically for
Morning Prayer, while other elements found within the compilation would have
been used to complete the standard "order-of-service" for the morning sung-prayer
meetings.
Ekadasha Vrata (The Eleven Vows)

The next section printed in the Ashram Bhajanavali is entitled Ekadasha
Vrata, or The Eleven Vows (A.Bhaj.,p,14.). This section was chanted during both
Morning and Evening Prayers, and it represented the core values of the satyagraha
community and the life vows which Ÿshramites had taken and were expected to
uphold: ahim–a, satya, asteya, brahmacarya, asaní¿aha, shari¿ash¿ama, asvaÆa,
sarvatra bhayavarjana, sarvadharma-samanatva, svadeshi, and –parshabhavana.
'In a manner akin to Aristotelian ethics, pursuit of soteriological

paths demands steady practice and habituation; again in an
Aristotelian vein, such practice revolves around the nurturing of a set
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of virtues -- which Gandhi reformulated under the rubric of 'vows'

Steadied or braced by the practice of vows, cultivation of freedom
emerges as a kind of venture of journey...' (Parel 2000, p.111).
As early as July 1914, Gandhi had written to one of his devotees: 'Remain firm in
the vows you have taken. Cling to them like a fanatic. You will then...conquer the
world and become master of yourself; you will also achieve India's freedom. In
other words, one single key ensures victory of every kind, such is the path we
follow. This ancient path is indescribably easy and also difficult' (CW-e, 14, p.278-
9, #220).
In February of 1915, he wrote: 'Truthfulness, brahmacharya, non-violence,
non-stealing and non-hoarding, these five rules of life are obligatory on all
aspirants. Everyone should be an aspirant. A man's character, therefore, is to be
built on the foundation of these disciplines' (CW-e, 14, #294, p.355). In March of the
same year, he wrote: 'I am absolutely clear in my mind that India's deliverance and
ours will be achieved through the observance of these vows' (CW-e, 14, #325,
p.383). These first five of the eleven vows were essentially the five yamas of
Patanjali's Yoga-Sutra (YS II:30): ahimsa (non-hurtfulness or non-violence); satya
(truth); asteya (non-stealing or non-thieving); brahmacarya (acting or moving in
brahman); and aparigraha (non-possessiveness) or, in this case, asangraha (non-
grasping). Patanjali states that these disciplines (which have to do with the
relationships established between the self and the world) are universal. They are
'the great vow, universal, regardless of the circumstances of one's life-state, place
or time of birth' (Yoga-sutra II:31).
As ahimsa and satya were the two primary tenets of satyagraha, they
emphasized the equality of all people (the truth of not harming), regardless of caste
distinction. Further, Gandhi requested that the ashramites keep no possessions
which might become a source of conflict or theft. He also requested no one to
accept payment for any services rendered, as this could be interpreted as stealing
87
(both of these vows became issues on occasion in the ashram, concerning which
Gandhi had to give oral and written correction to the community). Similarly, for
Gandhi and his satæagraha experiment, brahmacarya meant sexual celibacy, with
marriage being discouraged, at least during the early years of the ashram
community (this also led to a number of conversations, written concerns, and
advisements over the years).
The final six vows were connected to those specifically-identified purposes
and teachings of the satyagraha movement. 'The addition of the six new modern
virtues to the five traditional ones was part of Gandhi's innovative strategy' (Parel
2000, p.17). Shari¿ash¿ama ¿‰ferred to body-labor, or using the body to perform
what, for some, was considered menial work or manual labor, but which, for
Gandhi, was an important part of his campaign to change the economy, allowing
Indians to perform any and all self-sustaining work, thereby acquiring a sense of
self-esteem and self-confidence. It also included the directive that each individual
was to complete those daily tasks, which servants might have performed, for him or
herself, as well as participate in the every-day maintence of the ashram facilities.
Asvada taught detachment from the sense of taste (svad), encouraging the use of
ingredients that were simple, with no extra spices being added to food, and
proportions that were appropriate for one day's consumption, discouraging the
intake of more food than what one needed to sustain life (with no intake of meat or
alcohol). Sarvatra bhayavarjana referred to fearlessless or the removal of fear
wherever the satyagrahis went, as well as the freedom to travel everywhere
(sarvatra) including untouchables' quarters, and even beyond India's borders,
without the traditional sanctions applied by some sects within Hinduism which
forbade foreign travel. 'A seeker after Truth must give up the fear of parents, caste,
Government, robbers, etc., and he must not be frightened by poverty or death' (Jack
1956, p.18). Sarvadharma-samanatva was an attestation to the respect given to
each and every person's life-path with its particular elements of belief, as all paths
88
were considered to be equal (samanatva). Svadeshi means being interested in one's

own country, and especially referred to the program of making, buying, and trading
items that were made locally, or "in one's own country," such as the manufacture
and sale of cotton goods which were hand-made in India. Finally, sparsha∫a∆ana
¿‰º⁄≤Æ‰Æ all ƒ⁄s™‰≤‰¿– that the satæagraha community held a strong commitment to
the feeling or emotion of "touchability," or, in other words, to the acceptance of all
castes as being "touchable" (sparsha); no one was considered as un-touchable.
This section is completed with the sentence: V⁄namra vratan⁄shtha–‰ æ‰
‰éadasha sevya hai -- "With humility, we are established in the keeping of these
eleven vows." So this sentence was, in a way, a re-taking of these community vows
and principles with every chanting. 'A vow is a purely religious act which cannot be
taken in a fit of passion' (CW-e, 17, # 368, p.400). Repeated as a positive statement
of belief chanted during each sung-prayer meeting (at least twice a day), this was a
reminder to each member of the community as to what the true meaning of svaraj
was, and a catalyst to each member to continue with humility to incorporate these
words into the activities of his or her daily life.
Prayers from the Qur'an

The next section of the Ashram Bhajanavali is a group of sacred verses from
various religious traditions. It begins with verses from the Qur'an. The first is
entitled a panaha or a refuge, an invocation, and is from the Qur'anic Chapter 16,
verse 98. The second quotation is Al Fatiha, or "The Opening" chapter of the
Qur'an, which consists of seven verses naming God's attributes and seeking God's
help and guidance. The third quotation consists of the four Qur'anic verses of
Chapter 112 "The Purity," which emphasize Allah's being One God.
[Invocation fo r R e fuge] (Qur'an 16:98 - An-Nahl / The Bee)
'aAAoothu biAllahi mina alshshaytani alrrajeemi' (A.Bhaj., p.14)

89
'Take refuge in Allah from Satan the accursed' (CW-e, 81, p.488,
#742, MKG's translations).
Al Fatiha (Qur'Ÿn I:1-7 - The Opening)
'Bismi Allahi alrrahmani alrraheemi

Alhamdu l⁄lŸhi rabbi alAAalameena
Alrrahmani alrraheemi
Maliki yaumi alddeeni
Iyæaka naAAudu waiyyaka nastaAAæeenu
Ihdina alssirata almustaqeema
Sira™a allatheena anAAamta AAalayhim
Ghari almaghdoobi AAalayhim wala alddalleena ammeen' (A.Bhaj., p.16)
'Praise be to God,
The Cherisher and Sustainer of the worlds,
Most Gracious, most Merciful,
Master of the Day of Judgment,
Thee do we worship
And Thine aid we seek.
Show us the straight way,
The way of those on whom
Thou has bestowed Thy Grace,
Those whose (portion) is not wrath
And who go not astray' (CW-e, 81, p.488, #742).
Çl Ikhlas (Qur'an 112:1-4 - The Purity)
'Bismi AllŸhi alrrahmani alrraheemi

Qul huwa Allahu ahadun
Allahu alssamadu
Lam yalid walam yooƒadu
Walam yakun lahu kufuwan ahadun' (A.Bhaj., p.18)
'Say: He is God, the one and only

God, the Eternal, Absolute,
He begetteth not nor is He begotten,
And there is none like unto Him' (CW-e, 81, p.488, #742).
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The verses from the Qur'an were chosen by Raihana Tyabji, a devout Muslim
and the daughter of Congress leader Abbas Tyabji. Her family was close to Gandhi
and she visited the Sevagram Ashram on occasion:
'She used to sing daily as well as recite beautiful verses from the
Koran. I asked her to teach some verses to any of the inmates who
could learn them, and she gladly did so. Like so many who come here
she had become one of us. ... I am confident that my Hinduism and that
of the other Ashram Hindus has grown thereby. There should be in us an
equal reverence for all religions' (CW-e, 81, #742, p.488).
In the last two or three years of Gandhi's life, when the open public prayer
meetings were attended by thousands of people, the inclusion of these Muslim
prayers became an on-going source of friction, being objected to by some Hindu
participants. However, Gandhi insisted that they remain and be sung during the
prayer meetings, asking those who objected to either leave or remain silent during
the chanting of the Qu¿'an prayers. "Gandhi made a further recommendation on
many an occasion, that the participant who had reservations should offer the prayer
that each be granted the light needed by him or her, for human needs were various,
even though human beings belonged to the same species" (Chatterjee 2005, pp.136-
37). The inclusion of these prayers in the prayer meetings was considered by
Gandhi to be an open sign of active solidarity with the Muslim communities.
Following the verses from the Qur'an is a piece entitled a "Zoroastrian
Gaä." The verse is Yasna 34.15; it is the last verse of a section of verses
concerning Zarathushtra's dedication to his mission.
Za rathushtrian GŸ™hŸ (Yasna 34.15)

'mazdŸ at moi vahishtŸ
srvashcŸ shyaothanŸcŸ vaocŸ
tŸt› vohu manangha
ashŸcŸ ishudem –™›™Ë
kshamŸkŸ kshrathrŸ ah›rŸ ferashem
vasnŸ haithyem da ah›m' (A.Bhaj., p.20)
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'Hence, O Mazda, declare to me the noblest

doctrines and finest acts by which I may, in truth,
fulfil my earnest desire for Thy praise, achieving it
through the Good Mind and the Divine Law. O living
God, through Thy Power and at Thy Will, clothe us
with the true and regenerated life of the spirit' (Bode and
Nanavutty 1952, p.70).
The Zoroastrian verse was added to the ashram's sung-prayer repertoire after
Zend Avesta verses had been chanted by Dr. M.D.D. Gilder, a Parsi (who had been
Minister of Health and Excise in the Government of Bombay from 1937 to 1939),
when Gandhi broke his 21-day fast in March of 1943. Dr. Gilder also chanted
Zoroastrian verses during the funeral services for Gandhi's wife, Kasturbai, in
February of 1944 at Aga Khan's Palace, where she, Gandhi, and Dr. Gilder were all
imprisoned at the time of her death (Jack 1956, p.415).
The section of chants from various world religions is concluded with a
"Buddhist Mantra," a chant utilized by Nichiren Buddhists and considered by many
to be the highest summation of the Buddha's teaching.
Buddhist Mantra
'nam myoho renge kyo' (A.Bhaj., p.20)
'I submit myself to the Hokekyo Sutra --

( -- the so-called Lotus Sutra of the Nichiren sect of Buddhism' (Jack
1956, p.507, note 8).
This chant was introduced to the satyagraha community in 1935 or 1936 by monk,
Sadhu Keshav (or Rev. G. Haishao), who had come from his Buddhist community in
Japan to live with Gandhi. At a prayer meeting in Srirampur,
'Gandhiji explained the meaning of the first mantra recited
in the Ashram prayers: Namyo Horenge Kyo. Its purport is, "Salutation
to the Enlightened Ones." [The monk] had come to India with the
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object of mastering the secrets of the religion which had its origin in
India. The monk had a sweet nature and [e]very morning he used to
walk around the Ashram grounds for full one hour, while beating upon
a drum and reciting the above mantra in a deep musical voice which
sent a thrill into all those who heard him. He used to recite it at the
prayer meeting' (CW-e, 93, #106, p.82).
Sadhu Keshav remained with Gandhi for several years, until he was arrested
due to the outbreak of World War II and taken from the ashram in 1942. Gandhi
reported:
'He took leave of me after reciting his favourite mantra and left
his drum with me. ... Since then, in spite of his absence, our morning
and evening worship has commenced with the mantra. For me it is a
constant reminder of Sadhu Keshav's purity and single-eyed devotion.
Indeed its efficacy lies in that sacred memory' (CW-e, 81, #742, p.487).
Saæanéalaki P¿aäna (Evening Prayers)

Subsequent to the prayers chanted in various religions (represented by Islam,
Zoroastrianism, and Buddhism) is a major section of the Ashram BhajanŸvali
entitled "Prayers for Evening Time." This sections does not begin with the above-
mentioned Buddhist chant, as the practice of using that chant to begin evening
prayer (just mentioned above) was relatively late in the history of the Ashram
BhajanŸvali. Evening prayer began for years with the chanting of this Sanskrit
hymn from the Bhagavata Purana 12.13.1.
'yam brahmŸ-varu®endra-rudra-marutaÅ stunvanti divyaiÅ stavair

∆‰ÆaiÅ sŸnga-pada-kramopaniŒadair gŸyanti yam sŸmagŸÅ
dhyŸnŸvasthita-tad-gatena manasŸ pashyanti yam yogino
yasyŸntam na viduÅ surŸsuraga®Ÿ devŸya tasmai namaÅ'
(A.Bhaj., p22).
'I bow to that God whom Brahma, Varuna, Indra and the Maruts
adore with divine hymns, of whom the Vedic singers sing in the Vedas
with the angas, the padas, the kramas, and the Upanishads, whom the
yogis see in their meditations with minds fixed on Him and whose end
the devas and the asuras do not see'(CW-e, 50, p.336, #52).
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This is followed then by the last nineteen verses of Chapter 2 of the

Bhagavad Gi™a (vss. 54-72), which describe in detail the atttributes of a person
solidly grounded in insight or wisdom (sthita-prajna). These verses have often been
referred to as Gandhi's favorite lines of the Gi™a, and while he quoted widely and
often from various sections of Gita when speaking or writing advice, it was this
section that was determined for the satyagrahis (or anyone in attendance) to hear
each night during the evening prayers. To provide further insight into the content of
Gandhi's evening prayers, as well as provide a reminder of which out of hundreds
of Gi™averses could have been chosen, a few verses are included here: Translation
-- and comments below
'Arjuna uvŸca: Arjuna said:
(54) sthitapra◊asya kŸ ∫ŸŒŸ –amŸ∞⁄–äsya keÀa∆a

sthitadhiiÅ é⁄º ¥¿a∫ŸŒ‰ta kim Ÿ–ii™a vrajeta kim' (A.Bhaj., p.22, #1).
'What, O Keshava [Fine-Haired One, a name for Krishna], is the

mark of the man whose understanding is secure, whose mind is fixed in
concentration? How does he talk? How move?'
(CW-e, 46, p.178, #154).
'Ã¿ BhagavŸn uvŸca: The Lord said:
(55) 'prajahŸti yadŸ éŸºŸ≤ –arvŸ≤ ¥Ÿ¿ä ma≤ogatŸ≤

Ÿ™ºanyevŸ™amanŸ ™‹Œ¢aÅ sthitapra◊astadoòæa™‰' (A.Bhaj., p.22, #2).
'When a man puts away, O Partha [son of P‡thŸ (Kunt ), a name

of Arjuna], all the cravings that arise in the mind and finds comfort for
himself only from atman, then he is called the man of secure
understanding' (CW-e, 46, p.178, #154).
(66) '≤Ÿsti buddhir ayuktasya na òŸyuktasya bhŸva≤Ÿ

≤a òŸ∫ŸvayataÅ ÀŸ≤™⁄r aÀŸ≤™asya kutaÅ sukham' (A.Bhaj.,p. 28, #13).
'The undisciplined man has neither understanding nor devotion;

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for him who has no devotion there is no peace, and for him who has no
peace, whence happiness?' (CW-e, 46, p.179. #154).
(71) '∆⁄“Ÿya kŸºŸ≤ yaÅ sarvŸ≤ ¥‹ºŸñÀòarati niÅ–¥‡“aÅ

≤⁄¿ºamo niraha`kŸraÅ sa ÀŸ≤™⁄º adhigacchati' (A.Bhaj., p.30, #18).
'The man who sheds all longing and moves without concern, free
from the sense of 'I' and 'Mine' - he attains peace' (CW-e, 46, p.179,
#154) .
(72) '‰ŒŸ ∏¿Ÿ“ºii –™⁄™⁄Å ¥Ÿ¿ä nainŸm prŸpya vimuhyati

stitvŸ '–æŸº antakŸƒ‰ '¥⁄ ∏¿ahma-nir∆Ÿ®am ‡òöati' (A.Bhaj.,p. 30, #19).
'This is the state, O Partha, of the man who rests in Brahman,

having attained to it, he is not deluded. He who abides in this state
even at the hour of death passes into oneness with Brahman' (CW-e
46, p.179, #154).
These verses presented here are five of the 19 Gita verses that were a fixed part of
the ashram worship services, chanted regularly at each evening sung-prayer
meeting. However, the are indicative of the kind of verse that Gandhi chose to use
for training his followers in self-control and svaraj, that individual freedom which
could only truly lead to national freedom and control.
Vidya-Mandiraki P¿a¿ä≤a (School Prayers)
While the Satyagraha Ashram was being formed as an experiment in truth

and non-violence, experiments were also being conducted in regards to education.
Nationally, many Indian children had ceased attending British schools to attend
locally-taught Indian schools. After several periods of trial-and-error, a school was
also established for the children of the Satyagraha Ashram. Writing in 1932, some
time later, Gandhi summarized those elements of education which he held to be
most important (Gandhi 1998, pp.69-71). These included: 1) boys and girls, being
educated together until they were eight years of age, should both learn reading and
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then writing; processes of learning should be playful with subjects being fully
explained as taught, and not forced on the children; children should learn Hindi-
Urdu as the national language; the Hindu children should also learn Sanskrit, while
the Muslim children should also learn Arabic; 2) in a second stage of education
(ages 9 to 16), the children should be taught geography, world history, astronomy,
botany, arithmetic, algebra, and geometry; every child, boy or girl, should be taught
to cook and to sew; children should also work during this period at a craft or labor
that would support the Ÿshram financially; boys should be taught their parents'
vocations so as to be able to continue a family trade if possible; and 3) in the final
stage (ages 16 to 25), children should continue their education according to their
wishes and identified aptitudes. Five prayers are included under the heading
Vidya-Mandiraki P¿a¿ä≤a (School Prayers).
The first, often referred to as the "Teacher-Student" Prayer is from the
Taittiriya Upanishad, appearing at 2.1.1 and 3.5.1:
' OM saha nŸvavatu

saha nau ∫unaktu
saha vii¿æam karavŸvahai
tejasvi nŸvadhiitam astu
ºŸ ∆⁄Æ∆⁄ŒŸva“ai
OM ÀŸ≤™⁄Å ÀŸ≤™⁄Å ÀŸ≤™⁄Å' (A.Bhaj., p.32).
'Om! may God protect us, may He support us, may we make
joint progress, may our studies be fruitful, may we never harbour
ill will against one another. Om shanti, shanti, shanti' (CW-e, 50,
p.337, #53).
The second is Brihadaranyaka Upanishad verse 1.3.28:
'OM asato ºŸ sad gamaya

tamaso mŸ úæË™⁄¿ íamaya
m‡™æË¿ ºŸ 'º‡™am íamaya' (A.Bhaj., p.32).
'Om! From untruth lead me unto truth, from darkness lead me

unto light, from death lead me unto life everlasting' (CW-e, 50, p.337, #54).
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The third prayer speaks of God as the energy that enlivens a "sleeping voice"
and enervates all the human spheres of acting, walking, hearing, and breathing. It is
from the Shrimad Bhagavatam, verse 4.9.6, when Dhruva
(a young prince devoted to Vishnu) has just been exalted by a visionary experience
of the divine Narayana. The examples of Dhruva were often recounted to children
as examples of faithfulness, dedication, fortitude, and
bravery.
'yo'ntaÅ ¥¿aviÀæa mama vŸcam imŸm prasuptŸº
sañúii∆ayatakhila-ÀŸé™⁄-∞araÅ –∆adhamnŸ
anyŸ≤Àòa “asta-cara®a-À¿ava®a-tvagŸÆii≤
prŸ®Ÿn ≤amo bhagavate puruŒŸya tubhyam' (A.Bhaj., #32).
'I bow to thee, O God, who being almighty and have entered
my heart, give by His power life to the silent tongue, the hands,
feet, ears, skin and other members of the body' (CW-e, 50, p.327,
#55).
The fourth prayer considers of what true value and real wealth consist, and a
note from Gandhi concerning its importance to the ashram community indicates
that, over time, this prayer also took an exalted position of being chanted last during
the later morning prayer meetings: 'Realising our littleness during this time span of
life, we close every morning prayer with the recitation of this verse' (Gandhi 1999,
p.34):
'vipado naiva vipadaÅ sampado naiva sampadaÅ

vipad vismara®aº ∆⁄Œ®ËÅ –ampan nŸ¿Ÿya®asm‡™⁄Å' (A.Bhaj., 32)
'That which goes by the name of adversity is not such; nor is

that prosperity which goes by that name. To forget God is adversity;
ever to think of Him is prosperity' (CW-e, 50, p.327, #16).
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Likewise, the final chant of this section, which speaks of honoring the truly-
divine found in any religious tradition, is a clear statement of sarvadharmi-
samanatva and a core value of the ashram community.
'∆⁄Œ®‹¿ ∆Ÿ ™¿⁄¥u¿Ÿ≤™ako bhavatu vŸ brahmŸ surendro'tha vŸ

bhŸ≤‹¿ ∆Ÿ ÀaÀa lakŒa®o'tha bhagavŸn buddho'tha siddho'tha vŸ
¿Ÿía-Æ∆‰Œa-viŒŸ¿™⁄-ºË“a-¿ahitaÅ sattvŸnukampodyato
yaÅ sarveÅ –aha samsk‡™Ë í‹®aí‹®ais tasmai namaÅ sarvaÆŸ' (A.Bhaj., p.34).
'Let him be whosoever he may be whether Vishnu or Mahadev,

Brahma or Indra, Sun or Moon, Lord Buddha or Mahavir, obeisance
be ever only to him who is free from the poisonous effect of desire
and anger, who is filled with compassion for all life and who is
purified by a perfectly virtuous life' (CW-e, 50, p.327, #17).
Strivargaki Prartana (Women's C las s Prayers)
Experiments were also conducted in regards to adult education in the midst

of ashram activities and programs. Again, after some trial-and-error, the ashram
settled into a routine, which included a prayer class for women. The Women's
Prayer Class, as printed in a copy of the "Daily Routine," was scheduled to be held
at 6:30 to 7:00 in the morning, following Morning Prayers and breakfast, although a
note attached alludes to the fact that the routine could be changed when necessary
(Gandhi 1998, p.27). The Sanskrit verses for the Women's Class included in the
Ashram Bhajanavali start with three verses that embody Queen Draupadi's call for
help to Krishna as Emancipator when she was about to be disgraced by the
Kauravas. Krishna came to her aid, providing an endless sari.
'Govinda D∆Ÿ¿⁄éŸ∆Ÿ–⁄≤ K‡Œ®a Gopiiúanapriya

KauraveÅ ¥a¿⁄∫›™Ÿm ºŸº é⁄º ≤a jŸ≤Ÿ–⁄ K‰Àava' (A.Bhaj., p.36, #1.)
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'O Govind, dweller of Dwarika [city of Krishna], Krishna, Thou

beloved of the Gopis, O Keshav, dost Thou not know that the Kauravas
have surrounded me?' (CW-e, 50, p.337, #56A).
'He NŸtha He RŸmŸnŸtha VrajanŸ¨Ÿ¿™⁄≤ŸÀana

KauravŸ¿®ava-magnŸm ºŸº uddharasva Ja≤Ÿ¿dana' (A.Bhaj., p.36, #2).
O Lord, Thou Lord of Lakshmi, protector of Vraja [the land of

Krishna], deliverer from affliction, O Janardana [name of Vishnu], save
me [from] the ocean of misery in the shape of the Kauravas' (CW-e.
50, p.337, #56B).
K‡Œ®a K‡Œ®a MahŸyogin ViÀ∆Ÿ™ºa≤ V⁄À∆a∫Ÿvana

prapannŸm ¥Ÿ“⁄ Govinda Kurumadhye 'vasiiÆatiiº (A.Bhaj.,p. 36, #3).
O Krishna, Thou great Yogi, soul and Protector of the universe,

O Govind, deliver me lying hopeless in the midst of the Kauravas and
seeking thy support' (CW-e, 50, p.337, #56C).
These verses are followed by seven short summations concerning ethical

behavior, pithy statements of proper conduct which would be fitting for a woman
satyagra“i. Gandhi, on many occasions, encouraged not only the women of the
ashram, but the women of India, to set examples for the country, through new
initiatives of participation in public activities that ranged from speaking for
women's equality and marching in the satyagraha protests, to teaching children
proper conduct, to public campaigns that were carried out door-to-door to disparage
the use of alcohol and the wearing of foreign-made clothes.
'Ramarajya can come about only when there is likelihood of a

Sita arising....We never say Rama-Sita but Sita-Rama, not Krishna-
Radha, but Radha-Krishna. ...The reason why we think of Sita's name
first is that, without virtuous women, there can be no virtuous men.
...as long as the women of India do not take part in public life, there can
be no salvation for the country. As long as women...do not come into
public life and purify it, we are not likely to attain Ramarajya or swaraj.
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Even if we did, I would have no use for that kind of swaraj to which such
women have not made their full contribution' (CW-e, 30, #57, p.108 -
Speech at Women's Conference, Sojitra, Jan. 16,1925).
Women were, in many ways, the foundation of Gandhi's movement, and they
were encouraged to be so.
'dharmam carata, mŸ 'dharmam; satyam vadata, nŸ≤‡™am

dii¿îam paÀæata, mŸ “r–∆am; param paÀæata, mŸ'param' (A.Bhaj., p.36, #4).
'Act righteously, never unrighteously; speak truth, never untruth;

look far ahead, never shortsightedly; look above; never below'
(CW-e, 50, p.338, #57).
ahimsŸ satyam asteyam –Ÿ‹òam indriya-nigraha:

‰™am sŸmŸsikam dharmam cŸturvar®ye 'bravii≤ ºanuÅ (A.Bhaj., p.36, #5).
Ahimsa, truth, non-stealing, purity, and self-control, these, said Manu,

are the common duty of all the four divisions (CW-e. 50, p.338, #58).
'a“⁄º–Ÿ satyam asteyam akŸma-krodha-lobhatŸ

∫›™a-priya-hitehŸ ca dharmo'yam sŸrvavar®⁄éaÅ' (A.Bhaj., p.38, #6).
'Ahimsa, truth, non-stealing, freedom from passion, anger, and greed

wishing the well-being and good of all that lives is the duty common
to all the divisions' (CW-e, 50, p.338, #59).
'vidvadbhiÅ sevitaÅ sadbhir nityam adveŒa-rŸgibhiÅ

“‚Æaæ‰≤Ÿ∫ya≤‹ú†Ÿ™Ë æË ∞armas tam ni∫Ë∞ata (A.Bhaj., p.38, #7).
'Understand that to be religion [sic] which the wise, the good

and those that are free from likes and dislikes follow and
which is felt in the heart' (CW-e, 50, p.338, #60).
'Àr›æa™Ÿº ∞arma-sarvasvam, À¡™∆Ÿ òŸ‹∆Ÿ∆a∞Ÿ¿æa™Ÿº

Ÿ™ºanaÅ pratikulŸ≤⁄ ¥areŒŸm na samŸcaret' (A.Bhaj., p.38, #8).
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'Listen to the essence of religion and assimilate it through the heart:

one should never do to others which one would not wish done to
oneself' (CW-e, 50, p.338, #61A).
'ÀƒËéŸ¿∞‰na pravakŒayŸºi yaduktam granthako¢ibhiÅ

parËpakŸraÅ ¥‹®æŸya ¥Ÿ¥Ÿya parapii•a≤am' (A.Bhaj., p.38, #9).
'That which has been said in countless books I shall say in half a verse:
service of others is virtue, injury to others is sin' (CW-e, 50, p.338,
#61B).
'ŸÆ⁄™ya-candravanilo'nalaÀca
dyaur bh›º⁄¿ Ÿ¥Ë “‡dayam yamaÀca
ahaÀca rŸtirÀca ubhe ca sandhye
dharmo'pi jŸ≤Ÿ™⁄ narasya v‡™™am' (A.Bhaj., p.38, #10).
'The sun, the moon, the wind, the fire, the sky, the earth, the
waters, the heart, the god of judgment, the day, the night, the evening,
the morning and dharma itself are witnesses to man's actions, i.e., he
can conceal nothing' (CW-e, 50, p.339, #62).
The fourth verse of these seven is referred to by Gandhi as having come from
an unidentified book by Anandshankar Bapubhai Dhruva (a Sanskrit scholar and
man of letters): " I have taken as my guide [for the judgment about goodness or
badness] the sloka cited by Anandshankarbhai in his book.... I do not even know
from where he has quoted the sloka. It appealed to me instantly and sank into my
heart, and I, therefore, got it included in the women's prayer" (CW-e, 87, #567,
p. 335).
The final verse of the Women's Class Prayers is another prayer chanted to
Krishna, this time in the form of World-Teacher, who is able to inspire those who
formerly could neither walk nor talk. However, with Krishna's help, they are able
to transcend seemingly impossible difficulties, and to find their voices, with which
to speak out.
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'mukam karoti vŸòŸlam, pañí‹º lañîayate girim

æatk‡¥Ÿ tam aham devam K‡Œ®am vande jagadgurum' (A.Bhaj., p.38, #11).
'I honor that God Krishna, World-Teacher, by whose grace the lame
can cross mountains and the silent can form speech' (Not in CW-e; my
translation).
The prayer, through identification, is an appropriate one, encouraging the women

of satyagraha to speak out and to be active.
The final section of the compilation of Sanskrit shlokas found in the Ashram
Bhajanavali reflects the practice of òË≤òƒ‹ding the Evening Prayers with "some
portion of a sacred book" (Gandhi, 1998, p.38). As the closing reading of "some
portion of a sacred book" was a fixed, yet undesignated, portion of the evening
service, these readings could always, if need be, serve the purpose of concluding the
evening prayer time. These four sections consist of excerpts from the Upanishads,
the Pandava Gi™a, the Mukundaºaƒa, and the Dvadasha-Manjarika Stotram.
U¥anisha™-Smaranam (Upanishad R ecitation)
While admitting that clear dating is difficult, Olivelle places the

Brihadaranyaka and Chandogya as the two earliest Upanishads, likely from the 7th
to 6th centuries BCE, the Taittiriya, Aitareya, and the Kaushitaki as being from the
6th to 5th centuries BCE. He dates the Kena, Katha, Isha, Shvetashvatara, and
Mundaka from the last few centuries BCE. Finally, he dates the Prashna and
Mandukya as being from the beginning of the Common Era (Olivelle 1998, pp.12-
13). The Upanishad section of the Ashram Bhajanavali does not include material
from the four Vedic samhitas (Rig, Sama, Yajur, or Atharva). "The oldest Vedic
text, the Rig Veda (RV) is composed in archaic, highly stylized poetical Sanskrit"
(Witzel 2003, p.69). During Gandhi's era (and continuing even into the present),
102
there were a number of groups and individuals who were attempting through
vehement argument to decipher the earliest of the Vedic Sanskrit, and Gandhi was
desirous of remaining clear of the fray.
Gandhi began translating the Ashram Bhajanavali in prison (1930), and he
continued to study Sanskrit and Sanskrit texts while incarcerated in later times. In a
letter to S.D. Satavlekar (a reknown Sanskrit scholar), July 19, 1932, he wrote:
'Now I am reading Swadhaya Samhita by Vaidikmuni Hariprasadji.

But I find great difficulty in reading the Vedic hymns. You are acquainted
with my knowledge of Sanskrit, it is only of the most elementary order, and
as regards Vedic Sanskrit it is almost nil. I know this much, that Vedic hymns
have been interpreted in several ways by different scholars -- by Sanatanis in
one way, by Arya Samajists in another and by Western scholars in yet
another. Even among the Sanatanis I find differences of opinion. All Arya
Samajists too are not agreed upon the same meaning. ... Is there any work
available from which I may learn the rudiments of Vedic grammar and does
a collection exist containing different annotations by various scholars?' (CW-
e, 56, #202, pp.217-18, July 19, 1932).
Gandhi had always been assiduously careful not to become embroiled in textual
debate with Brahmin priests, and he chose to know for himself what the Vedic texts
might say: 'In short, what should a man like myself do when confronted with
interpreting correctly the Vedic mantra? I have not faith enough in any sect to
accept their interpretation as gospel truth' (CW-e, 56, #202, pp.217-18, July 19,
1932). He wrote again to Kaka Kalelkar in 1945:
'We do not wish to enter into controversy over the Vedas. The
compositions that are today accepted as the Vedas are full of
unresolved doubts. Not all the writings have come down to us. Even
from among those which have, no one knows what is genuine and what
is not. As regards their interpretation, sheer confusion prevails. Hence
the judgment about goodness or badness can come only from a purified
conscience' (CW-e, 87, #567, p.334).
Gandhi and Kalelkar were, however, comfortable including some of the

works known as Vedanta (the end of the Vedas), as each of the Upanishads was
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connected as a continuing ancilllary in the traditions of one of the Samhitas. "The

so-called Middle Up.s (ÖÀŸ, Ka¢ha, Kena, PraÀ≤a, Mu®•a, MŸ®•ukya, Ã∆‰™ŸÀ∆atara,
MahŸnŸrayana, etc., are no longer composed in prose but in verse and are heavily
influenced by the post-Vedic (Epic) language" (Witzel 2003, p.86). See Olivelle
(1998), page 9 for a chart of "The Upanishads with the Vedic Corpus," along with
Witzel (2003), pages 100-01 for "A Synopsis of the Vedic Texts."
Hume has traced the philosophical developments of the Upanishads, with
their many dialogues and discussions regarding what life is, what the human
purpose might be, and above all, what the Ultimate is. Hume remarks that the
Upanishads 'are no homogenous products, but that they are compilations from
different sources recording the 'guess at truth' of the early Indians...but underlying
all their expatiation, apparent inconsistencies, and unordered matter there is a
general basis of a developing monism.....' (Hume 1995, p.9). He goes on to elucidate
that the concept of establishing a universal ground is "the groundwork of the
Vedanta," (Hume 1995, p.13). Finally after centuries of wrestling with the
conceptions of Brahman and Atman as world-grounds, "[t]heir essential oneness as
aspects of the same great Being was at first only hinted at but [then] later explicitly
stated - Reality is One. Diversity and manifoldness are only an appearance" (Hune
1995, p.36).
In spite of the overall stance of Reality being One, there are Upanishads
which admit of the Samkhya, or dualistic, philosophy. 'Whereas the Advaita
[monistic] tradition emphasizes the non-difference (abheda) between the self and
the absolute, [the dualist] insists on their complete distinction' (Flood
1996, p.5). The majority of the selections in the Ashram Bhajanavali are monistic,
but Gandhi "flirts" with Samkhya philosophy by including the Katha quotations.
However, those Upanishads, the Maitri, and the Shvetashvatara, that are 'strongly
Samkhyan' (Hume 1995, p.9) are not included at all in the Ashram Bhajanavali.
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'On this issue, the Indian Vedantic tradition offers a rich profusion of
alternative solutions -- ranging from radical monism and non-dualism (advaita)
over qualified nondualism to radical dualism (dvaita). Fully cognizant of this
profusion, Gandhi can reasonably be assumed to have adopted a flexible or
experimental course...' (Parel 2000, p.110). Gandhi's flexibility in this regard is
demonstrated by his own statements: 'I believe in the rock-bottom doctrine of
Advaita and my interpretation of Advaita excludes totally any idea of superiority
at any state whatsoever. I believe implicitly that all men are born equal' (Parel
2000, p.116, note 11), and, 'I am an Advaitist and yet I can support Dvaitism
(dualism)' (CW, 64, p.141).
The section of Upanishad verses consists of a full ten pages, with each
Sanskrit page being faced with a Hindi translation on the opposite page. There are
14 verses from the Mundakopanishad, 12 verses from the Kathopanishad, two
verses each from the IshË¥anishad, the Taittiriyopanishad, and the
Cha≤Æogyopa≤⁄shad, one from the Bri“adaranyakopanishad, and the section ends
with one verse from the great epic, the Mahabharata. They are presented here in
the order in which they appear in the Bhajanavali, and the translations are Gandhi's
own from the Collected Works.
It should come as no surprise that the Upanishadic section would begin
with the famous verse concerning the light of truth, or satya, and be followed by the
equally well-known verse concerned with remaining on the right path, the verse
which ends the Ishopanishad.
IÀa 15
'hira®ºayena ¥Ÿtre®a satyasyŸpi“itam mukham
tat tvam P›Œan ! apŸv‡®‹ satya-dharmŸya d‡Œ¢ay‰' (A.Bhaj., p.40, #1).
'The face of truth is covered by a golden lid.

O God, remove it, –Ë ät I may see the true light' (CW-e, 50,
p.328, #18).
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ÖÀa 18
'agne naya supathŸ ¿Ÿæ‰ asmŸ≤
viÀvŸ≤⁄ deva vayunŸ≤i vidvŸ≤
æ‹æË∞æasmajjuhurŸ®am eno
bh›yiŒthŸº ™‰ nama uktim vidhema' (A.Bhaj., p.40, #2).
'O God, the Knower of all the ways, lead us along the right
path so as to enable us to reach the goal; wrestle with
our dark sins; we make obeisance to Thee again and
again' (CW-e, 50, p.328, #19).
In general, the verses found in the Ashram Bhajanavali do not reflect

the many and long philosophical discussions of the Upanishads. They are often
common sense advice, must shorter in nature.
Ka§a 1 .2 .2
'À¿‰æaÀòa ¥¿‰æaÀòa manuŒæam etaÅ
tau samprii™æa vivinakti dhiiraÅ
À¿‰æË “⁄ ∞ii¿Ë '∫⁄¥¿‰æaso ∆‡≤ii™‰
¥¿‰æË ºando yogaéŒ‰ºŸÆ ∆‡≤ii™‰' (A.Bhaj., p.40, #3)
'Both that which is good and that which is pleasing face man. A wise
man will discriminate and will certainly prefer the good to the pleasing
whereas the foolish one will prefer the pleasing thinking it to be
profitable' (CW-e, 50, p.328, #20).
With the many verses chosen from the Katha Upanishad, both the mystical
syllable OM is and the possibility of samkhya are both touched upon. Out of the
four verses during which Death explains to Naciketas that OM is "the way," only
one verse is included, 1.2.15.
Ka§a 1 .2 .15
'–arve vedŸ yatpadam Ÿºananti
tapŸ≤–⁄ –arvŸ®⁄ ca yad vadanti
yad icchanto brahmacaryam caranti
tat te padam sañgrahe≤a braviiº⁄ Ëº ⁄™æ‰™at' (A.Bhaj., p.42, #4).
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'I shall tell thee in one word that state which all the Vedas establish,
to which all the austerities are dedicated and desiring which devotees
observe brahmacharya. It is Om' (CW-e, 50, p.328, #21).
While the next four verses concentrate on the control which reason should
exert over the senses, a subject which Gandhi preached about continually, the
verses themselves sit in between other material that is samkhyan in nature (3:10-
13, for instance), although not printed in the Bhajanavali. The minute definitions
and graditions of philosophy are less important than the actual, concrete control
over the senses and their desires. (This theme comes up also during the Evening
Prayers in the Gita Chapter II, 54-72).
Ka§a 1 .3 .3&4
'ŸtmŸnam rathinam viddhi Àariiram ratham eva tu
buddhim tu –Ÿritham viddhi mana: pragraham eva ca"
"indriyŸ®ii hayŸ≤ Ÿ“‹¿ ∆⁄ŒaæŸ≤– ™‰Œ‹ íËòarŸ≤
Ÿ™mendriyamanoyuktam bhoktetyŸ“‹¿ ma≤iiŒ⁄®aÅ' (A.Bhaj., p.42, #5&6).
'Regard the soul as the warrior, body as his chariot, reason as

the charioteer, mind as the reins; they call senses horses, sense-
objects meadows; wise men have said that the soul acts through the
mind and the senses' (CW-e,50, p.329, #24).
Ka§a 1 .3 .3 .9
'vi◊ŸnasŸ¿aïr yas tu mana:pragrahavŸ≤ ≤araÅ
–Ë'∞∆anaÅ ¥Ÿram Ÿ¥≤Ë™⁄ ™aÆ ∆⁄Œ®ËÅ paramam padam'(A.Bhaj., p.42, #7).
'He whose reason is like an experienced charioteer and whose mind

is under control like the reins crosses over safely and safely comes to the
journey's end, the excellent abode of Vishnu' (CW-e, 50, p.330, #25).
Ka¢ha 1 .3 .14
'uttiŒ§ata úŸgrata ¥¿Ÿpya varŸ≤ ≤⁄∏Ë∞ata
éŒ‹rasya ∞ŸrŸ ≤⁄À⁄™Ÿ Æ‹¿atyaæŸ
Æ‹¿íaº ¥athas tat kavayo vadanti' (A.Bhaj., p.44, #8).
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'Awake, arise, and learn wisdom from the wise. The sages say to
traverse this way (through life) is as difficult as it is to walk along the edge
of a razor' (CW-e, 50, p.330, #26).
The next four verses are definitely monistic, and they paint the picture of
of the same (divine) fire, same (divine) wind, same (divine) sun indwelling every
being (sarva-bhuta), and the wise man knows that the many are really only One.
Ka¢ha 5 .9
'agnir yathaiko bhuvanam praviŒ¢Ë
r›pam r›¥aº ¥¿ati¬¥Ë ∏abhuva
ekas tathŸ sarva-bh›tŸntarŸtmŸ
¬¥am ¬pam pratir›¥Ë bahiÀ òa' (A.Bhaj., p.44, #9).
'Even as fire though always the same assumes different forms as it

passes through different media, so does the indwelling spirit, though
essentially always the same, appear different passing through
different media' (CW-e, 50, p.330, #27).
Ka¢ha 5 .10
'∆Ÿæ‹¿ æathaiko bhuvanam praviŒ¢Ë
¿›pam ¬pam prati¬¥Ë ∏abhuva
ekas tathŸ sarva-bh›™ŸntarŸ™ºŸ
¬pam ¬pam pratir›¥Ë bahiÀ òa' (A.Bhaj., p.44, #10).
'Even as the air though always the same assumes different

forms as it passes through different media so does the indwelling spirit,
though essentially always the same, appear different passing through
different media' (CW-e, 50, p.330, #28).
Ka¢ha 5 .11
'–›¿yo ya¨Ÿ sarvalokasya cakŒ‹¿
na lipyate cŸéŒ‹Œair bŸhyadoŒaiÅ
‰éas ta¨Ÿ sarvabh‹™Ÿ≤™a¿Ÿ™ºŸ
na lipyate lokaduÅê‰≤a bŸhyaÅ' (A.Bhaj., p.46, #11).
'Even as the sun which gives light to all the eyes remains unaffected by
the external defects of these eyes so is the oversoul dwelling in all that lives
not affected by the external woes of mankind' (CW-e 50,
p.331, #29).
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Ka¢ha 5 .12
'‰éË ∆aÀii sarva∫›™Ÿ≤™arŸ™ºŸ
‰éam ¬pam bahudhŸ æaÅ éaroti
™am Ÿ™mastham ye'nupaÀyanti dhii¿Ÿ–
™‰ŒŸº –‹éham ÀŸÀ∆atam netareŒŸº' (A.Bhaj., p.46, #12).
'Those wise men alone, not others, attain eternal happiness

who feel dwelling in themselves that one all-controlling power which
pervades all life and though one appears as many' (CW-e, 50, p.331,
#30).
In fact, it is only those who realize the Changeless within the changing who can
reach true happiness, and especially those who realize the Changless within
themselves.
Ka¢ha 5 .13
'≤⁄™yË'nityŸ≤Ÿº ò‰tanaÀ ò‰ta≤Ÿ≤Ÿº
‰éË bahu≤Ÿº æË ∆⁄Æa∞Ÿ™⁄ éŸºŸ≤
tam Ÿ™mastham ye'nupaÀæanti dhii¿Ÿ–
™‰ŒŸº –Ÿ≤™iÅ ÀŸÀ∆a™ii ≤‰tareŒŸº' (A.Bhaj., p.46, #13)
'Those wise men alone, not others, attain eternal peace who feel
dwelling in themselves that God who is the permanent essence among the
impermanent, who is the life in all that lives and who though one
fulfills the desires of many' (CW-e, 50, p.331, #31).
Ka§a 5 .15
'na tatra s›¿æË ∫Ÿ™⁄ na candra-™Ÿrakam
nemŸ vidyuto bhŸ≤™⁄ é‹™Ë'yam agniÅ
™am eva ∫Ÿntam anubhŸ™⁄ sarvam
™asya ∫Ÿ–Ÿ sarvam idam vi∫Ÿ™i' (A.Bhaj., p.48, #14).
'The sun does not carry its light there, nor the moon, nor the stars,
not even lightning can penetrate there, how then can this fire? All of
them derive their light from It and all this (universe) is lighted by
Its splendor' (CW-e, 50, p.329, #22).
Probably the most interesting aspect of the Upanishads chosen for the
Bhajanavali is the fact the greatest number of verses from one Upanishad were
taken from the Mundaka Upanishad. "The Mu®•aka Upani–ad does not form part
109
of a larger Vedic text, although tradition ascribes it to the Atharvaveda...[it is] a

later Upani–ad [and is] by default ascribed to the Atharvaveda... (Olivelle
1998, p.434). It is, in fact, not included in Witzel's "A Synopsis of Vedic Texts"
(Witzel 2003, 101). Furthermore, the Atharvaveda 'incorporates rituals from
healing and magic'(Witzel 2003, p.8), while at the same time 'engag[ing] in a direct
and frontal attack against both Vedic ritualism and the Vedic texts that embody the
ritual tradition (Olivelle 1998, p.434).
The verses in the Bhajanavali do not include spells or magic rituals, but as the
terms "yati, probably in the sense of ascetic (MuU 3.1.5; 3.2.6) and samnæasa, in the
sense of ascetic renunciation (MuU 3.2.6 )" appear, Olivelle is of the opinion that
this Upanishad was 'composed by and/or intended for...ascetics (Olivelle 1998,
p.434). All of Olivelle's citations, which he uses to define the Mundaka's unique
character, are included in the printed verses of the Ashram Bhajanavali.
The Mundaka "establishes a clear distinction between a lower

class of religious documents, the old vedic texts and ancillary literature,
and a higher class consisting of texts that teach the imperishable
brahman and contain the knowledge passed down in a tradition
reaching back to Brahman (here as God himself). It is this higher
knowledge that MuU refers to as 'VedŸnta' (3.2.6), one of the earliest
recorded use [sic]of this significant term (Olivelle 1998, p.434).
Verses 1.2.11-13 are situated within a discussion of the differences between

that higher and lower knowledge, and use the common image of the right student
who with "due reverence and calm of mind" approaches the truly knowledgeable
sage with firewood in hand. The implication of finding a teacher of real truth,
versus following the false prophet of an untrustworthy brahminic lineage is quite
clear here, and would have been in harmony with Gandhi's teachings regarding
satyagraha.
110
Mu®•aka 1 .2 .11
'™apaÅ À¿addhe ye hyupavasantyara®æ‰
ÀŸ≤™Ÿ ∆⁄Æ∆Ÿ≤–Ë ∫aikŒaòaryo carantaÅ
suryadvŸ¿‰®a te viraúŸÅ prayŸ≤™⁄
ya™¿Ÿº‡taÅ sa puruŒË hyavyayŸ™ºŸ' (A.Bhaj., p.48, #15).
'Those knowing ones who with austerities and faith live the
forest life in peace begging for their food becoming sinless enter through
the sunny gate that abode where dwells that well-known immortal
changeless Being' (CW-e, 50, p.329, #23).
Mu®•aka 1 .2 .12
'par éŒaya lokŸ≤ karmacitŸ≤
∏¿Ÿhma®Ë ≤⁄rvedam ŸæŸ≤ '≤Ÿ–™æak‡taÅ é‡™‰≤a'
™ad vi◊Ÿ≤Ÿ¿äm sa gurum ‰∆Ÿ∫⁄íacchet
samit-¥Ÿ®⁄Å À¿Ë™¿iyam brahma-niŒ¢am' (A.Bhaj., p.48, #16).
'Having realised (the impermanence of) the status to be obtained by

works, a Brahmin should cultivate detachment. Stability cannot come from
activity. To know that he should reverently approach a teacher who knows
the Vedas and is intent on God' (CW-e, 50, p.331, #32).
Mu®•aka 1 .2 .13
tasmai sa vid∆Ÿn upasannŸya samyak
praÀŸ≤™a-ò⁄ttŸya ÀamŸ≤∆⁄™Ÿya
ye≤ŸéŒaram puruŒam veda satyam
¥¿Ë∆Ÿòa ™Ÿº tattvato brahmavidyŸm (A.Bhaj., p.50, #17).
'To him thus come with due reverence, calm of mind brought under
control the wise teacher imparts divine knowledge whereby one
really knows that permanent Being who is truth incarnate' (CW-e, 50,
p.332, #33).
Mundaka verses 2.2.3 mark the beginning of the great analogy of OM, and
the Bhajanavali verses pick up at 2.2.4:
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Mu®•aka 2 .2 .4
'pra®avo dhanuÅ Àaro hyŸ™ºŸ, brahma tal lakŒæam uòæate
apramattena veddhavyam, Àaravat tanmayo bhavet' (A.Bhaj., p.50, #18).
'Pranav (Om) is the bow, the spirit is the arrow and Brahm[an] is
the target; therefore one must shoot unerringly so that the spirit
becomes one with Brahm[an] like the arrow (with the target)'
(CW-e, 50, p.332, #34).
The intervening verses are not included, but in 2.2.8, the heart's knots are broken
and all disbelief is vanished.
Mu®•aka 2 .2 .8
bhidyate h‡dayagranthiÅ ö⁄Ææa≤™‰ –arvasamÀaæŸÅ
éŒiiæante cŸsya karmŸ®⁄ ™asmin d‡Œ¢‰ pa¿Ÿpare (A.Bhaj., p.50, #19).
'When one realizes Godhead one's heart is rid of difficulties, doubts

vanish and works do not bind' (CW-e, 50, p.332, #35).
In this state, it is then realized that Brahman truly is everywhere, and that
Reality is One.
Mu®•aka 2 .2 .11
'brahmaivedam am‡tam purastŸÆ brahma
paÀòŸd brahma dikŒi®ataÀ òËttare®a
adhaÀ òË¿∞∆am ca pras‡tam brahmaivedam
viÀvam idam variŒ¢ham' (A.Bhaj., p.50, #20).
'This eternal Brahm[an] is before and behind, is in the right and the
left, is below and above, pervades everywhere, is the universe, is
above all' (CW-e, 50, p.332, #36).
While Mundaka 3 begins with the famous image of the two birds sitting on
the same tree, this well-known image is ignored for the Bhajanavali, and verse
3.1.5 is the first verse to be printed with its emphasis on "truth, tapas (austerity), true
knowledge and brahmacharya.
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Mu≤•aka 3 .1 .5
'satyena labhyas tapa–Ÿ “æ‰Œa Ÿ™ºŸ
samyag◊Ÿnena brahmacarye®a nityam
antaÅ Àar ¿‰ úæË™⁄r-mayo hi À‹∫¿Ë
æam paÀyanti yatayaÅ éŒii®aÆËŒŸÅ' (A.Bhaj., p.52, #21).
'Self-realization comes always through truth, tapas (austerity), true

knowledge and brahmacharya. Seekers who have become free
from sins realize the immaculate refulgent spirit within themselves'
(CW-e, 50, p.333, #37).
The first line of verse 3.1.6, Satyam eva jayate, will be recognized as the current
national motto of India.
M‹®•aka 3 .1 .6
'sa™yam eva jayate nŸn‡tam
satyena panthŸ vitato divayŸ≤aÅ
æ‰≤Ÿé¿amanti ‡Œayo hyŸ¥™akŸºŸ
yatra tat satyasya paramam nidhŸnam' (A. Bhaj., p.52, #22).
'Truth alone triumphs, never untruth. That way which the sages
whose purpose is fulfilled traverse, which is the way of the gods and
where is the great abode of truth opens (for us) through truth' (CW-e,
50, p.333, #38).
Verses 3.2.3 through 3.2.9 instruct that only brahman chooses the student of
such a rarified life, and that it is never a result of false teachers. This must be
experienced in the heart, and as such, 3.2.5 and 6 teach that those real seers and
ascetics, those knowers, who have attained brahman will become immortal at the
time of death.
Mu®•aka 3 .2 .3
≤Ÿyam Ÿ™ºŸ pravacanena labhyo
na º‰dhayŸ na bahunŸ À¡™‰na
yam evaiŒa v‡®‹™‰ ™‰na labhyas
tasyaiŒa Ÿ™ºŸ ∆⁄∆‡≤‹™‰ tan›m svŸm (A.Bhaj., p.52, #23).
113
This spirit is not attainable by the Vedic study or by feats of

intellect or by attending discourses. It is attainable only by him who
attains it. It reveals itself to such a one' (CW-e, 50, p.333, #39).
Mu®•aka 3 .2 .4
'≤Ÿæam Ÿ™ºŸ balah ≤‰na labhyo
na ca pramŸÆŸ™ tapaso vŸpyaliñíŸ™
‰™air upŸyair yatate yastu vidnŸ≤–
™asyaiŒa Ÿ™ºŸ ∆⁄Àat‰ brahmadhŸma' (A.Bhaj., p.52, #24)
'This realization is not possible for the weak or the indolent or those
who resort to unmeaning austerities. But the soul of the wise man who
remedies these defects enters the abode of Brahm[an]' (CW-e, 50,
p.333, #40).
Mu®•aka 3 .2 .5
'sam¥¿Ÿ¥yainam ‡Œayo ◊Ÿna-t‡¥™ŸÅ
é‡™Ÿ™ºŸ≤Ë ∆iitarŸíŸÅ praÀŸ≤™ŸÅ
™‰ –arvagam sarvataÅ ¥¿Ÿpya dh⁄i¿Ÿ
yuktŸ™ºŸnaÅ sarvam evŸ∆⁄ÀŸ≤™⁄' (A.Bhaj., p.54, #25).
'The sages having found satisfaction in knowledge, being purified

being free from desires, being at peace with themselves and with their
souls equipoised, realize the universal spirit and pervade all' (CW, 44,
p.396).
Mu®•aka 3 .2 .6
'∆‰ÆŸ≤™a-vi◊Ÿna-s‹≤⁄Àòi™Ÿ¿¨ŸÅ
sa≤æŸsa-yogŸÆ yatayaÅ À‹Æ∞a-sattvŸÅ
te brahma-lokeŒ‹ parŸ≤™aéŸƒ‰
pa¿Ÿº‡™ŸÅ parimucyanti sarve (A.Bhaj., p.54, #26).
'All those who have well understood the meaning of life through
Vedant and science, whose hearts are purified through sannyasa, being
intent on the immortal, on death enter Brahmaloka and become free'
(CW-e, 50, p.334, #42).
Verse 3.2.8 uses the familiar analogy of the rivers flowing into the ocean to
describe the knower, who, beyond name and form, flows into brahman/purusha.
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Mu®•aka 3 .2 .8
"yathŸ nadyaÅ syandamŸ≤ŸÅ samudre
astam gacchanti ≤Ÿmar›¥‰ ∆⁄hŸya
tathŸ ∆⁄Æ≤Ÿ≤ ≤Ÿmar›¥ŸÆ ∆⁄º‹é™aÅ
¥a¿Ÿtparam puruŒam upaiti divyam" (A.Bhaj., p.54, #27).
'Just as rivers rushing towards the sea leave their names and forms
and merge in the sea, even so do wise mean leave their names and
forms and merge in the paramount divine Being'
(CW-e Vol. 50, p.334, #43).
Verse 3.2.9 teaches that the one who enters thus, or who knows brahman, becomes
brahman, becoming immortal.
Mu®•aka 3 .2 .9
"sa yo ha vai tat paramam brahmaveda brahamaiva bhavati
≤Ÿ–yŸbrahmavit kule bhavati
tarati ÀËéam tarati ¥Ÿ¥ºŸnam
í‹“Ÿg¿anthibhyo vimukto'm‡™Ë bhavati " (A.Bhaj., p.54, #28).
He who knows that great Brahm[an] I becomes it. In his family no

one ignorant of Brahm[an] is possible. He passes grief and sin. He
becomes free from the bonds of the heart and becomes immortal'
(CW-e, 50, p.334, #44).
The final words of the Mundaka original, which refer to "[s]o long as they
have duly performed the head-vow [Àirovrata]" (Olivelle 1998, p.455) are not
included in the Ashram Bhajanavali, as this would have indicated participation in
and obedience to some particular brahminic lineage, which Gandhi and the
satyagrahis would not have recognized nor encouraged.
The Taittiriya UpaniŒad belongs to an older layer of the Indic texts, and
Verse 2.8 constitutes the opening words of a passage describing ananda-bliss,
described also as "the way a dead person attains brahman" (Olivelle 1998,
p.289). The entire litany, which follows in the original, which recites the
progression of human bliss to the bliss of brahman, is not printed in the Asham
115
Bhajanavali. However, verse 2.9 emphasizes that "one who knows the bliss of
brahman is never afraid" and does not agonize any longer over whether "right" and
"wrong" have been committed. Taittiriya verses 2.9 and 2.8 are reversed in
the Ashram Bhajanavali.
Taittiriiæa 2 .9
'yato ∆ŸòË ≤⁄vartante aprŸpya manasŸ saha
Ÿnandam brahmano vidvŸ≤ na bibheti kutaÀòana
etam hi ∆Ÿva na tapati 'kim aham –Ÿdhu ≤Ÿkaravam
kim aham pŸpam akaravam' iti' (A.Bhaj., p.56, #29)
'He who knows that Brahm[an] which not reaching both speech and
mind return, fears nothing. He does not burn thinking, "Why have
I not done this good thing? Why have I committed that sin?' (CW-e,
50, p.335, #45).
Taittiriiya 2 .8
'yu∆Ÿ syŸ™ –ŸÆ“‹ æ‹∆Ÿ ÆæŸyakaÅ ŸÀ⁄Œ§ËÆ‡•h⁄Œ§Ë baliŒ§aÅ
™a–æ‰æam ¥‡¨⁄∆ii sarvŸ ∆⁄ttasya p›¿®a –æŸ™' (A.Bhaj., p.56, #30).
'A young man should have character, should be studious, full of

hope, determination and strength. For him all this earth should be full
of riches '(CW-e, 50, p. 335, #46).
The Chandogya and Brihadaranyaka Upanishads are "very composite in

character, [including] sayings, philosophic disquisitions", (Hume 1995, p.7),
compilations, and collections, etc. Verse 7.8.1 falls roughly one third of the way
through a long dialogue between Narada (a divine sage) and Sanatkumara (one of
the four sons of Brahma) concerning the perceptions of brahman. 7.8.1 accentuates
the attribute of strength within the liturgy of perceptual relationships (the rest of
which are not printed in the Ashram Bhajanavali). Gandhi translates this as "soul-
force," the words he often used as the English equivalent for satyagraha.
ChŸ≤ÆËíæa 7 .8 .1
"balam ∆Ÿva vi◊Ÿ≤ŸÆ ∫›æaÅ
'api ha Àatam vi◊ŸnavatŸº ‰éË balavŸ≤ Ÿkampayate
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sa yadŸ balii bhavati

athË™¨Ÿ™™Ÿ bhavati
‹™™⁄Œ™han paricaritŸ bhavati
paricaran upasattŸ bhavati
upasiidan d‡Œ¢Ÿ bhavati
À¿Ë™Ÿ bhavati
mantŸ bhavati
∏oddhŸ bhavati
kartŸ bhavati
vi◊Ÿ™Ÿ bhavati' (A.Bhaj., p.56, #31).
'Soul-force is superior even to science, for one man having soul-

force will shake one hundred learned men. When one has that force he is
ready to go to a teacher, he serves him, then he becomes fit to sit
near him, he ponders over what he has heard; he becomes wise, he
does his duty, he has experience. The earth keeps its place through
that force, the heavens retain their place through it, the mountains,
the gods, mankind, the brute creation, birds, grass, plants, game,
insects, moths, ants, etc., all life are sustained by that force.
Therefore cultivate that force' (CW-e, 50, p.336, #48).
B‡hadŸra®yaka 6 .3 .6
'madhu∆Ÿ™Ÿ ‡™Ÿyate
madhu kŒaranti sindhavaÅ
ºŸdhvii¿ naÅ santvoŒadhiiÅ
madhu naktam upËŒasaÅ
madhumat pŸ¿¨⁄∆am rajaÅ
madhu dyaur astu naÅ ¥⁄™Ÿ
madhumŸ≤ ≤Ë vanaspatiÅ
madhmŸn astu s›¿æaÅ' (A.Bhaj., p.58, #32).
'May the winds, the waters, the plant life, the evening and the
dawn, the dust of the earth, the heavenly vault which is like father, the
trees, the sun and the cows be a blessing to us' (CW-e, 50, p. 336. #49).
Verses 6.3.6 appear in the original context of a ritual for the man who has decided
to "attain greatness" (mahatpra¥æami). 6.3.6 are verses concerning the drinking of
a prepared mixture and which, in the original, are enclosed within the famous
verses of the Gayatri mantra. The earlier Gayatri verses, interestingly, are omitted
from Gandhi's translation of this well-known prayer, as well as are the references
117
to honey omitted, which may have been associated with the ancient uses of soma
(the drink of the gods, and the nectar of immortality). Gandhi chose the world
"blessing," rather than "honey," for his English audience. The Brihadaranyaka
Upanishad
'constitutes the concluding section of the voluminous Ãatapatha

BrŸhmana of the White Yajurveda. ... On linguistic and other grounds,
there is general agreement that the B‡hadŸra®yaka as a whole, is the
oldest of the UpaniŒads, even though individual passages in it may be
younger than those of others, especially those of the ChŸ≤ÆËíæa'
(Olivelle 1998, pp.29-30).
Chandogya verse 1.1.10 follows a description concerning the mystical

syllable OM, making the statement that both those who know, and those who do not
know, its essence, chant this syllable.
ChŸ≤ÆËíya 1 .1 .10
'yadeva vidyaæŸ karoti À¿addhayopaniŒadŸ
tadeva viiryavattaram bhavati ' (A.Bhaj., p.58, #33)
Gandhi, however, translates:
'Work done with knowledge and faith and in a prayerful spirit

becomes most effective strength' (CW-e, 50, p.336, #51).
Interestingly, the final verse in this section does not come from the
Upanishads, but from the closing verses of the Mahabharata.
Bharat Savitri (closing moral of the Mahabharata)
'na jŸ™‹ éŸºŸ™ na bhayŸ™ na lo∫Ÿ™

dharmam tyajet jiivitasyŸ¥⁄ “‰™ËÅ
∞armo nityaÅ sukhaduÅkhe tvanitye
úii∆Ë nityo hetur asya tvanityaÅ' (A.Bhaj., p.58, #34).
'One may not abandon one's faith for the satisfaction of a

desire, or from fear or ambition, not even for saving one's life.
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Faith is permanent, happiness and unhappiness are fleeting things.

The spirit is immortal, the result of its actions -- the body -- is
evanescent' (CW-e, 50, p.336, #50).
In retrospect, regarding the verses chosen from the Upanishads for

the Ashram Bhajanavali, it is possible to make a few comments. In a general way, a
variety of verses were chosen. Some older verses were chosen; some new verses
were chosen. However, for the most part, verses were chosen from the newer, later
Upanishads, such as the Katha, Mundaka, and Isha, etc; while a few verses were
also included from older sources such as the Chandogya and Taittiriya. However, in
the Chandogya verse, references to the Gayatri mantra and "honey," ancient words
of Vedic ritual, were removed from Gandhi's English translation for Mirabehn.
Similarly, the majority of texts speak of the Advaitic position of monism
connected with the Upanishads. Yet, a few passing references to Samkhya have
been noted. As Gandhi himself commented that even while he held his own
monistic views, he would not begrudge others their differences.
The verses chosen do not engage in the often long and drawn-out debates one
would expect from Upanishadic theosophizing. Generally, verses state clearly, e.g.,
the position concerning the oneness of Brahman, or the control necessary for a
satyagrahi to exhibit non-violent constraint. The verses are practical in nature.
Rather than becoming lost in philosophical detail, they are meant to instruct a
rational approach to divinity and to controlling the senses in svaraj. Yet, at the same
time, discussion concerning the mystical syllable OM is also included.
The text whose verses were utilized the most was that of the Manduka
Upanishad, whose connection with the Vedic corpus has been questioned. It is a
text, as Olivelle indicated, that may have been for an ascetic community, but
Gandhi and the satyagrahis took a firm stance against the Hindu brahminic
communities with their perceived pomp and circumstance, their misleading of
congregations, and their corruption. This Upanishad speaks against Vedic
misconduct and misuse, and at the same time advocates Brahman as "Truth."
119
Regarding the question of the extent to which eclecticism can be illustrated

within the choosing of these verses, a key view to these verses would be that they
include both old and new, however, primarily newer texts; they include differing
philosophic points of view, but they are primarily monistic; they provide statements
and advice against the brahminic traditions, but encourage the importance of the
inner-most search for a connection with Brahman. The texts are practical and
down-to-earth training, while some mystical philosophy, the syllable OM and the
joinings with Brahman, are included.
While primary views are prevalent, differing or opposing views are also
included -- but one would have to say that they are included "in moderation," into
an already moderate program of sung-prayers meant to teach responsibility and
self-control.
One Upanishad, however, was significant for Gandhi above all the rest -- the
Ishopanishad. During his incarceration in the spring of 1923, Gandhi read (in
various translations) the Katha, Prakash, Kena, Isha, Manduka, Mandukya,
Chandogya, and Brihadaranyaka Upanishads, along with massive numbers of books
on other religions, Islam, Zoroastrianism, the Bible, economists, philosophy of many
genres, the Gita, and even James' Varieties of Religious Experience. While
incarcerated, he daily recited the Ishopanishad: 'I used to recite that Upanishad
every day in jail, trying to memorize the verses. ... There's no difference between
its teachings and the Gita's. What is present in it in the form of a seed has become a
beautiful tree in the Gita' ( CW-e, 64., #5, May 22, 1934, p. 4)
It was not until 1937, during his Harijan campaigns in Travancore that the
first verse of the Ishopanishad became what seemed to him to be the very seed of
Hinduism.
'Many of you, I think, know the Ishopanishad. I read it years ago

with translation and commentary. I learnt it by heart in Yeravda Jail.
But it did not then captivate me as it has done during the past few
months, and I have now come to the final conclusion that if all the
120
Upanishads and all the others scriptures happened all of a sudden to

be reduced to ashes and if only the first verse in the Ishopanishad were
left intact in the memory of Hindus, Hinduism would live for ever'
(CW-e,70, #327, Jan. 16, 1937, p.298).
He used this verse of many occasions to offer spiritual advice (see, e.g.,
CW-e, 70, #330; 78, #5; 86, #114; 89, #265; 89, #320; 91, #125; 92, #34; and 95, #
50). Ishopanishad I.1 had become for him a "signature verse" for satyagraha.
Pandava-Gi™a
Next, ten selections from the Pandava Gi™a are included. The first line
consists of a string Ëf fourteen names of sages who should be remembered, and the
other nine verses consist of one verse each from these sages: Kun™i, Drona,
Ga≤∞a¿i, Virata, Prahlada, Bharadvaja, Ma¿éandeya, Shaunaka, and
Sanatkumara. These verses are devoted primarily to Vishnu and Krishna, and by
way of example, we include here the last verse from this section.
Sanatkuma¿a:
'ŸéŸÀŸ™ patitam toyam yathŸ gacchati –Ÿgaram
sarva-deva-narmaskŸraÅ KeÀavam prati gacchati' (A.Bhaj., p.62).
'Even as the waters dropping from the heavens

are receiving into the ocean, so is the worship of the
different gods received unto Keshav [Krishna]' (CW-e, 50,
p.340, #72).
M‹é‹≤Æaºaƒa
This Rosary of Vishn‹'s Names was written by Kulashekhara, one of the 12
Alvars of South India who were mystical poets and devotees of Vishnu. Of the 40
Sanskrit verses in the Sr⁄ Mukundamaƒa, a total of 12 are included in the 1947
Ashram Bhajanavali, while only five had been included in the 1930 translations in
the Collected Works. Two of those five are presented here.
'bhava-jala∞⁄-ga™Ÿ≤Ÿº dvandva-vŸ™ŸhatŸ≤Ÿm
suta-duhit‡-kalatra-™¿Ÿ®a-bhŸ¿Ÿ∆‡tŸnŸm
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viŒam-viŒaya-toye majjatŸm alpavŸ≤Ÿº

bhavati Àara®am eko viŒ≤‹-poto narŸ®Ÿm' (A.Bhaj., p.66, #6).
'Vishnu becomes like a ship protecting men sailing on

the ocean of birth and death, tossed to and fro as by the
wind, by the pairs of opposites such as happiness and misery,
borne down by the weight of guarding sons, daughters, wives,
and the like and sinking in the storms of violent passions.'
(CW-e, 50, p. 342, #74)'
'namŸº⁄ NŸ¿Ÿya®a-pŸda-pañkajam
karomi NŸ¿Ÿya®a-p›janam sadŸ
vadŸº⁄ NŸ¿Ÿæa®a-nŸma nirmalam
smarŸº⁄ NŸ¿Ÿya®a-tattvam avyayam (A.Bhaj., p.68, #11).)
'I touch the lotus feet of Narayana,

I worship Narayana always;
I take the holy name of Narayana,
I remember the changeless essence called
Narayana' (CW-e, 50, p.342, #76).
Dvadasha-Panjarika Stotra
These verses are from the Hymn to Govinda, also known as Bhaja Govindam,
or the Dvadashamanjarika-stotra, by Shankara. It appears both as
Dvadashapanjarika and Dvadashamanarika. Acarya Shankara, it is said, was
walking along a street in Va¿anasi, one day accompanied by his disciples. He heard
the sound of grammatical rules being recited by an old scholar. Taking pity on the
scholar, he went up to him and advised him not to waste his time on grammar but to
turn his mind to God in worship and adoration (Hymns of Shankara, 34). He
composed "12 Verse Blossoms" on that occasion, and his disciples then each
composed one additional verse in response, the group of which is known as the "14
Verse Blossoms." The two compilations are sometimes published in differing
combinations (with some additional verses being added) as Bhaja Govindam. The
verses in the Ashram Bhajanavali correspond to the 31 verses of Bhaja Govindam
as follows: The first verse found here is #2; the second verse here is #29; the third
122
verse here is #26; the fourth verse here is #24; and the last verse is the fourth verse
of Bhaja Govindam.
'm›•ha ja“iihi dha≤Ÿgam-™‡Œ≤Ÿm kuru sadabuddhim manasi vit‡Œ®Ÿm

yallabhas‰ nija-karmË¥Ÿ™™am vittam tena vinËÆaya cittam' (A.Bhaj., p.70).
'O foolish one, give up the desire for amassing wealth, make thy
mind pure and free from desire, satisfy they mind with what thou
may'st obtain through thy own labour' (CW-e, 50, p.339, #63).
'artham anartham bhŸvaya nityam ≤Ÿsti tataÅ sukha-loÀaÅ satyam

putrŸÆ api ∞ana-∫ŸúŸº ∫iitiÅ sarvatraiŒŸ vihitŸ ¿ii™⁄Å' (A.Bhaj., p.70).
'Always believe that wealth is illth. It is simple truth to say

that there is no happiness coming from its possession. It is known
to all that rich people fear even their own children' (CW-e,50, p.339, #64).
'éŸºam krodham lobham moham tyaktvŸd 'tmŸnam bhŸvaya ko'ham

Ÿ™ma-◊Ÿnavihii≤Ÿ º›∞ŸÅ ™‰ ¥acyante naraka-nig›•hŸÅ' (A.Bhaj., p.70).
'Shun desire, anger, greed, possession and ask thyself 'who am

I'. Those foolish ones who don't strive for self-realization go to
perdition' (CW-e, 50, p.339, 65).
'tvayi mayi cŸ≤æatraiko viŒ®‹Å ∆æartha kupyasi sarve-sahiŒ≤‹Å

sarvasminnapi paÀæŸ™ºŸ≤am sarvatrots‡ja bhedŸ◊Ÿnam' (A.Bhaj., p.70).
'In thee, me and others there is but one God who suffers us all;
though art angered for nothing. See thyself in all and everywhere, give
up they ignorance in the shape of differentiation' (CW-e, 50, p.339,
#66).
'nalinii-Æala-gata salilam paralam tadvaj-jiivitam atiÀaæa-capalam

viddhi vyŸdhyabhimŸ≤a-grastam lokam ÀËka-hatam ca samastam' (A.Bhaj., p.70).
'Like the precarious drops on a lotus lead this life is fleeting.

Know this world to be full of disease, egotism and affliction' (CW-e,
50, p.340, #67).
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The popular first verse and refrain of this hymn, which repeats "Bhaja
Govindam, bhaja Govindam, bhaja Govindam m‹•“amate, etc." is not published in
the Bhajana∆ali.
Ramacarita-Manas
Selections in Hindi from another 'sacred book' are those from Tulsidas's
Ramacarita-Manas and they make up the next section of the Ashram Bhajanavali.
They, like the section of Upanishads, cover ten pages. This is a piece that would
have been deeply loved by those hearing or chanting it from the Ashram
Bhajanavali and many would have known sections of it by heart. 'Tuls ÆŸ– is
praised and the RŸmcaritmŸnas embraced by people of multiple religious
orientations, offering a point of meeting between members of divergent
sampradŸys, in line with the sympathetic and inclusivist nature of the text' (Martin
2003, p.192).
'Within his telling of the tale, TulsiiÆŸs seeks to cultivate deep

devotion to RŸma but also to reconcile and integrate VaiŒ®ava and
Ãaiva devotion, nirgun and sagun perspectives, and advaita and bhakti
religiosity. Situated within a vast stream of both Sanskrit and
vernacular literature surrounding RŸma, TulsiiÆŸ– ⁄– òƒ‰a¿ƒæ ⁄≤fluenced not
only by VŸƒº⁄éi's RŸºŸya®a (though his RŸm is thoroughly divine unlike
VŸƒmiki's great but very human hero) and the South Indian telling of the
AdhyŸtma RŸºŸæa®a or "Spiritual RŸºŸæa®a" (incorporating advaita
ideals with RŸm as seen as both an incarnation of ViÀ®u and the
personification of Ultimate Reality or Brahman and portraying only a
shadow of Sii™Ÿ rather than Sii™Ÿ herself being abducted by the demon
RŸvana) but also by the K‡Œ®a tradition in his portrayal of RŸm's
childhood' (Martin 2003, quoting Lutgendorf and Richmond, in Flood
2003, p.192).
The selections are short, easy to repeat, and to remember. They range from
simple, proverb-like statements that concern behavior to reminders and instruction
as to what "true" religion is considered to be. The caupai and doha are the two
primary meters found in the Manas. The chaupai is 'a two-line unit containing four
124
equal parts. Its individual lines are each known as an ardhŸƒii (half) and comprise
thirty-two 'beats'...[and e]ach ardhŸƒii is divided in turn into two feet (pad) of
sixteen beats...'(Lutgendorf 1991, p.14). "A standard dohŸ “as only 24 mŸ™¿Ÿ–,"
which means that it "requires succinctness of expression" and the "rhythmic and
rhyming qualities are such that the dohŸ is a verse form that has all the
requirements for oral composition and memorization: strict end rhyme, division into
smaller rhythmic units, and a close relationship between rhythmic units and units of
meaning. It is thus not only brief, but also easy to remember" (Schomer 1987, p.63).
The pad is also a simpler medium, reminiscent of the folk song.
The Raºcaritmanas was meant to be "...learned by heart [and] internalized
to the degree that it can become self-performing within us" (Lutgendorf 1991,
p.37). In his Life of a Text: Performing the Ramcaritmanas of Tulsiidas, Philip
Lutgendorf is quite clear in stating that these verses were to be sung, not read.
"[T]he verbs commonly used are 'to recite' (kathnŸ), 'to tell (kahnŸ), 'to sing or
chant' (ganŸ), and 'to listen' (sunnŸ). These verbs occur especially in the concluding
verses of each book, which are known as 'hearing the fruits' (phalÀruti). ...Sundar
kŸ®• concludes:
Singing the virtues of Raghunayak yields all blessings,

Reverently listening, one crosses the ocean of existence without a boat.
5.60' (Lutgendorf 1991, p.37).
Tulsidas recommended, within his text, the practice of chanting and
memorizing his verses. Lutgendorf remarks that such an approach to chanted
verse is
'found in many Hindu texts. They are not simply a convention,
but a reflection of an ancient belief in the efficacy of hearing, reciting,
and memorizing the sacred word -- a belief reflected in the traditional
categories of literature, which are conceptualized not as read but rather
as 'heard' (À¡™⁄) a≤Æ '¿‰º‰º∏‰¿‰Æ' (sm‡ti)' (Lutgendorf 1991, p.37).
125
Lutgendorf further remarks, in a footnote, that he was fortunate to have a Manas

teacher who
'encouraged me from the beginning to chant it aloud and taught

me melodies to which each of its meters could be sung. I found my
comprehension and appreciation of the text greatly enchanced by this
practice. ... I am convinced that both recitation and memorization
(however unpopular the latter may be with Western students and
educators) are vital to the appreciation of poetry' (Lutgendorf 1991,
p.37, note 95).
Gandhi has often been quoted as referring to the Manas as one of the greatest
and most spiritual books ever written, and Gandhi's son, Devadas, helped to publish
the English translation that we are using in this work:
'Recitation of verses from the Ramayana was part of the routine

of our expanded family in South Africa. My father was fond of
repeating them aloud to us. He particularly made us memorize soratha 1
and chaupai 2 [concerns the chanting of RŸºŸ NŸma] of the
Invocation, dohŸs 20 to 26 of the Salutation to Rama, especially
dohŸ 22, in Book I, and chand 13, in praise of Bharat, in Book II. A verse he
often quoted is dohŸ 112 in Book I ' (Devadas Gandhi, publisher's note,
in Atkins 1954, p.ii).
Examples presented herein are given in the English translation of Rev. A. G.

Atkins (1954), as the poetical style was written intentionally to be close to the
original. Atkins wrote: 'I have tried to give varied metres somewhat comparable to
those of Tulsidas, changing as he changes...also rhyme where he gives it, and
language that is clear and simple in verse form' (Atkins 1954, p.vii).
'Helping others is sincere religion's high peak;

Chief of sins this -- the harm of another to seek;'
(Manas Book VII: Chaupai 39; A.Bhaj, p.72; Atk⁄≤s, p.1281)
'Scriptures new and old tell us -- a truth firmly fixed --

Good and evil, my lord are in ev'ry heart mixed;
When the good mind prevails, then true riches are found;
126
But when evil prevails, then for trouble we're bound.'

(Manas Book V: Chaupai 40; A.Bhaj, p.72; Atk⁄≤s, p.1011)
'Like the cotton tree's fruit are the saint's blessed deeds,
Tho' austere, pure and helpful in manifold needs.'
(Manas Book I: Chaupai 2; A.Bhaj, p.72; Atkins, p.5)
'Well cov'ring all faults, even those most severe;

I honour the saints, those whom all men revere.'
(Manas Book I: Chaupai 2; A.Bhaj, p.73; Atk⁄≤–, p.5)
'Like fish happy and safe where the water is deep,

Men fear naught if they trust God to guide them and keep.'
(Manas Book IV: Chaupai 17; A.Bhaj, p.78; Atk⁄≤, p.939)
'Ev'rywhere that one looks green grass covers the earth,

And the pathways now cannot be traced;
Just as in the disputes of false teachers and wranglers
The scriptural truths are effaced.'
(Manas Book IV: Doha14; A.Bhaj, p.77; Atk⁄≤–, p.936)
Also included in the Ashram Bhajanavali verses, as might be expected, are
excerpts from the many sections of praise for Rama. The entire Victory to Rama
Stotram appears, wherein Sh⁄∆a gives homage to Rama, along with all the Vedas
and all the gods, as part of Rama's enthronement (A.Bhaj, pp.79-81; Atkins, p.1246).
A most interesting selection is a lengthy excerpt from the battle between
Rama and Ravana. As the two arch-enemies face each other down, Rama is
outweighed militarily. Vibhishan (Ravana's brother) has just cried out to Rama in
Chaupai 80: 'You've no chariot, Lord, not even shoes; then how cope With a foeman
so strong, or for victory hope?' Lord Rama answers him with these verses chosen
for the Ashram Bhajanavali:
'My friend, listen to me," said the All-Kindly One,

With a far diff'rent chariot is true vict'ry won!
On two wheels, many courage and patience, it plies;

Firm uprightness and truth are the banners it flies;
127
Strength, discretion, control, thought for others its horses;

Reins -- kindness and fairness -- hold them to their courses;
The charioteer -- worship to God ever yielding --

Restraint and content as his shield and sword wielding;
With wisdom's pow'r using alms-giving -- dread axe,

And with knowledge as bow, makes his deadly attacks;
In his quiver -- his own wholly pure, constant mind --

Many shafts -- temp'rance, fealty and such -- can he find;
In the best mail -- for godly men honour -- he's clad;

No equipment like this can for conquest be had;
He can never b‰ conquered by foemen, my friend,

Who will on true religion [dharmamaya] for chariot depend.'
(Manas Book VI: Chau¥ai 80; A.Bhaj, pp.75-6; Atkins, pp.1146-7)
Rama's words are then completed, in the doha rhythm in Verse 77:
'Pay good heed and take courage, my friend with this chariot
A soldier can all overcome;
Yes, that great and invincible foe, birth on birth,
Must at last to this hero succumb.'
(Manas Book VI: Doha77; A.Bhaj, p.76; Atk⁄≤–, p.1147)
These verses, as can be easily seen, would have parallelled Gandhi's own
instructions concerning non-violent action, even unto death, when the satyagrahis
were facing an enemy more heavily-armed. The image of a "chariot of faith," a
"chariot of God," which transcends death, would have been also well-known to the
satyagrahis from the Gita, wherein K‡Œ®a taught Arjuna how to control the senses of
life's chariot and place full awareness in Him. It would have resonated with the
truth-bow of the sound of OM, "this weapon of upanishad," from the Upaniashads. It
would have echoed from Valmiki's Raºaya®a, and even from the Rig Veda,
wherein poet-rish⁄s, who used verse-constructed chariots of sung-prayer as
128
protection to ward off death, sang: "brahma varma mamŸntaram" (my innermost
coat-of-mail is sung-prayer" [RV VI.75.19]. These verses, sung in simple, easy-to-
remember form would have been an effective, significant part of Gandhi's on-
going instruction in non-violence and svaraj.
'TulsiiÆŸ–, too, was concerned with bridge-building and cultural conciliation,
... between VaiŒ≤ava and ÃŸ⁄∆a orientations, between nirgu® and sagu® VaiŒ≤ava
traditions, and between Advaitic intellectual philosophy and bhakti emotionalism'
(Lutgendorf 1995, p.283, note 12). With special reference to the end of Gandhi's
life, during which time Gandhi struggled with 'hope against hope' to re-instate non-
violence, Devadas Gandhi wrote in his publisher's introduction to Atkins's
translation: '...In his last years [,] the reading of the Ramayana was an indispensable
part of Gandhiji's evening prayer service. The practice is now kept up at the Friday
prayers at Rajghat in Delhi' (Atkins 1954, p.ii).
Bhajans
Gandhi translated 199 bhajans (or hymns) into English, which are found in
the Collected Works. Fewer were published in the Ashram Bhajanavali (see
Appendix A for a comparison).
The bhajans in the Ashram Bhajanavali are by poet-saints from a long and
rich tradition, including such famous writers as Kalidas, Tulsidas, Kabir, Mira, and
Nanak, as well as many lesser figures.
'Then since all cannot understand Sanskrit we have a simple

bhajan or hymn from one of our saints who devised this beautiful
medium to convey to use the essence of Hinduism. We draw our
bhajans from the exhaustless stores of Kabir, Tulsidas, Surdas, Nanak,
Marabai, Tyagaraja, Tukaram, and other saints of India' (CW-e, 70,
# 357, p.346).
Besides Gandhi himself, Narayan Moreshwar Khare was responsible for the
choice of the bhajans included, and Khare chose the raga for each bhajan as it
129
appeared in the Bhajanavali. Ragas were keyed to a specific time of day or night.
Khare was a musical protege of Pandit Vishnu Digambar Paluskar, the blind music
master who revived Indian classical music and respect for the professional musician
during the years 1900-1931. Paluskar had sent Khare to live and work at Gandhi's
ash¿am. Khare accompanied Gandhi on the Salt March to Dandi; he directed the
chanting in the dark of night just prior to Gandhi's being taken to jail as a result of
that march (described above); and, he served time in prison confinement with
Gandhi on more than one occasion. 'The songs -- and bhajans were always sung,
there is almost no merely recited poetry in traditional India -- often end with a
signature line identifying their author-composer' (Gandhi 1999, p.20).
Although many of the bhajans can be identified by the name of the author
being printed in darker ink within the signature line, not every bhajan in the
Ashram Bhajanavali is identifiable as to authorship.
Not all singer-saints fall nicely within one category of either sagun (divinity
described with aspects) or nirgun (divinity described without aspects), and those
that do, not unoccasionally compose outside their genre. The Vaishnava traditions
contain compositions to Vishnu, for both Krishna and Rama. It is a complex history,
the complete scope and description of which falls outside the parameters of this
study.
However, when we speak of these singer-saints, what can be said is that:
'we are talking about a single family of saints. It is usually
referred to as the family of bhakti, a word that means passionate love
for God .... Another term that is sometimes used to describe this family
is sant, deriving from the Sanskrit verb 'to be.' This verb and its
derivatives connote not only what is real but what is true; hence a sant
is someone true or good as well as someone who incarnates what is
essential about life. Though the etymology is unrelated, the English
word 'saint' is often the best translation of sant; and the word bhakta,
though it means 'devotee' or 'love of God,' can also be used in an
honorific sense that makes it a rough Hindi analogue for 'saint.'
130
In medieval times both these terms were used...with no

distinction as to theological leaning. In more recent days, however, a
distinction has been made between sants and bhaktas to clarify the
outlines of the two branches in the bhakti family they form. The sants
are the clan that prefers to worship God 'without attributes' or 'without
form'; they have a tendency to be critical of anyone who approaches
God through icon and legend, as most Hindus do. Those who take the
opposite, or 'with attributes,' position affirm that God has indeed entered
history and taken form -- the form of an image in a temple -- to guide
and aid earthly beings. Members of this clan are called either bhaktas or
Vaishnavas, the latter term being appropriate because as a group they
tend to worship one of the two major expressions of the high god Vishnu:
his avatars Krishna and Ram.
[Sants] [Bhaktas]
School "without attributes" "with attributes"
nirgu®a sagu®a
Deity nameless Krishna Ram
[saints] Ravidas Surdas

Kabir Mirabai
Nanak Tulsidas'
(Hawley and Juergensmeyer 1988, pp.4-5)
Hawley and Juergensmeyer note that figures like Ravidas, Kabir, and Nanak
were also influenced by the medieval Nath Yogis of northern India, an ascetic sect,
who would have shaped their emphasis on 'interior religion' and their derision of
hypocrisy (Hawley and Juergensmeyer 1988, p.5).
The above table appears simple enough. Hawley and Juergensmeyer,
comparing nirgun and sagun ‰xpression as similar to the differences found within
Protestant versus Catholic perspectives, comment that "they all inherited a single
massive bhakti movement that had been gathering force in other parts of India for a
millenium" (Hawley and Juergensmeyer 1988, p.5). However, while the table and
analogy are helpful, things are not always so simple in practice. There were
131
different schools. For example, "[d]ifferent from the schools of RŸma-devotion

which had an advaitic background and denounced forms and rituals, there were
schools of Krishna-devotion of which Vallab“ŸcŸrya was the inspiration"
(Raghavan 1966, p.15). In addition, there were different traditions found within
those different schools. Likewise, even the nirgun and sagun distinctions are not
always clearly delineated, and there can be a good deal of internal borrowing
within and between traditions.
'We can easily discern that there is not one essential meaning of
the bhakti phenomenon with a set of easily identifiable social
consequences. Rather, there are within one order, specializing in RŸm
bhakti, different religious orientations with different social
consequences. To mention only one aspect, the establishment of image
worship and temple ceremonies is often thought to be a crucial aspect
of bhakti's openness to the lower classes. The contrary [may also be
true]. Nirgu® RŸº a≤Æ ¨‰ RŸº ºantra may be considered to have
inclusivist consequences, while the celebration of sagu® RŸm in images
of RŸmachandra has exclusivist consequences' (van der Veer 1995,
p.301).
So, while there may be one "family" of bhakti saints, it has a long lineage
with many branches. It is not possible here to provide a full description and
historical overview of the bhakti movement, or consequently, a full account of all
the bhajans chosen for the Ashram Bhajanavali. Only a few examples will be given
below, along with short comments regarding their authors.
V. Raghavan (1966) has given a very detailed historical account of the sants
in The Great Integrators: The Saint Singers of India. The Songs of the Saints of
India by Hawley and Juergensmeyer focuses on six sants and their lives as being
representative of the tradition, while Linda Hess's work on Kabir is most insightful
(See Hess, "Kabir's Rough Rhetoric," and "Three Kabir Collections: A
Comparative Study" in Karine Schomer and W.H. McLeod, Eds., The Sants:
Studies in a Devotional Tradition of India. Schomer and McLeod's work The Sants:
Studies in a Devotional Tradition of India presents many excellent articles that
132
outline both the similarities and differences entwined within the various streams of
tradition, and especially helpful are those by Charlotte Vaudeville on Sant Mat,
Karine Schomer on the Doha, Lorenzen on the Kabir-Panth, and Zelliot on EknŸth.
David Lorenzen's book Bhakti Religion in North India, and his own article therein
concerning "The Historical Vicissitudes of Bhakti Religion" are very informative in
discerning the many shades of movement and influences found within the ancient
bhakti tradition. Suffice it here to quote simply: '[a] favorite Sanskrit passage
personifies [the bhakti tradition] as a lovely woman who was born in the south
(about the sixth century A.D.), gained strength and maturity in the middle regions of
the west (from the twelfth century onward), grew decrepit, and was revived to
experience her full flowering when she reached the north' (Hawley and
Juergensmeyer 1988, p.6).
While descriptions of the characteristic topics addressed within traditions
vary, there are characteristics of these bhajans that speak to their ready popularity -
- beyond the simpler verse forms and their vibrant musicality. The singer-saints
who authored these bhajans were
'united in their commitment to the value of personal experience

in religion. Therefore they questioned the ex opere operata ritualism
characteristic of the sort of Hindu worship superintended by Brahmins,
and they often criticized the caste conceits that went with it. Another
consequence of their belief in the value of personal experience was
their use of vernacular, regional languages as the appropriate
expression of faith' (Hawley and Juergensmeyer 1988, p.6).
Although, there were also, of course, many examples of sants who were also
Brahmins.
In geographical areas, where religious strife could be common, the sants also
played an important role in lessening communal tensions. A 'most prominent
feature in the [Hindi] area was the background of Hindu-Muslim relations; as a
result, many of these saint-singers became the apostles of a synthesis and
133
rapprochement, aided by the common points in advaita and Sufism' (Raghavan

1966, p.15). Singer-saints in northern India and in the western Deccan chanted
alternately and equally to Allah, Ram, or Krishna. '[W]herever there had been
political and social stress and strain among the two communities [, t]he saints took a
lead in relieving the tension and dissipating the notions of the exclusive nature of
each other's faith' (Raghavan 1966, p.63).
Futhermore, '[t]he saints used the common symbols and things of day-to-day
activities familiar to the people and harnessed them in a symbolic way to drive
home moral, relgious and spiritual ideas' (Raghavan 1966, p.22). Such familiar
items as a piece of candy, or a snake -- a celestial tree or a great battle -- the
metaphors of threads and weaving -- jewels and chariots were woven into the
layers of song and were "as old as the Upanishads" (Raghavan 1966, p.22) -- or
even older.
Finally, the so-called "common people" were familiar with, and gave the
deepest love and respect to, the image of the Indian holy-man, the singer-saint, the
sadh‹ or rish⁄ of ancient days, the holy teacher and guru of the people. "The work of
the saints shows also that the people of this country readily respond to them; any
one who wants to move them should rise to saintly character. This was the secret of
the success of Mahatma Gandhi and his mass movement" (Raghavan 1966, p.22).
(emphasis added)
The bhajans found in the Bhajanavali represent a cross-section of regional
traditions, many of which were also sung in different and varying areas of India as
well. The Maharashtra songs of Tukaram, 'known as Abhangs (meaning:
unbreakable ones' (Subramanian 1996, p.271), and Mi¿a∏a⁄'s bhajans "are sung by
Carnatic musicians of South India" (Subramanian 1996, p.10). In fact, many songs
of the Bhajanavali, like those of Kabi¿, or "the God-intoxicated songs of Meera
have transcended regional barriers and are sung all over India" (Subramanian
1996, p.10). The examples that follow here are, by necessity, only a few of the
134
many bhajans chosen by Narayan Moreshwar Khare for the Ashram Bhajanavali.
The 1947 edition includes 101 Hindustani bhajans, 40 Gujara™i bhajans, 26 Ma¿athi
bhajans, ten Baníaƒi bhajans, one Sindhi bhajan, and six English bhajans.
Hindustani Bhajan 1 (by Kabir)

Although, according to tradition, 'Kabir was one of twelve disciples of the
Brahman Ramananda, ...'an intermediate position between the Saguna [personal or
with attributes] and Nirguna Schools' (Lorenzen 1987, p.286). Kabir stood within a
sant path in which his predecessors and followers were primarily non-Brahmans:
'For Kabir, and [the] nirgu®a saints as well, sagu®a worship

implied worship of gods and avatars whose mythology was controlled
by Brahmans and authoritatively codified in Sanskrit texts such as the
PurŸnas. Given this situation, it is not surprising that an impersonal
deity would be preferred in spite of the intellectual or psychological
difficulties It (or He) presented' (Lorenzen 1987, p.286).
Kabir, further, was one of the sant poets who spoke to both Hindus and Muslims,
often declaring that the only difference for the true believer of either faith lay only
in the particular names chosen to address God. He was as at-home questioning
Hindu Brahmins and sadhus as he was at berating Muslim faqirs.
'Kabir can be described as the most personal of all bhakti poets: not because
he dwells on his private experience, exposes his own quivering heart; but because
he gets very personal with us, his audience' (Hess 1987A, p.147). While Sur, Tulsi
and Mira are usually addressing God, '[Kabir] is primarily addressing us,' and his
vocative (and evocative) formula of suno ho santo 'Listen, oh saints!' 'is meant to
shock, 'to engage, to wake people up, to affect them' (Hess 1987A, p.147). Engaging
the listener in such a strong emotional manner, 'Kabir pounds away with questions,
prods with riddles, stirs with challenges, shocks with insults, disorients with verbal
feints. It seems that if one read him responsively one could hardly help getting red
in the face, jumping around, squirming, searching, getting embarrassed, or shouting
135
back (Hess 1987B, p.148). Kabir's ability to describe the fraud and deceit uncovered
in others, makes the reader often more comfortable in siding with Kabir as he
makes fun of his poems' characters.
'But gradually something begins to gnaw at our consciousness. It
occurs to us that pandits can wear other costumes beside the white dhot
and rosary of tuls ... It is relatively easy to notice panditry in the
universities, violence in government, greed in the market place,
phoniness in religion. ... But Kabir's power is most tellingly revealed
when his words reverberate in our own skulls, and we see the
succession of disguises under which we live our daily lives '(Hess,
1987B, p.51).
SŸdho sahaja samŸdh bhalii

(RŸg dhanŸÀrii, bhajan kahravŸ dhuname - Last Quarter of theDay)
'SŸdho sahaja samŸdh bhalii

guru pratŸp úŸ Æ⁄≤se jŸíii
din din adhik calii
jahañ jahañ •Ëƒo so parikarmŸ

úË éuch karo so sevŸ
jab sova‹ñ tab karo da®•avath
pujo Ë¿ ≤a devŸ
kahŸ‹ñ –Ë ≤Ÿº –‹≤o so sumiran

khŸ∆añ piæo so p›úŸ
giraha ujŸ• ek sam lekho
∫Ÿ∆a mi¢Ÿvo d›úŸ
Ÿ≤ê ≤a º›≤Æo éŸ≤ na r›n∞o

tanik kaŒ¢a nŸhi dhŸro
khule nain pahicŸ≤o hasi hasi
sundar r›p nihŸro
sabad nirantarse man lŸíŸ

malin vŸsnŸ tyŸíii
›§at bai§at kabahuñ na ch›¢e
ai–ii tŸ¿ii ƒŸíii
136
éaha Kabii¿ yaha unmuni rahanii

–Ë ¥a¿ga¢ éari íŸii
Æ‹ê-–‹ê–‰ éoii pare parampad
t‰hi pad rahŸ samŸii’ (A.Bhaj. p.111, #46).
'O good man, natural meditation (lekf/k) is best. Even since

its manifestation by the grace of God, it has waxed. Wherever I
wander, it is a circuit (round a temple), whatever I do is for service,
wherever I lie down, it is my prostration (before God). I worhip
no other god but God. Whatever I utter, it is God's name, whatever I
hear is a remembrance of God. My eating and drinking are puja
(worship), whether a home is established or it is destroyed is the
same thing to me; I do not allow any other feeling to possess me. I
open my eyes and delight to see God and contemplate His beauty.
My mind is ever intent on Him; all corrupt thought has left me. I am
so much engrossed in the thought of Him that I think of Him whatever
I am doing. Kabir says: This is the excellent life and I have sung of it;
there is a state beyond misery and happiness, my mind is fixed on it'
(CW-e, 50, p.358, #118).
Hindustani Bhajan 2 (by Nanak)

Guru Nanak (1460-1539) stood '...in the lineage of nirgu® Hindu devotion ...
advocated a nirgu® devotion that focused on the importance of the Lord as guru
and on the practice of the repetition of the Name of God. He was respected by both
Hindus and Muslims' (Martin 2003, p.188). Nanak's hagiography is full of events
that describe his unusual powers as a holy man and in his 'biographies it is reported
that he had discussions with the most important progenitors of the Nath order, all
the way back to the sage Goraknath and even the god Siva' (Hawley and
Juergensmeyer 1988, p.71). Both Nanak and the Naths taught a spiritual practice of
hearing the 'unstruck sound' (anahatha) of Creation. 'For the Naths this means a
specific regimen of hatha yoga, whereas Nanak recommends a more encompassing
approach that involves every aspect of life and requires no special yogic
preparation' (Hawley & Juergensmeyer 1988, p.71) .The last guru of the Sikh line
was Guru Gobind Singh who died in 1708, after which time the Adi Granth (Primal
Book) has been recognized to be the "teacher" of the Sikh community.
137
S‹ºarana kar l‰
(RŸg kauÀ⁄yŸ, tiin tŸl - Early Morning)
("Kauns or PahŸri - a≤æ ™⁄º‰," Shri Karunamayee)
'–‹ºaran kar l‰ mere manŸ

te¿⁄ ∏⁄™⁄ úŸ™⁄ ‹mar, harinŸm ∏⁄≤Ÿ (dhruva)
éu¥ nii¿ binu, dhenu chii¿ binu, dharatii ¥‰h binŸ

úÊ–‰ ™aruvar falabina hii≤Ÿ, taise prŸ®ii “ari≤Ÿm binŸ
Æ‰“a nena bin, rain chandra bin, mandir diip binŸ

úŸ⁄–‰ ¥a®•⁄t ved bi“ii≤Ÿ, taise p¿Ÿ≤ii harinŸm binŸ
éŸm krodha mad lobha nihŸ¿Ë chŸ®•a de ab santhajanŸ

éahe NŸnakÀŸ, sun bhagavantŸ æŸ úagame nahii koii apa≤Ÿ'
(A.Bhaj., p.125, #61).
'O my soul, remember thy God, thy years are rolling by without
His sacred name -- man without Harinama is even like a well without
water or a cow without milk or a temple without light or a fruit tree
without fruit or body without eyes or night without the moon, or the
earth without rain or a pundit without a knowledge of the Vedas. O
good man watch thy desire, anger, pride and ambition and give them
up. Nanakshah says: O God there is no one to befriend save Thee'
(CW-e, 50, p.364, #138)
Hindustanti Bhajan 3 -- Mi rabai

Although each and every singer-sant found in the Ashram Bhajanavali
cannot be addressed in a work of this size (see Appendix A for a listing of all those
singer-sants who are identified), at least one piece of Mirabai's should be presented
here. Mirabai, the princess, who abandoned her husband and home to follow her
true Lord Krishna is one of the most famous of the bhakti singers. Her hagiographic
exploits, and the poisonous attempts on her life are known from the northern end of
India to its southern tip.
138
One question concerning Mirabai's work is that of authority and authenticity.

John Stratton Hawley has identified the fact that there are really
only five, possibly six, songs that can be attributed directly to Mirabai (Hawley
2005, p.3) as compared to the myriad number of songs that show up in later
collections. So, as Hawley suggests, there have been "many Miras."
Regardless of this and of the difficulties of dating her work (from the early
seventeenth century to the later eighteenth century), Mira's popularity is not at all
in question. Her sung-prayers come from more of a folk idiom, simpler than most of
the other bhakti sants in the Ashram Bhajanavali.
'These are generally simple in format, involving a great deal

of repetition, as one might expect in a round or a refrain, and they
take up themes that belong typically to women. Mira's poetry too tends
to be simple,... and it often mentions family tensions, or the emotions
a bride might feel, or festivals confined to women' (Hawley &
Juergensmeyer 1988, p.130).
Similarly, due to the subject matter, Mira's deep love for Krishna, and the
intimacy with which she often speaks, she draws the listener into the world of
Krishna and the gopis, for in the medium of the poem she has pulled herself into
their world (Ibid., 131). Just as in Greg Urban's description of how the "Indexical I"
can become the "Projective I', especially while chanting songs directed to divinity
(see Chapter Four, p. 207 for a full explication of Urban's analysis). Mira pulls the
listener into the divine world of Krishna, and as a consort joined with him in divine
love, the singing of the song also brings the singers themelves into the world of the
Divine.
Mira's appeal is pan-Indian. Her stories are myriad, however, the details of
the stories often vary from each other, or may differ strangely. See Parita Mukta's
article "Upholding the Common Life" (1995) for a discussion of how there are even
many presentations and descriptions of the "many Miras." Gandhi quoted Mira's
139
work and made reference to her deeply devoted love as often as he quoted the
male singer-sants. However, as would be expected, in the selections chosen for the
Ashram Bhajanavali, Mira is not the extreme ecstatic driven to madness by the
sensualities of love, but is an exemplar of the deeply-devoted, but controlled,
devotee -- an inspired, yet proper, satyagrahi.
PŸæo jii maine Ram -ratan dhan (RŸg tilak kŸmod - tiin tŸƒ)
'PŸæo jii maine Ram-ratan dhan pŸyo (dhruva)

Vastu amolik dii mere satguru,
kirapŸ kar apanŸyo (1)
Janam janamkii p›njii pŸii,

jagame sa∫ii êË∆ŸæË (2)
Kharcai na kh›¢Ÿ⁄, vakË cor na l›¢ai

din din badat savŸæË (3)
satkii nŸv, kheva¢iyŸ satguru,

bhavsŸgar tar ŸæË (4)
MiirŸ ke prabhu giridhar nŸgar

harakh harakh jas gŸyo' (5) (A.Bhaj., p.127, #64)
'I have obtained a jewel in the shape of Ramanama. The true

guru gave me this pricelss jewel and showed his great favour to me.
I have obtained wealth for eternity, what though I have lost everything
of this earth? This jewel cannot be used up by use nor can it be stolen
by thieves. It increases greatly from day to day. In the vessel called
truth with the true guru as the captain I have been able to cross the
ocean of birth and death. Mira says: I have sung the praise of the Lord
in great glee' (CW-e, 50, p.365, #141).
G‹úa¿a™i Bhajan (by Narsi Mehta)

Narasinh Mehta, or Narasainyo, was the 15th-century mystic-poet who
authored the famous bhajan concerning the faith of Prahlad. The example of
140
Prahlad was a common one for Gandhi: Gandhiji often spoke of him as an ideal
satyagrahi (Gandhi 1998, p.7). Mehta also authored VŸ⁄Œ®ava jana to. 'That
common ideal of the 'true Sant' who is also a 'true Vaishnava' is well exemplified
by the often-quoted pad by the Gujarati poet Narsi Mehta, one of Mahatma
Gandhi's most beloved hymns, which expresses in simple and moving words this lay
ideal of sanctity (Vaudeville 1987, p.39). The hymn speaks of actively helping
those who are suffering, and 'thanks to Mahatma Gandhi, is on the lips of everybody
today' (Raghava 1966, p.43). Mahadev Dasai, Gandhi's personal secretary, wrote
that this hymn 'is almost as life-breath to Gandhiji and is sung on all occastions
when we are called upon to face sorrow and joy with equanimity' (Gandhi 1999,
p.98).
Va⁄Œ®ava jana to
(RŸga khamŸja - ™Ÿla dhuºŸƒii - 1st Quarter of the Night)_
'Va⁄Œ®ava jana to tene kha“ii‰, je pii•a parŸii úŸ®‰ ¿‰

¥araduÅê‰ ‹¥aéŸra kare toye, mana abhimŸ≤a na Ÿ®‰ ¿‰ (dhruva)
sakala lokamŸm sahune vande, nindŸ na kare kenii ¿‰

∆Ÿca éŸcha mana niÀcala ¿Ÿê‰, dhana dhana jana≤i ™‰≤ii ¿‰ (1)
samad‡Œ¢⁄ ≤‰ ™‡Œ®Ÿ ™æŸíii, para–™¿ii ú‰≤‰ ºŸta ¿‰

ú⁄“vŸ äéii asatya na bole, paradhana nava jhŸle hŸtha re (2)
ºËha ºŸæŸ ∆æŸ¥‰ nahi jene, d‡ßa vairŸíæa jenŸ manamŸm ¿‰

¿Ÿºa≤ŸmaÀ‹Ä ™Ÿƒii ƒŸíii, sakala tiiratha tenŸ ™anamŸm re (3)
va®aƒË∫ii ≤‰ kapa¢arahita che, éŸma krodha nivŸ¿æŸ re

bha®‰ Narasaiñyo tenum darasana karatŸº, é‹ƒa ‰éË™‰¿a ™Ÿ¿æŸº ¿‰' (4)
(A.Bhaj., p.156 , #102)
'He is a Vaishnava who identifies himself with others' sorrows

and indoing has no pride about him. Such a one respects every one
and speaks ill of none. He controls his speech, his passions and his
thoughts. May his mother be blessed. His is equidisposed towards all,
has no desires, regards another's wife as his mother, always speaks
the truth and does not touch other people's property. He labours
141
neither under infatuation nor delusion and withdraws his mind from
worldly things; he is intent on Ramanama; his body is his sacred shrine
for pilgrimage; he is no miser and is free from cunning and he has
conquered passions and anger. Narasaiyo says: His presence purifies
his surroundings' (CW-e, 50, p.376, #178).
Ma rathi ∫ajan (by Eknath)
Shri Eknath Maharaj, one of the four major figures in the seven
hundred year old bhakti tradition of Maharashtra, was a link figure in
many ways (1533-1599 = 'most commonly accepted dates') ... [H]e
revitalized the bhakti tradition which had begun in the thirteenth
century, preparing the way for the greatest of the Sant poets, Tukaram,
in the seventeenth [,]served as a link to bhakti in northern India by
including Kabir and Raidas in his listing of Sants as if they were an
intrinsic part of his own tradition,[and was] a bridge between the
Sanskritic tradition and the non-Sanskritized lower classes, for Eknath
was a proper Brahman scholar who lived in the orthodox center of
Paithan, and yet he not only translated Sanskrit devotional material
into Marathi but also wrote songs and poems clearly intended for the
ears and the minds of the lowly' (Zelliot 1987, p.91).
Many of his works are in 'the personae of Untouchables, passing Muslim

fakirs, acrobats and travelling entertainers, religious personages from unorthodox
sects, prostitutes and unhapy womean -- a wide sweep of the non-Sanskritic world
around Eknath' (Zelliot 1987, p.91) While he used common, everyday objects from
common, everyday life as analogies and metaphors for religious description and
commentary, he 'also translated and commented upon the eleventh skandha of the
BhŸgavata PurŸ®a.... It is typical of Maharashtrian bhakti that Eknath chose the
stern morality of the eleventh skandha over the erotic devotion of Krishna and the
gopis in the tenth book of that PurŸ≤a which was so important to Bengali bhakti and
to Vallabhacharya' (Zelliot 1987, p.94).
Janardan was Eknath's guru, and his works often end, as does this selection,
'with the signature EkŸ-JanŸ¿Æan, as if he were inseparable from his guru' (Zelliot
1987, p.96). In a celebration of the ordinary, using examples and metaphors to
142
which everyone could easily relate, he cries forth his joy to God in the typified
manner of what some have claimed to be the 'democratic spirit [stemming] from
the bhakti movement;" thus, he inclusively links "all the cultures in the varied world
around him in a great devotional circle of belief' (Zelliot 1987, p.109).
Te mana ni Œ¢“‹¿a éŸº kele (Rag p›¿∆ii - ™ii≤ ™Ÿl)

'Te mana niŒ¢“‹¿ éŸ kele, je ¥›¿® dayene bharale
GajendrŸce hŸé‰s¿⁄–‰, dhŸ‹niyŸ Ÿƒ‰
PrahlŸÆŸcyŸ bhŸvŸr¢“Ÿsii, stambhii guragurale
PŸ†òŸƒiicyŸ karu®Ÿ-vacane kalavalu≤ii Ÿƒ‰
EkŸ JanŸrdanii p›r® k‡pene niÀ⁄Æ⁄≤⁄ ¥aÆii Ramale' (A.Bhaj., p.209, #165).
'O God, Thou Who art known to be an ocean of mercy, why

has Thou hardened Thy heart? For on the elephant's scream of
prayer Thou ranst to his assistance; for the devotion of Prahlad
Thou roaredst in the fiery pillar; for the piteous appeal of Draupadi
Thy heart melted. Eknath says: By the grace of guru Janardana my
mindis intent upon the feet of God' (CW-e, 50, p.377, #181).
Bangali Bhajan (Anonymous)
'At the end of the 19th century, Bengal saw a revival of VaiŒ®avism
inspired by the Caitanya [K‡Œ®aite] devotional current. While reformist
movements like BrŸhmo SamŸú and Érya SamŸj
scorned this tradition, several historical personalities illustrate the
opposite tendency' (Colas 2003, p.265).
Within the Vallabha tradition, '[t]heir songs (k rtanas) form part of the
disinterested service rendered to the god, called seva[,] collective praise of the god
before his image' (Colas 2003, p.265). This type of worship is characteristic of
Vallabha's PuŒ¢iºŸ¿ga, built around the notion of Srikrishna's grace, [and] it is to be
distinguished from the maryŸdamŸrga, considered [by K‡Œ®aites] as inferior...
(Colas 2003, p.265)
143
Though Vaishnava sung-prayers, dedicated to both Rama and Krishna were

obviously included in the Ashram Bhajanavali, sung as part of Gandhi's prayer
meetings, there would have been no images or idols present, as any idol or image
was considered, from the beginning of satyagraha, as potentially offensive to
worshippers from different traditions.
Antara mama
(RŸga bhairavii, tŸl dŸdarŸ - after sunrise or
¿Ÿga ŸsŸvarii, druta eka tŸla -1st Quarter of the day]
'antara mama vikasita karo antaratara he

nirmala karo ujjvala karo sundara karo he (dhruva)
jŸgrata karo udyata karo nirbhaya karo he

mañgala karo niralasa niÅsanÀaya karo he (antara-dhruva)
yukta karo he sabŸra sañíe mukta karo he bandha

sa†òŸra karo sakala karme ÀŸ≤ta tomŸra chanda (antara-dhruva)
cara®a-padme mama citta niŒpandita karo he

nandita karo nandita karo nandita karo he' (antara-dhruva)
(A.Bhaj., p.212, #168).
'O Thou Dweller in my heart, open it out, purify it, make it

bright and beautiful, awaken it, prepare it, make it fearless, make it a
blessing to others, rid it of laziness, free it from doubt, unite it with all,
destroy its bondage, let Thy peaceful music pervade all its works; make
my heart fixed on They holy lotus feet and make it full of joy,
full of joy, full of joy' (CW-e, 50, p.383, #204).
Sindhi Bhajana
'Tera makan Allah'
This is the house of Allah.

144
Engli sh Bhajana
While English hymns were not included in the 1930 translations for
Mirabehn, a list of six English hymns, or bhajans, were included in the published
Ashram Bhajana∆ali is as follows:
'Take My Life and Let It Be'
'Lead, Kindly Light' (or 'Pillar of Cloud')
'When the Mists Have Rolled in Splendour'
'Nearer, My God to Thee'
'Rock of Ages'
'When I Survey the Wondrous Cross'
''When I Survey the Wondrous Cross' and 'Pillar of the Cloud' (also referred
to often as 'Lead, Kindly Light') were among Gandhi's favorite hymns' (Gandhi
1999, p.142).
'When I Survey the Wondrou s C ro s s ' was authored by Isaac Watts in
1707, with the "Hamburg" tune taken from an unidentified Gregorian chant having
been added by Lowell Mason in 1824 (Osbeck 1982, pp.278-9). The scripture
reference is to Galatians 6:14: 'But far be it from me to glory except in the cross of
our Lord Jesus Christ by which the world was crucified to me, and I to the world'
(RSV). 'The lyric ... is referred to frequently in Gandhi's writing on prayer. It was
sung in private services, at Gandhi's request, as he ended rigorous fasts in 1924 and
1948' (Gandhi 1999, p.143).
'When I survey the wondrous cross

On which the Prince of Glory died,
My richest gain I count but loss,
And pour contempt on all my pride.
Forbid it, Lord, that I should boast

Save in the Cross of Christ, my God;
145
All the vain things that charm me most,

I sacrifice them to His Blood.
See, from His Head, His Hands, His Feet,

Sorrow and love flow mingled down;
Did e'er such love and sorrow meet?
Or thorns compose so rich a crown?
Were the whole realm of nature mine,

That were an offering far too small.
Love so amazing, so divine,
Demands my life, my soul, my all.
To Christ, Who won for sinners grace

By bitter grief and anguish sore,
Be praise from all the ransoned race,
For ever and for evermore.' (A.Bhaj., p.227, #184).
'Lead , Kindly Light, or 'The Pillar o f Cloud ', was written by John
Henry Newman (1801-90), leader of the Tractarian and Oxford movements. The
composer was John B. Dykes (1823-76), using the tune "Lux Benigna" ("kindly
light") (Osbeck 1982, p.150). The scripture reference is Exodus 13:21-22:
'And the Lord went before them by day in a pillar of cloud

to lead them along the way, and by night in a pillar of fire to give
them light, that they might travel by day and by night; the pillar of
cloud by day and the pillar of fire by night did not depart from the
people' (RSV).
When Newman was 32 (in 1833), he was in Italy in hopes of regaining physical and
spiritual health, when be contracted Sicilian fever. During a strenuous ship journey
home, 'he penned these words pleading for guidance,' as the Israelites had once
done. While the hymn poignantly paints a picture of Newman's own struggles with
spiritual despair, it is a point of interest to note that this hymn is often used at
funerals. 'Twelve years after writing this hymn text Newman broke completely
146
with the Anglican Church and became a leader in the Roman Catholic Church
(Osbeck 1982, p.l50).
'Lead, kindly light, amid th'encircling gloom

Lead thou me on:
The night is dark, and I am far from home,
Lead though me on.
Keep thou my feet; I do not ask to see
The distant scene, one step enough for me.
I was not ever thus, nor prayed that Thou
Shouldst lead me on;
I loved to choose and see my path; but now
Lead thou me on.
I loved the garish day, and spite of fears,
Pride ruled my will: remember not past years.
So long Thy power hath blessed me, sure it still
Will lead me on.
O'er moor and fen, o'er crag and torrent, till
The night is gone;
And with the morn those angel faces smile,
Which I have loved long since, and lost awhile!' (A.Bhaj., p.222, #180).
In September of 1915 Gandhi wrote concerning a Gujarati translation of this

hymn, which had been sent to him by an acquaintance. He was not pleased with the
wording "DayŸmayii jæË™⁄":
'I want to have its spirit conveyed in our language. We do not

have an expression corresponding to DayŸmay Jyoti {and these words]
do not convey the same sense as in 'one step enough for me' [the
GujarŸti read: "hope of one little step"]. It should not be difficult for us
to find from among our literary works an expression parallel to
Newman's thought' (CW-e, 15, #52, p.44).
Note 5 of this citation indicates that [s]ubsequently, Premal Jyoti Taro DŸkhavi,
Narasimhrao Divetia's Gujarati translation...came to be accepted' (CW-e, 15, #52,
p.44).
147
From the correspondence surrounding 'Lead, Kingly Light,' it can be seen the
extent to which Gandhi went to obtain a faithful translation of this hymn into
Gujarati, as can be seen the exent to which this hymn moved him. At a Christian
missionary conference, he defended his right to express his devotion: 'I yield to no
Christian in the strength of devotion with which I sing, 'Lead, kindly Light' and
several other inspired hymns of a similar nature' (CW-e, 15, #127, p.160, Feb. 14,
1916). Premal Jyoti, the Gujarati version, appears in the Ashram Bhajana∆ali on
page 191, while Lead, Kindly Light appears on page 222.
Gandhi wrote of this hymn in December 1920: 'As for the 'Kindly Light,' I get
a vision of it in the temple of my heart whenever [it] is radiant with perfect self-
control and the vision invariably gives me the experience of transcendent peace
(CW-e, 22, #86, p.161, December, 1920).
'Take My Li fe and Let It Be ' was written by Frances Ridley Havergal

(1836-79). Although she was often of ill health during childhood, her evangelical
interests began early, reading the Bible at age four, and composing verses at age
seven (Osbeck 1982, p.239). 'Take My Life and Let It Be' is based on her story of
converting some ten people in whose house she was staying. Furthermore, the
words 'Take my silver and my gold' [were] not lightly stated, ...[as in A]ugust 1878,
Miss Havergal wrote to a friend,
'The Lord has shown me another little step, and of course, I

have taken it with extreme delight. 'Take my silver and my
gold' now means shipping off all my ornaments to the church
Missionary House, including a jewel cabinet that is really fit
for a countess ... I don't think I ever packed a box with such
pleasure' (Osbeck 1982,p. 240).
'Take my life, and let it be

Consecrated, Lord! to Thee;
Take my hands, and let them move
At the impulse of Thy love.
148
Take my moments and my days,

Let them flow in ceaseless praise.
Take my feet, and let them be
Swift and beautiful for Thee.
Take my voice, and let me sing
Always, only for my King;
Take my lips, and let them be
Filled with messages from Thee.
Take my silver and my gold;
Not a mite would I withhold.
Take my intellect, and use
Every power as Thou shalt choose.
Take my will, and make it Thine;
It shall be no longer mine.
Take my heart; it is Thine own;
It shall be Thy Royal Throne.
Take my love; My Lord, I pour
At Thy feet its treasure-store.
Take myself, and I will be
Ever, only, all for Thee.' (A.Bhaj., p.221, #179).
'When the Mi st s Have Rolled Away' was written by Annie H. Barker

in 1883 (Songs and Music, 230), while the melody was composed by Ira D. Sankey.
Both were well-known and respected hymn-writers of that time. The scriptural
reference is I Corinthians 13:12: 'For now we see in a mirror dimly, but then face to
face. Now I know in part; then I shall understand fully, even as I have been fully
understood' (RSV).
'When the mists have rolled in splendour

From the beauty of the hills,
And the sunlight falls in gladness
On the rivers and the rills,
We recall our Father's promise
In the rainbow of the spray;
We shall know each other better
When the mists have rolled away.
149
CHORUS: We shall know, as we are known;

Nevermore to walk alone,
In the dawning of the morning
Of that bright and happy day;
We shall know each other better,
When the mists have rolled away.
Oft we tread the path before us

With a weary, burdened heart;
Oft we toil amid the shadows,
And our fields are far apart;
But the Savior's "Come, ye blessed",
All our labor will repay,
When we gather in the morning
Where the mists have rolled away.
We shall come with joy and gladness,

We shall gather round the Throne;
Face to face with those that love us,
We shall know as we are known;
And the song of our redemption
Shall resound through endless day.
When the shadows have departed
And the mists have rolled away' (A.Bhaj., p.223, #182).
'Nearer My God, to Thee ' was authored by Sarah Flower Adams (1805-
48) (Osbeck 1982, p.169). The scriptural reference is to Genesis 28:10-22, Jacob's
dream of the ascending and descending angels.
Adams' Unitarian pastor had asked Sarah and her musician sister, Eliza, for a
rendition of this story, and the result was this hymn. 'The hymn was sometimes
criticized since there is no reference to the person or work of Christ throughout the
text. ...[h]owever, the hymn is found in nearly every published hymnal and has won
its way into the hearts of believers around the world with its many translations into
other languages' (Osbeck 1982, p.170).
The hymn was known to be the favorite of American President William
McKinley, and he was heard to utter its phrases as he took his last breaths. It was
150
used regulary and often at memorial and funeral servies. "There is also the well-
known account of the ill-fated ship, The Titanic, as it plunged into the icy waters of
the Atlantic in 1912, sending 1500 people into eternity while the ship's band played
the strains of this hymn" (Osbeck 1982, p.171), until their own lives were overtaken.
'Near, my God, to Thee, nearer to Thee!

E'en though it be a cross that raiseth me,
Still all my song shall be --
Nearer, my God, to Thee, nearer to Thee.
Though like the wanderer (the sun gone down.)
Darkness be over me -- my rest a stone;
Yet in my dreams I'd be
Then let the way appear steps up to heaven.
All that Thou sendest me in mercy given;
Angels to beckon me
Then with my waking thoughts bright with
Thy praise,
Out of my stony griefs Beth-el I'll raise;
So by my woes to be
Or if on joyful wing cleaving the sky,
Sun, moon, and stars forgot, upwards I fly,
Still all my song shall be,
Nearer, my God, to Thee, nearer to Thee' (A.Bhaj., p.225, #182).
'R ock of Age s,' one of the best-known an popular hymns in English was
written by Augustus M. Toplady (1740-78), with the American composer Thomas
Hastings (1784-1872) providing the beloved melody in 1830. The verses are
suggestive of I Corrinthians 10: 1, 4:
'I want you to know, brethren, that our fathers were all under
the same cloud, and all passed through the sea, ... and all drank the
same supernatural drink. For they drank from the supernatural Rock
which followed them, and the Rock was Christ' (RSV).
151
In his 101 Hymn Stories, Kenneth W. Osbeck (1982) describes the hymn as
portraying certain tensions between the author's Calvinistic electionism ('...an act of
the Divine Will exercising itself on creatures, among which it chooses some in
preference to others' (Cross 1985, p.450) and the Wesleys' Arminian views ('The
Arminians insisted that the Divine sovereignty was compatible with a real free-will
in man; that Jesus Christ died for all men and not only for the elect....' (Cross 1985,
p.90). Regardless of this underlying theological tension, the hymn has been one of
the most popular hymns to have been written, and, says Osbeck, 'God in His
Providence has chosen to preserve this hymn for the past two hundred years so that
congregations of believers of both Calvinistic and Arminian theological persuasion
can sing this hymn with spiritual profit and blessing' (Osbeck 1982, p.218).
'Rock of ages, cleft for me,

Let me hide myself in Thee;
Let the Water and the Blood
From Thy riven Side which flowed,
Be of sin the double cure,
Cleanse me from its guilt and power.
Not the labour of my hands
Can fulfil Thy law's demands;
Could my zeal no respite know,
Could my fears for ever flow,
All for sin could not atone,
Thou must save, and thou alone.
Nothing in my hand I bring,
Simply to Thy Cross I cling:
Naked, come to Thee for dress,
Helpless, look to Thee for grace;
Foul, I to the Fountain fly;
Wash me, Saviour, or I die.
While I draw this fleeting breath,
When my eyelids close in death,
When I soar through tracts unknown,
See Thee on Thy Judgement Throne;
Rock of ages, cleft for me,
Let me hide myself in Thee' (A.Bhaj., p.226, #183).
152
In summary, all of the English hymns found in the Ashram Bhajanavali were
well-known, well-loved, and popular hymns of the time. They emphasized themes
of devotion to God, singleness of heart, "truth," and poverty, with which Gandhi and
his vision of satyagraha would have resonated.
Ra shtra Gita
Four "patriotic songs" follow the English hymns.
Vande Mataram
'Mother, I bow to you' was originally written as a longer poem by Bankim
Chandra Chatterjee in 1876, as it appeared in his novel Ananda Matha. ''The
Mother' invoked in the poem is the goddess Durga, who is identified with her
'seventy million' children' (Prabhu 1966, p.18). 'Vande Mataram' was originally set
to muisc by Jadunath Bhattacharya, and it was the rallying cry against British
oppression. As it became a song capable of rousing crowds into tremendous fervour,
it was banned by the British from being chanted in public gatherings, and people
were imprisoned for disobeying the ban. It was a slogan of the Indian independence
movement, and the first version on the Indian flag included the words 'Vande
Mataram' in Devanagari script. It was the unofficial national anthem, until
Rabindranath Tagore objected to its not being able to represent both Muslims and
Hindus with its many images of the Hindu goddess Durga as Mother India.
'In order to divest the song of its sectarian character and to make
it applicable to the whole of India instead of only Bengal, attempts
were made [by the Indian Congress] to confine the recitation to the
first two stanzas only. With the official adoption of D.R. Tagore's song
'Jana-gana-mana' as the National Anthem in January, 1950' (Prabhu
1966, p.18).
Over the years, Vande Mataram has been set to new music several times, and
still continues to be deeply venerated as the "national song," as opposed to being
153
the official "national anthem." The first two stanzas follow are those adopted by the
Congress in 1905:
Vande MŸtaram (Raga Kafi - Tal dipcandi)
'sujalŸ sufalŸ malayaja-sh talŸ Àasya-ÀyŸmalŸ MŸtaram |

Àubhra-jyotsna-pulakita-yŸmanii fulla-kusumita-druma-dala-shobhinii
suhŸsinii sumadhura-bhashinii sukhadŸ varadŸ MŸtaram'' || -- Vande ..(dhruva)
(A.Bhaj., p.229)
'Mother, I ∏Ëw ™Ë thee! Rich with thy hurrying streams,

Bright with orchard gleams, Cool with thy winds of delight,
Green fields weaving Mother of might, Mother free.
Glory of moonlight dreams, Over thy branches and lordly streams,

Clad in my blossoming trees, Mother, giver of ease,
Laughing low and sweet! Mother I kiss thy feet,
Speaker sweet and low! Mother, to thee I bow'
(Tagore's, translation, Prabhu 1966, p.18).
Jana Gana Mana

'Thou art the ruler of the minds of all people,' text and music, were written by
Rabindranath Tagore in 1911. 'Jana-Gana-Mana' is the first of what was a five-
stanza poem. While it was sung, and ostensibly composed, for the visit of King
George V in 1911, Tagore intimated to J.B. Yeats and others that it had, in actuality,
been written for an eternal being, 'the Lord of Destiny' and 'Perennial Guide' of
India (see Dr. Monish R. Chatterjee, Tagore and Jana Gana Mana,
www.homepages.udayton.edu/~chattemr/ janaganamana.html). It was 'associated
with the struggle for Indian freedom, and was sung in the Constituent Assembly at
its historic midnight session on the 14th August, 1947. On the 24th January [1950], it
was adopted by the Constituent Assembly as India's National Anthem' (Prabhu
1996, p.xiii).
Jana Gana Mana (Raga korasa - tal dhumali)
154
'JanaGanaManaAdhinŸyaka, Jaya He BhŸrata-BhŸgyavidhŸ™Ÿ

Punjab-Sindhu-GujarŸta-MarŸthŸ, DrŸvida-Utkala-Banga
Vindhya-HimŸcala-YamunŸ-GangŸ Ucchhala-Jaladhitaranga
Tava Ãubha NŸme JŸge, Tava Ãubha ÉÀiÀa MŸge
GŸhe Tava Jaya GŸthŸ.
JanaGana-MangalaÆŸyaka, Jaya He! BhŸrata-BhŸgyavidhŸ™Ÿ
Jaya He! Jaya He! (Jaya He!)
Jaya Jaya Jaya, Jaya He!' (A.Bhaj., p. 229)
'Thou are the ruler of the minds of all people,

dispenser of India's destiny.
Thy name rouses the hearts of Punjab, Sindh, Gujarat, the Maratha
country,
in the Dravida country, Utkala (Orissa) and Bengal;
It echoes in the hills of the Vindhyas and Himalayas,
it mingles in the rhapsodies of the pure waters Jamuna and the Ganges.
They chant only thy name,
they seek only thy blessings,
They sing only thy praise.
The saving of all people waits in thy hand,
thou dispenser of India's destiny.
Victory, Victory, Victory, Victory to thee'
(Tagore's Translation)
Ayi Bhuvana-Mana-Mohinii
This song is identified by Alain Danielou, in his catalogue of Indian Music,
under Chapter V, "The Songs of Rabindranath Tagore," as having been written in
Bengali by Rabindranath Tagore (Danielou 1952, p.139).
'Modern songs play an important part in the musical life of

India. Some of the songs follow traditional types and are sung by
very good singers. Most of them, however, are disfigured by the
unsuited orchestral accompaniment, which film and recording
companies usually impose on the artists (Danielou 1952, p.133).
Danielou lists 'Ayi Bhuvana mana mohini' as being presented by Hemanta

Mukherjee, a famous and highly-respected Bengali singer, with the accompaniment
155
of an orchestra behind him. It praises the enchanting Goddess of the world, and the
first verse of three is include in the Ashram Bhajanavali.
Ayi Bhuvana-Mana-Mohinii (Raga bhupali - tiin tal)

'Ayi bhuvana-mana-mohinii!
Ayi nirmala s›¿æŸ-éarojjvala dhara®ii!
Janaka-janani⁄-jananii!
Niiƒa-Sindhu-jala-dhauta-cara®atala, Anila-vikampita-ÀyŸmala-a†cala,
Ambara-cumbita-bhŸla-himŸcala, Shubhra-tuŒŸra-ki¿ii¢⁄≤ii!' (A.Bhaj., p. 231)
'Peerless, alluring enchantress of the Earth!

Pure, serene, sun-drenched-ageless Mother of all.
Feet awash in the blue waters of Sindhu,
Verdant anchal swaying gently in the breeze --
Mighty Himachal, your vast forehead
Peaks capped in virgin show, lofty and majestic
Rising to kiss the sky!'
(Translation, Dr. Monish R. Chatterjee,
University of Dayton)
Sa¿‰ úahan se achcha

The last patriotic song included in the Ashram Bhajanavali is 'Sare jahan se
achcha,' written, unlike the other selections, in Urdu. It was composed by Dr.
Allama Muhammad Iqbal in 1905/06. 'This was one of [his] earliest and best
known...patriotic songs" (Prabhu 1966, p.39), and it celebrates the harmony that can
be found among people of differing religious traditions. At that time he 'used to
stress his descent from the line of Hindu Kashmiri Pandits, [writing also] "Mazhab
nahi sikhaataa aapas mein bair rakhana' ('religion does not teach us mutual
animosity') (The Tribune India, May 28, 2006). This was a song which Mohandas
Gandhi often sang himself while undergoing imprisonment.
156
Iqbal, however, later in his life, underwent an extreme transformation, and

he become one of the first people to encourage a separate Muslim nation-state,
advocating for this cause at the annual conference of the All India Muslim League
in 1930.
'As Iqbal advanced in age and his commitment to the Islamic

cause deepened, his partiality for a common composite culture receded.
Only his Islamic identity become important to him. His metamorphosis
was so complete that instead of his earler evocation Hindi hain Hum
vatan hia Hindostan hamara (We are Indian and India is our
motherland) he now wrote Muslim hain hum, vatan hai sara jahan
hamara, (We are Muslims and the entire world belongs to us). Instead
of the other non-Muslim Indians now non-Indian Muslims, the Arabs
and the Persians became his new brethern, merely because they
were Muslims' (The Tribune India, May 28, 2006).
The popular patriotic song was included in the Ashram Bhajanavali,

regardless of Iqbal's turnings.
SŸre jahŸnse accha (RŸga miÀ¿a p lu - tŸl dhumŸl )
'SŸre jahŸnse accha hindostŸn hamŸrŸ

ham bulbule hai uski, ye bostan hamŸrŸ
ghurbŸtme ho agar ham, rahta hai dil vatanme

samjho vahi hame bhi, dil hË jahŸ hamŸrŸ
parbat vaha sab se uncŸ, hamsŸya ŸsmankŸ

vaha santar⁄ hamŸrŸ, vaha pasban hamŸrŸ
godi me kheltih‰ úiski hazŸro nadiyŸ

gulÀan hai jinke damse, raÀke-j⁄nŸ hamŸrŸ
Ÿe ab, raude, gangŸ, vaha din he yŸd tujhko

utarŸ tere kinŸre, jab kŸrvŸ hamŸrŸ
mazahab nahii sikŸtŸ Ÿpas me bayr rakhnŸ

hindi hai ham, vatan hai hindostŸn hamŸrŸ (emphasis added)
157
yunŸnomi¿™¿Ër›ma, sab mit gaye jahŸnse

ab tak magar hai bŸqi, nŸmoniÀŸ hamŸrŸ
kuc“ bŸt h‰ keh hastii, mitthii nahii hamŸ¿ii

sadiyo rahŸ h‰ duÀman, dËe-zamŸn hamŸ¿Ÿ
Ñqbal koii maharam, apnŸ nahii jahŸ me

mal›m kya k⁄–iiko, darde-nihŸn hamŸ¿Ÿ' (A.Bhaj, p.232).
'Our India is the finest Country on this planet earth

This is our garden above, we are nightingales of mirth
Though in foreign lands we may reside, with our motherland

our hearts abide
Our spirit remains with thee, where our hearts exist
That mountain most high; neighbor to the skies

It is our sentinel; it is our protector
A thousand rivers play in its lap,

Gardens they sustain, the envy of the heavens is ours
O water of the mighty flow of the Ganga, do you remember the day
When on your banks, our caravan had landed
Faith does not teach us to harbour grudges between us

We are all Indians and India is our homeland
Greece, Egypt and Rome are lost, now only memories

But our civilization remains; it has stood the test of time
Something is in us, that preserves us, that keeps us ever-smiling

Though the fates and chances of the world have ever tried to break us
Iqbal! Is there no soul that could

Understand the pain in thy heart?' (Trans., Prabhu 1966).
Raºdhun
The final section of the Ashram Bhajanavali consists of three pages of dhun,
very short devotional verses, which for the most part, simply repeat the names of
158
various gods and goddesses continuously. Raºdhun became a regular part of the
ashram prayers after Narayan Moreshwar Khare became a full member of the
ashram: '...Khare, a pupil of Pandit Vishnu Digambar, whom the master kindly sent
to the Ashram...made hymn-singing interesting, and the Ashram Bhajanavali
...which is now [1932] read by thousands was in the main compiled by him. He
introduced Ramdhun, the third item of our prayers' (Gandhi 1998, p.40).
In 1937, during his travels to Travancore, Gandhi explained the meaning and
contents of the sung-prayers many times to congregation after congregation. He
would explicate the Sanskrit verses, explain the context of the bhajan(s), and then
comment: 'But there are others who cannot understand even these simple bhajans,
and so to direct their attention Godward we simply repeat the name of Rama' (CW-
e, 70, # 357, p. 345). Later, in 1946, when as many as one hundred thousand people
could gather for the evening prayer meetings, Gandhi wrote:
The singing of Ramadhun is the most important part of

congregational prayer. The millions may find it difficult to correctly
recite and understand the Gita verses and the Arabic and Zen Avesta
prayers, but everybody can join in chanting Ramanama or God's name.
It is as simple as it is effective. ...Anything that millions can do
together becomes charged with a unique power (Gandhi 2000, p.98).
The single example of Ramdhun presented here was one of Gandhi's

favorites. Shri Karunamayee has reported that the melody (raga) was composed by
Pandit Vishnu Digambar Paluskar, the national music reformer who had sent
Narayan Moreshwar Khare to work with and serve Gandhi.
Raghupati RŸghava RŸúŸ RŸm (RŸga khamŸja - tŸla karavahŸ)
'Raghupati RŸghava RŸúŸ RŸº Patita¥Ÿvana SiitŸ-RŸº

SiitŸ-RŸº SiitŸ-RŸº bhaja pyŸre t› SiitŸ-RŸº
ÖÀ∆ara AƒƒŸh ™‰¿‰ nŸº -- sabako sanmati de BhagavŸ≤' (A.Bhaj., p.234).
159
'O Lord of the Raghus, Born of the Raghus, King, All-pervading,

Redeemers-of-the-fallen, Sita-Raº!
Sita-Raº! Sita-Raº! O, you dear one, praise Sita-Raº!
Ishvara! Allah! These are your names. Grant, O Lord, discernment of
a good mind to all!' (my translation)
Raghupati Raghava, based on a 17th-century sung-prayer by Ramdas, a

Marathi devotee of Rama,
'[t]he origin of Ramdhun is shrouded in legend. According to the
legend that he preferred it was composed by the great Hindu poet
Tulsidas (1532-1623). While on a pilgrimage visiting the Vishnu temple
of Dakore, Northern India, Tulsidas was moved to bargain with Vishnu.
Until Vishnu revealed himself as Rama he would not bow his head in
prayer. His wish was promptly granted: Rama appeared in his mind
with his wife Sita, and three of their devotees. Hence, explains Gandhi,
"Ramdhun, meaning intoxication with God [Ram]' (Parel 2006, p.167).
Raghupati RŸghava was chanted during the Dandi Salt March in 1930, and
'[t]here were, and are, several versions of Ramdhun in vogue. The version that
Gandhi used had an ecumenical flavor to it. The third line read that the Ishwar of
the Hindus and the Allah of the Muslims were one and the same' (Parel 2006,
p.168). Later, Gandhi made specific reference to his grand-niece, Manu, having
been with him on the Noakhaƒ⁄ tour for Hindu-Muslim unity in the spring of 1947:
'During that tour she found a melodious tune. Of course she has not composed it. It is
more true to say that God prompted her to say: 'Ishvar Allah tere nam sabko
sanmati de Bhagawan.' In a speech given at the Inter-Asian Relations Conference
on April 2, 1947, Gandhi declared: 'I am not postponing the prayer out of fear. If
anybody wants to stop me once I have started the prayers I shall not stop even if I
am killed. And you will see I shall be reciting Rama Rahim and Krishna Karim
when I breathe my last' (CW-e, 94, #226, p.219). Further, in a footnote to this
speech as published in the Collected Works, there is additional confirmation of
Gandhi's attempts to make this RaºÆhun better reflect the desired Hindu-Muslim
160
unity in that 'according to the source after his return from Noakhali, Gandhiji
replaced the refrain Bhaj man pyare Sitaram by Bhaj man pyare Rama Rahim,
bhaj man pyare Krishna Karim' (CW-e. 94, #226, p.219).
Although the majority of the Dhuns are sung to Rama and Krishna, the final
two are directed to Lord Shiva.
The Ashram Bhajanavali concludes with an alphabetical index of the bhajans
included therein.
After 1947
In 1971, Gandhi's translation of 253 items into English was published as
Ashram Bhajanavali by the Government of India as part of The Collected Works of
Mahatma Gandhi (Vol. XLIV, pp. 386-465).
In 1999, one hundred and eight of Gandhi's English translations have been
published by in Book of Prayers. It includes a forward by his grandson, Arun
Gandhi. The translations are Gandhi's own from the Collected Works, and although
the format of the book suggests a book of unsung poetry, the book is a fitting tribute
to the life and work of Mohandas K. Gandhi. Michael N. Nagler's Introduction is
especially evocative of the satyagraha movement and the significance that the
sung-prayers of the Ashram Bhajanavali held for that movement.
SU MMA RY/ CONC LUSION

This chapter has attempted to summarize for the reader the texts and
materials contained in the Ashram Bhajanavali. It is hoped that sufficient amounts
of each "genre" in the Ashram Bhajanavali have been presented and described
completely enough to serve as an indication of what the complete book contains,
and up-coming chapters will reveal where its importance lies.
This chapter outlined for the reader the historical developments of the
satyagraha movement alonsgide the development of the Bhajanavali, from its
nascent beginnings in South Africa, to the addition of Sanskrit shlokas, Ramdhun,
161
and other materials in India. The very simple liturgies of 1917 were described; an
overview of materials translated into English in 1930 for Mirabehn was given; and
finally a more complete presentation and analysis of the 1947 edition was
presented, indicating the additional of verses which had been added along the way.
As Gandhi had said, 'if Truth were the root of the ashram, then [sung]-prayer
was the primary nourishment for that root' (Gandhi 1998, p.36). The Ashram
Bhajanavali was intended as spiritual nourishment for the satyagraha community as
each individual strove to achieve svaraj. It included a formula for daily activities,
sung-prayers for the ashram children, sung-prayers for the ashram women, and
sung-prayers designated for morning and evening. Verses were included from the
traditional Vedanta, as well as chants to various gods and goddesses. Sections of
Ramcaritmanas, Mukundamala, etc., represented sung-prayers from the widely-
varying regions of India. The bhajans also represented the many regional
traditions. The Ashram Bhajanavali can be seen first of all as pan-Indian, as well as
"ecumenical" and inter-religious in its overall content.
A few comments should be made concerning the Bhajanavali's ecleticism,
and its particular "inter-religious" presentation. One might be tempted to ask
whether the Ashram Bhajanavali was based upon some kind of Christian prayer
book or hymnal. The prayer books of many Christian denominations contain very
intricate liturgies, longer services, responses between minister and congregation,
and the hymnals are very often set up as to the liturgical season. So, in this first
instance, the Ashram Bhajanavali really does not resemble Christian examples, as
there is no "set service" of a longer, call-and-response type. The Ashram
Bhajanavali designates morning and evening prayers, which many Christian
denominations do as well. However, many Hindu and Jain prayers are often
chanted at the auspicious, sacred times of sandhya, 1) when the night turns to day,
and 2) when day turns to night. So the fact that Gandhi chose to have sung-prayers
162
during the important periods of sandhya can not be said to be a strictly Christian
practice.
Another possible Christian connection, one which would be at least "twice
removed," so to speak, could be the service books of the Brahmo Samaj. As was
mentioned in Chapter One, the Brahmo Samaj "was modelled on Christian reform
movements and met regularly for services. During these services passages would be
read from the Upanishads, sermons delivered and hymns sung" (Flood 1996, 253).
Here, again, there is not an exact likeness. Gandhi did not include sermons in his
short daily liturgies during the time of his middle career, and it was not until the end
of his career that he would "sermonize" following the prayer meetings, in an
attempt to connect the prayers with current events.
Debendranath Tagore had complied a group of Hindu texts, mostly
Upanishads, called Brahma Dharma, which was to be used for public and private
worship. So, there is some corrrespondence to the Ashram Bhajanavali here. Sen
had also collected in an organized, intentional manner texts from Hindu, Buddhist,
Jewish, Chinese, Islamic and Christian scriptures, entitled Shlokasangraha. So,
there would be correspondence to the Ashram Bhajanavali with these texts.
However, Gandhi's Ashram Bhajanavali was completely of his own making (along
with Khare and Kalelkar); it was his own original collection.
Gandhi's eclecticism was not some sterile plan to include equally and/or
scientifically every sect and religion according to some type of pre-determined
program or grid. One may feel a certain imbalance within the collection, as they do
not represent all religions or all sects within one religion. It is not a handbook of
world religions, although he spoke and wrote often of the satyagraha vow of
sarvadharma-samanatva, the respect for all religious paths. As such, Gandhi was
open to all who came into his path, and people joined the ashram and were involved
in svadeshi from religions other than Hinduism. In this process, certain verses from
those other religions were added as a result of contact with those certain people.
163
This was not a general eclecticism, chosen by committee to represent all

facets of all world religions. It was a specific eclecticism that was particular to
Gandhi and to events and life of satyagraha. "Its development has been
spontaneous...there is a history [story] attached to almost every shloka and every
selected bhajan" (CW-e, 81, #742, p. 487). The shlokas chosen largely by Kaka
Kalelkar were largely Vedanta, while other chants were included as well for
Ganesha, Sarasvati, Vaishnavite verses for Rama and Krishna, some Shaivaite for
Shiva. The bhajans were chosen in collaboration with Narayan Moresh Khare, and
were those which were most appropriate for the satyagraha ideals. A devotee who
visited Sevagram Ashram, Gandhi's place of residence during the mid-30s to mid-
40s remarked:
'Prayer meetings had been a ritual with Bapu for almost
forty years. The prayers were drawn from many religions, and
generally followed an established order. In fact, when I was there
we had our own prayer book, the Ashram Bhajanavali, which was
revised every now and again to include a new prayer or a new
hymn' (Mehta 1985, p.8).
The later inter-religious additions came from people close to Gandhi:

Raihana Tyabji, friend and daughter of Abbas Tyabbji (leader of Congress),
offered the Islamic verses; Dr. M.D.D. Gilder, offered the Zorastrian prayers
having chanted them at Gandhi's wife, Mirabai's, funeral; Keshav, the Buddhist
monk, introduced the Buddhist chant. Gandhi's favorite Christian prayers had been
gathered along the way, during his many encounters and discussions with Christians,
as far back as 'Lead, Kindly Light,' sung by a young friend when he had been hurt
and attacked in South Africa. The Indian patriotic songs of independence were
included as all of India was singing them.
Speaking to a questioner concerning the Ashram Bhajanavli, Gandhi replied:
'...the ashram prayer is a hotchpot of something Eastern and something Western. As
I have no prejudice against taking anything good from the West or against giving up
164
anything in the East, there is an unconscious blending of the two' (Gandhi 2000,
p.144). It was an organic process, which evolved over forty years, and yet, an
organic processs which resulted in a book of sung-prayers, and an expressed
experience of devotion, that was eclectic and inclusive in nature. 'Every religion
seems to have found a natural setting in the prayer book' (CW-e, 81, #742, p.487).
(Had that organic process been allowed to be continued, sung-prayers from other
traditions would have been added. Just prior to Gandhi's assassination, appropriate
Sikh prayers were being considered).
Furthermore, as seen from this chapter's summary, the Ashram Bhajanavali
can not be judged as a simple hymnal; it was hymnal, prayer book, and community
guide altogether. A– ¨‰ ¥¿eface to the 1947 edition stated, 'The primary aim of the
collection was to sustain right conduct;' beyond that, 'it has brought together a group
of people who for years have been reciting these hymns with great devotion' (CW-
e, 93, #536, p. 382) (emphasis added). As the satyagraha movement grew, and as its
principles of svaraj were being enacted, the values of the Gita, of the Upanishads,
of the Ramcaritmanas, the bhajans, etc., were all meant to teach the ashramites that
"right conduct" which would bring about svaraj, or Ramrajya. They, in turn, would
teach that non-violence to the nation. The Ashram Bhajanavali held the seeds of
the movement; the sung-prayers were the foundation of Gandhi's reforms for India.
As Gandhi finished the preface, he wrote: '...it has not restricted itself to any
particular sect or religion. Gems available from all places have been collected.
Therefore many Hindus, Muslims, Christians and others, recite from it with
pleasure and derive whatever moral sustenance they can' (CW-e, 93, #536, p. 382)
In recognizing the eclecticism of the Ashram Bhajanavali, one further
question might be asked regarding to what extent Gandhi was raised a Vaishnava
(a worshipper of Vishnu, often in the form of either Rama or Krishna), and
whether he remained so. Gandhi was born in Porbandar, Gujarat. 'Gujarat was
open not only to trade and commerce but to currents of thought and cultures from
165
many sources, Arabs and Sindhis, Muslims and Jains, to mention only a few.
...Those engaged in trading tended to be attracted to Jainism, and Gandhi was of
this community, the Vaishyas. As for the Muslims, they too were highly diversified.
As a Vaishnava, Gandhi was in no way debarred from deep interest in the other
religious followings to be found around him....' (Chatterjee 2005, pp.18-19).
'Karamchand [Gandhi's father], Putlibai [Gandhi's mother], and their
children lived in the old family house in Porbandar, which had extended ... from a
one-story affair to a three-story structure. The house was wedged between two
temples' (Mehta 1976, p.73). 'The family belonged to the Vallabhacharya
[Krishnaite] sampradaya or sect. But, in addition to going to the haveli or
Vaishnava temple, young Mohandas would also accompany his mother to the
Pranami temple which contained copies of both the Koran and the Puranas, but had
no images of gods and goddesses' (Chatterjee 2005, p.40). Putlibai was, 'a member
of [this] local ascetic, orthodox offshoot of the Vaishnava sect, which was, however,
strongly influenced by Islam in that it emphasized direct communion with God. ...
She liked to spin' (Mehta, Mahatma, 74). Those Hindus and Muslims who
worshipped in this open way also prayed and ate together (Chatterjee 2000, p.116),
so Gandhi was exposed from an early age to many other faiths, and especially to
Islam and Jainism. His father was also a man interested in many religions, and
people of varied religious backgrounds were often at the housing engaging in
religiously diverse conversations with Gandhi's father. 'Jainism and Sufism were no
less prevalent in Gujarat, and visitors to [his father's] residence came from a
variety of communities' (Chatterjee 2000, p.40).
Gandhi wrote later that he was not much interested in religion
when he was young: 'Being born in the Vaishnava faith, I had often
to go to the Haveli. But it never appealed to me. I did not like its glitter and pomp.
And I heard rumors of immorality being practised there, and lost all interest in it.
Hence I could gain nothing from Haveli (Jack 1956, p. 5)
166
In her work Gandhi and the Challenge of Religious Diversity, Margaret

Chatterjee writes that
[Gandi] was brought up in a part of India which was largely

Vaishnava in faith, Dwarka being the legendary capital of the
kingdom which Krishna was said to have ruled. It so happens that
Gandhi was more drawn to the hero of the epic Ramayana, Rama, in
Tulsidas' version of it, which he would hear recited at home....
(Chatterjee 2000, p.40).
Furthermore, Chatterjee feels that
Gandhi was attracted to Tulsidas' portrayal of the kingly figure

of Rama [because] Gandhi sees in him a paradigm, an ideal, a good
brother and a man faithful to his people. By contrast he reacts
unfavourably to the 'tinsel' atmosphere in the haveli, at the same time
learning to respect different manifestations of human religious
imagination. It is likely that he may have seen in the character of Rama,
again as presented by Tulsidas, an austerity which fitted in with his own
intimations of the deity, and his own temperament (Chatterjee 2000, p.55).
(Please see additional comments along these lines as noted in my interviews

with Sri Karunamayee found on pages 362 to 364 herein. See also David
Smith's article, "On the Periphery of Krishna," in which he states that, in
general, "...Krishna, or at least images of Krishna, played little part in either
the Indian Independence movement or Hindu nationalism," and that Gandhi
was put off by the excesses of Vallabhite Krishnaism (Smith, Periphery, 42).
Chatterjee continues to outline the many and diverse religious
influences which came into Gandhi's life and which did affect him. While a
student in London he encountered "evangelical Christians, theosophists,
vegetarians, secular thinkers of various backgrounds" and "[e]ven though
temple-going was of litle importance to him, he attended Christian places of
worship, made an attempt to study the Bible, and also learnt more about his
own religion" (Ibid., 22 and 19-20). The same held true for him while in Africa,
167
being introduced to evangelical Christians, Anglicans, and Quakers.

Furthermore, all during this time his "spiritual advisor," Raychandbhai [a
devout Jain jewel merchant from Bombay] was advising him as how to delve
more deeply into Hinduism.
Gandhi was attracted to Kabir, and to Sufism; "of all the reformers directly
before Gandhi, he "was especially impressed by Swami Vivekananda and Sri
Ramakrishna" (Chatterjee, 304).
Ethical morality was at the core of Gandhi's interests. "...[H]e tended to
the view that an ethical orientation was of more moment than profession of
belief in a set of doctrines. Guiding him to this position were many trends of
thought" (Ibid, 232). In The Kingdom of God is Within You, Tolstoy "details
the way in which Christians, individuals, states and institutions, justify war and
perpetrate violence" (Chatterjee, 243). In Tolstoy, Gandhi found a fellow soul
who was as outraged at the superficiality of Christians as Gandhi was outraged
at how Untouchables were treated by Hindus. "The Tolstoyan elements all
centred on practice, for neither Gandhi nor Tolstoy followed the mystics' path
which formed a considerable part of their respective heritages" (Ibid., 246).
Likewise, Gandhi was influenced by the ethics of John Ruskin' Unto This Last,
in which Ruskin "makes a critical study of modern civilization and pleads
passionately for new social values" more humane to all of humankind (Rao, 6).
Gandhi wrote: "Ruskin [and] Unto This Last transformed me overnight from a
lawyer and city dweller into a rustic living away from Durban on a farm, three
miles from the nearest railway station" (Ibid., 7).
Furthermore, it was the ethical orientation of Jesus Christ with which
Gandhi identified. After attending many and diverse Christian church services,
from high Anglican, with music, incense, candles, and bells, to Baptist house
meetings where prayers were held on the knees with no hymn-singing, Gandhi
had formed a picture of Jesus as an ethical man
168
who went about doing good; who was interested in healing the
sick, as Gandhi himself was; who was much misunderstood; suffered
without protest, and was put to death unjustly. ... He mixed with
different kinds of people, some of whom were looked down on by others;
did not make a distinction between 'us' and 'them'; and could hold
his own in any debate with those who tried to trip him up on matters
concerning his own Jewish heritage. These were admirable qualities,
worthy of emulation by any devotee of Truth, and there was nothing
therein to set up barriers between one human being and another. Jesus
remained a Jew, and Gandhi remained a Hindu (Chatterjee, 227-28).
The following three chapters will examine in more detail how the Ashram
Gandhi's vision of svaraj . Chapter Three will discuss the use of these sung-prayers
in ritual prayer meetings that occurred twice a day. Chapter Four will look at other
ways in which these songs were used by Gandhi and the satyagraha community to
achieve their purposes as the movement grew into a national initiative. Chapter
Five will consider Gandhi's esteem for music, and how it was that this sung-prayer
repertoire, being specifically sung and chanted (rather than being read or spoken)
had a significant appeal and power for the the nation of India and the satyagraha
communities. By placing this collection more deeply into its historical and social
contexts, and by analyzing its purposes against the backdrop of ritual, the extent to
which these sung-prayers shaped Gandhi's non-violent campaigns will become
clear.
169
HISTO R ICA L SU M MA RY OF ASHRA M BHAJANAVALI
1905 - South Africa - bhajans

1915 - India - Sanskrit shlokas added to bhajans
Morning Evening
1. Shlokas 1. Sthitaprajna-lakshana (Gita II: 54-72)
2. Bhajan 2. Bhajan
3. Ramdhun 3. Ramdhun
4. Gi™a¥atha 4. Reading: "some spiritual book"
1927 - Evening prayer established at 7:00 PM ("never forget again," Prayer,

84)
1928 - Morning prayer = 4:15 to 4:45 AM (Eleven vows described in

"Satyagraha Ashram," Young India, 1928)
1930 - Translation for Mirabehn, May to Dec‰º∏‰¿, while in Yeravda

Central Prison
1932 - Morning prayer = 4:20 AM ("History of Satæagraha Ashram," written

from Yeravda Central Prison)
1932 - Ishopanishad (Yeravda Prison, July 19, 1932: "I am now memorizing
Ishopanishad")
1933 - Al Fatehah - "included in the Ashram worship," (Prayer, 141-2)
by RaihŸna "while Sadhu Keshav still with us" (1935-41)
1934 - John S. Hoyland published Songs from Prison ("barely recognizable")
1937 - Ishopanishad - added during Harijan tour throughout Travancore,
January 1937
1942 - Buddhist chant became opening prayer (in 1935, Sadhu Keshav sang
early mornings; 1942, Sadhu Keshave arrested due to WW II)
- in "Ashram Prayer" article, Gandhi stated popularity of Ashram

Bhajanavali: "Every religion seems to have found a natural
setting in the prayer book"
170
1943 - Zoroastrian chant became part of repertoire - Parsi verses sung by

Dr. Gilder at break of 21-day fast at Aga Khan Palace
1944 - February: Gandhi's wife, Kasturbai, dies in Aga Khan Palace -

selections from Ashram Bhajanavali inserted in formal funeral
ceremony
1945 - Gandhi speaks publically of his desire for all the prayers to be
included in a booklet and published in Devanagari, Urdu, and
Bengali
1947
Morning Evening
1. Buddhist mantra (p.20) Buddhist mantra (p.20)

2. 2 minutes silence 2 minutes silence
3. Ishavasyam (p. 2) Ishavasyam (p. 2)
4. Pra™ah Smarana & Yam Brahma& Sthitaprajna-
ShƒËéas (pp. 2-13) lakshana (Gita II: 54-72)(p. 22- 30)
5. 11 Vows (p. 14) 11 Vows (p. 14)
6. Qur'an verses (pp. 14-18) Qur'an verses (pp. 14-18)
7. Zoroastrian gaä Zoroastrian gaä
8. Bhajan Bhajan
9. RaºÆhun (p. 234) Ramdhun (p. 234)
10. Gi™a¥atha Reading: "some spiritual book"
1971 - Ashram Bhajanavali published by the Government of India as part of

The Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi (CW Vol. XLIV, pp.
386-465; CW-e,Vol. 50, #458, pp. 323-406.)
1999 - Book of Prayers, John Strohmeier, Editor

171
CHAPTER THREE. RITUAL: TWICE-DAILY SUNG-PRAYERS
The whites were fully armed. It was clear that if the Indians were to come into
their own [in South Africa], they must forge a weapon which would be different from
and infinitely superior to the force which the white settlers commanded.... It was then
that I introduced congregational[sung]-prayer in Phoenix and Tolstoy Farm as a means
for training....
-- Mohandas K. Gandhi (Prayer, 98)
As Gandhi worked to reform religious and social practices in India through

non-violent means, he spoke out against rituals of a rote and superstitious nature, as
well as those priests who took advantage of the poor and the uneducated. 'Gandhi
had little sympathy for ritual observances, although an objective observer might
find in his prayer meetings a unique kind of ritual which did not require a building,
involve any expenditure, or bring in priests or pastors '(Chatterjee 2005, p.124-5).
As was illustrated in Chapter Two, the Ashram Bhajanavali contains a wide range
of materials which functioned as the foundation of satyagraha 's training; it contains
elements of ritual and ceremony, theology and creed, as well as teaching and
training for svaraj. The Ashram Bhajanavali is a proverbial "window" onto the
community's ritual activities. An in-depth understanding of this collection's
importance, within its sitz im leben, will provide a true perception of its place
beneath India's independence movement.
The twice-daily rituals that are described in the Ashram Bhajanavali are
truly not like other rituals, whether Eastern or Western. They are neither as
complex as the ancient Vedic ceremonies, which required many instruments,
several priests to chant the sung-prayers (often at the same time), sometimes
requiring animal sacrifice, and, especially in the case of the ashvamedha (horse
sacrifice), could last up to a year. Nor were they as complex as the many more
modern puja (worship) ceremonies, in which images of the god could be washed
172
with milk and with water, dressed with clothes and/or garlands, with food offerings
and flowers having been given by the participants to be returned as prasad (blessing
from the god) at the end of the ceremony; nor like those pujas in which many
images are offered for blessing while the priest chants ancient mantras [words of
power] while water is being poured over the objects, with candles burning, or lamps
be encircled. The Hindu and Jain ceremonies can be quite complex, involving
special instruments, flowers, images, candles, lights, prescribed ways of walking,
with one or more presiding priests, and they can be quite lengthy. (See Witzel
(2003) "Vedas and Upanishads," and Mahoney (1998) The Artful Universe, for
introductions to the complexities of Vedic ritual; see Fuller (1992) The Camphor
Flame, for a comprehensive look at the complexities of puja, and Humphrey and
Laidlaw (2004) The Archetypal Actions of Ritual, for a comprehensive look at the
complexities of Jain ritual.)
Gandhi's rituals were not like these at all. Nor were they as simple as the
silent Quaker meeting, nor as simple as sitting Buddhist meditation. He did,
however, desire a sung-prayer meeting that was relatively simple, that anyone
could attend, that involved no special instruments -- not even food or candles -- no
priests and no images (so as not to offend anyone). The meetings were held in the
open, under "God's sky," and, originally, there was no heightened platform which
might signal the "specialness" of those who sat upon it. (Later the use of platforms
became necessary as thousand and thousands of people began to attend the sung-
prayer meetings.) The simple liturgy he designed, and how it grew over time, will
be described in this chapter.
As was mentioned above, the choice of Roy Rappaport's approach, used in
juxtaposition with Gandhi's ritual practices, comes from a respect for his work as a
liturgical ritualist (of which, as Humphrey and Laidlaw noted, there has been a
dearth in the field of anthropology), along with his clear, concise, and detailed
analysis of elements such as the "plain and featureless variety." Rappaport's
173
detailed analysis, which covers: 1) what are the features of ritual; 2) how does
ritual function; and, 3) what are the outcomes of ritual, provides a roadmap or a
template with which to examine religious ritual in any context, however it is
especially helpful in the satyagraha context. Even with the simplest of rituals
(which Gandhi's were), Rappaport's explications prove helpful. Furthermore, the
concerns of most of the ritual theorists mentioned earlier in Chapter One have been
incorporated somewhere within Rappaports's schema.
TH E FEA TU R ES O F R I TUAL
We will begin with what Rappaport has to say about what ritual is. Ritual
consists of 'a structure, that is, a more or less enduring set of relations in a number of
general but variable features' (Rappaport 1999, p.3). In Chapter 2, we looked at the
history and development of the sung-prayer meetings as they grew from 1905
through 1944. It is evident that even as elements were added, over time, the twice-
daily ritual of chanted material remained 'more or less enduring,' and that the
relationship between segments remained relatively intact within their established
structure.
Encoding by Others than Perfo rmers
Rappaport then goes further to present a definition of ritual as 'the
performance of more or less invariant sequences of formal acts and utterances not
entirely encoded by the performers' (Rappaport, p.24). The morning and evening
sung-prayers adhered to an established, and largely invariant, order of chanted
elements. These elements had been chosen by founding members of the
Satyagraha Ashram: Kaka Kalelkar had chosen the Sanskrit shlokas; Narayan
Moreshwar Khare had chosen the bhajans (hymns) and added the Ramdhun
selections. Gandhi held the on-going, decision-making power over all selections, as
well as the Gi™a verses and their cycles of recitation. As the bhajans were musically
more demanding, Khare or one of his students often sang the bhajans, and Kalelkar
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often chanted the Sanskrit verses. However, with time and circumstances
continually changing, assignments for chanting could change as well. Ashram
inmates might be travelling, or they might be imprisoned. Thus, while specific
elements were not always sung by the same person, the elements remained the
same and were "not entirely encoded by the performers."
Decorous Fo rmality
Rappaport's second defining feature of ritual consists of 'decorous formality,'
and he states that .[b]ehavior in ritual tends to be punctilious and repetitive'
(Rappaport, p.33). During attendance at Gandhi's sung-prayer meetings, respectful
and specific modes of behavior were expected. Gandhi wrote that, especially for
the morning prayers, one should never move directly from bed to the prayer
grounds. One should brush one's teeth and
.resolve to remain awake and alert. In the meeting we should not

sit close to one another, should sit erect like a walking-stick, breathing
slowly, and if we can speak the words correctly. ... Even if a person
does not know Sanskrit, he should learn the meanings of each verse
and meditate over it. (Gandhi 2000, p.145).
Evidenced here is the expectation of respectful awareness and participation, not

unlike Humphrey and Laidlaw's intentionally adopted 'ritual stance' (Humphrey
and Laidlaw 2004, p.94), in which participants in the ritual are aware that the acts
of ritual are other than the normal daily activities. Further, participants' exhibition
of respectful participation was a function of their own actively-chosen 'ritual
commitment.' For Rappaport, 'formality' and 'decorum' are not necessarily the
same thing, but, in Gandhi's case, respectful and contained 'decorum' were both
prescribed.
Rappaport continues: 'Rituals are performed in specific contexts, that is they
are regularly repeated at times established by clock, calendar, biological rhythm,
175
ontogeny, physical condition, or defined social circumstance, and they occur in

special places as well' (Rappaport 1999, p.33). With regard to this feature of ritual,
the sung-prayer meetings were repeated 'by the clock' -- two times a day, every
day, for the length of half an hour. 'The time for morning worship was a matter of
experiment fixed at 4, 5, 6, and 7 am, one after another. But on account of my
persistently strong attitude on the subject', wrote Gandhi, 'it has been fixed at 4.20
am. With the first bell at 4 everyone rises from bed and after a wash reaches the
prayer ground by 4.20' (Gandhi 1998, p.37). The time of evening sung-prayers was
set at 7:00 PM.
Gandhi's use of ritual activities in 'special places' will be considered further
on in this chapter, while ritual activities as found in 'defined social circumstance'
(such as fasting and non-violent marching) will be discussed separately in
Chapter 4.
It is with this feature of 'formality' that Rappaport raises the question of
terminology for those individual elements that can be found within any given ritual.
In Rappaport's definition, Gandhi's sung-prayer meetings would be sufficiently
elaborate to include what may be called a 'liturgy' or 'liturgical orders': 'more or
less invariant sequences of formal acts and utterances of some duration repeated in
specified contexts' (Rappaport 1999, p.35). And the term 'liturgical orders' can
'refer not only to individual rituals, but to the more or less invariant sequences of
rituals that make up cycles and other series as well' (Rappaport 1999, 169). As
mentioned above, satyagraha's sung-prayer meetings were not elaborate
concatenations consisting of innumerable elements. However, even though simple
combinations of a few items arranged in a specific and invariant manner, they do
quality as 'liturgy' or 'liturgical orders'.
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Invariance
The third feature in Rappaport's ritual schema is 'invariance.' He defines this
as meaning 'conformity to form,' with the qualifier 'more or less,' since, although
the majority of ritual consists of liturgical orders that are pre-arranged and that
remain consistently repeated as such over time, there are always circumstances
which may have an impact on that order. Ritual can change over time, and 'there
are possibilies for, and even demands for, variation within the most invariant of
liturgical orders' (Rappaport 1999, p.37). However, the consistent repetition of
invariable, or fixed, liturgical elements is a normative feature of ritual, coinciding
precisely with the method of chanting both morning and evening sung-prayers of
the satæagraha community.
The order of the chanted liturgical elements of the satyagraha community
always remained the same. In other words, the order of the elements as executed
was always fixed, or 'invariable'. However, the content within each element could
change depending upon whether it was morning or night, as, e.g., early in the
movement, the Sanskrit shlokas were always recited as the first element in the
morning, while the Gita II:54-72 verses were always the first element recited at
night.
The liturgical orders for morning and evening prayers (in the early years)
began with a very simple order. In the morning, 1) Sanskrit shlokas were chanted,
2) a bhajan or hymn was sung, 3) Ramdhun, or the chanting of God's name was
sung, and 4) a segment of the Bhagavad Gita was chanted. In the evening, 1) verses
54-72 of Bhagavad Gita II were chanted, 2) a bhajan or hymn was sung, 3)
Ramdhun was chanted, and 4) a 'portion' of a sacred book was read or chanted (for
which, if needed, portions of the Upanishads, the Pandava-Gita, the Dvadasha-
Panjarika Stotra, and the RaºcharitmŸnas were included in the Ashram
Bhajanavali). If reduced to liturgical elements only, then the liturgical order of this
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"Early" version of this very simple liturgy, would be outlined as follows:

EARLY
MORNING EVENING
1. Invariable 1. Invariable
As can easily be deduced, with eight elements as individual indicators, there are
eight elements of invariability, or 100 percent invariability.
When these ten elements are reduced further to liturgical elements and the
variability or invariability of their contents, then these simply liturgies would be
outlined as follows:
EARLY
MORNING EVENING
Element Content Element Content
1. Invariable Invariable 1. Invariable Invariable
2. Invariable Variable 2. Invariable Variable
Even here, it can be seen, that the majority of the elements found in the sung-
prayer meetings were of the 'invariable' or fixed type. Each of the individual
elements was still invariable, and in each case, the first element of both morning
and evening rituals was always the same (although different from each other). The
second element, that of singing a bhajan, was always the same, although the hymn
could change, and according to Gandhi, sometimes Christian and Muslim hymns
were sung (Gandhi 1998, p38). Element 3 was always the same, although, like the
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bhajan, the choice of Ramdhun could change (several possibilities are printed in the
Ashram Bhajanavali on pages 231-33). Due to the chosen and musical natures of
Elements 2 and 3, these elements would vary depending upon the length of the
verses of the bhajan chosen and upon the number of verses taken, and likely would
have provided the most variance, as someone would have had to choose them.
Element 4 was always the same, but, like Element 1, the contents of the elements
differed and were variable, being verses chosen from the Gi™a in the morning and a
portion of a "sacred book" being chosen in the evening.
Out of 16 indicators, 10 are "invariable', which represents 62.5%, and out of
16 indicators 6 are 'variable', representing 37.5%. Each sung-prayer meeting lasted
half an hour (theoretically), and depending upon the songs or 'variable' parts
chosen, the 'variable' elements, although they only made up 37.5% of the entire
content of the ritual, may have held more weight within the whole ritual based upon
time duration, which is not something that can be grasped for certain. However, as
the majority of indicators would be considered 'invariable', and as the order of the
elements did not change whether it was morning or evening, the sung-prayer
meetings of the Satyagraha community, fall unquestionably within Rappaport's
definition of 'invariance' as a defining feature of ritual.
As Rappaport has indicated, rituals can change somewhat over time, and in
Chapter Two, some of the changes that took place from the period between 1915
(the time of the early sung-prayer meetings) and 1944 (when the daily rituals had
reached their final, more-or-less concrete forms) were addressed. The new items
that were added along the way consisted of: 1) a Buddhist mantra; 2) two minutes
of silence; 3) Ishopanishad I.1; 4) The Eleven Vows; 5) a Zoroastrian gaä, and 6)
verses from the Qur'an. By this time, as based on the order suggested in the Ashram
Bhajanaval and other readings, each ritual had expanded to a liturgical order of ten
elements. If reduced to liturgical elements, then the liturgical order of these ten
Late elements would be outlined as follows:
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LATE
MORNING EVENING
As with the simpler liturgical order of the earlier sung-prayer meetings, the
invariability of the over-all ritual remains at 100%.
When these ten elements are reduced further to liturgical elements and the
variability or invariability of their contents, then these later liturgies would be
outlined as follows:
LATE
MORNING EVENING
Element Content Element Content
1. Invariable Invariable S 1. Invariable Invariable
4. Invariable Invariable 4. Invariable Invariable
With 40 indicators now in play within the later sung-prayer meetings, 34

indicators are 'invariable', representing 85%, and the same six indicators have
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remained 'variable', representing 15%. The "S" in the above table (placed between
Morning and Evening prayers) indicates those liturgical elements that were exactly
the Same for both prayer sessions. Six elements were now repeated at both the
morning and the evening prayers, thus being heard twice a day, representing 60%
of the number of elements of each prayer meeting. As before, the 'invariable'
elements could affect the songs chosen and number of verses taken. In order for all
the added 'invariable' elements to be included in each prayer session, the length of
time for the bhajans and Ramdhun (variable elements) would necessarily have
needed to have been shortened, if the time duration for both morning and evening
sung-prayers were to remain at half an hour.
From these admittedly elementary calculations, it is possible to make a few
observations. In the early sung-prayer meetings, there would seem to have been
more variability with the bhajan, Ramdhun, and Gi™a sections in the morning and
the bhajan, Ramdhun and sacred-book sections of the evening being "variable"
elements whose content had to be chosen. It is also possible to see that, based on the
amount of time it would take to chant the Sanskrit elements in each liturgy, there
may have been an attempt to balance the chanting of Sanskrit portions (shlokas in
the morning, and Gi™a II:54-72 in the evening) with the singing of the bhajans in
local Indian languages.
With the addition of six 'invariable' elements (from roughly 1932 to 1944) to
both morning and evening liturgies, the number of fixed items in each sung-prayer
meeting was increased. This would have meant an increase in 'invariability' over
time. It very likely also meant a decrease in the amount of bhajan and Ramdhun
singing, in order to accommodate the new items and still keep the duration of the
[sung]-prayers to half an hour.
As mentioned above, the new items that were added consisted of: 1) a
Buddhist mantra; 2) two minutes of silence; 3) Ishopanishad I.1; 4) The Eleven
Vows; 5) a Zoroastrian gaä, and 6) verses from the Qur'an. These indicate
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Gandhi's on-going desire to portray within the sung-prayer meetings one of the
community's eleven vows, that of sarvadharma-samanatva, respect for all religious
traditions. With the addition of these elements, although they were short, the
amount of time allotted for more typically Hindu material (bhajan singing, for
example, even though Christian hymns could have also been chosen) would have
been necessarily shorter. Furthermore, replacement by the newer representatives --
Buddhist, Zoroastrian, and Qur'anic verses -- was 'invariable'. The tensions which
these additional materials produced for some participants at the public evening
prayer meetings were confronted several times by Gandhi both in his public
addresses and in his personal correspondence. He responded negatively to requests
to remove the Qur'anic verses from the prayers, indicating that the continued
inclusion of these prayers was an important message of solidarity with the Islamic
community. Later on, when violence between Hindu and Islamic communities had
erupted, Gandhi would cancel public prayers or conduct silent meetings, rather than
agree to the requests to discontinue the Qur'anic prayers.
Performance and Pa rticipation

As a fourth feature of ritual, Rappaport considers 'performance'. As opposed
to summarizing, agreeing, or disagreeing with the many theories that concern ritual
as theatre, spectacle, or even sporting event, Rappaport makes the simple
distinction that '[u]nless there is a performance there is no ritual' (Rappaport 1999,
p.37). The only way that '[l]iturgical orders are realized - made into res - is through
the medium of performance (Rappaport 1999, p.37). This also demands
participation on the part of those involved, which is an active participation by a
congregation as opposed to the relatively passive observation of an audience. 'The
defining relationship of the members of a congregation to the event for which they
are present is participation ' (Rappaport 1999, p.39).
To become lost in the analysis of analogy, says Rappaport, is to miss the
distinction between ritual and other types of 'performance,' such as drama or a
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sporting event. In a very astute article, "Understanding Politics through

Performance in India," John Zavos (2007) has written that much political display in
India is actually performance, in the genre of acting. He speaks of "performative
politics, with its ritualized inflections," and refers to satyagraha as a kind of
"morality play" for the people (Zavos 2007, pp.148 & 150). However, we can not
agree with his assessment in Gandhi's case. Gandhi was not involved with
"performative politics with ritualized inflections." He was involved directly in
ritual.
Theatrical performances consist of 'play-acting'; sporting events, no matter
how seriously regarded or ingrained in societal identity, are still, by definition,
'games.' Ritual, on the other hand -- in its performance -- is 'real'. Regardless of the
amount of empty pageantry or spectacle involved, religious ritual is a performance
of specific actions which, at least for the performing agents and congregation, are
not about 'playing' at something.
There is no question that the satyagraha community functioned 'in deadly
earnest' (Caroline Bell has, in fact, referred to Gandhi's community as having been
'in deadly earnest' in an unfortunate juxtaposition of Gandhi's actions alongside
those of Hitler's (Bell 1997, p.162)). The twice-daily sung-prayers were 'performed'
as part of its very serious (even life-threatening) preparation for non-violent
confrontation. Gandhi, more than once remarked that '[t]he struggle on which we
embarked...was no mere play-acting'(CW-e, 26, 1923,
p.339) and that '[t]he inmates of the Ashram are doing real work and not merely
play-acting....' (CW-e, 55, 1932, p.83), or presenting some morality play.
Perhaps the one item from among these sung-prayers that most closely
relates to this understanding of 'performance' and 'participation' was the chanted
element of the Eleven Vows. For those who joined Gandhi as satyaí¿ahis, the
Eleven Vows were taken in order to become part of that religious community, and
they were expected to be lived out, literally. As the movement grew, and the
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community began to influence people who did not actually become members of the
ashram, these vows offered goals and guidelines for personal conduct, social
behavior, and religious morality that were in accordance with Gandhi's vision for
the country. The Eleven Vows were chanted twice a day at the sung-prayer
meetings:
1) Truth (satya)
2) Non-Violence (ahimsa)
3) Non-Thieving (asteya)
4) Sexual abstinence (brahmacarya)
5) Non-possessing (asangraha)
6) Manual labor (sharirashrama)
7) Diet restraint (asvada)
8) Fearlessness (sarvatra bhayavarjana)
9) Equality of religions (sarvadharma-samanatva)
10) Home rule (cotton production
and local industry) (svadeshi)
11) 'Touchability' (rejection of
caste and class distinctions) (sparshabhavana)
along with the final proclamation (carrying the power of a vow re-instituted) that
declared the promise of active service. The satyagrahists were actively
participating in a vow to live out of these values by acting upon them, by
manifesting them in real life and in real time -- in other words, by 'performing'
them in the ritual and making them res, beyond the ritual. (Of course, as Rappaport
understandingly points out, to vow, or '...to pledge is to undertake an obligation, but
it is one thing to undertake an obligation now and another to fulfill it in the future'
(Rappaport 1999, p.57).
In the formative years of Satyagraha Ashram, the 'Eleven Vows' were
referred to variously as 'observances,' 'vows,' and/or 'doctrines'. In the era of 1915-
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16, the number of vows, when referred to, numbered between five and nine, and the
items themelves fluctuated. However, in a letter from early 1919, Gandhi refers to
'the ekadashi' in a manner indicating that by then the vows had coalesced into the
fixed number of eleven items (CW-e, 17, #257, p.268).
The Eleven Vows were not mentioned by Gandhi as a distinct liturgical
element in his description in the early sung-prayers (History of the Sa™æagraha
Ashram, 1932), nor were they numbered among the items translated into English
for Mirabehn in 1930 (entitled Ashram Bhajanaval in the Collected Works). They
are, however, listed as a separate liturgical element in the table of contents and the
suggested ordering of the sung-prayers in the published Ashram Bhajanaval which,
for the purposes of this analysis, has been termed the "Late" version. Therefore,
The Eleven Vows are not listed as a separate item in the "Early" version of the
sung-prayers, while they are listed as a separate item in the "Late" version.
Non-Phy sical Efficacy (Formality-2)

Related to the feature of 'performance' is Rappaport's second definition of
'formality', a term which he feels is so all-encompassing that it actually carries
many meanings. 'Formality-2' (my term) or 'Non-Physical Efficacy' has to do with
the fact that although ritual is 'performed', it does not define or expect its outcome
in any kind of material efficacy. 'That ritual is 'in earnest' does not mean that the
formal action of ritual is instrumental in any ordinary sense' (Rappaport 1999,
p.46). The efficacy of ritual comes not from what is 'seen' (the patent, the ordinary)
but from what is 'unseen' (the hidden, the occult, a "higher power," "the gods").
The connections made by individuals participating in ritual are not achieved
through physical efficacy; the forces of ritual are not those 'of the spear.' Gandhi
did not physically coerce people to act as they did, and the extent to which they
lived out the principles of satæagraha depended upon the degree to which they
honored their own commitments. While attendance at a sung-prayer meeting
signalled 'acceptance' of the values found there, there was no assurance in the ritual
185
itself that individuals would act accordingly. This was especially true for Gandhi's
desire to teach and instill non-violence as a way of responding to violence,
especially once violence had been perpetrated by an opposing party.
In this regard, says Rappaport, 'Formality 2' or 'Non-Physical Efficacy'
depends on ritual as a type of 'communication'. While much has been written about
ritual as communication, Rappaport takes his lead from a number of scholars in the
fields of linguistic philosophy, anthropology, communication and cybernetics to say
that 'communication includes not only simple 'saying,' but also the sorts of 'doing,' in
which the efficacious principle is informative rather than powerful' (Rappaport,
p.51).
This distinction between 'saying' and 'doing' in communication is an
important one, especially in light of Rappaport's definition of 'power'. Disagreeing
with Foucault, Rappaport suggests that the word 'power' be used only for 'energy
transactions, those measurable in such units as ergs, horsepower, watts, etc.' and in
the social and political realms be limited to 'men and resources available'
(Rappaport 1999, p.473, note 13). He suggests that the term 'power' be reserved for
matter and energy, with the term 'authority' representing an agent in a
communication network 'from which directives flow'. Directives are not always
communicated as a command. They are often presented as information. Thus,
'[a]uthorities may stand...because they are powerful, but also because they are
knowledgeable, convincing, wealthy, sacred, or sanctified' (Rappaport 1999, p.473,
note 13).
The 'doing' that occurred at the sung-prayer meetings was an avenue to
communicating information beyond that which was simply being 'said.' The attitude
of respect, the cultivating of an inner quiet, control over one's own natural violent
tendencies if attacked -- these were all modes of behavior which Gandhi sought to
communicate, especially at prayer meetings, by acts of 'doing'. Similarly, Gandhi
encouraged the wearing of only cotton cloth; he and the satyŸgrahis wore only
186
khadi, locally-spun, which was especially obvious during the public sung-prayer
meetings. Over time, people would, while sitting quietly and respectfully, wear
khadi or "Gandhi caps" to the public prayer meetings (even if they did not always
wear khadi at home). What they were 'doing' was transmitting a message back to
Gandhi in regards to their "acceptance" of his "authority." The efficacy of this
exchange during ritual, this communication did not come from physical power or
coersion but from an exchange of 'doing' beyond what was 'said' in an exchange of
information and meaningfulness. Rappaport makes the very important point that
'the transmitters of ritual's messages are always among their most important
receivers' (Rappaport 1999, p.51).
Self-Re ferential and Canonical St reams o f In formation

With regard to what is 'said' in ritual, Rappaport distinguishes between two
types of messages, or 'streams' of information: 1) the self-referential; and 2) the
canonical. The 'self-referential' refers to those messages which groups and/or
individuals transmit 'concerning their own current physical, psychic or social states
to themselves and to other participants' (Rappaport 1999, p.52). However, this is not
the sum-total of the messages present in ritual. There are messages which 'although
transmitted by the participants are not encoded by them. They are found by the
participants already encoded in the liturgy. Since these messages are not encoded
by the performers, and since they tend toward invariance' (Rappaport 1999, p.52),
they are not messages that in themselves are about the current situation. These
messages are understood by Rappaport as 'canonical', and he gives the example of
the Shema a Hebrew proclamation of faith that has been said unchanged for 3,000
years, and which has been uttered by innumerable performers over the centuries.
Due to its 'durability and invariance', the Shema is 'canonical'.
Self-referential messages connect with the present, the here-and-now, 'the
immediate, the particular and the vital aspects of events'. while canonical messages
refer to 'the general, enduring, or even eternal aspects of universal orders'
187
(Rappaport 1999, p.53). Rappaport makes a very significant distinction in his

differentiation in that, whereas the canonical stream of material is located within
the invariant elements of a liturgical order, the self-referential stream of material
is located in whatever has been 'allowed or demanded' in the variant elements of a
liturgical order.
With regard to the sung-prayer meetings of satyagraha, we have already
seen how few of the ritual elements were variant, and thus, possibly self-
referential, and how many of the ritual elements were invariant, thus carrying the
stream of canonical material. Furthermore, we have seen that the number of self-
referential elements actually decreased over time, while, conversely, the number
of canonical elements increased.
Here it will be most helpful to begin with an investigation of the canonical
and self-referential elements of the Early version of the sung-prayers first, and
then move to the Late version.
EA R LY
Canonical Self-Re ferential
AM
Sanskrit ShƒËéa– Bhajan
RamÆhun
Gi™apatha
PM
Gi™a II:54-72 Bhajan
Ramdhun
Sacred Book: Upanishads, Pandava-Gita

Mukunda-Maƒa, Dvadasha Panjarika,
Raºcaritma≤as
In the Early morning sung-prayers, those items that could be considered
canonical were the Sanskrit shlokas in the morning and the Gi™a II:54-72 in the
evening. The shlokas included sung-prayers to a number of deities or Ultimate
188
Reality, including Sarasvati, Ganesha, Brahman, Shiva, and Vishnu. The Gi™a
verses described the person who was stitha-prajna: free from attachment, in control
of senses and the mind; grounded through meditation in wisdom and insight. These
verses were not encoded by the performers, were invariable, and referenced deities
who were enduring and univeral.
What might be termed as self-referential segments, those that might be
chosen, or that referenced the immediacy of people's lives, were: 1) the bhajan, 2)
Ramdhun, and 3) a selection from the Gi™a. The bhajans were hymns, which, though
they often addressed a certain set of topics (see Chapter 2 on the description of
bhajans), as well as some canonical content, could have had a more direct
connection to the daily events of the satyagrahis, depending upon the daily
situation. Additionally, they were sung in local Indian languages. This would have
also been true for the Ramdhun selections, for, whereas the subject matter of
Ramdhun may have been related to the tales of Rama or other deities, the
individual chants and melodies from different areas could have varied by region,
circumstance, or favored choice.
In the Early evening sung-prayers, the canonical element is the chanting of
Gi™a II:54-72, and the self-referential elements include: 1) the bhajan, 2) Ramdhun,
and 3) a portion of a sacred book. The choices of sacred books printed in the
Ashram Bhajanavali consisted of: 1) selections from the Upanishads, devotional
verses concerning Brahman; 2) the Pandava-Gi™a; 3) the Mukunda-Maƒa, a rosary
of devotional hymns to Vishnu; 4) the Dvadasha-Manjarika, devotion to the Lord in
the name of Govinda; and 5) the Raºcaritma≤as, Tul–iÆa–' devotional verses in
Hindi concerning the tales of Rama.
Out of four liturgical elements in the morning, one element was canonical,
representing 25%, while three elements were self-referential, representing 75%.
Likewise, of the four liturgical elements in the evening, one was canonical,
representing 25%, and three were self-referential, representing 75%. Out of the
189
entire number of eight liturgical elements found in the sung-prayers, two were
canonical, or 25%, while six were self-referential, or 75%.
Let us look now at the Late version of the sung-prayers:
LA TE
Canonical Self-Re ferential
AM
Buddhist Mantra
2-minutes Silence
IshopanishadI.1
Sanskrit ShƒËéa–
Eleven Vows
Qur'an verses
Zoroastrian verses
Bhajan
Ramdhun
Gi™apatha
PM
Buddhist Mantra
2-minutes Silence
Ishopanishad I.1
Gi™aII:54-72
Eleven Vows
Qur'an verses
Zoroastrian verses
Bhajan
Ramdhun
Sacred Book: Upanishads, Pandava-Gi™a,
Mukunda-Maƒa, Dvadasha-Panjarika,
RaºcaritmŸ≤as
As mentioned above, the number of invariable elements in the sung-prayer

liturgy increased over time, with the result that, in the Late version, the contents of
seven out of ten elements in the morning, and the contents of six out of ten elements
190
in the evening, could be considered canonical. Furthermore, those same seven

elements were chanted in exactly the same order twice a day.
The Gi™apatha selection in the morning could originally have been
considered as self-referential early on, as it was a chosen element. Depending upon
the passage, it could have easily related in greater or lesser degrees to the
satyagrahis and their individual lives. However, it was decided that everyone
should memorize the Gi™a, or if that were not possible '...that they should at least
read the original Sanskrit with correct pronunciation' (Gandhi 1998, p.40). So, a
specified portion of the Gi™a began to be read every day in an on-going cycle. As
the ashramites became more fluent in the chanting of Sanskrit, more chapters were
covered each day and a regular cycle of repeating the entire Gi™a over a number of
days, which would be known in advance, as pa¿ayan, was established. So, whereas,
the Gi™apatha appeared in the Early version as variable and self-referential, it
appears here in the Late version as invariable and canonical.
Out of ten liturgical elements in the morning prayers, seven were canonical,
representing 70%, and three were self-referential, representing 30%. Out of ten
liturgical elements in the evening prayers, six were canonical, representing 60%,
with four being self-referential, which represents 40%. In looking at the overall
number of liturgical elements that constituted both morning and evening prayers,
there were 20 elements, with 13 canonical elements or 65%, and seven self-
referential elements, or 35%.
To summarize this analysis, using Rappaport's terms, it is possible to see that
all the elements of the sung-prayer liturgy were invariable, in that each element
was categorically included in every prayer meeting. However, upon closer
examination of the content of each element, we can see that the content itself was
some times variable and sometimes invariable. Likewise, those elements that were
invariably canonical in nature (universal, enduring), while those that were variable
or self-chosen were more self-referential (relating to the here-and-now) in
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character. Content sung or chanted in the early prayers was: 1) divided more
equally between that which was invariable and variable -- 62.5% invariable and
37.5% variable; and 2) originally, the self-referential material outweighed the
canonical -- 75% to 25%. Over time, however, with the increase of added elements
from various world religions: 1) the number of invariable elements was increased
from 62.5% to 85%, while the variable materials decreased from 37.5% to 15%;
and 2) with the addition of the new materials, the amount of self-referential
(referring to the here-and-now) materials decreased from 75% to 35%, while the
canonical (referring to the universal, the enduring, the everlasting) materials
increased from 25% to 65%.
EAR LY Sung-Prayers LA TE Sung-prayers
Invariable 62.5% Invariable 85% + 22.5 %-points

Variable 37.5% Variable 15% - 22.5 %-points
------------------------------------------------------------------------
Canonical 25% Canonical 65% + 40 %-points
Self-referential 75% Self-referential 35% - 40 %-points
Rappaport's distinction between canonical and self-referential as separate

streams of communication in no way precludes their inter-dependence upon each
other. For, while 'acts and substances' relate to the
'present[,] the words of liturgy can connect that which is present

to the past, or even to the beginning of time, and to the future, or even
to time's end. In their invariance itself the words of liturgy implicitly
assimilate the current event into an ancient or ageless category of
events, something that speechless gesture or mortal substance of
expendable objects alone cannot' (Rappaport 1999, p.152).
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But the encounter that takes place between the participant and the canonical ritual
elements places the two streams of communication in direct engagement with, even
dependence upon, each other.
'By participating in a ritual a performer reaches out of his private

self, so to speak, into a public canonical order to grasp the category
that he then imposes upon his private processes. ...Without canon, ritual's
self-referential messages would be meaningless or even non-
existent as such. ...[and without a self-referential message] canon would
be without force, or even nonsensical' (Rappaport 1999, 106).
Communication
The understanding that these two information-carrying streams are
dependent upon each other brings us into an intermediate area that essentially
serves to move our consideration from what the features of ritual are (or, what
ritual is) to how ritual functions. This intermediate area is 'communication', and it is
both a feature of ritual, as well as a function of what it does. Again, so much
scholarship has been undertaken in the area of communication (including
Rappaport's own complex discussion), that for the sake of clarity we will remain
focussed on basic propositions that compose Rappaport's theory.
Ultimate Sacred Po stulates

One of the primary types of information that is communicated through
religious ritual is what Rappaport calls Ultimate Sacred Postulates. Such statements
are claims which are assented to and accepted by participants of the ritual. Ultimate
Sacred Postulates 'can be falsified neither logically nor empirically' and 'can be
verified neither objectively nor logically. And yet they are taken to be
unquestionable' (Rappaport 1999, p.281). Such expressions, e.g., "The Lord Our
God the Lord is One," are known in many religions. They are formally creedal
statements, "cosmogical axioms" concerning how the universe and its relationships
are constituted (Rappaport 1999, p.277), and they are known to be specifically
193
expressive of and particularly identified with the specific religion that expresses
them.
In regard to the sung-prayer meetings, Ishopanishad I.1 could be considered
as an Ultimate Sacred Postulate of satyagraha. The first half of the verse, at least, is
in accord with Rappaport's definition of an Ultimate Sacred Postulate: "Everything
here is the garment/the indwelling of the Lord, whatever moves in the world(s);"
(" ÖÀŸvasyam idam sarvam; yat k⁄†òa jagatyŸm jagat"). The second half flows from
the first: "By letting go of everything, enjoy everything; but covet not anyone else's
treasure" (" T‰≤a tyaktena bhu†jii¨Ÿ; ºŸ í‡∞aÅ kasyasvid dhanam").
Gandhi made many statements concerning this verse, and was known to feel
that should all the scriptures of India be lost, the retrieval of this one verse would
serve to summarize the whole tradition and revive it again. It was added as the
opening chant to every sung-prayer meeting in 1937, and as an Ultimate Sacred
Postulate, it stood at the head of the liturgical orders from 1937 until 1944, when it
was superseded at that time by the Buddhist mantra and two minutes of silence. It
still remains in the published Ashram Bhajanavalas the first printed item,
"nityapatha," and as the third element in the suggested liturgical orders (krama) for
morning and evening prayers (as a matter of note, it is actually published as item
≤‹º∏‰¿ ™wo, however the two minutes of silence, listed before it, is counted as a
separate liturgical element. So this makes it, by default, the third, and not the
second, liturgical element in this schema). As a final comment concerning Ultimate
Sacred Postulates, Rappaport observes them to be'...the most invariant of elements
in more or less invariant orders' (Rappaport 1999, p.328). The twice-daily chanting
of "ÖÀŸvasyam idam sarvam" fits well with this description of an Ultimate Sacred
Postulate.
Acceptance
Another of the primary communications transmitted and received in the
information exchange of religious ritual is that of 'acceptance.' Each individual
194
transmits information not only to others, but even to oneself: 'The accepting self
must be palpable to others as well as to itself since acceptance is neither more nor
less, necessarily, than a public act on the self's part' (Rappaport 1999, p.146).
Acceptance may not necessarily imply belief, as 'belief is an inner state
unknowable subjectively (Rappaport 1999, p.119). However, 'acceptance' may
very likely imply active belief along with a personal choice. Rappaport's
understanding of 'acceptance' is strongly grounded in personal choice, closely
aligned to Humphrey and Laidlaw's concept of a freely-chosen 'ritual stance'.
Rappaport's understanding of 'acceptance' is grounded in the view that the
individual's physical body is a 'non-discursive meta message' that indicates to self
and others his or her 'commitment of the living self' to the information that is
transmitted in the ritual (Rappaport 1999, p.146). 'It is the visible, present, living
substance -- bone, blood, gut and muscle -- that is being 'put on the line'...that
constitutes the accepting agent' (Rappaport 1999, p.146). In Gandhi's case, where
people were preparing in the sung-prayer meetings to put their lives literally "on
the line" in non-violent non-cooperation, this definition of 'acceptance' is certainly
apt and rings true for the satyagraha community.
Level s o f Meaning
In his discussion of communication and information, Rappaport distinguishes
between three levels of meaning. Without delving into the "meanings of meaning"
(as they are, and have been, legion), he defines three layers of information that
indicate meaningfulness which figure strongly in his ritual theory. 'Low-order
meaning' is 'meaning...in its simple, everyday semantic sense' (Rappaport 1999,
p.70). He makes the point that 'low-order"'meaning is that which is very likely
considered to be "information" in Information Theory, and that it is 'grounded in
distinction' (Rappaport 1999, p.70). Being able to distinguish between one substance
and another gives them both a 'low-order meaning; in straight-forward language.
195
The information of 'middle-order meaning' enters at the level of attempting

to decrease the myriad number of distinctions, which have had to have been made
in the process of distinguishing things, in order to find 'similarities, hidden beneath
the surfaces of apparently distinctive phenomena' (Rappaport 1999, p.71). This kind
of meaning is more important than that of mere distinction, because, when such
similarities, or hidden correspondences, are 'illuminated or discovered, [they] strike
us with the force of revelation (Rappaport 1999, p.71). 'Middle-order meaning' is
often expressed in metaphor, 'for every term that participates in a metaphor is
transformed into more than itself, into an icon of other things as well' (Rappaport
1999, p.71). Poetry, art, and even ritual, rely heavily on the metaphor, as its
'connotative resonance' frequently has the ability to move the emotions in a deeper
and more powerful way than simple speech can.
'High-order meaning' is 'grounded in identity or unity, the radical
identification or unification of self with other' (Rappaport 1999, p.71). It is a result
of experience, not the result of an intellectual process.
'It may be experienced through art, or in the acts of love, but is,
perhaps, most often felt in ritual and other religious devotions. High-
order meaning seems to be experienced in intensities ranging from the
mere intimation of being emotionally moved...to those deep numinous
experiences called 'mystical.' Those who have known it in its more
intense forms may refer to it by such obscure phrases as "The
Experience of Being" or Being-Itself '(Rappaport 1999, p.71).
'High-order meaning' may begin with 'low-order meaning' or 'middle-order

meaning,' but reaches beyond 1) the distinctions of discourse, and 2) the metaphors
of similarity. Although ultimately meaningful to the person for whom it has
meaning, words can fall away, can be transcended into the 'unio mystica, the
experience of unification with another, or others, or the cosmos, or the divine'
(Rappaport 1999, p.71. The key to 'high-order meaning' is participation, 'and we
196
have already noted that participation is a sine qua non of ritual (Rappaport 1999,
p.71).
These three levels of meaning and their relevance to the satyagraha
community will be considered more fully in the up-coming discussion of how ritual
functions.
R itual Space
Rappaport makes several statements concerning the relationship between the
performance of ritual and its surroundings, indicating that this relationship is part of
the larger meta-message of information that is also being delivered. He makes
reference to ritual as being occasionally performed in "special" places, or charged
spaces that may add to the emotional response of participants. Thus, the ritual space
may also be itself part of the communication of information that transpires between
transmitters and receivers. While Gandhi may have appeared to have been openly
anti-ritualistic in his acerbic statements about empty gesture in the Brahmanic
tradition, his own choice of ritual space and situation most likely transmitted meta-
messages of its own.
In the first place, everyone sat on the ground (until later when the crowds
became so large that a platform might have been needed, or participants would
stand, sit in trees, etc., to be able to see), in a gesture indicating that everyone was
socially on a "level playing field." As an indicator of the prayers being open to all --
the poor, women, men, all religions, untouchables -- everyone sat on the ground
with no hierarchical seating.
'...we had to take a decision on certain questions. Where should

the prayers be offered? Should we erect a temple or meet in the open
air? Then again, should we raise a platform or sit in the sands or the
dust? Should there be any images? At last we decided to sit on the sands
under the canopy of the sky and not to install any image. Poverty is an
Ashram observance. The Ashram exists in order to serve the
starving millions.... It receives with open arms all who are willing to
keep the rules '(Gandhi 1998, p.37).
197
As a sign of openness to all, it was intentionally decided not to construct a

building with walls that could confine, but, for the ashram's worship space, 'the sky
must suffice for the roof and the [four] quarters for walls and pillars' (Gandhi 1998,
p.37). It was also decided, at first, not to build even a platform, as its size might
preclude some from sitting upon it and a large platform was financially prohibitive.
'Experience has shown the soundness of the decision not to build a

house or even a platform. People from outside also attend the Ashram
prayers, so that at times the multitude present cannot be accommodated
on the biggest of platforms.
Again as the Ashram prayers are being increasingly imitated
elsewhere, the sky-roofed temple has proved its utility. Morning and
evening prayers are held wherever I go. Then there is such large
attendance, especially in the evening, that prayers are possible only on
open grounds. And if I had been in the habit of worshipping in a prayer
hall only, I might perhaps never have thought of public prayers during
my tours' (Gandhi 1998, p. 38).
In this format, the ritual space of satyagraha was highly moveable. While the
elements of the liturgical orders were firmly fixed, the space for those rituals could
be extremely flexible. The ritual space might remain unmoved for months at a
time, however it might then be moved for a week, followed by being moved to
another spot for a week, and yet another spot for two days. During the times of
Gandhi's heaviest travel, the ritual space could be moved as often as twice a day.
Likewise, it was decided that should ashram inmates have wanted to house
images of any kind in their own rooms, that would have been allowed. However, no
images were to be displayed during the public sung-prayer meetings: '...all religions
are accorded equal respect in the Ashram. Followers of all faiths are welcome
there; they may or may not believe in the worship of images. No image is kept at
the congregational worship of the Ashram in order to avoid hurting anybody's
feelings' (Gandhi 1998, p.38).
198
It might be possible to see Gandhi himself as a kind of image. Seated as the

center of the ritual space, he would have been the focal point around which events
revolved, regardless of whether he was planning to speak or not. As the center of
the space, sitting in the simplicity of only a doti and perhaps a khadi shawl, he
himself would have been the embodiment of meta-messages, messages consistent
with the ashram's goals of not living by western standards, messages that were
being transmitted to everyone around him.
Thus, there is a a certain irony found in the examination of Gandhi's use of
what Rappaport and others call the "specialness" of ritual space. With everyone
seated in the open, situated in an illustration of social parity, with no religious
images present out of religious respect, with an intentionality towards no hierarchy,
and with no bricks-and-mortar of a regular meeting place, the "specialness" of the
satyagraha ritual space can be seen to have resided in its being intentionally "non-
special," "a-typical," "all-inclusive," and "highly moveable."
With the several discussions of Ultimate Sacred Postulates, Acceptance,
Levels of Meaningfulness and Ritual Space, we come to the end of our
consideration of 'communication' as being both a feature of what ritual is, as well as
being an important component of what ritual does. In similar fashion, it is through
communication that we move, in an integrative manner, into the next consideration
of how ritual does what it does, or how ritual functions.
HOW R ITUAL FUNC TIONS

In this consideration of how ritual functions, we will continue to utilize
Rappaport's framework of analysis, while introducing additional information and
formulations gathered from other researchers, to examine and evaluate how the
ritual activities, whose texts are found within the Ashram Bhajanaval, functioned in
the satyagraha community. For the first part of this analysis, we will concentrate in
this chapter on the twice-daily chanting of the sung-prayers in this chapter. We will
then move, in Chapter Four, to discussion of additional uses of the Ashram
199
Bhajanavali, beginning with those in which the Bhajanavali materials functioned as

a ritual frame, or "ceremonial," for Gandhi's fasts and the country's non-violent
protests.
Communitas
One of the principle ways that ritual functions is that it creates a state in
which participants experience a sense of communitas. This is not a simple
awareness of being in community together; Rappaport uses the term as Victor
Turner (1969) did to indicate a state in which participants may be released from the
restraints of everyday rationality into a state of awareness which Rudolph Otto
(1923) would have referred to as "the numinous" (Otto 1923, p.219).
Both Victor and Edith Turner were intrigued by a 'collective element' that
they had observed during various kinds of congregational prayer, which they coined
(from Paul Goodman's work with teenage initiation) as communitas, meaning
'fellowship, or friendship,... love between many, a form of the 'social' of a different
order from the 'social' implied in the 'socializing' that children are supposed to
undergo' (E.Turner 2006, p.xxiii). For the Turners, this communitas was not
'society-governed,' but was an experience of 'visionary harmony,' in which
'All are equal, the experience is right here on the spot, and
everyone is a full person and a friend. And they remember such
occasions because the communitas is so palpable. Communitas strains
toward including everybody in the world.... ...one can no longer treat
another human being as an object, because each soul is too much part
of other people's souls '(E.Turner 2006, pp.158-59).
'Trance and less profound alterations of consciousness are frequent

concomitants of ritual participation' (E.Turner 2006, pp.158-59). We will consider
the features of "trance" more deeply in the next section. However, it is an important
distinction to make here that, while psychiatrists may interpret the features of these
numinous states as symptoms of dis-asssociation, Rappaport clearly distinguishes
200
them as processes of re-association (Rappaport 1999, p.220. The key to the re-
associated states found in ritual participation is that of reunion -- with self, and/or
with others, and/or with the universe (Rappaport 1999, p.220).
'One of the fundamental properties of communitas is the blurring

of distinction between self and other... [this seems] to extend the self-
unification characteristic of numinous experience...beyond the self to the
congregation or even to the world as a whole' (Rappaport 1999,
p.380).
With the regularity of repeated rituals, or the rhythmic repetition found

within rituals themselves, individuals bond easily with each other. 'When a group
conducts itself in conformity to a rhythmic tempo of organic frequency, ...it may
seem to be an organism to the organisms composing it and they each may seem to
themselves to be its cells' (Rappaport 1999, pp.225-6).
The concept of rhythm is a primary component of communitas, whether
considering the sequential rhythms of the ritual order itself, or elements of rhythm
and cadence provided within that order: '...the rhythms of the order reach in two
directions at once -- into each participant's physiology on the one hand and outward
to encompass all of the participants on the other' (Rappaport 1999, p.228). This bi-
modal process can 'affect the consciousness of performers' (Rappaport 1999, p.257),
transforming separate individuals into a bonded, cohesive group and ushering them
into the numinous experiences of union and re-union associated with communitas.
As the separateness of an individual self blends into a hidden recognition of
similarity found with others in the context of ritual order, the participants do not
simply communicate to each other about that order but commune with each other
within it (Rappaport 1999, p.220).
Along these lines, Gandhi wrote:
'Congregational prayer is a means for establishing the essential

human unity through common worship. Mass singing of Ramadhun and
201
the beating of tal are its outward expression. If they are not a
mechanical performance but are an echo of the inner unison, as they
should be, they generate a power and an atmosphere of sweetness and
fragrance which has only to be seen to be realized' (Gandhi 2000, p.98).
While Gandhi encouraged private prayer and meditation, he encouraged

congregation sung-prayer even more strongly. During his endless travels across
India, he continued to teach the principles of the satyagraha community with the
tools found in the Ashram Bhajanavali:
'I for one tell you that when I am alone I do have my prayer, but
I do feel very lonely without a congregation to share the prayer with
me. I knew and even now know very few of you, but the fact that I had
the evening prayers with you was enough for me.
... Please, therefore, keep up the prayer. You can form your own
congregations in your own places, and as a last resource one's family
can become one's congreation.... Do meet every evening at this hour,
learn a few hymns, learn the Gita...' (Gandhi 2000, p.99).
Hidden Similaritie s Di scovered

While communitas is a binding process between formerly dissimilar objects
which occurs, in varying degrees, between the individual and the group, there is
another transformational process that occurs on another level, which Rappaport has
designated as a 'middle-order level' occurrence. In this process, which involves the
discovery of similarities, the performer (or participant) and performance merge.
'[There is] a fusion of the sender-transmitter with the message being

sent and transmitted. In conforming to the order to which this performance
[or participation] gives life the performer becomes indistinguishable from
that order for the time being. He realizes, makes real...that order
(Rappaport 1999, p.284).
While Rappaport has demonstrated clearly that ritual is not simply theatre,
he uses 'performer' (L., to accomplish through) as a term to apply to any of the
participants in a ritual, regardless of their roles or actions in said ritual. His
202
'performer' is a 'participant. No distinction is made between "priest" or "chief of

ceremonies," as leaders, and "the congregation " "or laiety" as followers, in terms
of their all being "performers." As participating agents, all 'performers' are able to
engage in the process of merging with 'the performance'.
The "I" o f Di scourse

Greg Urban has addressed this process of the mergibility of the 'performer'
with the materials of 'performance' from the perspective of semiotics in his work
concerning the 'I of discourse'. However, as his work assumes a separation between
actor/narrator and audience that does not exist in Rappaport's understanding of
ritual, it should be noted that the assumption of this difference will be disregarded
here, and Urban's use of the terms 'self,' 'actor,' and 'narrator' will be understood to
apply, in the ritual context, to any and all who are participating.
Urban speaks of several sub-states that any individual or 'self' can assume
when engaging in discourse, using the pronoun 'I.' The 'I of discourse', depending
upon the situation, can be the 'indexical I' of everyday existence as an individual
simply talks about his or her own everyday situation. However, an individual can
engage in the state of an 'anaphoric I' when reporting what someone else has said
by direct quotation, in a kind of role-playing. The 'anaphoric I' takes on some of the
characteristics of the 'reported self' during the reporting of what was said. In story-
telling and in single-narrator myth-telling, the narrating individual can take on a
state of the 'de-quotative I' as the 'indexical I' shifts into incorporating some of the
vocal characteristics, etc., of the characters in the story. In the situation of acting,
the 'indexical I' fully takes on the character of someone else, and it is understood
that 'the theatrical I' is speaking (as convincingly as s/he can) as that someone else.
The everyday "indexical I" is hidden from view while the 'theatrical I' merges with
the character being acted out to become another 'self' in the theatrical
performance.
203
The final state that Urban describes is that of the 'projective I', which can
occur in narrative, and especially in origin myth-telling. While narrating a creation
myth, or myth of origin, the narrator may be in the position of using the pronoun 'I'
that is the 'I' of the original creator. Thus, the 'indexical I' shifts most radically to
drop the everyday self and take on the persona of the Original Being, or a 'non-
ordinary self'. This deep merging of an individual self into an Ultimate Self can
result in degrees of trance, or trance-like states, as the 'projective I' comes alive in
the narrator.
'In the period of the actual performance, therefore, the

speaker/narrator assumes the "self" of the original ancestor. He comes
as close as possible, through this projective means, to assuming an identity
as "I" of an ancestral figure, and of thus subjectively embodying the
continuity of culture' (Urban & Lee 1989, p.45).
The degrees to which the 'indexical I' move into the states of either the 'de-
quotative I', the 'theatrical I', or the 'projective I' correspond to the degrees of ritual
participation which Rappaport's ritual 'performer' undertakes as s/he gradually
merges with the performance'.
Not all of the materials found in the Ashram Bhajanavali are composed (and
thus chanted) using the first pronoun 'I', but a few of the Sanskrit selections are, as
well as quite a number of the bhajans. For instance, what would have been chanted
first thing every morning in the earliest days of satæŸgraha (before Ishopanishad I.1
was added as the first element, quite some time later) was this verse from the
Bhagavat PaÆaòa¿æa by AÆ⁄ Shankaracarya:
'Early in the morning I call to mind that Being which is felt in

the heart, which is sat (the eternal), chit (knowledge) and sukham
(bliss), which is the state reached by perfect men and which is the
super-state. I am that immaculat Brahma which ever notes the states
of dream, wakefulness and deep sleep, not this body, the compound
made of the elements -- earth, water, space, light and air'
(CW-e, 50, p. 323, #1).
204
The remembrance is of brahman, and the chanter, speaking as brahman in

the 'projective I' of discourse, reminds him or herself that s/he is brahman, and not
just a physical body. The shloka itself encourages a shift of identification from the
'indexical I' to the 'projective I', and just as the night's darkness would be giving
way to the light of day, at 4.20 in the early dawn, the satyagraha 'performer' would
merge with the 'performance' of this sung-prayer liturgy as s/he sang, as brahman,
concerning the enervating energy (san–∂‹¿ad) sustaining his or her own heart
(“riÆ⁄). Facilitating the discovery of these hidden similarities, finding these hidden
correspondences, Rappaport states, is one of the most powerful ways that ritual
functions.
Another example, from the Women's Class Prayers, are the verses of Queen
Draupadi wherein she calls outs directly to Krishna for help as she is surrounded by
Kaurava enemies:
'O Krishna, Thou great Yogi, soul and Protector of the universe,
O Govind, deliver me lying hopeless in the midst of the Kauravas and
seeking thy support' (CW-e, 50, p.337, #56C).
In teaching this song, Sri Karunamayee (see Chapter 6) has noted that the
women of satyagraha would have identified with the "me" of the chant who needed
protection and the "I" who was suffering so much, at that time, under British
domination. "It was a woman's cry for help in the face of degradation. It could also
be any woman's cry for help -- even now!" (Shri Karunamayee). The woman
singing this prayer would have merged into Draupad , as she called with Draupadi
(someone known to have received divine help) to Krishna, performer becoming
one with the sung performance.
In the Mukundaºaƒa, a Rosary of Vishn‹'s Names written by Kulashekhara,
there are powerfully moving verses that call for protection of the speaker at the
time of death. The 'indexical I' of the performer, while chanting this song, may
have identified with the original singer, merging into the 'projective I' to identify
205
him or herself with these words at the time of his or her own death. Again, the
performer would have merged with the performance.
In one verse, found in the 1947 edition, the chanter asks to be allowed direct
entry into the protective cage of Krishna's lotus feet. For, at the time of the
suddenness of one's last breath (¥¿ana-praæana-samaye), when all the doshas
[kapha-vata-pita - elements of the body] have converged to block the singer's
throat (kanthavarË∞ana), how will the chanter be able to sing Krishna's name
(vidhÈ –ºaranam kutas te) as a means of release?
'K‡Œ®a! tvadiiæa pada-pañéaja-pa†úarŸntam

adyaiva me viÀa™‹ ºŸnasa-¿ŸjahaÄ–aÅ
¥¿Ÿ®a-praæŸ®a-samaye kŸpha-vŸta-pitaiÅ
ka®§ŸvarË∞ana vidhÈ –ºara®am kutas te' (A.Bhaj., p.66, #5)
Lord K‡Œ≤a, may the swan of my mind enter today itself

into the interior of the cage of your lotus-feet. At the time of drawing
the final breath when I will be affected in my throat by the humours
phlegm, wind and bile, where is the scope for remembering you?
(Maha Subhashita Samgraha VI, p. 2961)
If the chanter has moved, through the chanting of these verses from Urban's
'indexical I' to the 'projective I' of trance, then s/he may have reached a strong
enough identification with the numinous realm within the safety of Krishna's cage
to be able to face even death without fear, and with the calmness of non-violence.
The section of RamcharitmŸnas selections is one of the longer sections of
excerpted material in the Ashram Bhajanaval (about equal in length with the
UpanishaÆ– –‰ò™⁄Ë≤). Many of the MŸnas excerpts do not utilize the first person
pronoun 'I', but at least one very effective selection speaks the words of Raºa “⁄º–
‰ƒf, focussing on the spiritual weapons with which he is armed, as he enters into
battle with Ravana:
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'The charioteer -- worship to God ever yielding --

Restraint and content as his shield and sword wielding;
With wisdom's pow'r using alms-giving -- dread axe,

And with knowledge as bow, makes his deadly attacks;
In his quiver -- his own wholly pure, constant mind --

Many shafts -- temp'rance, fealty and such -- can he find;
In the best mail -- for godly men honour -- he's clad;

No equipment like this can for conquest be had;
He can never b‰ conquered by foemen, my friend,

Who will on true religion [dharmamaya] for chariot depend'
(Atkins' translation).
Philip Lutgendorf has described the Manas, Tulsida–' Hindi reinterpretation

of the Ramaya®a, as having been written
'...in the light of the bhakti (devotional) movement, which

effected the transformation of the epic's protagonist from an earthly
prince with godlike qualities of heroism, compassion, and justice, to a
full-fledged divinity -- or rather, the divinity; for in North India today
the word RŸº ⁄– ¨‰ ºË–™ commonly used nonsectarian designation for
the Supreme Being' (Lutgendorf 1991, p.4).
So, in this case, the performer, moves from the 'indexical I' to the 'de-quotational I'
of an ancestral figure (the tales of Lord Rama would have also been recalled), as
well as to the 'projective I' of the Ultimate Creator. While the Ashram Bhajanavali
holds in its many selections various excerpts from the stories of both the Raºayana
and the Manas, Gandhi regularly explained his use of the term "Raº" as referring
to the Ultimate Being.
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The bhajans section is by far the longest section of the Ashram Bhajanavali,
and quite a few sections are poetic creations that use the first-person pronoun or its
grammatical cases. From Mirabai is heard:
'My mind is fixed on the guru's feet. I am ill at ease without those
feet. Everything else is like a mirage, a dream. The ocean of birth and
death has dried down and I have no anxiety about crossing it. Mira
says: O my God, now is my inner sight opened' (CW-e, 50, p.366, #147,
MKG's translation).
From Surdas is heard:
'Now is the thing known all over. Eternal devotion to God cannot
be kept secret from anyone. That beautiful face is ever before my eyes.
...I am filled with that love. It is inseparable even as milk and water are.
Surdas says: God who knows the hearts of us all knew the hearts of the
gopis '(CW-e, 50, p. 356, #111, MKG's translation).
And, as a final example, many of Tulsidas' sung-prayers pour forth from the
first-person perspective of the the original poet:
'In the Kaliyuga Ramanama is the all-yielding tree. It is the

destroyer of scorching miseries caused by bad times, pauperism, etc.
... Tulsi says: I am able to live in the world peacefully by the power of
the name. I have no anxiety whether I live or die' (CW-e, 50, p.350,
#97, MKG's translation).
The bhajans tell the ancestral stories of Rama and Krishna; they refer
sometimes with respect, and sometimes with disrespect, to the sanctity of theVedas;
they reference the Upanishads, and they relay the many stories of the renouncer
sants. The stories tell what the ancestors used as weapons -- often sung-prayers and
faith. All of these provide "ancestral examples," in which the bhajans shift
frequently back and forth between pronouns and pronounal usage within the same
piece. Along with this shifting, the chanter likewise transits, back and forth between
Urban's 'indexical I' of the everyday to the 'de-quotational I' of reminiscent story-
telling, from the 'theatrical I' of occasionally assuming theatrical character to the
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'projective I' of trance, who while revealing both the voice of ancestral figures
concomitantly uncovers the words of the One Speaking UltimateTruth.
An important distinction must be made here in regard to the use of the terms
"trance" and "possession." They are frequently misunderstood and used as
interchangeable synomyms. They are, however, quite separate states of
consciousness, although they can be combined, and in certain cases, be entered one
from the other. In Music and Trance: A Theory of the Relations between Music and
Possession, Gilbert Rouget conducts a very detailed study of the differences
between the state of "trance" and that of "possession." The "trance" is a self-chosen
and self-induced state of consciousness, in which the individual remains in control
of consciousness. It is "conducted" by the individual, and Rouget gives the example
of the true shaman, who through a sound-induced trance (as with the Ostyak and
Vogul peoples of western Siberia, who use no hallucinagens) executes his or her
journey to other worlds to perform the expected shamanistic duties (Rouget 1985,
p.22). "Possession," on the other hand, is other-induced; the individual allows a
force from the outside to overtake his or her own consciousness, and is, thus, no
longer in charge of the events that take place.
For the most part, Urban uses the term "trance" in accordance with Rouget's
definition, referring to even the most extreme occurrences of the 'projective I' as
being trance. This is, I think, correct and the term "trance," rather than that of
"possession," and should also be applied to those altered states of consciousness that
the satyagrahis may have experienced during such times when, in Rappaport's
terms, the 'performers' merged with the 'performance'.
The objective of the sung-prayers was not to lose control under the influence
of outside forces, but to keep control through a total merging with the Ultimate, in
order to 1) keep the senses under control, and to 2) restrain one's self. As the second
chapter of the Gi™a reads:
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'But the disciplined soul, moving amont sense-objects with

the senses weaned from likes and dislikes and brought under the control
of atman, attains peace of mind' (II.64 - CW-e, 56, 179, MKG's translation).
Only then is ahimsa, or non-violence, even theoretically possible under the worst of
circumstances.
Let us continue with the discussion of discovering hidden similarities. In his
discussion of communitas, Rappaport identified that the phenomenon of the
rhythms of the liturgical order reached both inwards to the individual and outwards
to the group (Rappaport 1999, p.228), which had an effect on the creation of
communitas. This merging of the biological physicality of the individual with the
surrounding environment also holds true in the discussion of the performer merging
with the performance (or the 'indexical I' transitting into the 'projective I.' to use
Urban's terminology). A great deal of work has been conducted in the last thirty
years in the area of neurophysiology to explain these ritual phenomena, but
Rappaport reports that "this important work has largely been ignored by cultural
anthropologists" (Rappaport 1999, p.227). In Ritual and Religion (1999), he
mentioned particularly the work of Eugene d'Aquili, Charles Laughlin, John
McManus, and Barbara Lex.
Ext raordinary States o f C on sciousnes s

A significant work by Drs. Eugene d'Aquili and Andrew Newberg, entitled
The Mystical Mind: Probing the Biology of Religious Experience, has clearly
illustrated the biological components of ritual activities. In the search for the
biological foundations of the experience of "experiencing God," Newberg and
d'Aquili have proposed that both the human search for God and the human desire to
experience God are part of human cognitive functioning. Using SPECT (Single
Photon Emission Computed Tomography) technology, or brain-imaging, they have
been able to observe what transpires in the brains of Buddhist monks who are in
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states of deep meditation and in the brains of Cistercian sisters who are in deep
states of contemplative prayer.
Much of what transpires in the brain takes place in the orientation association
area, that area that receives information from the outside world, generating a sense
of time and space. During meditation, when the eyes are closed and senses are
directed inwards, there is a cutting off of incoming stimulae, known as
'deafferentation'. During this process of deafferentation, with no input from the
outside world, the result is a sensation of no time and no space, or the sensation of
infinite time and infinite space (similar to the process of pratya“ara in Patanjali's
Yoga-Sutra (Skt. prati = back, reverse; a“ara = getting, going to fetch) or the Gi™a's
descriptions of the reigning in of the senses).
The orientation association area is also responsible for creating a distinction
between self and other, and with the process of deafferentation occurring in deep
states of meditation or prayer, this distinction is blurred, and a state of "being one
with the universe" can occur (see n.a., 2001.Searching for the God Within.
Newsweek, 29 Jan. 29 p. 59). This quieting of activity in the orientation association
area of the brain can be seen, documented, and reported through the use of brain-
imaging technology. (John Bowker has also published findings concerning how
what he calls 'conducive properties...lead from [a] perceived object to [a] set of
events within" the human brain that is organically conditioned. He focusses upon
the role of the amygdala during the brain's reception of incoming emotional
stimulae, especially fear, and how the amygdala regulates the body's immediate
physical response as well as the reasoning involved which governs precisely how to
respond to that fear' (Bowker 2005, p. 44).
Newberg and d'Aquili state that the extra-ordinary states of conciousness,
which they have investigated, can be enhanced by rhythm and ritual, and they have
identified five extra-ordinary states of consciousness (d'Aquili and Newberg, 25-6)
that can arise as a result of this stimulation:
211
1. First, there is a Hyperquiescent State (connected with the parasympathetic

nervous system, or 'that part of the autonomic nervous system whose nerves
originate in the mid-brain, the hind-brain, and the sacral area of the spinal cord and
whose functions include the constriction of the eyes, the slowing of the heartbeat,
and the stimulation of certain digestive glands' (Webster's Dictionary), which is a
state of extraordinary relaxation, like normal sleep. It also can occur during periods
of deep meditation 'accompanied by heightened alertness and vigilance' (Webster's
Dictionary). It is described as oceanic tranquility, or bliss, and it occurs during
"slow" rituals, such as chanting, prayer, or even ordinary religious services. It is
associated with Upacara samadhi in Buddhist psychology.
2. Second, there is a Hyperarousal State (connected with the sympathetic
nervous system, or 'that part of the autonomic nervous system whose nerves
originate in the lumbar and thoracic regions of the spinal cord and whose functions
include the innervation of smooth muscles, heart muscle, and glands' (Webster's
Dictionary), which is a state of continuous motor activity, accompanied by arousal
and excitation in which there is a keen alertness and concentration. This is
experienced in "rapid" rituals, such as Sufi dancing or Native American drumming,
and is similar to the state induced by long-distance running or swimming.
3. The third state is the Hyperquiescent State with Eruption of the Arousal
System, a combination of the above two, in that the Hyperquiescent State is so
intensified that a "spillover" occurs from the Hyperarousal system. "This
experience is usually accompanied by the sense of a tremendous release of energy,
...and has been called Appana samadhi in Buddhist psychology" (Ibid.) .
4. The fourth, Hyperarousal State with Eruption of the Quiescent State, is
also a combination of the first two, however the "spillover" is a result of the two
systems acting in reverse: "...a meditator may experience a discharge of the
quiescent system in the midst of a hyperarousal state as a consequence of enhanced
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concentration or of arousal drivers such as rapid and intense rhythmic stimuli"

(Ibid). This may occur, e.g., in Sufi dancing or in marathon running.
5. The fifth extra-ordinary state identified can occur when both the
sympathetic and parasympathetic systems reach ultimate saturation at the same
time. Here, the ultimate experience can be a complete disappearance of boundaries
between objects, a sense of the absence of time, and the elimination of the self-
other dichotomy. This is the unio mystica or mystical union of the western mystics
(which Rappaport views as part of "higher-order meaning"), the realization of
atman and brahman in the Upanishads, the nirvana (Skt., extinguished) of
Buddhism, and the nirbija samadhi or kaivalyam of Patanjali. Newberg and
D'Aguili refer to this occurence as AUB -- Absolute Unitary Being. (John Bowker
argues similarly that '[t]here are conducive properties that lie within Scripture and
within the worlds that humans inhabit which evoke and sustain [a] union with God'
(Bowker 2005, p.133).
For Newberg and d'Aquili, varying degrees of these extra-ordinary states can
occur during religious practices, and the occurence of AUB, or Absolute Unitary
Being, is far from being a strange or 'diagnosable' state, but a function of the human
cognitive system and its biological make-up: '...repetitive auditory and visual
stimuli can drive neuronal rhythms in the brain and eventually produce an intensely
pleasurable, ineffable experience...' (d'Aquili & Newberg, p.89). These pleasurable
experiences are desireable and human beings want to repeat them. Even the simple
gestures of ritual, such as bowing and making the gesture of namaskŸr, or
genuflecting and forming the sign of the cross, are all ritual gestures that register
pleasure within the brain. They provide signals of symmetry, solidity and
locatedness-in-space to the brain and the central nervous system in their need for
location, balance, and equilibrium. These simple gestures provide fundamental
biological information and pleasure that enhance the success of ritual.
213
Those ritual gestures, among others, that may have leant support to the
functioning of satyagraha rituals include:
1. Sitting in a meditative posture: Gandhi had instructed the –atæagrahis to sit
with the spine erect during sung-prayer. Using this information, along with
examining photographs of the time, it is possible to surmise that the satæagrahis
were being encouraged to sit in the position of suk“asana, a position in which the
feet are folded inwards, the spine is held erect, and the body is held in a kind of
triangular configuration of relationship, which gives the body stable support. This
would have relayed biological signals of balance and stability to the brain.
2. Bowing and exhibiting the namaskar gesture: Bowing of the head, which
actually involves movement from the top of the head to the bottom of the spine,
consists of a trajectory of the head being lowered forward and then brought back
upright. With this gesture the central nervous system will be effected, spinal fluid
will flow forward and then backwards in the physical body, and the centrality of the
body and its parts will be emphasized. This is a process of imbalance being
followed by a process of balance. The bringing together of the two hands, in a
prayerful position, over the heart, is another centralizing gesture, that would send
biological signals of equilibrium to the brain. This is a gesture that would have been
used many times during any sung-prayer meeting.
3. Ritual hand gestures: Gandhi was known to have conducted rhythmic
sections of the sung-prayer meetings with his hands, and to have signalled points of
ritual seque (transition) through the use of hand signals. If, during that conducting
and signalling, there were additional mudras or gestures of blessing, these, too,
would have provided non-verbal communication and signals of safety and security
to the brain, furthering the mechanisms through which ritual functions.
4. Hand clapping: Gandhi encouraged the crowds of people who came to the
public prayer meetings, especially later in his career, to listen attentively to the
prayers and to participate in the singing of the bhajan and Ramdhun by clapping
214
their hands. Gandhi instructed the crowd as '[a]s they went on clapping their hands
they got absorbed in the prayer. They knew soldiers were so trained that they were
disciplined and learnt to work together.... They were also soldiers of freedom....
They were to maintain discipline and that was why he had introduced the practice
of clapping hands while praying' (CW-e, 89, #245, p.168-9, Sodepur, 4 January,
1946).
D'Aquili and Newberg's five extra-ordinary states of consciousness give
support to the use of the term "trance" or "trance-like," as opposed to "possession,"
when referring to the extra-ordinary state that the satyagrahis may have undergone
when "merging with the performance" of ritual. It seems most likely that in deep
prayer and meditation, as encouraged by Gandhi, the experience would have been
that of the Hyperquiescent type. Perhaps during long and arduous marches on foot,
there may have been some occurences of the Hyperarousal type, but this is not a
state associated with meditation and sung-prayer. States 3 and 4, of mixed type,
may have been experienced at various points, perhaps when repetitive drumming
might have been introduced during a Hyperquiescent period. And yet, the fifth
state, that of Absolute Unitary Being, would seem to have been Gandhi's goal in
sung-prayer. He wrote:
'In heartfelt prayer the worshipper's attention is concentrated on

the object of worship so much so that he is not conscious of anything
else besides. The worshipper has well been compared to a lover. The
lover forgets the whole world and even himself in the presence of the
beloved. The identification of the worshipper with God should be closer
still' (Gandhi 1998, p.42).
It may never be possible to establish with certainty how the performers of

satyagraha merged with the rituals of sung-prayer. However, with d'Aquili and
Newberg's ability to look into the human brain and to record, in visual sequences,
the differences that transpire within the brains of individuals moving into deep
215
contemplation and meditation, it is possible at present for science to view Urban's

'indexical I' as s/he moves into the 'projective I' of trance and to discover the hidden
similarities with Rappaport's 'performer' as s/he merges with the 'others' in ritual.
Foremost, Rappaport says '[t]he revelation of the hidden oneness of all things and
of one's participation in such a great oneness may be the core meaning of
communitas/ (Rappaport 1999, p.381).
Frequency of R ecurrence
Rappaport considers the variable of how frequently a ritual is repeated to be
a component of evaluating how ritual functions. Some rituals (those that follow the
seasons, or that occur only once annually) naturally do not occur with great
frequency. But those rituals that do occur on a regular basis, Rappaport compares to
the repetitive process of 'the revolving drum of a printing press. As the press
imprints an apparently invariant message upon the paper passing through it, so a
liturgical order imprints apparently invariant messages upon individual lives and
upon society... (Rappaport 1999, p.233). This continuous imprinting can, over time,
have a transforming effect on the participants: '...frequent rituals may be important
in the sublimation of denial or more or less continuous psychological and
physiological processes and in coping with hostile social conditions' (Rappaport
1999, p.203).
The satyagraha community, as we know, met for sung-prayer twice a day for
over thirty years. Gandhi was himself "fixed" on the conviction that in order for
satyagraha to be successful, these frequent rituals were necessary: 'If insistence on
truth constitutes the root of the ashram, [sung]-prayer is the principle feeder of that
root (Gandhi 1998, p.36); '...the idea is to make our hearts prayerful' (Gandhi 1998,
p.42). When challenged by ashramites who felt that reciting the same prayers every
day would become mechanical, Gandhi countered:
216
'We our selves are machines, and if we believe God to be our

mover, we must behave like machines in His hands. If the sun and other
bodies did not act like machines, the universe would come to a standstill.
...The point is not whether the contents of the prayer are always the
same or differ from day to day. ... It all depends upon the spirit behind
the recitation' (Gandhi 1998, p.41).
Rappaport raises the example of the high recurrence of rituals in the

Orthodox Jewish liturgy, with the explanation that the Halakha instructs
participants to live every moment in accordance with the mandates of God. 'The
'Halakhic Man' attempts to bring divine order into the world of the everyday, and to
maintain it in the everyday world in face of daily vicissitudes. Such strenuous
spiritual and moral exertion may well call for the psychic reinforcement of
frequent ritual' (Rappaport 1999, p.203). There is most certainly a parallel between
the 'Halakhic Man' and the satyagrahis in the desire to bring all facets of life in line
with the tenets of their beliefs and with the mandates of a higher power. The
satyagrahis were also devoted to living out their vows with such 'strenuous spiritual
and moral exertion,' while the twice-daily sung-prayers were the frequently-
repeated ritual vehicle that provided the 'psychic reinforcement' needed.
Gandhi spoke and wrote continuously, that, while the goal of satyagraha was
to exhibit and live out the values of non-violence and truth (to be the change you
wish to see), the ultimate goal was service to others -- service to the poor, to the
untouchables, service to the country -- with the object of creating a new society
informed by religious principles of divine justice and equality. The society he
envisioned was not based on western political models (which, early on, he referred
to as "Ravana-raj"), but on a vision of Ram-raj, a kind of revival of a lost Indian
utopia, in which the divine, Ram, ruled with fairness and in service to all. Gandhi
wrote of aligning the individual, through prayer, with this ideal; as the individual
became more aligned with the Divine, a time would '...come when he or she will
think every thought with God as witness and as its Master. This will be a state in
217
which one will have reduced oneself to a cipher. Such a person, who lives
constantly in the sight of God, will every moment feel Rama dwelling in his
heart'(CW-e, 56, #181. p. 202, July 1932). To be able to function as "ciphers" of
Ramarajya was a component of Gandhi's motivation for satæŸgraha, and, as such,
the community would have been acting in ways similar to the Halakhic ideal of
bringing the divine into the everyday world.
While it was noted earlier that satyagrahis may have participated in certain
aspects of trance-like states, it should be also be noted, in connection with the
discussion of ritual frequency, that Gandhi's focus was on service and the bringing
of the divine into the everyday. Trance-like states, for their own sake, would not
have been the aim, but may have functioned as a support for the goals. Rappaport
quotes Rabbi Joseph B. Soleveitchik (1983. Halakic Man. Philadelphia: The Jewish
Publication Society of America, p.203) in asserting that the mystic tries to escape
from the everyday world, into the divine, while the Halakhic, inversely, attempts to
bring the divine into the present (Soleveitchik 1983, p,203. Significantly, in this
regard, mystical (or "non-ordinary") states require a longer length of time, whereas
'...liturgical orders which attempt to bring the divine into everyday life may favor
brief but frequent rituals' (Soleveitchik, p.204). Gandhi and the satyagrahis, based
on the evidence of the frequency of the sung-prayer rituals, would appear to have
acted in ways consistent with Halakhic observance, in that, while mystical or
trance-like states probably occurred, they served the purpose of bringing the divine
into the everyday world.
Divine Order Enacted

For Rappaport, one of the most significant functions of ritual is that it
constitutes, for the participants, a vehicle for manifesting Divine Order into the
secular world. Similarly, Mircea Eliade, in Patterns of Comparative Religion, has
written that the very 'purpose of ... ritual is to abolish profane time and to situate
218
[us] in an eternal setting.' For Rappaport, this meeting of the mundane and the
eternal is a two-way movement. 'The eternal is made vital as the living - the quick -
participate in, become part of, the never-changing order. And as the eternal is made
vital, so the vital may seem to be made eternal (Rappaport 1999, p.230). As the two
'worlds' merge, the ritual participants enter a state that can be described as a-
historical. Furthermore, myth is very often the focus of this a-historical 'time-out-
of-time':
'That which occurs in ritual's intervals is not historical, but

happening once, is timeless, and to participate in a canon is to escape
from time's flow into 'what is, in fact, often regarded as the unbounded,
the infinite, the limitless,' the everlasting, the unambiguously moral,
the absolutely true and the immortally vital' (Rappaport 1999, p.234).
At least twice a day, the satyagrahis had the opportunity to hear, in sung-
prayer, the magical tales of Rama and the mythology of the ancient rule of order,
Ramraúya. Those tales were declared in the Ma≤as, which was meant to be
'...learned by heart [and] internalized to the degree that it can become self-
performing within us' (Lutgendorf 1991, p.37), and the mythology of Raº¿aú was
such that '...under Raº¿aú ¨‰ a∞‰¿‰≤ò‰ Ëf Ram's subjects to dharma produced a
state of heaven on earth....'(Lutgendorf 1995, p.265 in Lorenzen 1995), in other
words, Divine Order Enacted.
The songs of 'heaven on earth,' as heard in the sung-prayers, and especially
in the bhajans, which were so often filled with stories of Ram's reign, would have
easily transported the satyagrahis to that divine place, and transformed them into
participants in the long chain of sants, change-agents for the heavenly realm of
Ramrajya. In the bhajans, there is a feeling of all the saints belong in one large
satsang ['gathering of the true'] which extends beyond ordinary time.
In this alignment with the Divine Order, Rappaport writes that words, or in
this case sung-prayers, perform a highly specialized function
219
'Whereas acts and substances represent substantially that which is

present, the words of liturgy can connect that which is present to the
past, or even the beginning of time, and to the future, or even to time's
end. ...[Words] implicitly assimilate the current event into an ancient or
ageless category of events, something that speechless gesture or mortal
substance of expendable objects alone cannot' (Rappaport 1999, p.152).
Further, in cultures wherein it is the belief that 'the Word has established the
natural world' (Rappaport 1999, p.152), it is that act of creation that participants
encounter in the midst of ritual, wherein the original act of creation is repeated.
This concept will be addressed in more detail in Chapter Five.
Whether participants in ritual understand every item in the rite, or the
meanings and sub-meanings of every act performed is not important.
The most important meaning of ritual is certainty. Quoting Anthony Wallace,
Rappaport writes that regardless of whatever meanings or messages participants
receive, ritual has '...always one other message, which is implicit rather than
explicit. This is the message of organization...of orderliness raised to an
extraordinary degree... [to intimate] a world in which chaos is being, or is to be,
replaced by order' (Wallace 1966, p.238 in Rappaport 1999, 285-6). During the
observance of the ritual, 'the performer becomes indistinguishable from the order
for the time being. He realizes, makes real, makes into a res, that order, providing it
with the substance of his own breath and body as it reciprocally invests him with its
own form' (Rappaport 1999, p.284). Thus, in this Divine Enactment, in the immortal
words of T. S. Eliot, "You are the Music, while the Music lasts."
Rappaport also makes the observation that the more invariable the canon of
the ritual, the more 'changeless' and 'certain' are its messages. This is significant in
light of the descriptions of the Ashram Bhajanavali presented earlier in this
chapter, as it was seen that the twice-daily ritual observations, even when first
instituted by Gandhi, were largely invariable. Furthermore, they became even
220
more invariable with the passing of time. Regular repetitions broadcast the
messages of unchanging certainty.
Thus, with certainty attained via Divine Order Enacted, having begun from
the lower-order arena of semantics, and having passed through the identification of
previously-hidden correspondences and similarities, the ritual process culminates in
its ultimate goal, which is to transport the participants beyond the two lower levels
of meaning and transcend into that higher arena of realization and action, that High
Order Meaning, which Rappaport calls Divine Order Enacted.
OUTCO ME OF R ITUA L
The final section in this analysis and comparison composed of juxtaposing
Rappaport's ritual theory alongside of Gandhi's use of sung-prayers during the time
of satyagraha concentrates on the consequences and effects, or the
outcome', of ritual participation. The individual will be considered first, and then,
the community.
Outcome for the Individual
'State o f Grace'
The outcome of ritual for participants can, and often does, result in what
Rappaport terms 'a state of grace' (Rappaport, p.383). This is a psychological state
in which "non-discursive feelings, emotions, and presentiments grasp, envelop, or
pervade the objects of discursive thought" (Rappaport, p.384). This is similar to
Gandhi's own description regarding his definition of "true religion," in that it was
not of the mind, but "grasped by the heart." In this 'state of grace,' the "[w]ill is
replaced by enthusiasm that does not simply suppress those drives but brings their
energies into the service of the divine"(Rappaport, p.383).
In 1916, Gandhi wrote of satyagraha, or "soul force," '...I have felt during the
whole of my public life that what we need, what any nation needs, but we perhaps
of all the nations of the world need just now, is nothing else and nothing less than
221
character-building' (Gandhi 1998, p.5). (Unless otherwise noted, the quotations

included below, utilized to correlate with Rappaport's ritual schema, are Gandhi's
own words.) Furthermore, that character-building called for extra-ordinary
strengths and qualities. 'Satyagraha is not physical force. A satyagrahi does not
inflict pain on the adversary ... never resorts to firearms. ... Satyagraha is pure soul-
force [and] the soul is informed with knowledge. In it burns the flame of love. If
someone gives us pain through ignorance, we shall win him through love. (CW-e,
16, #5, p.10).
Ext ra-Ordinary Feat s

'In the state of grace, individuals can reach new heights of conduct'
(Rappaport 1999, p.383), and they can perform extra-ordinary feats beyond their
normal, ordinary capacities. The rituals of sung-prayer were meant to be mantric
recitations (words of power) and preparation for extra-ordinary self-purification:
'When we speak aloud at prayer time, our speech is addressed not to God but to
ourselves, and is intended to shake off our torpor (Gandhi 1998, p.42). In this
purified state, or Rappaport's state of grace, ordinary people would be able to
imitate the strength of a Jesus Christ: 'The tapasya [self-discipline] of Jesus Christ,
boundless though it was, was not sufficient for Europe's need. Europe has
disapproved Christ.... Many Christs will have to offer themselves as sacrifice at the
terrible altar of Europe...' (CW-e, 16, #5, p.13); or to exhibit the truth-telling of a
Prahlad:
'...he was preparing to die without caring to return the blows that
he had received from his father.... Not only that: he would not in any
way even parry the blows. ...if he had died in the midst of torture, he
would still have adhered to Truth. That is the Truth that I would like us
to follow ' (Gandhi 1998, p.7).
222
Overcoming Fear
'That which is learned in ritual may thus override, displace or radically
transform understandings, habits, or even elements of personality and character
laid down in early childhood' (Rappaport 1999, p.390). The verses from the
Bhagavad Gi™a, heard daily, encouraged the satæagrahis to overcome the human,
instinctual forces of raga and dvesha, along with any possible fears and inhibitions
learned in childhood: 'I found, throughout my wanderings in India, that India,
educated India, is seized with a paralyzing fear.... [y]ou find, in Bhagavad Gita,
fearlessness is declared as the first essential quality of a Brahmin. We fear
consequences, and therefore we are afraid to tell the truth" (Gandhi 1998, pp.11-
12). Early in the satyagraha movement, Gandhi encouraged fearless action:
'And we have got a superstitious veneration for our family

traditions and for the members of our family. You say, 'My parents will
die if I tell them that I, at least, can no longer partake of this crime
[untouchability]'. I say that Prahlad never considered that his father
would die if he pronounced the sacred syllables of the name of Vishnu.
On the contrary, he made the whole of that household ring, from one
corner to another, by repeating that name even in the sacred presence
of his father' (Gandhi 1998, p.13).
Ritual repetition of Gi™a passages encouraged the overcoming of fear and feared
consequences; the daily sung-prayer rituals were intended to unite the satyagrahis
with an awareness of the Divine, through Divine Order Enacted, in which they
could achieve the courage to overcome much, and perform more. Later, in 1938,
while instructing a crowd during a Gandhi Seva Sangh meeting, Gandhi spoke
about the physical and emotional manifestations of fear:
'There is a lot of cowardice in me. I talk of satyagraha, no doubt.

... I reached Bombay (in 1921) when the riots were raging. Stones were
being hurled. I wanted to save myself from the melee, but what could I
do? I was the leader of the non-cooperation movement. ... At heart, I
wished someone had asked me to stay at home;... When I reached there
223
the people were in a frenzy.... I saw mounted policemen advancing

towards us. ...My heart trembled.... There was heavy fighting in the area.
My heart was thumping. I do not know how high the blood-pressure rose.
I have spoken of my own cowardice. But those who were brandishing
knives and sticks turned out to be no braver' (CW-e, 73, #42, p.54).
After speaking frankly about his own reactions of fear and panic that had to
be overcome, Gandhi then referred to the resources of faith, as sung about in a
particular bhajan:
Your knowledge will grow with your sadhana. ... God has assured
us that when we realize our weakness and take refuge in Him, He is with
us. The bhajan "Rama is the strength of the weak," is not a versification of
some music teacher; it is a factual statement by someone who had
experienced it (CW-e, 73, #42, p.55).
Tran scending Time and Space

Rappaport goes further to say that '...liturgical orders are usually concerned
with more than the order of the world of here and now. They also proclaim an order
that transcends time, an ultimate or absolute order of which the temporal order is
merely a contingent part' (Rappaport 1999, p.382). In considering why it was that
Gandhi took so much time in prayer "in the middle of a revolution," Arun Gandhi
quoted the experience of Eknath Easwaran as he encountered Mohandas Gandhi in
the midst of an evening sung-prayer meeting:
'The sun had set when we got back [from his regular evening
walk]. Hurricane lanterns were lit; Gandhi settled down at the base of a
neem tree as ashramites and the rest of us huddled in. Some hymns were
sung, then Gandhi's secretary began reciting the second chapter of
the...Bhagavad Gita. Then it happened. ...
Gandhi's eyes closed; his body went stock still; it seemed as though
centuries had rolled away and I was seeing the Buddha in a living person. I
saw what we had almost forgotten was possible in the modern world: a man
who had conquered himself to the extent that some force greater than a
human being...moved through him and affected everyone (Gandhi
1999, pp.14-15).
224
With this ability to transcend time, through sung-prayer and meditation,

Gandhi then, had the ability to affect others. One of the most important 'outcomes'
of that 'state of grace' granted to Gandhi was his extra-ordinary capacity to connect
so deeply with those immeditely around him, and with the nation: 'Gandhi had the
power to shake India, in part, because he drew on resources within himself that are
not normally accessible. And that access happened, among other occasions, at the
high point of these prayer meetings (Gandhi 1999, p.15).
In heartfelt prayer the worshipper's attention is concentrated on

the object of worship so much so that he is not conscious of anything
else besides. The worshipper has well been compared to a lover. The lover
forgets the whole world and even himself in the presence of the
beloved. The identification of the worshipper with God should be closer
still. It comes only after much striving, self-suffering (tapas) and self-
discipline (Gandhi 1998, p. 42).
The extraordinary ability that Gandhi possessed to influence others, especially

during these periods of ritual, along with his capacity to transcend time and place
and unite people in communitas '...is [a profound] clue to the power of the prayer
meetings, and their significance to the intense struggle whirling around that quiet
ashram' (Gandhi 1999, p.15).
The closing words of the Gita Chapter II, which in the above scenario had
been chanted by Gandhi's secretary, read as follows:
This is the divine state, Arjuna.

Having attained this, he is not deluded;
Fixed in it, even at the hour of death,
He reaches the bliss of God.
(W. Sargeant, p.157)
225
'Even Unto Death'
'Death means nothing but the soul leaving the body. Why should
we fear it, then? Why all this desperate struggle to delay its coming?
Let us all, grown-up and young, ponder over this constantly and give up
the fear of death, and, while the body lasts, spend it in the service of
others. We recite daily the last 19 verses of Chapter II of the Gita in
order that we may get the strength to live in this manner. We shall find
in them what we seek only if they fill our very hearts' (CW-e, 55, #529,
p. 437).
The final outcome of ritual to be considered here is integral to Rappaport's

'state of grace', in which individuals are able to perform feats they would not
normally to able to perform, and in which it is possible for individuals to overcome
learned, instinctive reactions, such as fear. Gandhi's training and preparation for the
satyagrahis entailed self-control, within an awareness of the transcendence and
bliss of deity, that could sustain an individual's non-violent behavior 'even unto
death'. Rappaport references the use of the Buddhist confession of faith for
Buddhists at the time of death, the ShemŸ being repeated at the time of dying for
devout Jews, and the Kalimat al Shahada as verses chanted by faithful Muslims
while dying (Rappaport 1999, p.333). Beyond the Liturgies for the Dying, chants
such as the Ave Maria are intoned by Roman Catholics, and the Navaho, among
many other Native American tribes, conduct particularly ornate sung ceremonials
at the time of dying. "Song provides a road for the departed soul to travel on" (Hale
1995, p.104). The practice of chanting sacred verse as preparation for death, and
the chanting or listening to sacred verse during the time of dying is recognized as a
universal religious practice (Snodgrass 2002, pp.78-83). Gandhi used the sung-
prayers and the chanting of God's name (Ramanama) to equip the satyagrahis with
fearlessness: 'This is a universal experience. Psychologists also believe that man
becomes what he thinks...repetition of God's names wipes out one's sins' (CW-e, 56,
#285, p.283).
226
As first presented in Chapter Two, Gandhi's use of the Ashram Bhajanaval's

sung-prayers prepared people for suffering 'unto death': 'The Indians of South
Africa believed that Truth was their object... They put up with all the suffering that
this persistence implied. With the conviction that Truth is not to be renounced, even
unto death, they shed the fear of death' (CW-e, 16, #5, p.10). The training extended,
eventually, beyond the ashram community to the nation. Following the arrest of
Gandhi and many others subsequent to the 1930 Dandi Salt March, a correspondent
for the United Press wrote concerning the 2500 volunteers who continued
protestations:
'From where I stood, I heard the sickening whacks of the clubs on

unprotected skulls.... Then another column formed, while their leaders
pleaded with them to retain their self-control. They marched slowly
towards the police. Although everyone knew that within a few minutes he
would be beaten down, perhaps killed, I could detect no signs of
wavering or or fear' (Jack 1956, p.250).
While this was a silent march, surely the participants would have been using
whatever inner resources they could summon. Those resources, with many most
likely having been taken from the daily sung-prayers -- the words of the Gi™a, the
stories of Prahlad, the victories of Rama, or the chidings of Kabir -- would have
helped to maintain a state of self-control, as their leaders encouraged the
participants to uphold their vows of non-violence.
The satyagraha actions were meant to be instruction for the nation. Many of
Gandhi's attempts to ameliorate difficult social or political situations also involved
his use of ritualized fasting, often undertaken with so deep an intent as to be
denominated with the words 'even unto death'. An examination of these events will
be considered in Chapter Four, wherein Rappaport's parameters of ritual conduct
and activity will again be applied to situations beyond the twice-daily sung-prayer
227
rituals which also utilized the contents of the Ashram Bhajanavali as supportive
ritual.
The final example of 'Even unto Death' to be included in this section is the
often-quoted, although perhaps apocryphal, description of Gandhi's last chant. It is
of special interest to notice that in Pyarelal's account (Gandhi's private secretary),
Gandhi was on his way to the evening sung-prayer meeting on January 30, 1948.
Though still weakened from a recently-completed fast 'even unto death,' his grand-
niece, Manu, [at least in Pyarelal's account] was carrying his copy of the Ashram
Bhajanavali:
'As Gandhiji passed through the cordoned lane through the prayer
congregation, he took his hands off the shoulders of the two girls to
answer the namaskars of the prayer congregation. All of a sudden some
one from the crowd roughly elbowed his way into the cordon from the
right. Little Manu, tried to stop the intruder...causing the Ashram
Bhajanavali and Bapu's spittoon and mala, which she was carrying in
her hands, to fall down. As she stooped down to pick up the scattered
things, he planted himself in front of Bapu at less than point blank range.
... Three shots rang out in quick succession. ... The last words he uttered
were 'Rama, Rama' (by Pyarelal in Gandhi 2000, pp169-70).
Outcome for the Community
Individual participants, having partaken of a ritual process, experience (in

more or less degree) that sense of a 'state of grace,' in which they are able to act
and perform in ways that are stronger than normal. In doing so, they have an effect
on their community through the setting in motion of various kinds of chain reaction.
Rappaport has outlined this inter-active relationship between participants and
community in a diagram entitled Cybernetics of the Holy (Rappaport 1999, p.431).
In effect, the diagram outlines a series of interactions that are interrelated through
a series of events. 'Ritual participants' agree to participate in 'formal acceptance' of
'numinous belief', which is expressed as 'ultimate sacred postulates'. The 'ultimate
sacred postulates' are regularized or 'sanctified' by a 'regulatory hierarchy', The
228
hierarchy regulates modes of belief and action, such as 'cosmological axioms',

'ritual prescriptions', 'taboos', 'commandments', higher and lower 'authorities',
'pledges and testimony'. etc. In the diagram, then, these modes of belief and action
have an effect on 'social and economic conditions'. which, in turn, affect
'community well-being'. In short, the ritual participant, having followed the schema
of these interactions has accepted the ritual of Divine Order Enacted, and in a 'state
of grace' is strengthened as s/he leaves the ritual arena, fortified by the particular
beliefs of that ritual, to return again 'out into the world' with the purpose of
transformation.
The extent to which the participants interact in prescribed ways with the
community-at-large can cause change and desired results. Mahatma Gandhi stated
from the very beginning of his career, that he instituted congregational sung-
prayers, which eventually grew into the rituals found in the Ashram Bhajanavali,
for the purpose of training and creating non-violent interaction for the well-being
of the community and svaraj. He conceived of these sung-prayers as a kind of
protective but non-violent weapon: '...if the Indians were to come into their own,
they must forge a weapon which would be different from and infinitely superior to
the force which the [whites] commanded in such ample measure' (Gandhi 2000,
p.98).

More than a simple hymnal, the Bhajanavali was a book of community ritual.
It was that kind of religious text that Flood describes as having '...a 'voice from the
past that is complex in its formation -- perhaps being the totality of authorial voices
that have composed it -- and enlivened by the present communities who set the text
aside [as sacred], breathe life into it through their reading or reception, and enact
it', and it provides 'the blueprint for how pwople should live their lives
(...prohibitions, injunctions, and stories to live by, (Flood, 206, p.53). The extent to
229
which the Ashram Bhajanaval influenced the satyagraha ashramites was

illustrated, in that the twice-daily sung-prayer rituals were specifically constructed
from materials found in the Ashram Bhajanavali.
By utilizing those essential categories which Rappaport has determined to be
necessary to define and describe what constitutes ritual, this chapter is the first of
three to examine in detail the extent to which the Ashram Bhajanavali was the
source of ritual practice for the satyagraha activities. A detailed overview of the
Bhajanavali's development afforded perspective as to how the daily sung-prayers
were originally more informal, variable, and self-referential (to use Rappaport's
terminology), and how they became more formalized, invariable, and canonical
over time.
While this chapter served to describe the ways in which the sung-prayers
supported the satyagraha community in the capacity of twice-daily prayer
meetings, the next chapter will focus on how the Ashram Bhajanavali provided
Gandhi with inspiration and support in the form of "occasional services," those
rituals which were determined by his goals and purposes in accordance with the
needs of circumstance, as well as those that provided inspiration for the many and
diverse areas of satyagraha 's growth.
230
CHAPTER FOUR. RITUALS BEYOND THE TWICE-DAILY

S UNG-PRAYERS
Had Gandhi gone by train or automobile to make salt, the effect would have
been considerable. But to walk for twenty-four days and rivet the attention of all India,
to trek across a countryside saying, 'Watch, I am about to give a signal to the nation,'
and then to pick up a pinch of salt in publicized defiance of the mighty government and
thus become a criminal, that required imagination, dignity, and the sense of
showmanship of a great artist.
-- Louis Fischer
The Life of Mahatma Gandhi
While Louis Fischer may have meant to portray great respect for Mohandas
Gandhi in his use of the words "imagination" and "dignity," he missed the mark in
referring to "the showmanship of a great artist." Gandhi, as was noted earlier in
Chapter Three, was indeed not play-acting. The participation in which Gandhi
engaged was not that of a morality play, not that of performance art, not that of an
artist. Gandhi's participation took place in the real world, conducted as part of a
ritual process that he willingly undertook during dangerous circumstances, and for
which he prepared at least twice a day with sung-prayers. Gandhi was not an artist,
but rather a consummate liturgist, a deeply religious ritualist. As such, he prepared
continually to offer the ultimate sacrifice, and he did move India with great
"imagination" and "dignity" through ritual.
When searching the Collected Works, we can ascertain Gandhi's
attitudes concerning ritual. 'Ritual is often a help to worship. Prayer is the
intensest longing of the soul and is indispensable to our evolution' (CW-e, 25,
#2, p.5). However, he wrote: 'The soul force I am speaking of does not consist
in outward ritual like temple-going, etc.' (CW-e, 10, #52, p. 71). What Gandhi
objected to was "meaningless ritual" (CW-e Vol. 33, #126, p.228), something
observed as 'merely a ritual' (CW-e, 32, #228, p. 364), people '[w]ho merely
go through the ritual of worship' (CW-e, 60, #114,
231
p.91) without the experience of it being "heart-felt.' 'In a country like India
anyone who goes about with his eys and ears open can see for himself the
superstitions and the rituals' (CW-e, 42, #152, p.131). When speaking of the
shraddha ceremony, in which a son chants certain mantras for his father who
has died, Gandhi wrote: 'To merely repeat the letter of the scriptures is to
destroy their very soul' (CW-e, 41, #67, p.58). He spoke out often concerning
the corruption of brahmin priests: "These days most of the temples are
lifeless" (CW-e, 61, #32, p.37). "There were, besides the sadhus, many widows
who spent their time in temples and idle ritual"
(CW-e ,18, #104, p.121).
'Nowadays ostentation, false pride and the desire to enjoy

oneself have crept into it and it has become part of wroship. ... Hence
Narasinh Mehta has sung:
What if one has put on a caste mark or worn a string of tulsi
beads [seeds of the holy basil plant]? What if one counts one's beads
and repeats the name of God? All these are merely tricks to earn
one's living' (CW-e, 43, #448, p. 353-4).
Gandhi pronounced: 'I take pride in calling myself a Hindu, but I am no

dogmatic, ritual-bound Hindu' (CW-e, 21, #157, p. 272), and he was not
adverse to creating his own new forms of simplified ritual. 'I am strongly
opposed to sacrifice as it is currently interpreted. I consider it a sin to throw
ghee [clarified butter] into the sacrificial fire in our age. Sacrifice really
means an act of service' (CW-e, 90, #374, p.307).
While presiding over the marriage between a man and woman from the
Sabarmati Ashram, he asked: 'Why should we not introduce an improved
ritual? ... Only the barest ritual as sanctioned by religious usage will take place
(CW-e, 34, #75, p.338). Furthermore, as he made his rounds among the
villages, he felt that with his new rituals, such as the twice-daily sung-prayers,
he could renew the temples and bring them to life again: 'The foundation-
232
stone can be laid of the new kinds of temples suggested by me for the villages'
(CW-e, 6l, #32, p.37).
So it is evident that Gandhi was not anti-ritual. He was very much
concerned with ritual. However, he was concerned with those rituals that
involved not just ear-hearing, but heart-hearing, in simple rituals that moved
"the heart," and he did not appreciate worship that was filled with the pomp
and circumstance, to which he had always objected since his childhood.
Gandhi also used the word "yajna" quite frequently, a word that is often
translated as "ritual. In its original context, '[y]ajna refer[red] to the
sacrificial rites of the early Vedic times, and they are speculated upon in the
Brahmanas. In the latter they became the carriers of cosmic powers, which
were brought to bear whenever the yajna was properly executed according to
the rules' (Jordens 1998, p.198).
However, at least by the time of the1930s, Gandhi wrote:
'Yajna ' means an act directed to the welfare of others, done

without desiring any return for it, whether of a temporal or spiritual
nature. 'Act' here must be taken in its widest sense, and includes
thought and word, as well as deed. 'Others' embraces not only
humanity, but all life. Therefore, and also from the standpoint of
ahimsa, it is not a yajna to sacrifice lower animals even with a view
to serving humanity....' (CW-e, 50, #230, p.160).
'The Vedic ritual lays down countless ceremonies and rites with a view
to attaining merit and heaven. These, divorced as they are from the essence of
the Vedas and short-live in their result, are worthless (CW-e, 46, #154, p.177).
The point of yajna, for Gandhi, was service to humankind, and the benefit of
yagna was self-purification.
He referred to the twice-daily sung-prayers as yajna. 'Dedication to
duty is [sung]-prayer....[and] the performance of yajna [has] a great bearing
on the soul and we regard it as a speciality of the Ashram life that we expect
233
the inmates to be very particular in this regard' (CW-e 47, #148, p.133). He
referred to body-labor, 'labouring enough for one's food' (Gandhi 1998, p.52)
as yajna. '...[A]lthough in a sense every activity in the Ashram is of the nature
of yajna, it is compulsory for all to spin for at least one hour in the name of
God incarnated as the Poor (Daridranarayana)' (Gandhi 1998, p.52). He
referred to the spinning of khadi (cotton) as a "sacrifice" and as a
"mahayajna" (great-yagna). '...[T]he yajna of spinning enjoys pride of place
among all forms of service' (CW-e, 41, #81, p.67).
Yajna became over time many things to Gandhi. The burning of foreign
cloth, clothes and caps in Bombay was yajna (CW-e, 24, #31, p. 52). He
referred to svaraj itself and the satyagraha movement as yajna, often
equating all three : '...a holy yajna is going on throughout the country'
(CW-e, 27, #199, p.184); '...the great yajna which is in progress in our country'
(CW-e, 27, #199, p.383); '...the satyagrahi starts a yajna on behalf of the whole
country and offers himself as an oblation' (CW-e, 27, #327, p.383). Gandhi's
yajnas, were enacted for service. He considered that that service would lead
the individual to svaraj (self-rule) and moksha (freedom), and at the same
time bring about Ramrajya, or the kingdom of God of earth, to India, and to
the world.
The word yajna was expanded and used for many actions and many
situations. Gandhi also used the word yajna to refer to those dangerous public
rituals in which he was either undertaking non-co-operation or fasting. On the
march to Dandi, '[h]e considered his offer of Civil Disobedience as a great
Yagna' (Jack 1956, p.239). He considered his fasts as yajna. Concerning his
last fast, undertaken for peace between India and Pakistan, he wrote: 'Where
there is perfect peace in Delhi there will be peace all over India. I have no
wish to live if I cannot see peace established all around me in India as well as
in Pakistan. This is the meaning of this yajna' (CW, 90, p. 435).
234
Gandhi used the word "yajna" to be interchangeable with many things -

- from svaraj, satyagraha, and non-cooperation campaigns to the spinning of
khadi, the offering of sung-prayers, and service performed for others. As with
so many other words, he used "yajna" and "ritual" interchangeably. In a
speech at a Bombay Prayer Meeting in the 1932, he instructed those present:
'...I may be taken away any moment. I hope you will continue to have prayer
regularly morning and evening. Let it become a daily obligatory ritual for
you. Continue this ritual and you will shed lustre not only on your city but on
our country (CW-e, 54, #220, p. 365).
The primary focus of Chapter Three was to establish the use of the Ash¿am
Bhajanavali as the foundational ritual source for the satyagraha movement. Using a
summary of Rappaport's theory as applied to Gandhi's independence movement, it
was established that satyagraha was premissed on and supported by materials found
in the Ash¿am Bhajanavali. Those materials were included in the sung-prayer
meetings, at what Rappaport has called a level of Low Order Meaning, in the form
of chants. Those particular chants were diverse in their theological approaches, and
this would have added weight to their overall purpose of engaging participants in a
Middle Order level of meaning, wherein hidden similarities could be discovered
and perceived. Finally, in the use of these rituals, Gandhi's ability to bring
participants into a state of experiencing the Divine, or of Enacting Divine Order (in
Rappaport's terminology) was profoundly effective.
The current chapter will examine additional, equally-profound ways in
which Gandhi utilized the materials found in the Ash¿am Bhajanavali to create
specialized rituals, beyond those of the twice-daily sung-prayer meetings. The
chapter will then expand, proffering an investigation into the many ways that
Gandhi also used those materials to provide spiritual advice to family and
followers, to build community and national support, create communal and
235
international solidarity, and even inspire the instructive content of his public
speeches.
R ITUA L ( YAJNA ) FO R DANGERO US TI M ES
While looking at the twice-daily sung-prayers, it was noted that Rappaport

expressed the strong probability that the purpose of frequently-performed, shorter
rituals was to influence behavior: '...the frequency of rituals could be related to the
extent to which liturgical orders are, as it were, called upon both to guide or govern
daily behavior and to penetrate to, and thus to shape and maintain 'proper'
cognitive and affective bases for that behavior (Rappaport 1999, p.202). On the
other hand, as this chapter examines the use of rituals in other contexts, it should be
noted that Rappaport purports the purpose of longer rituals to
'. . .be related to an intention to work deep psychic transformations or

to maintain those previously effected.... ...the longer a ritual continues the
fuller can be the development of the peculiar characteristics of time out of
time... This further suggests that the length of rituals could be related to the
profundity of the transformations, social, cognitive or affective, to be
effected in them' (Rappaport 1999, p.202).
These longer rituals, in which Gandhi engaged, included fasts and non-
violent marches. Both were equally dangerous to his physical well-being, and
possibly life-threatening. Gandhi viewed these actions as ritual, as yajna, and he
framed each of these dangerous acts on either side with sung-prayers from the
Ash¿am Bhajanavali . The rituals were begun with sung-prayers; and, they were
closed with sung-prayers.
As the ashram's sung-prayers moved beyond the walls of the ashram to
accompany Gandhi's widening satyagraha into a national initiative, certain sung-
prayers from the Ash¿am Bhajanavali came to be associated with the deeply
serious and dangerous actions of the community. What provided the regular
236
rhythms of the ashram's routine also supported the Indian civil disobedience
movement. In these new rituals, certain songs came to be regarded as special, or as
ultra-sacred in the cultic life of the satyagraha community. They also became ultra-
sacred to the nation. They were a sonic means by which Gandhi could communicate
with the country as a whole. They were a means of joining the entire nation to
satyagraha 's religious purposes.
Fa sting
Gandhi's "Great Fast" was undertaken for 21 days in 1924 in Delhi. Its stated
purpose was to serve as penance for Hindu-Muslim riots which had occurred, and to
further Hindu-Muslim unity. Gandhi used verses from the Gi™a to sustain himself
during the fast. '...when I heard portions of the original [Bhagavad Gita] read by
Pandit Madan Mohan Malaviya during my 21 days' fast, I wished I had heard it in
my childhood from such a devotee as he is....'(Jack 1956, p.235). The bhajan
VaiŒ®ava jana was sung as Gandhi ended his twenty-one day fast" (Gandhi 1999,
p.98), as well as "When I Survey the Wondrous Cross" (Gandhi 1999, p.143).
Gandhi was incarcerated in 1932, at a time when a draft for a possible Indian
constitution was proposed. The draft included a provision for a separate electorate
to be established for untouchables. Strongly opposed to this, Gandhi announced that
he would carry out a fast "unto death" while still in jail. In preparation for this fast,
he wrote to:
'At prayer-time this morning, we sang 'Vaishnava jana." Mahadev

read the Gita from 6.30 to 8.00. Vallabhbhai and Mahadev
are fasting today. When the fast commenced at noon, the following
bhajan which Raihanabehn often sings was sung:
Awake, O traveller, it is morning now.

It is no longer night, that you still sleep.
He who sleeps will lose.
He who is awake will gain. [Ash¿am Bhajanavali # 92]
237
If you have got the complete bhajan there, Panditji [Khare] should
sing it to you all. If you have not got it, I will send it from here' (CW-e,
57, #158, p. 94).
Pyarelal, Gandhi's last private secretary, later wrote about the event in his work
The Epic Fast:
'The fateful 20th of September arrived at last. He rose

early in the small hours of the morning as usual and had his favorite
"Vaishnava Jana' sung at the morning prayer, with its haunting
refrain: 'He alone is the true Vaishnava, who knows and feels for
another's woe.' ... From 6:30 to 8:00 AM he had the Gita recited to him
by one of his companions. He had his last meal of lemon juice and
honey. The fateful hour approached. The little group prepared
themselves for the ordeal by singing a beautiful song [bhajan] sent to
Gandhiji by Shrimati Raihanaben...:
'O Traveller, arise, it is dawn,
Where is the night that thou still sleepest?'
The jail bell at last struck twelve...[and] Gandhiji's 'tussle with God' had
commenced' (Jack 1956, p.282).
Those incarcerated with him, including his wife, Kasturba, cared for him
physically, continuing to observe the sung-prayer rituals of the satyagraha
community. 'The morning and evening prayer appointments were kept
punctiliously as ever, Gandhiji always sitting up in his bed for prayer, and the hum
of the spinning wheel did not cease even for a single day during the fast' (Jack 1956,
p.286).
Six days later, when Gandhi's health was showing signs of deterioration,
Rabindranath Tagore, poet, friend and adversary, visited from Calcutta:
'Gandhiji,...on whom music has always a very soothing effect

when he is experiencing physical suffering, suggested to Col. Doyle
[the Inspector General of Prisons] that he should be allowed to have
some music as music to him was a medical necessity. This permission
was accorded to him. Again on the evening of the 27th and 28th, he had
238
some of his favorite devotional hymns sung to him to the accompaniment of

instrumental music by some friends who came specially from the city for
this purpose' (Jack 1956, p.285).
Coincidentally, on that sixth day, after what would become known as the
Yeravda Pact (allowing for no separate untouchable electorate) had been solidly
agreed to by all parties concerned, Gandhi broke his "Epic Fast":
'An impressive ceremony...was held at 5:15 pm in the Yeravda

Prison.... The yard was freshly sprinkled over with water, Gandhiji lay
on his cot.... Before him were assembled...in all about 200 persons. The
Poet [Tagore] led the prayer by singing a Bengali hymn from Gitanjali
[a collection of Tagore's song]. This was followed by the reciting of some
Sanskrit verses by Parchure Shastri, a fellow prisoner from the leper yard
of the Yeravda Prison. Then was sung, all joining, Gandhiji's favorite hymn,
'The Vaishnava Jana.' When it was finished, Shrimati Kasturba
[Gandhi's wife] handed him the orange juice and Gandhi broke his fast.
Simultaneously with it, fruit and sweets were distributed to all present'
(Jack 1956, p.292).
The following day, Gandhi released this statement to the press:
'The fast undertaken in the name of God was broken in the

presence of Gurudev [Tagore], and Parachure Shastri, the leper prisoner
and a learned pandit, seated opposite each other, and in the company of
loving and loved ones who had gathered round me. The breaking was
preceded by the Poet singing one of his Bengali hymns, then mantras from
the Upanishads by Parachure Shastri, and then my favourite hymn
'Vaishnava Jana'' (CW-e, 57, #201, p.123).
In the days that followed the fast, Gandhi wrote letters regarding his health to
his devotees. By October 1st, he wrote to Mirabehn that he was recovering well, and
was feeling strong: 'And so I continue to hum, 'God is great and merciful'' (CW-e,
57, #243, p143; emphasis added). He wrote also to Raihana Tyabji [see p. 91
herein], who, apparently, had made her disappointment known to Gandhi
239
concerning the fact that, although he had used a bhajan she had sent to him in order
to begin the fast, he had not used a bhajan that she had herself composed.
'This is the first Urdu letter I am writing after the fast. Your
bhajans are very good. What does it matter if the bhajan which was
sung when I commenced the fast was not yours? After all, it was a fine
bhajan which you yourself had sent. Of course I would have felt much
happier if it had been yours. But never mind. When God grants me
another opportunity for undertaking a fast, I should like to have a bhajan
composed by you. Compose one right now' (CW-e, 57, #249, p.146).
In May of 1933, Gandhi began a second fast for the purpose of placing the
plight of the untouchables before the nation. Later in August of that year, following
another fast for the plight of the untouchables, during which time Gandhi became ill
and was removed to Sassoon Hospital for medical reasons, he wrote to Raihana's
father, Abbah Tyabji: 'Well, many strange things have happened in my life, but this
discharge is the strangest. However, there it is and I must take it as it comes.... God
will clear the way for me.... I shall regain my strength, lost during the eight days....
Tell [Raihana] that I entered upon my fast with the bhajan she sent to me' (CW-e,
61, #410, p.333).
Following his release from prison in May 1944, Gandhi became directly
involved once more in the attempts to quell violence that had escalated between
Muslims and Hindus. Travelling from village to village, he lived alternately among
Muslims and among Hindus, with the central message of each sung-prayer meeting
being focussed upon peaceful co-existence between the communitites. He travelled
to Bihar, to Delhi, and to Calcutta. Following an attempt on his life, Gandhi
proclaimed that he would fast-to-the-death for the cause of Hindu-Muslim unity in
September 1946. Subsequently, having procured his desired promise for the
cessation of violence from the local community leaders of Calcutta, he broke his
fast after three days: 'Before breaking the fast Gandhiji according to his usual
240
practice had prayer recited: 'When life is dry and parched up, Descend Thou in a
shower of mercy' followed by Ramadhun....'(Jack 1956, p.450).
From Bihar and Calcutta, Gandhi than moved his attentions again to Delhi in
1947, where tensions and violence were high. In January 1948, he continued to
conduct the sung-prayer meetings, especially well-attended in the evenings, while
residing at Birla House. He began what would be his final fast on January 13, 1948,
for the sake of Hindu-Muslim-and-Sikh unity. 'The first day of the fast he walked to
the evening prayer meeting and conducted services as usual (Jack 1956, p.452), and
on the second day he 'addressed the worshippers after the hymns and holy scriptures
had been chanted' (Beck, p. 454). On the third and fourth days, too weak to walk, he
spoke to the crowds via microphone from his bed. Finally, on January 18th, over
one hundred representatives from the Muslim, Hindu, and Sikh communities met in
Gandhi's room at Birla House to testify to him of their having signed an agreement
(written in both Persian and Devanagari scripts as Gandhi had requested [Beck
1956, p.458]) intended to secure peaceful co-existence in Delhi. One member of
each delegation was also required by Gandhi to pledge to the additional vow of
being committed to bringing about peaceful resolutions to the violence that had
erupted following the India-Pakistan division.
'Gandhiji then expressed his readiness to break the fast, which was
done with the usual ceremony of prayer at which texts from the
Japanese, Muslim and Parsi scriptures were recited followed by the
mantra:
'Lead me from untruth to truth,
From darkness to light,
From death to immortality.' [Ashram Bhajanavali, p. 32]
A Hindustani hymn and the Christian hymn, 'When I Survey the

Wondrous Cross,' were sung by the girl inmates of the Ashram followed
by Ramadhun. The glass of fruit juice was handed by Maulanasaheb
[a Muslim journalist] and Gandhiji broke the fast after fruit was
distributed to and partaken by all present' (Beck 1956, p.462).
241
An account of this event also appeared in the January 25th edition of Harijan, which
reported that Gandhi declared 'I shall break my fast. Let God's will prevail. You
will be witness today', after which came 'recitation from the Hindu, Buddhist,
Islamic and Parsi scriptures, and singing of a Christian hymn, a bhajan and
Ramdhun. Abul Kalam Azad [a Muslim political leader] offered a glass of juice to
Gandhiji who broke his fast at 12.15 p.m' (CW-e, 98, #255, p.257).
Weak from the fast, Gandhi was carried by his supporters to the prayer
grounds for a time. When, on January 20th, a bomb was thrown in an attempt on his
life, he addressed the people, asking them to forgive the perpetrator rather than
incite more violence. As he regained his health following the fast, he began once
again to lead the sung-prayers. On the evening of January 30th, Gandhi was
walking on his own with assistance. He was on his way to lead the evening sung-
prayers, when he was shot three times by Nathuram Vinayak Godse, a 35-year-old
Brahmin, publisher of a Hindu Mahasabha weekly in Poona (Beck 1956, p.509). In
Pyarelal's version of those final events, Gandhi's copy of the Ash¿am Bhajanavali,
which was being carried for him to the prayer grounds, dropped to the ground
during the fatal attack.
Journalistic accounts, memoires, and Gandhi's personal correspondence
make it possible to identify the extent to which the Bhajanavali sung-prayers, used
in specialized ritual settings, were so deeply meaningful and sustaining to Gandhi.
It is also possible to determine the extent to which they supported the satyagraha
movement. The descriptions of the breaking of Gandhi's last fast, for instance, is a
clear illustration of their importance (in their later, more formalized form), with
texts being chanted from several religions, followed by a shloka from the
Upanishads (Asato ma), a Hindustani bhajan, the Christian hymn "When I Survey
the Wondrous Cross," and ending with Ramdhun chanting. These prayer-songs were
offered during a specialized time, that liminal time of ritual, which marked the end
of a dangerous fast. They were written about and published in the press; they were
242
shared and conversed on throughout the country. They were known to the nation of
India to be of special significance, as they were associated with Gandhi, and all of
these items were found in the published collections of the Ash¿am Bhajanavali .
The 1930 Salt Ma rch

As non-violent non-cooperation grew throughout India, Gandhi focussed on
the unfairness of the salt taxes imposed by the British on the Indian people as an
emblem of the injustice of British rule. On March 12, 1930, Gandhi and 79
colleagues marched from the Satyagraha Ashram to Dandi on the western sea
coast, a distance of roughly 200 miles.
A full description of this march was given in Chapter Two, so we will not
repeat a full account here, except to take note again of the fact that Gandhi used
sung-prayers to frame his ritual acts.
The march began with a sung-prayer ritual that included the bhajan
"Vaishnava jana," and all along the way Gandhi continued the twice-daily prayers,
making reference to singer-saints, e.g. Pritam and his hymn "Harinam marga" (The
Godward way is for the brave not for the cowardly - Ashram Bhajanavali #117, p.
170). On April 6th, before the actual trek to the sea, the day was begun with sung-
prayers, noted as 'more than usually solemn' (Beck 1956, p.239).
Though not arrested that day, Gandhi was arrested in the middle of the night
on May 5th, and the satyagraha community surrounded him with song, with the
"Vaishnava hymn" and with Raghupati Raghava, before he was arrested and
imprisoned.
Each unit of this great "yajna" was begun with sung-prayer and each unit was
ended with sung-prayer.
243
R ITUA LS OF T RANSITION
Since the satyagraha community had begun as a "prayerful experiment"
concerned with living out of religious and spiritual principles, Gandhi was, in effect,
the spiritual leader of that community. His religious guidance was evidenced
throughout the entire community, and the materials with which he taught and
cajoled came very often from the Ash¿am Bhajanavali He also provided the
preparation of new rituals, and presided at weddings and funerals.
Kasturbai 's Funeral

Gandhi's wife, Kasturbai, had survived two heart attacks while in prison, but
in January 1944, she became seriously ill and Gandhi requested from the prison
authorites that Kanu Gandhi, their grand-nephew, be able to stay with her to care
for her: 'In case Kanu Gandhi cannot stay here during the patient's illness, he should
be allowed to visit her for about an hour daily so that he can sing her some bhajans
and also do some little nursing' (CW-e, 83, #277, p.440). In a follow-up letter to a
government official, Gandhi also asked for permission for an Ayurvedic physician
to be allowed to visit: 'The patient shows no signs of recovery and night-nursing is
becoming more and more exacting. Kanu Gandhi is an ideal nurse, having nursed
the patient before. And what is more, he can soothe her by giving her instrumental
music and by singing bhajans. I request early relief to relieve the existing pressure.
The matter may be treated as very urgent' (CW-e, 84, # l, p.1). Kasturbai's condition
worsened, as her youngest son described:
'Then at about 3 P.M. she sent for me and told me that she was going.
... Never did her articulation sound clearer, or her words appear
choicer to me. Almost immediately after this she joined her hands
together, sat up unaided and with her head bowed low she prayed for
several minutes in the loudest tone she could manage.
"God my Refuge, Thy Mercy I crave."
That is how I would translate into English the winged words
which went up from her again and again' (Beck 1956, pp.412-13).
244
Approximately three hours later, Kasturbai called for Gandhi himself, who
'...leaned her against his shoulder and tried to give her what comfort he could. ...
The entire group stood in a semi-circle and chanted the favorite prayer which they
had been used to [sing] so long in her company' (Beck 1956, p.412).
Kasturbai's cremation rites were performed the next day. She had been a
devout Vallabhaite Hindu all her life, and a priest was summoned to perform the
funeral ceremonies. However, once her body had been placed on the funeral pyre
in preparation for burning, Gandhi interrupted the traditional services of the Hindu
priest to interject a liturgy that was more in harmony with the satyagraha
community. 'Recitations from the Koran, the Bhagavadgita and the Bible were
made, and some of the members of the ashram sang in chorus a few bhajans. Dr.
M.D.D. Gilder recited a passage from the Zoroastrian sacred texts while Mirabehn
recited a Psalm. The services over, Mahatma Gandhi directed the priest to
continue... (Beck 1956, p.415). The funeral pyre was lit, as those present sang the
chant "Govinda, Govinda, Govinda" (Beck 1956, p.415). The ritual of the sprinkling
of Kasturbai's bones was completed by Gandhi in Aga Khan Palace (where they
were incarcerated), and her son Devadas, who was not imprisoned, took most of her
ashes to be deposited in the Indrayani River.
It is significant that, while Gandhi did honor Kasturbai's wishes for traditional
Hindu funeral ceremonies, he obviously felt it equally important to supplement
those proceedings with the ashram's rituals. The traditional Hindu services were
interrupted by M.K. Gandhi himself and the ashram's prayer-songs from the
Ash¿am Bhajanavali were interjected in a poignant service-within-the-service that
marked her identity with satyagraha; then her body was returned to the Hindu
priest for completion of the traditional rites.
Kasturbai's funeral was not the only funeral at which Gandhi had presided. In
1942, he had coordinated services for Jamnalal Bajaj [an independence fighter,
industrialist, and philanthropist]:
245
'Thousands of people converged on Gopuri to bid farewell to the

body. After the cremation Vinoba [Bhave, successor to Gandhi] recited
the full text of the Ishavasyopanishad in his sweet voice. Then I asked him
to recite Chapter XII from the Gita...he recited the 9th....I asked him to
recite an abhanga [Marathi type of hymn]. He recited one from Tukaram
[a Marathi singer-poet]. Lastly I requested him to sing 'Vaishvanajana.'
He then sang this bhajan too. Parachure Shastri had of course arrived there.
He recited hymns from the Vedas, and, at my request, explained
their gist to the assembly. The hymns selected conveyed, as was proper,
the most solemn thoughts' (CW-e, 82., #12, pp.9-10).
Here, again, it is possible to identify favourite ritual elements from the Ash¿am
Bhajanavali , the chanting of Sanskrit, reciting the Gi™a, the singing of song, in this
case, an abhanga by Tukaram, and 'Vaishnava jana.'
Ma rriage Ce remony
Gandhi was also asked to officiate at a marriage ceremony in 1945.
However, he had very clear ideas about how a satyagraha ceremony should be
conducted, and how it should be different from traditional Hindu rites. He wrote to
D.B. Kalelkar to discuss his preferences, as Kalelkar was to participate as well:
'What I require is this. I want the rites to be the simplest and in Hindustani, omitting
Sanskrit shlokas and mantras. For conducting it anybody will do. What we do in this
case will apply to all future occasions. I think this covers all points' (CW-e, 87, #550,
p.323). Gandhi also wrote the bride-and-groom-to-be, instructing them concerning
what their preparation must entail, prior to the wedding, or he would not consent to
marry them:
'Now for your preparation for tomorrow:

(1) Both should fast till the marriage tie is formed, fruits may be taken.
(2) You will both read 12th Chapter of Gita and contemplate its
meaning.
(3) Each will clean up separate plots of ground with measure.
(4) Each will tend cows in the Goshala.
(5) Each will clean up the well side.
246
(6) Each will clean a closet well.

(7) Each will spin daily and do all these with the intention so far as
possible of carrying out these yajnas daily' (CW-e, 87, #635, p.374).
For the wedding ceremony, Gandhi began with a bhajan:
'Now I shall recite a bhajan thanking God. All of you should listen to it
carefully (Bhajan 'Aaj milkar geet gao' ["We gather today to sing this song"].
Q. Are both of you composed?
A. (Both to say:) Yes.
Q. Have you performed the seven yajnas as described to you yesterday?
A. Yes.
Q. I hope that you know that this relationship is not for sexual
gratification or enjoyment.
A. Yes.
Q. Are you entering the Grihastha Ashram [the householder phase of life] in
a spirit of duty, dedication and sacrifice?
A. Yes.
Q. And therefore you will not obstruct each other in his or her work of
service, but assist each other?
A. Yes.
Q. Will you be always loyal to each other in thought, word and deed?
A. Yes.
Q. Will you try your best not to have children till India wins
independence?
A. Yes.
Q. You do approve the idea of inter-dining and inter-marrying with the
so-called untouchable, don't you?
A. Yes.
Q. You do believe that men and woman have equal rights?
A. Yes.
Q. Both of you are friends and neither is a slave to the other. Isn't that
correct also?
A. Yes.
Q. You understand, don't you, that the seven yajnas mentioned in the
second question are in place of the saptapadi [a primary part of the Hindu marriage
ceremony, in which the couple circumabulates a fire in seven steps]?
A. Yes.
Now by this yarn spun by me I bind you in union. You should

preserve the yarn-garland carefully and should resolve that you will
never break this union. Bear in mind the religious ceremony and pray to
247
omnipotent God to help you in the fulfilment of the vows you have just
taken. Now we shall all together sing the Ramdhun '(CW-e, 87,
Appendix IX, "Marriage Rites," pp. 439-40).
As part of this short wedding ceremony, 'Lakshmibehn [a woman ashramite]
sang the women's prayer...with the utmost devotion, beginning with the shloka
"Shantakaram" ["Vishnu Stuti," Ash¿am Bhajanavali, 8]. After the ceremony was
over, she also sang the bhajan "Vaishnava Jana'.
COMMUNITAS
In Chapter Three, it was noted that one of the primary qualities that
Rappaport defined as being constitutive of ritual is ritual's ability to create
communitas, in which participants may be released from the restraints of everyday
rationality into a state of awareness which Rudolph Otto (1923) would have
referred to as 'the numinous' (Rappaport 1999, p.219).
One of the fundamental properties of communitas is the blurring

of distinction between self and other... [this seems] to extend the self-
unification characteristic of numinous experience...beyond the self to
the congregation or even to the world as a whole (Rappaport 1999,
p.380).
It was also mentioned that the concept of rhythm is a primary component of

communitas, whether considering the sequential rhythms of the ritual order itself,
or elements of rhythm and cadence provided within that order. As the separateness
of an individual self blends into a hidden recognition of similarity found with others
in the context of ritual order, the participants do not simply communicate to each
other about that order but commune with each other within it (Rappaport 1999,
p.220).
Gandhi travelled extensively throughout India, and he regularly used the
sung-prayer meetings as a forum to increase satyagraha 's sense of communitas.
248
Satæagraha Communitas
Çsh¿am Administ ration and Organization
Gandhi was arrested on Jan. 4, 1932, along with more than 30,000 other
political prisoners, and was jailed again in Yeravda Prison. Letters from that time
in the Collected Works show that Gandhi remained actively involved in shaping the
life of the asram, including the sung prayers, and he referred frequently to the
Ash¿am Bhajanavali . He wrote often to his colleagues at the ash¿am, and received
visits when possible. It should be rememberd that the Yeravda Prison and the
Sabarmati Ashram were actually not that far apart in distance. Kaka Kalelkar
described the ashram: 'Gandhiji chose a very interesting, not to say an intriguing,
spot for his Ashram. To the north are the walls of Sabarmati prison; to the south lies
the Dudheshwar cremation ground' (Kalelkar 1961, p.v), and that, during the time
of Kalelkar's imprisonment, 'prisoners had climbed the [neem] tree morning and
evening to cut twigs to be used as tooth-brushes. Some used to climb just to get a
glimpse of the world outside the jail walls. 'There is your Ashram'' (Kalelkar 1961,
p.9). It was possible to see the prison from the ashram, and if, one were willing to
take risks, to see the ashram from the prison.
Gandhi was concerned with the most minute inner workings of the ashram,
and wrote continuously to everyone. He wrote to Narandas Gandhi, a Gandhi cousin
and secretary of the ashram in charge during Gandhi's imprisonment, who had been
receiving complaints from the ashramites concerning his leadership: 'We have in
the Ashram a bhajan about "Nindakababa. I would not say that it is a very good one.
That is, the author has not treated the detractor with generosity. But the lesson
which it teaches is right. Anyway, whether you are calm or upset, I shall not feel
worried if I regularly hear from you' (CW-e, 60, #543, p.458).
Gandhi wrote to his wife, Kasturbai Gandhi, also in charge of many activities
during his absence:
249
'Mother Gita, therefore, advises us to seek solitude.... I hope you

remember the bhajan "Friends of the body are selfish, one and all; they
will refuse to accompany one at the end."... One who cultivates solitude
will never be unhappy anywhere, for he sees only Vishnu in all places.
...All of you have got, unsought, an opportunity to do so. Try and cultivate
it' (CW-e, 63, #25, pp.28-29).
Desiring to be in touch with everyone, he wrote further to Kasturbai:
'Do not feel nervous, any of you. All the verses in the section of
women's prayer were purposely selected. The very first verse teaches us a
great deal. The last three verses of the Gita which have been included
sum up the whole prayer. They are like the kalasha on the top of a temple
which adds lustre to the temple and completes its beauty. I hope the
verses in this prayer are recited every morning with careful attention to
their meaning' (CW-e, 49, #283, p.280).
Gandhi responded to the tensions of community life using stories and morals
from the bhajans:
'Do not get disheartened by the burdon of the kitchen. Ask for
whatever help you require, but do not give up in despair....God always
helps those who work steadfastly in this manner. That is the lesson to be
learnt in the story of Gajendramoksha and in the bhajan about the male
and female tortoise. (Note 1 - The story of an elephant who, being
caught by a crocodile, was rescued by Vishnu. Note 2 - A devotional song
by Bhoja Bhagat [a medieval mystical poet] narrates the story of a male
and female tortoise saved by their faith in God)' (CW-e, 47, #471, pp. 408-
09).
If ashramites had personality difficulties with each other, Gandhi would address
them: 'Why should we feel hurt if somebody speaks ill of us? Learn from someone
the bhajan "My detractor is my benefactor." Its central idea is that anybody who
speaks ill of us serves us by doing so. Continue to write to me' (CW-e,59, #118,
p.84); 'What Sushila [a female ashramite, possibly Gandhi's personal physician]
says is correct. You needn't thank her for any help she may give. It would be strange
if she did not help. We used to sing a bhajan in Phoenix, one line in which ran: "A
250
true lover's love is that which expects no thanks or return for courtesy shown' (CW-
e. 72, #542, p.414).
Gandhi held a special concern for the children of the ashram: '...I have no
wings and still I fly every day and come to you, for in my mind I am in your midst....
You can fly with your minds and feel that you are with me' (CW-e, 49, #281, p.279).
With the ashram building being located so closely to the prison, Gandhi attempted
to remain in contact with the children and involved in their education. He wrote an
article for the Children's Magazine at the ashram school: ''The path of truth is for
the brave alone, never for a coward.' I realize the significance of this poem more
and more as days pass. I also feel that it is not for grown-ups only to put the idea of
this verse into practice; children and students, too, can do so' (CW-e, 21, #1, p. 1).
The bhajan quoted by Gandhi for the children's consideration was Harinam marga
che by Pritamdas, found as Ash¿am Bhajanavali #117 and as the CW-e #224.
When Gandhi had been sentenced and incarcerated earlier in 1922, Kaka
Kalelkar had requested that he write a children's primer on Hinduism while he was
in jail, with the intention of possibly publishing it for national distribution. Gandhi
agreed to write such a primer, however, he prefaced it with a note for the teachers
who were to use it, indicating that he saw the primer as "an experiment," and asked
for feedback and revisions. The extent to which bhajan singing and sung-prayer
figure in this guide to children's education is entertaining as well as informative for
our purposes.
' What Is a Hindu?
Lesson 1: Morning
'Get up my child, it is morning.'
'I still feel sleepy.'
'Look, your sister is up; you, too, should get up and brush your teeth;
and then say your prayers. It is past four. Don't you hear the birds
singing? Your sister Shanta has started singing a bhajan.'
251
Lesson 2: Brushing the Teeth

'Have you cleaned your teeth? Let me see your teeth. They look yellow. l
You have not brushed them properly. The tongue, too, is not clean. You
have not taken enough care to remove the coating. What stick did you use?'
'It was from the babul tree.'
'Why did you not use one from the neem tree?'
'It is rather bitter.'
'What if it is? The mouth feels fresh afterwards. You will come to like
the bitterness when you get used to it.'
Lesson 3: Preparing for the "Bhajans"

We should not go to the bhajan without cleaning ourselves first.
Rheum in the eyes marks one as dirty. Our bodies and minds should
be clean when singing bhajans to God. During prayers, one should sit
erect with crossed legs and folded hands. We should not talk with
anyone, nor look at anyone. We do not see God, but He sees us.
I see you even when you are asleep, being awake myself, but you do
not see me. Likewise, may it not be that God sees us, even if we do
not see Him?
Lesson 4: The "Bhajan"

'Dear, very dear to me is the name of Dada Rama, [Note 2 -
grandfather]
Little use have I for all learning else;
Dear, very dear to me is the name of Dada Rama.
Father dear, show your love for me
Have sweet songs about Govind written on my slate;
For dear, dear to me is the name of Dada Rama
All I wish to hear is stories and songs about Shri Rama,
Of Him do I constantly think, and on Him meditate;
For dear, dear to me is the name of Dada Rama.'
-- Kalidas Vasavada
(CW-e, 26, #172, pp.389-94)
Gandhi wrote regularly to the children of the ashram and continued to teach
them through examples found in scripture, bhajan, and story: 'We should live as He
may ordain and feel happy in doing so. This is why we sing that bhajan by Narasinh
Mehta: 'Take to heart neither happiness nor suffering; they are ordained for this
body from its very birth' (CW-e, 54, #281, p.406).
252
Having been imprisoned several different times while working on various

translations, Gandhi corresponded with colleagues regarding translations and the
usage of sung-prayers. He wrote to Narayan Moresh Khare: 'Please incorporate this
correction if you have not done so and ask everyone else to do it in their own copies.
We ought to get our Hindi bhajans revised with the help of some Hindi expert'
(CW-e, 47, #414, pp.364-5). With regard to the practice of Ramdhun, he wrote to
Mirabehn first, asking her to change the rhythmic refrains in part of the chanting:
'The rapid repetition of Ramanama in a new assembly is undoubtedly good. For
very rapid repetition, mere, Ram, Ram, Ram Ram Ram....is often used. If it is done
with proper cadence, the effect is ecstatic. Yes, we get up at 3.40. The prayer at 4
and 7.30' (CW-e, 56, #46, p.40). Subsequently, he wrote to Narandas Gandhi about
ten days later, as if to check on whether his suggestion had been taken up or not, and
then he wrote as well to Narayan M. Khare for help in establishing the new
practice:
'I have suggested to Mirabehn that if, instead of repeating the

refrain Raghupati Raghava Rajaram, etc., only Ram Ram Ram...is
repeated in ascending and descending notes, then the refrain could
be taken up briskly and it would be very good for the newcomers. But
who will teach her this? If you have anybody in view in Bombay please
write to him to go and teach her. Have you followed?' (CW-e, 56, #89,
p.79).
When Maganbhai Desai, a devoted disciple, wrote to Gandhi, disappointed

with the government's administrative decision to re-claim and confiscate certain
buildings, Gandi responded: 'Let them acquire it if they want to. After all does it not
belong to them? Remember what the poet said in the bhajan : 'It is useless to sorrow
over what God ordains.' ... 'You may enjoy things only after renouncing them, etc.'
[Ishopanishad I.1] (CW-e, 84, #94, p.77).
As a final, but not exhaustive, example, when an ashramite wrote to Gandhi
concerning a resolution made by the Congress Working Committee that might
253
result in a negative impact upon the ash¿am, Gandhi's consolation came in the form
of bhajans: 'Why are you afraid? ... Do you remember the bhajan beginning: 'When
will the matchless time....?' Think over the lines : 'Wandering alone on the
cremation ground.' The Committee could not have adopted any other course.
Everyone has to face this problem' (CW-e, 78, #440, p.360).
"Spritual Advice" from Bapu

Gandhi's giving of consolation went beyond the every-day concerns of
adminstering the organization of a functioning ashram. As the central religious
guide for the ashram, he also provided his family and followers with what could be
termed "spiritual advice" and/or "religious guidance." Using the teachings of the
Ash¿am Bhajanavali and the stories of the bhajans he provided emotional support
in many areas.
The subject of bereavement was often addressed by Gandhi. Consolation for
grief was offered to his son, Harilal, following his wife's death: 'Two paths branch
out from where you stand now. You have to decide which you will take. There is a
bhajan we often sing in the Ashram; its first line runs: Nirbalke bala Rama' (Note 2
- Refrain of Surdas' famous hymn 'He is the help of the helpless, the strength of the
weak') (CW-e, 17, #237, p.248). To Amrit Kaur, an ashramite, he wrote: 'Mathuri
sang a bhajan last evening in her magnificent voice. The substance, is, man is after
pleasure or happiness but it ever flies from him. Why will he not appreciate the fact
that substantial pleasure or happiness comes through grief or unhappiness? Cheer
up and pass on all your troubles to Him -- the Rock of Ages' (CW-e, 81, #484,
p.274). To Mirabehn, who was grieving the loss of a friend, he wrote regarding
God's will and the use of prayer, illustrated with reference to a familiar bhajan:
'We must learn the art of never grieving over death no matter
when and to whom it comes. ... How shall we know [God's] will? By
prayer and right living. Indeed, prayer should mean right living. There is
a bhajan we sing every day before the Ramayana commences whose
254
refrain is "Prayer has been never known to have failed anybody"' (CW-e,
69, # 9, p.9).
Gandhi gave advice to those who wrote to him concerning emotional issues,
such as depression and sadness: 'Time will do its work. Where you see pitch
darkness today, you will see light tomorrow. 'Premal Jyoti' [Kindly Light] seems to
me to be the only bhajan which truthfully describes this condition of mind' (CW-e,
55, #384, p.318); from jail, he wrote, 'Ba [Kasturbai, his wife] told me that you were
melancholy. How is that? One who studies Gita cannot have melancholia. How can
one be melancholy who is daily in meditation with God and believes that He resides
in the heart? Drive out melancholia' (CW, 49, #311, p.302). He offered relief from
worrying: 'Don't burden your mind with worries. ... Meditate over the hymn Premal
Jyoti '(Note 2 - A Gujarati rendering, by Narasinhrao Divetia, of Newman's "Lead,
Kindly Light.") (CW, 50, #457, p.322); and, when Manu, his grand-niece, became
anxious and concerned over family events, Gandhi prescribed sung-prayers: 'Do
you pray [chant?] daily? Do you sing bhajans (hymns)? If you have not been doing
either, start doing both' (CW-e, 55, #261, p.220).
The satyagrahis' struggle to overcome ingrained, past habits and to live
together in a "prayerful experiment." may have also, from time to time, resulted in
religious questioning and spiritual doubts, as he wrote often to sustain people in
their work:
'Why then have you no faith? Offer up your venture wholly as

sacrifice to the Lord and resolve to run it in His name. ... 'We have
heard of none who loved the Lord and whose honour He did not
uphold.' We sang this bhajan at the time of the evening prayer today.
... Do not dismiss all this as mere philosophizing, but try to act upon it'
(CW-e, 55, #241, p.206);
'The brave never run away from a battle; fight against lust and anger,
pride and greed.' Only yesterday I was trying to translate this
bhajan. I then felt its beauty more powerfully than I had done before.
255
For us that is the only real battle. If we fight on, we are bound to win in the
end '(CW-e, 50, #31, p.22) [bhajan is by Kabir, Shura sangrama,
Ash¿am Bhajanavali #52, p. 118];
'May you live long and render selfless service. Remember a noble
verse which our people often recite:
'That which goes by the name of adversity is not such;

nor is that prosperity which goes by that name.
To forget God is adversity;
ever to think of him is prosperity.' [Ash¿am Bhajanavali, School
Prayers, p. 32]' (CW-e, 55, #507, p.420).
Those who came to live in Gandhi's ashrams were individuals whom Gandhi
felt to be strong enough and capable enough to carry out the rigorous life-style and
mission of the ashram. He oversaw their religious development for a period of time
before they entered satyagraha and he continued to monitor their on-going
progress:
'Think only about your work, and remain 'calm and untroubled in the
face of unhappiness' and 'free from attachment in happiness.' You do,
remember, don't you, that we recite this verse every day? Also,
remember Mirabai's bhajan 'I shall dance singing the glory of my Hari' '
(CW-e, 54, #202, p.343);
'I got your letter. You have some subtle pride in you. That is what
is hurting you. We bow to Mother Earth every morning and pray for her
forgiveness for touching her with our feet. ... [Ash¿am Bhajanavali , p. 4]
Those who wish to kick us or insult us should be welcome to do so; such is
the humility which non-violence implies. Cultivate it and you will be able
to dance with joy. ... Do so and roar like a lioness. 'Never to give up, even
though we may die.' We used to sing this bhajan formerly' (CW-e. 53,
#87, p.79);
'The type of tapas [self-discipline]you are practising is described by

the author of the Gita as tamasi [dark]tapas....I think it would be better if
you gave up this unnatural effort completely. Reflect over the bhajan
given below: 'O good man! Natural communion is best....Kabir says That
is a state to be silently enjoyed but I have dared to sing about it. It is a
256
state beyond misery and bliss, I am merged in it' ["Sadho Sahaja Samadh
Bhali,"Ash¿am Bhajanavali, # 43, 111; CW-e #118 ] (CW-e, 61, #229,
p.178).
Men and women were expected to live as equals in the ashram, and Gandhi
often called on the women to be a larger part of the change and initiative that
satyagraha struggled to enact: 'We should learn to adopt towards women the same
liberal attitude that we do towards men. Will not Lord Krishna protect our honour?
We sing a bhajan which says that He will. Let us show that faith in our actions'
(CW-e, 50, #32, p.22). 'Patience is learnt through long effort. The secret of
regarding sorrow as joy is learnt by leaving everything to God. It is for this very
reason that those three verses (Note 2 - Containing Draupadi's prayer to Lord
Krishna when she was being disrobed by the Kauravas) have been included in the
prayer for women. I hope you do remember these verses. Through effort, one can
learn to bear suffering' (CW-e, 55, #546, p.477).
Though early in satyagraha 's history, Gandhi discouraged marriage between
ashramites, eventually, there were married couples in the ash¿am who also
received Gandhi's spiritual direction:
'Now you should recognize the lack of self-control in you both, live
humbly as an ordinary married couple, and practise only such self-
control outwardly as you can do mentally as well. Think over the
meaning of the bhajan: 'Unless the mind is free from desire, renunciation
cannot endure' (CW-e, 52, #519, p.385).
Advice grounded in the wisdom of the sung-prayers was similarly offered

often in areas other than emotional support. The sung-prayers were recommended
for a number of physical ailments as well -- from insomnia, to fever, to disease:
'...if you cannot concentrate on Ramanama [chanting God's name],

go on repeating any Sanskrit stanza or bhajan which you like, and you will
most probably get sleep. I assume that in other respects your health is good'
(CW-e, 56, #241, p.252);
257
'In your difficulties Girish's (his son) fever is a great calamity

indeed. It is difficult to understand so many relapses. As an antidote, I
am sending the whole bhajan from which I had sent one line to Lilavati [an
ashramite, probably Girish's mother]. To me that bhajan has
given great comfort' (CW-e, 73, #508, p.383);
'Do not think about your disease. Why should anyone who has fallen
in love with God worry about disease or anything else? Do you know the bhajan: 'I
will go dance now, singing praises of God?'
(CW-e, 54, #355, p.456);
'Write daily until you are well. Remember God and recite the
following bhajan ' [Note 1 - 'I dedicate myself to that name, the two
letters of which bring salvation to all. The Lord Rama of Tulsidas is like a
cloud showering mercy, while all other gods need gratification.']...and
repeat Ramanama' (CW-e, 73, #417, p.330).
It is possible to ascertain, to a certain, extent, some of Gandhi's favorite texts

for teaching and training, by surveying the Collected Works (digital) from Volume
49 (April 1930) about the time he was beginning to translate the Ashram
Bhajanavali through Volume 98 (digital), at the end of his career. By direct name,
he mentioned better-known singer-saints found in the Ashram Bhajanavali the
following number of times: Tulsidas - 118; Narasinh Mehta- 17; Mirabai - 15;
Kabir - 13; Nanak - 12; Surdas - 12; Ramdas - 11; Tagore - 10; Pritam - 10; Akha -
7; Dadu - 2; Kalidas -1; Namdev - 1; Eknath - 0; Ravidas - 0; Tukaram -0. He
mentioned lesser-known singer-saints the following number of times: Braj Kishore,
Premanand, Keshavlal, and Dhiro were each quoted once; Nazir was mentioned
twice; all others (Khalus, Nityananda, Sahajram, Nandadas, Nidhiramji, Haridas,
Jasvant, Brahmanand, Kanhar, Premsakhi, Rasik, Anandghan, Vidhuband, Mad
Mansur, Giridhar, Amrit, Shivdini, Sohira, Daya Vitthal, Dayaram, Nishkulanand,
Muktanand, Dhano, Narbho, Bhojo, Bapu, Premaldas, Nirant, Ranchhod, Rajchand)
were not quoted directly by name. Obviously, these numbers represent only those
instances in which Gandhi directly named a singer-saint, but it is not surprising,
258
upon reading the primary and secondary sources, that among his favorites were
Kabir, Nanak, Mirabai, Surdas, Narasinh Mehta, and Tulsidas.
Ramanama
The chanting of Ramanama (or the two syllables Ra-ma) was advised and
encouraged in selections found throughout the whole of the Ash¿am Bhajanavali,
and especially in the bhajans. In Vandana Mataji's lists of "Hindu Saints Who
Loved the Name," she has listed many of the poet-saints found in the Ash¿am
Bhajanavali -- Shankaraòa¿æa of Kerala; Namadev, Ekna¨, Tuka¿aº, RaºÆas
from Maharashtra; the North-Indian poet-saints Kabir, Mi¿a∏ai, Surda–, and
TulsiÆas; and, from Gujarat, Narsi Mehta (Sister Vandana Mataji 1995, pp.192-
221). She has also listed Maha™ºa Gandhi among the "saints of our own time" who
loved and encouraged the use of chanting God's name (Sister Vandana Mataji,
p.224).
In his autobiography, Gandhi indicated that he learned to chant Rama≤ama,
as taught to him by his childhood nurse, as a means to relieve his anxieties and
worries concerning ghosts. Gandhi's later references to Ramanaºa as a religious
practice, varied over time, as did other elements of his experimental living.
However, in 1928, in typically independent fashion, he published in Navajivan his
own definition of Raºanama:
'I am a votary of Ramanama and the dwadashamantra [Gayatri

mantra] but my worship is not blind. For anyone who is truthful,
Ramanama is like a ship. But I do not believe that anyone who repeats
Ramanama hypocritically is saved by it. ... Anyone believing that
Ramanama would calm his passions is rewarded by repeating it and is
saved' (CW-e, 42, #8, pp.5-6).
He continued to advise repetition of Ramanaºa when giving religious advice to

family and followers. In 1932, he wrote:
259
'This is how repetition of God's names wipes out one's sins. ...
One who repeats God's name daily with faith will never grow tired of
doing so, and, therefore, the name which he repeats with his lips to start
with sinks ultimately into his heart, and purifies him. This is a universal
experience. Psychologists also believe that man becomes what he thinks'
(CW-e, 56, #285, p.283);
and, in 1934, he wrote to Kasturbai Gandhi:
'If you do not remember the bhajan 'The Name is my support,

Your Name is my support,' look it up. ... Tulsidasji has sung a great deal
of the Name. ... If we inscribe in our hearts the name of God which has
such power, there can be no doubt that we shall cross this sea of life and
reach the other shore. ...That is why the poet wrote and sang that song:
'My only support is Rama's name,' all else is false. 'All friends of the body
are selfish and will refuse to accompany us at the end.' If we have learnt
to repeat Ramanama, it alone will go with us '(CW-e, 63, #211, p.198).
As Gandhi campaigned for Hindu-Muslim unity, he was often asked by

journalists how he was using the divine name of Raºa. His replies always indicated
a universal context, in which Rama was simply one of God's names, which he used
to refer to God: 'Rama is not known by only a thousand names. His names are
innumerable, and He is the same whether we call Him Allah, Khuda, Rahim,
Razaak, the Bread-giver, or any name that comes from the heart of a true devotee'
(CW-e, 81, #742, p.489).
Later in his career, Gandhi began to refer to Ramanama as "medicine" as he
increasingly became intensely focussed on nature-cures. See Joseph Alter's work
entitled Gandhi's Body, for accounts of how strictly Gandhi had experimented
throughout his life with the physical and mental aspects of maintaining his own
state of health, as part and parcel of a svadeshi policy that encouraged not only
material idependence from the British, but also encouraged the freedom of being
self sufficient from and independent of British medical controls over the country's
physical health and welfare. However, in his later life, even as he championed the
nature cures of Louis Kuhne (a German proponent of nature cures) (Alter 2000,
260
p.38), Gandhi came to rely on the inner practice of silently chanting (japa) the
name of Rama as a medicine that provided a "cure" beyond all cures.
While speaking at a sung-prayer meeting in New Delhi on May 24, 1946,
Gandhi responded to questions concerning his then-practice of Rama≤ama.
'He reiterated Rama whose name he prescribed as the infallible

remedy for all ills was neither the historical Rama nor the Rama of
those who used the name as a charm or black magic. Rama whose name
he prescribed as a cure-all was God ...[p. 29]
Nor is Ramanama meant to be taken only when the doctors and
vaidyas have failed. It is meant to enable one to do without them
altogether. For a believer in Ramanama it is the first as well as the
last remedy [p. 30]'(CW-e, 91, #35, pp.29-30).
During the subsequent night's speech, he agreed with the questioner who continued
to press him further in regards to a definition, responding that he thought '[t]he
Ramanama bank in Benares and wearing clothes printed with Ramanama"
constituted superstition' (CW-e, 91, #38, p. 32).
According to J.T.F. Jordens, this perspective of Ramanama as unfailing
medicine represented a shift in belief for Gandhi as of that point in time (Jordens
1998, p.181). After about 1946, Gandhi referred frequently to chanting the name as
part of his nature cures, refusing to take penicillin for physical ailments that
plagued him, and vehemently claiming that his great-niece Manu would not have
had any physical pains if she were only to chant Rama≤ama (she was later operated
on for acute appendicitis). Although Gandhi refused to admit that his use of
Raºanama was in any way superstitious, the staunchness of his belief in its efficacy
became increasingly stronger, almost irrational, towards the end of his life. He
reported to Manu on several occasions, especially following the bombing attempt
on his life in 1948, that he wanted to die with the prayers of Raºanama on his lips.
While the story of his final moments of chanting "He Ram" may be apocryphal,
261
even controversial for some, his colleagues and many historians did allow him the
portrayal that he had offered that prayer as his final utterance.
Ramanama has had a long history in India, and continues in active use
throughout the country today (see Lamb's work on the Ramnamis in the region of
Central India, and Henry's work on chanting the name in eastern U.P. and western
Bihar) in many styles and with different intents. For many traditions it has been
considered to be salvation-rendering. 'Whatever the ideology, chanting or singing
results in a changed state of consciousness which practitioners value' (Henry 1974,
p.143). For Mohandas Gandhi, what was taught to him in childhood as protection
against ghosts came to be an important component of his religious life, providing
focus and calm, and perhaps even a desired salvation at the time of his death.
Gandhi taught his family and followers out of the Ash¿am Bhajanavali , and the
practice of Ramanama was continuously recommended therein.
Gandhi once wrote that the satyagraha movement in India had taken longer
to develop than he had originally imagined (Jack 1956, p.187), and that the
discipline of the ashram only became more fully established over time (Gandhi
1998, p.31). However, as seen in the above-presented accounts of fasts undertaken,
marches conducted, advice and guidance given by Gandhi after the establishment
of the Satyagraha Ashram, it is obvious that the Ash¿am Bhajanavali served
perpetually to undergird the activities of the growing satyŸgraha movement. The
Nityapatha was Ishopanishad I.1, the first selection of the published editions of
Ash¿am Bhajanavali . The Chapter II Gi™a verses, known to be Gandhi's favorite
verses, were recited at every evening prayer meeting. The Asato ma verse from the
Brihadaranyakopanishad came to be associated with times of highly significant
ritual. The Vaishnava jana bhajan was known as one of Gandhi's most favorite
prayer-songs, along with the chanting of Raghupati Raghava as part of Ramdhun.
Both of these had been chanted immediately prior to Gandhi's arrest in 1930, and
they were published items of the Ash¿am Bhajanavali. Satyagraha communities
262
across the nation regularly utilized the same sung-prayers as a form of communitas,
and the nation came to know them in this way as well. His favorite Christian hymns
were "Lead, Kindly Light" and "When I Survey the Wondrous Cross."
National Communitas
Bhajan Partie s O rganized
As early as 1920, Gandhi's satæaí¿aha movement began to expand with the
help of music and bhajan parties, which were established by the satyaírahis in
many communities, one after another. Gandhi recommended the formation of
these bhajan circles as a way for people to resist the use of mob-law in an article
entitled "Democracy vs. Mobocracy":
'We must then evolve order out of chaos. And I have no doubt
that the best and the speediest method is to introduce the people's law
instead of mob-law. One great stumbling block is that we have
neglected music. Music means rhythm, order. Its effect is electrical.
It immediately soothes' (CW-e, 21, #145, p.247).
The same year, he published public instructions concerning what a true Vaish≤ava
was:
'A true Vaishnava is he,Who is moved by others' sufferings;
Who helps people in distress, And feels no pride for having done so.'
[Ashram Bhajanavali, p.156] ... This means that a man who has no love in
him is no Vaishnava. [O]ne does not become a Vaishnava simply by
studying the Vedas, by following the rules of varnashram [the traditional
four groups of society], by wearing a string of basil seeds or the tilak mark
[a mark of blessing on the forehead]. Even a hypocrite may wear a string
of beads or put the tilak mark or study the Vedas or keep repeating
Rama's name with his lips' (CW-e, 22, #40, p.55).
Gandhi used the words of this bhajan to impress upon India the need for
reformation in regard to the oppression of the untouchables: '[t]his poem, which
formed part of the daily prayers at the Ashram, appealed to Gandhiji as a perfect
expression of his own ideal of life and seems to have had a powerful impact on him'
263
(CW-e, 22, #40; see "To 'Vaishnavas', pp.55-58, which consists of Gandhi's defense
of a resolution that denied the barring of antyajas [untouchable] from any public
place).
During the 1920s, satyagraha continued to expand and to use bhajans as a
way to counter what Gandhi regarded as self-degrading habits. At a speech at a
Cultivators' Meeting in 1921, Gandhi urged: 'Get rid of your addictions and learn
self-control. Pray to God as you get up in the morning..., [do not engage in] foul
language or singing filthy songs. In the late evening, sing bhajans ....' (CW-e, 23,
#19, p.52). In January of 1922, he addressed the Congress, as musicians from all
parts of India participated. It ended in the convening by Vishnu Digamber Shastri
of the first All-India Musical Conference whose object is to popularize music in
national assemblies and organize bhajan mandalis [hymn circles] (CW-e, 25, #186,
p.381). In encouraging the satyagraha workers to work harder in assisting the
indigent poor, he wrote: 'Persuade the Dharala brothers and sisters [in this instance,
this may refer to a region of India] to take up some [honest] work. [See to it that
they] give up drinking and addiction to opium and other vices, that their children
get education and the grown-ups learn bhajans '(CW-e, 27, # 341, p.420).
By the mid-1920s, Gandhi was convinced of the power of music to change
consciousness. In October 1924, he wrote to Naryan Moresh Khare, the ashram
music instructor:
'Bhai Panditji, I am writing to you on the last day of my fast. I

have gradually come to look upon music as a means of spiritual
development. Please try your best to see that all of us sing our bhajans
with a correct understanding of the sense. Inmates of the Ashram do not
yet become one with the songs they recite' (CW-e, 29, # 193, p.237,
7 October, 1924).
In a speech at a villagers' meeting in Pudupalayam, on March 21, 1925, he
spoke:
264
'It gives me very great pleasure to be able to meet you all in this
out-of-the-way place, and on seeing the musical instruments here, I
wished to hear some of your songs in your own natural way. I know that
songs play an import part in the development of national life. ...when
you get a real, good song full of devotion and fervour, it ennobles. Such
are some of our old songs all over India. In days of old, we had our own
string instruments.... I wish that we could revert to the stringed
instruments' (CW-e, 30, #266, p.458).
Likewise, he spoke in the same year, at Karadi: 'I feel therefore happy that just
now you are all sitting quietly. I liked the children playing cymbals while chanting
the name of God. Only those who have attended bhajan parties know the charm of
cymbals; and I know it very well' (CW-e, 31, #92, p.159).
As the decade closed, there was continued effort to expand the use of the
bhajan circles. Thanks to Shri Jaydayalji Goenka, an attempt is nowadays being
made to create a spirit of devotion in the Marwari society. With this object in view
bhajan groups have been formed.... (Note 1 - Institutions for bhajans) (CW-e, 42, #8,
pp.5-6 in Navajivan 6 May 1928). 'The work amongst the depressed classes admits
development. The Ashram is running a free night school for them. There is also a
school where both touchables and untouchables receive instruction. Bhajan parties
are organized amongst them' (CW-e, 46, #11, p.14, in Young India, 16 May, 1929).
Gandhi continued to encourage sung-prayer meetings. the manufacture and
use of khadi, and bhajan singing during the 1930s.
'Prabhat Pheris [early-morning song processions] were resumed

this morning. About fifty members assembled.... Gandhiji addressed the
processionists from a balcony. He said that they should finish their daily
rounds before sunrise, singing selected songs of prayer and devotion to
God and the Motherland. He said no objectionable songs, inconsistent with
the Congress creed, should be sung' (CW-e, 52, #431, p.312).
Concern for education and social reform continued with the establishment of
bhajan circles among the untouchables: 'I should like you or Ghanshyamdas [an
265
ashramite] to see the members of the Delhi Municipality about the quarters of
Harijans in Delhi. They must be improved'; (CW, 62, #347, p.299, 19 December,
1933); 'I do not believe in propaganda through pamphlets or in costly buildings. A
Bhajan Mandiram [building for singing] is good. But you should be satisfied with an
unpretentious humble building' (CW-e, 66, # 188, p.142, Mysore, 30 January, 1935).
When, asked, in 1936, about the mass conversion of the "Harijans" in the South of
India, and whether or not his Seva Sangh [welfare organization] might send
some"bhajan parties to travel from cheri to cheri [slum to slum] singing bhajans and
giving kathas [stories]," Gandhi responded:
'Whilst parties could be sent from the North, there is no need for
the South to depend on the North. The South has its inexhaustible
treasures of religious songs and it should be the easiest thing to
organize bhajan parties from the province itself. I have heard soul-stirring
bhajans of Tyagaraja [singer-saint]...' (CW-e, 68, #391, pp.318-19).
The establishment of the bhajan work all across India had perhaps become so much
second nature, a way of life generated by Gandhi over two decades, that in January
of 1940, he wrote a veritable formulaic response to Prabhavati, a female ashramite,
who had written to him concerning how to establish new contacts at Sevagram:
'As to your question how you should work there, the answer is
simple enough. If you get even one or two women who will spin
willingly and sincerely, you should labour for them as best as you can.
You should also go from door to door selling as much khadi as
possible. Get a few women together and form a bhajan party, and teach
them how to read and write. Go among the poor women also and spread
literacy among them. Go to the Harijan quarters and meet the women
there. Thus you can widen the sphere of your work as much as you wish
provided your health remains good enough. By and by other women also
will join you' (CW-e, 77, #279, p.236).
266
Hindu-Mu slim Solidarity

Rappaport's definition of communitas has been discussed at some length
above as one aspect of the sung-prayers that lay behind satæagraha 's development.
It was especially significant to Gandhi in his desire to form good relations and
solidarity with the Muslim communities of India.
Following the establishment of chanting a Christian prayer every Friday
night in 1932 (see below), Gandhi suggested that the ashram sing an Islamic prayer
one day a week as well. Gandhi was imprisoned at that time, and when several
ash¿amites wrote to “⁄º ™Ë object to “⁄– suggestion of singing one Muslim bhajan on
an appointed day every week, he returned a letter to Narandas Gandhi. Fully
outlining his reasons for the institution of such a practice, he gave his permission to
the community to decide themselves what they wanted to do in the matter. He then
went on to choose which bhajan (should they want to choose one) they might use:
'And if you decide to select a bhajan, 'Hai bahare bagh' [A.Bhaj.,

# 99] is certainly the best.... It was introduced [in South Africa] at the
suggestion of a pure-hearted Muslim youth. That youth then passed
away, so that for us the song has more in it than its literal meaning.
The song was so dear to that youth that, when he came to the line "Yad
kar tu ay Nazir kabronke roz" (Note 3 - 'Nazir! Remember the day of
death') he used to substitute his name, Hasan, for Nazir's. ... To me he
was another son, and we sang that song not once but several times in
Phoenix. ... The choice of this bhajan is therefore excellent' (CW-e,
56, #67, p.60).
The chanting of this bhajan was obviously instated, as Gandhi responded to

questions written by Mary Barr in 1934 concerning the extent to which universal
prayers were chanted at the ashram's sung-prayer meetings:
'The utmost we have been able to attain in this direction is that we

have Mussalman hymns or bhajans as also Christian. You may perhaps
know that every Friday we have a rendering of 'Lead, Kindly Light' in
the Ashram and every Thursday we have a very popular Islamic bhajan.
267
The Ashram Bhajanavali contains several bhajans from Mussalman

sources and you will find also a selection of Christian hymns. On certain
occasions we have Christian and Mussalman prayers. ...the ashrams are
not theosophical organizations, but they are organizations which have
equal regard for all the religions' (CW-e,65, #13, 17 September 1934,
p.17).
Between 1933 to 1934, Gandhi asked Raihana Tyabji to instruct those at the
ash¿am interested in learning Islamic prayers, and eventually verses from the
Qur'an were added to the daily sung-prayers. Those verses later became
controversial for some Hindus who would attend the massive prayer meetings in
Delhi, especially following the horrendous violence suffered by both Hindu and
Muslim comunities. Gandhi, however, would not allow the removal of the Islamic
prayers from the established order of the ritual.
Inter-religious and International Communitas
Ch ri stian Fellowship
In May of 1932, Gandhi was incarcerated in Yeravda Central Prison, when
he received a suggestion for inter-religious solidarity and fellowship from the Rev.
Verrier Elwin. Elwin wanted to coordinate the singing of a hymn every Friday
night at an appointed time, to be sung by those imprisoned with Gandhi and by those
who were his supporters outside the prison, wherever they might be, nationally or
internationally. Elwin, who was soon to leave the area, wanted to establish a
specific time at which everyone would, with the acute awareness of doing so, sing
the same hymn, thus creating a long-distance bond of communitas.
'As soon as I read your suggestion I had no hesitation in endorsing it,

but I was debating as to the choice of the hymn. It could either be 'Lead
Kindly Light' or 'When I Survey the Wondrous Cross' or 'Take My life and
Let It Be' .
[We will take up] the Gujarati version of 'Lead Kindly Light.' ...So
you may take it that we shall be here singing this hymn at 7.40 every
268
Friday evening with the knowledge that you at least will be joining us
wherever you are, whether the suggestion is taken up or not by the other
friends. ... I shall be asking Narandas to sing this bhajan on Fridays at the
Ashram prayer which during summer months always begins at 7.30'
(CW-e, 55, #514, pp.425-6, 27 May, 1932).
So the chanting of 'Lead, Kindly Light' was established to be sung in its Gujarati
version by those in prison and at the ashram, while it was sung in the English
original by Rev. Elwin and Christian congregates whomever joined him for a
Friday night service.
As was mentioned in Chapter Two, Gandhi had been consumed with
obtaining a proper translation of this hymn. He went to some lengths to find the
right translator. He was eventually satisfied with the translation by Narasinhrao B.
Divatia, who visited Gandhi for a religious observance in October of 1932:
'I am writing this after the morning prayer at 4 o'clock. I got both
your letters. All three of us will join you at 8:30 today in performing the
shraddha on the tenth day. Instead of praying silently, we will sing your
translation of 'Lead Kindly Light' [Premal Jyoti - ÉBhaj # 137] ...
You will like this story about 'Premal Jyoti.' ... It is now sung by
friends in America, Europe, India and other countries on every Friday at
7.30 p.m. We here, the inmates of the Ashram at Sabarmati and some
other people, sing 'Premal Jyoti' at the evening prayer on Fridays. Thus
the life which you have poured into this bhajan is increasing in its power'
(CW-e, 57, #427, p.236).
Eu rope
As the movement continued its growth, Gandhi travelled both nationally and
internationally, with the ritual of twice-daily sung-prayers remaining in tact.
Recollections of his travelling to England to attend the 1931 Round Table
Conference, which focussed on the possibility of India's independence, gave
evidence of Gandhi's having strictly kept the routine of sung-prayers:
'Out of the memories that crowd [those] days, it is difficult

to make a selection. Some stand out. The evening prayers when the
269
room would be crowded with people eager to learn more about this
man's way of life. The early mornings when Mr. Gandhi arrived, ...you
felt as though a torchlike 'something' had come into the house (Jack 1956,
p.261).
Further evidence came from Romain Rolland's sister who wrote of Gandhi's visit to
them in Switzerland, while returning home from the Round Table Conference
(December 1931):
'Evenings, at seven o'clock, prayers were held in the first floor

salon. With lights lowered, the Indians seated on the carpet, and the
little assembly of the faithful grouped about, there was a suite of
three beautiful chants -- the first an extract from the Gita, the second
an ancient hymn on the Sanskrit texts which Gandhi had translated,
and the third a canticle of Rama and Sita, intoned by the warm, grave
voice of Mira' (Jack 1956, p.383).
She wrote further concerning Gandhi's appreciation of music: 'He is very sensitive
to the religious chants of his country, which somewhat resemble the most beautiful
of our Gregorian melodies, and he has worked to assemble them' Jack 1956, p.384).
Her reference was obviously to the labor with which Gandhi had culled through,
chosen, and assembled the sung-prayers of the Ashram Bhajanavali.
America
When the Rev. Dr. Howard Thurman (African-American minister and civil
rights advocate in America) and his wife visited Gandhi in 1936, one topic of
discussion was ahimsa and its definition. Elsewhere, Gandhi had objected to the
mis-conception that ahimsawas some kind of passive resistance, as ahimsa was in
fact '...much more active than violent resistance. It is direct, ceaseless, but three-
fourths invisible and only one-fourth visible' (an interestingly familiar Vedic
image), (Jack 1956, p.30). When Dr. Thurman questioned Gandhi as to whether any
idea of material possession was accepted in ahimsa, he answered "Yes. It possesses
270
nothing, therefore it possesses everything," (a direct quotation of the Ishopanishad

I.1 verse, the "Nityapatha," which had for years opened each sung-prayer meeting
and which is still the first printed selection in the Ashram Bhajanavali). The visit
ended with Mrs. Thurman's singing two Africa-American spirituals, "Were You
There When They Crucified My Lord?" and "We Are Climbing Jacob's Ladder,"
about which Mahadav Desai, Gandhi's secretary, wrote: "...[the] last suited the
guests and hosts equally, as it gave expression to the deep-seated hope and
aspiration in the breast of every oppressed community to climb higher and higher
until the goal was won" (Jack 1956, p.316).
In 1947, Gandhi was visited by Dr. William Stuart Nelson, another American
civil rights activist from America, who had come to India to work with the Friends
Service Unit, aiding refugees devastated by Hindu-Muslim violence in Noakhali.
'By way of introduction Gandhiji said that he felt very happy

that Prof. Nelson had thus shared in the prayer (Note 3 - He attended the
prayer and recited Isaac Watt's famous hymn 'Our [sic] God, our help in
ages past.').While in detention at the Aga Khan Palace, Mirabehn used
to sing this hymn to him in her rich, sonorous voice. He then paraphrased
the meaning of the first three verses and said that the sentiment expressed
in it was the same as found in the... bhajan sung last evening. There was
the same reliance upon God, who was the source of all strength and real
safety could lie only when we placed our reliance wholly on God. ,,,
This was a lesson which all of us in Noakhali sorely needed to learn'
(CW-e, 93, #129, p.96, Speech at Prayer Meeting in Srirampur,
3 December 1946, in Harijan, 5 January 1947).
Dr. Nelson would return to the United States to become, along with Dr.
Howard Thurman and Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., a primary leader in the civil
rights movement in America and an initiator of academic courses on the history and
practice of non-violence.
271
Universal Appeal
The communitas for which Gandhi strove never-endingly can be easily
identified in each of the scenarios outlined above, wherein sung-prayer was used to
foster respect and understanding between communities and among individuals.
Gandhi's appeal was an appeal to the acknowledgement of a kind of human and
divine universality. While travelling in Srinagar, he defended the use of sung-
prayers from 'other communities,' such as the Qur'anic, Parsi, and Buddhist prayers:
'I am of the opinion that the addition[s] enriched the prayer. It reached the hearts of
a larger audience than before. It certainly showed Hinduism in its broad and
tolerant aspect' (CW-e, 96, #270, p.190).
In defense of including sung-prayers from other religions, 'Gandhiji related
the story of how the Ashram prayer had taken its present shape', from its beginnings
in 1915, through the later additions, to the then-present day, proclaiming: 'The
prayer which has thus taken shape can, on no account, be considered as belonging to
any single community or religion. It is of universal appeal; and no one, whatever his
denomination may be, should have hesitation in sharing it' (CW-e, 94, #94, p.76).
SUNG PRAYER S AND PU B LI C T E XTS: TH E FINAL Y EAR S
Sung-Prayer Meetings throughout India

Gandhi's travels around India entailed using the sung-prayers in his attempts
to produce spiritual awakening: 'When I was in Travancore, offering prayers in the
presence of huge assemblies, pin-drop silence prevailed. A divine silence pervaded
the atmosphere....a religious revival such as the one in Travancore has got to be
brought about throught the length and breadth of India' (CW-e,70, 22 January1937,
#360, p349). While in Travancore, Mahadev Desai reported that 'whenever we
happened to be near a temple in the evening, we used to have our evening prayer in
the temple precincts. Gandhiji explained everywhere in brief the meaning of
272
various parts of the prayer' (CW-e, 70, #357, p.345). Gandhi would encourage the
use of sung-prayer to the crowds who attended:
'Ever since my return to India we have had, in our Ashram and

wherever I have gone, prayers about this time every evening (Ibid.), ....
I shall now say a few words about the prayer recited...the last
nineteen verses of the second chapter of the Bhagavad Gita...a bhajan
from old saints...Sanskrit....recitation of Tulsidas's Ramayana...[etc.]...
If prayers are offered both in the morning and evening, you will
soon find that a time will come when you will be disgusted if you omit
to offer prayers '(CW-e,70, #360, p.349).
He then encouraged the groups with whom he met to continue meeting for the sung-
prayers after his departure: 'Please, therefore, keep up the prayer. You can form
your own congregations in your own places, and as a last resource one's family can
become one's congregation.... Do meet every evening at this hour, learn a few
hymns, learn the Gita...' (Gandhi 2000, p.99).
In addition to being able to create communitas, the sung-prayers were also
suggested as a measure to control the huge crowds which were beginning to form.
When in 1931, a woman had been trampled to death at a large women's meeting at
Ahmedabad, Gandhi set down rules regarding how to organize and facilitate large
meetings. The rules included how to shape exactly where and how the crowds could
move, how the dais was to be constructed and the approach to it: '#14. If there is a
large attendance and people arrive long before the hour of the meeting, there
should be arrangement for Ramdhun (repetition en masse by the meeting of God's
name) and for preliminary lectures' (CW-e, 51, #313, p.251).
Bhajans: The Texts for Gandhi's Public Discourse

Philip Lutgendorf has suggested, in The Life of a Text, that '[t]o the well-
known personae of Gandhi the lawyer, political organizer, and wandering holy man
should perhaps be added that of Gandhi the kathŸ-vŸcak, who used MŸnas verse as
273
proof texts (pramŸ®) to buttress political arguments' (Lutgendorf 1991, p.379).

While 'Gandhi often explained his own political activities by referring to the
Ramayan narrative' (Lutgendorf 1991, p.379), it must be remembered here that
Gandhi's political and religious worlds were not separate. He used the
Ramcaritmanas as guidelines for religious behavior and conduct, and as often as he
used the Manas, he used the bhajans and shlËéas found in the Ashram Bhajanavali
to serve as texts for his public speeches following the sung-prayer meetings during
the latter part of his life.
During the final years of Gandhi's travels, he continued to teach and
recommend sung-prayers. Furthermore, as the violence between Hindus and
Muslims increased he began to speak directly to the crowds following the prayer
meetings. In Rappaport's terminology, the texts of those speeches, often taken from
the bhajan that had just been sung, were related in "self-referential" ways to the
events of the day. During his final years, Gandhi began to end every sung-prayer
meeting with comments concerning the immediate, "self-referential," events of the
day, as coordinated with the bhajan texts. Gandhi once remarked, 'I have no hand in
choosing the bhajans that are sung these days [, but] often the bhajan that is sung fits
the occasion (CW-e, 95, #270, pp.292). So many references found in the Collected
Works stand as evidence to this, that we shall proceed by year in order to examine
how Gandhi used these bhajan texts as primary content in his public speeches.
1945
The Bombay Chronicle spoke of Gandhi's visit to Bombay:
''The speaker [Gandhi] then alluded to the evening bhajan sung

at the prayer. Its burden was that the way to God was for the valiant,
not for the timid. But God was not to be reached by slaves. Therefore
the bhajan was also for those who wanted to throw off their slavery'
(CW-e,86, #304, p.166).
274
Rappaport has identified the significance of rhythm in the creation of ritual and
within the context of the ritual setting. Gandhi continually referred to the rhythm of
the bhajans as an analogy for an organized, free India. Along those lines, he
encouraged people to clap and keep time with the music. From Mahishadal, he
instructed:
'If we can conduct ourselves unitedly as we have done in

maintaining the rhythm of the bhajan sung, then whatever injury is
inflicted on us and however wronged we may be as the result of the
visitation of Nature or policy of the State, we will be the master of
the situation and keep our head unbent. ...
When they kept rhythm by a movement of the hands, the feeling of
such a movement came from within. In other words their hearts were
attuned to the outside movements. That was exactly the thing prerequisite
to the attainment of salvation' (CW-e, 89, #164, p.109).
From a steamer travelling from Mahishadal to Contal, Bengal, Gandhi wrote:

'Yesterday we had a Bengali bhajan. Daily in the evenings a
Bengali bhajan is sung here and that is only proper. The first line of
the bhajan was: "Lord, save me from weakness even when I am
assailed by doubts." That destroy is, destroy every doubt in my mind.
Your vow is a hard one. You have taken it by your own free will. You
will not be able to keep it without God's grace' (CW-e, 89, #193,
pp.129-30).
1946
The following year, Gandhi continued to travel and to recommend the use of
sung-prayers, instructing the nation a– ™Ë how to live out of the principles of
satyagraha as found in the texts of the Ashram Bhajanavali. In January it was
written:
'He had been on a pilgrimate to Midnapore....At prayer-time
the gathering went up to about a lakh of people. ... Every one of them
was quite peaceful and none disturbed the orderliness. ...
Gandhiji said that Ramanama was so attractive that it could absorb
man's whole thought and self into it. That was why he had asked them to
clap their hands rhythmically when taking Ramanama. ... They knew
275
soldiers were so trained that they were disciplined and learnt to work
together. ...They were also soldiers of freedom. ... They were to maintain
discipline and that was why he had introduced the practice of clapping
hands while praying.
Explaining the bhajan sung at the prayer.... One who was
devoted to God did not feel despair; he went on knocking at heaven's door
for entrance to the kingdom of God' (CW-e, 89, #245, p.168-9).
From Saulkuchi, Gandhi asked the people to keep time, for the women to join in as
well, and to keep peace in the meeting (CW-e, 89, #287, p.206). From Sodepur, in
mid-January, he reported that
'[h]is tours had produced good results. He hoped that they would
stick to the system of congregational prayer.
Exhorting them to sing the name of God in chorus and to keep
tune with all heart, ...their hearts would be purified and they would get
new strength....
Referring to the day's bhajan, Gandhiji said that [it]... aptly taught
them to remember God who was their eternal friend. ...in the prayer song
of the day they had found such things which would be of great value in
their everyday life. They should take the teachings of the song to heart'
(CW-e, 89, #364, pp.257-8).
He often called upon the congregation's need to maintain serenity, so as to be able

to put non-violence into action:
'Dwelling upon the necessity of congregational prayer, Gandhiji

hoped that people on return to their homes would conduct such prayer
in the company of the members of the family and children. ...[theatres
and cinemas were of little benefit]...Comparing the benefit of
congregational prayer with what little historical knowledge a dramatic
performance could offer, Gandhiji said that the former was many
thousand times more beneficial. ...Mothers were...appealed to [to]
introduce God and divinity to their children and to introduce bhajan
song....' (CW-e, 89, #367, pp.259-60).
From Sodepur as well, he reprimanded the nation for violence that had occurred at
Chittagong:
276
'Government must be alive to their duties regarding these two

incidents [of violent attacks] but at the same time the people should
not forget theirs. The bhajan sung at the prayer on Monday (Antar mama
vikasita karo) [Ashram BhajanŸvali # 212] indicated the way. It was a
prayer to open our hearts. ...
At Chittagong, the people...did not play their part as preached
in the bhajan. The bhajan wanted to make us firm, active and
fearless. Gandhji felt sure that if the people could rely on these
qualities, the Chittagong incident could not have taken place. If people
could sing the bhajan as they did in the prayer, why could they not act
according to its message, he asked' (CW-e, 89, #352, p.249).
Travelling to Madras at the end of January, Gandhi again stressed the need
for silence and decorum during the prayers: 'Addressing the gathering, Gandhji
called for silence, observing that unless they kept silence, they would not be able to
hear him. As there was no appreciable reduction in the noise coming from the
fringes of the vast gathering, Mahatmaji called for bhajan. ... According to the
report, 'Two women sang Raghupati Raghava Rajaram and the audience joined in
the chorus, making time with their hands'' (CW-e, 89, #426, p.320).
Gandhi referred to the faithful prayers of Draupadi, which had just been
heard in the bhajan, and asked an undisciplined section of the congregation '[i]f
they could not behave well even during bhajan, how would they behave when India
got freedom?' (CW-e, 89, #415, p.309-10). Two evenings later, he explained 'the
bhajan of Guru Nanak which was just sung' (CW-e, 89, #428, p.323), had asked the
listeners an important question, why go to the forest when God is within you? On the
following night, Gandhi referred again to the bhajan of the evening:
'Taking for his theme the text of the bhajan sung -- 'With the
grace of the Lord, everything can be achieved' -- [Gandhi said that]
reform would come, but "[o]nly when people were saturated with Rama
and Gurukripa -- God's grace -- as the song went. ... Gurukripa was the
greatest and most valuable help one could have. ... When His grace
filled one's being, nothing was impossible for one to achieve' (CW-e, 89,
#433, p.327).
277
In Bombay in March, 'Gandhiji explained a certain bhajan -- God's path is

that of a brave man. ... People ought to be prepared to uphold truth and non-
violence at all costs, even at the cost of death, ... as was stated in the bhajan....
Gandhiji exhorted the audience to pray to God so that He may grant them strength
and determination to die in the cause of the country' (CW-e, 90, #100, p.75).
In April from New Delhi, 'Gandhiji dwelt at length on the potency of mass
prayers. He ... paid a tribute to the people of Assam, who, in their thousands, joined
in the music at his daily prayers and responded to the rhythm of the Ramdhun.... He
emphasized that Rama, Allah and God are the same
[, h]e invited the people belonging to all faiths to join his prayers [, and h]e
congratulated the huge gathering on maintaining pin-drop silence throughout the
prayers' (CW-e, 90, #240, p.183). He asked that people pay attention 'to the need
for discipline and sit in regular rows instead of in a disorderly and haphazard
fashion' (CW-e, 90, #368, p.304), and referred to Surdas' bhajan, 'Sabase unchi
prem sagai,' [Ashram Bhajanavali #33] as an appropriate example of "love or
ahimsa" (CW-e, 91, #31, p.26).
Later in October of the same year, still in New Delhi, Gandhi again rebuked
the nation for having inflicted violence on one another in Bengal: 'Gandhiji
referred again to the tragic happenings in Noakhali and Tipperah districts.... The
fair name of Bengal was being tarnished..., the home of Gurudev, whose bhajan
they had just heard. The hymn asked God to make the devotee pure of heart and
fearless' (CW-e, 92, #501, pp.344-45).
Attempting to curb the communal violence which was increasing, Gandhi
used the bhajans at the prayer meetings in attempts to change people's behaviors
toward one another: 'Commenting on the Marathi bhajan sung by Shri Balasaheb
Kher, the Premier of Bombay, ... [Gandhi explained that i]n the bhajan Tukaram
makes the devotee say that he would prefer blindness to visions which could enable
278
him to harbour evil thoughts. Similarly, he would prefer deafness to hearing evil
speech (CW-e, 92, #562, p.388). Encouraging people to remain convinced of their
commitment to non-violence, Gandhi referred to a song by Rabindranath Tagore,
"Ekla Chalo Re," in which '[t]he burdon of the song, commented Gandhji, was that
the devotee should have the strength to walk alone in the face of difficulties
however great. If he realized that God was ever with him, he would not feel lonely.
The bhajan was not meant for evil-doers. They could not walk alone' (CW-e, 92,
#593, pp.412-13). The song, originally written in Bengali, began: 'Jodi tor dak soone
deu na asse, Tobe ekla chalo re, Ekla chalo ekla chalo ekla chalo re.'. 'If they
answer not to thy call, walk alone. Walk alone, walk alone, walk alone'.
In November of 1946, Gandhi spoke in Dattapar about the violence between
Hindus and Muslims: 'In the bhajan that was sung the poet has likened God to the
philosopher's stone. The proverbial philosopher's stone is said to turn iron into gold.
... God purifies the soul [in the same way] (CW-e, 93, #14, p.17). He continued to
call for that kind of 'purity,' which would result in Hindu-Muslim unity, and to
defend the use of Muslim and Buddhist prayers during the prayer-meetings:
'Gandhiji explained the meaning of the first mantra recited in the Ashram prayer:
Namyo Ho renge Kyo. Its purport is, "Salutation to the Enlightened Ones' (CW-e,
93, #106, p.82).
In December of 1946, at a prayer meeting in Sirampur,
'Speaking after prayer, Gandhiji chose as his theme the story

referred to in the bhajan which had just been sung. The chief of the
elephants had gone for a drink to the river when he was caught hold
of by an alligator. A furious struggle ensued, but in spite of his
strength, the elephant was dropped into deeper waters. When he was
on the point of being drowned, the elephant realized that his huge
strength was of no avail, and he prayed to God for succour. God, the
help of the helpless, came to his rescue and saved him from the jaws
of death' (CW-e, 93, #123, p.92).
279
1947
In 1947, the number of times that Gandhi referred to the evening's bhajan as
the text chosen for his public speech after the prayer meeting continued at a regular
pace, and at times, that rhythm increased significantly. Just as that rhythm
quickened, so will the rhythm of this examination in the on-going use of bhajans.
Rather than attempt to place quotations together and order them as per correlated
usage, this section will proceed not on a yearly basis, but on a monthly basis.
Communal tensions continued to increase between Hindus, Sikhs, and
Muslims. Gandhi used the sentiments of the shƒËéa–, while attempting to quell
communal tensions. When a crowd of people at a prayer meeting during April in
New Delhi had forcefully removed a Hindu attendee who had protested against the
use of Islamic prayers, Gandhi responded: 'You threw him out by force. What is the
point in offering prayers by resorting to force? The young man was in a rage and in
his anger was talking wild things. ... The shƒËéas just recited by this girl say that
when a man broods on objects of the senses...he is caught up in craving...then he is
possesed by wrath which leads to stupifaction' (Note 1 - Bhagavadgita II, 62 and 63)
[Ashram Bhajanavali p. 26]. Gandhi then informed the congregation that if even
one person protested the chanting of the Islamic prayers, that he would discontinue
the daily prayer meetings: 'Because I am a believer in such [a tolerant] India and
such a [tolerant] Pakistan, I would recite Auz-o-Billahi [Ashram Bhajanavali p. 14]
even while I recite the Gayatri and the Gita' (CW-e, 94, #237, pp.239-42).
During that same month, Gandhi spoke on Tagore's bhajan "Ekla chalo re:
"'It is of great significance to you as to all of us today. The essence of the bhajan is
that even in the darkest hour we may not lose hope and faith. ... Hindus and Muslims
might take to the law of the jungle, but they ought to remember that they are not
invertebrate animals but men standing erect' (CW-e, 94, #275, p.280). With his
radical adherence to non-violence in the midst of egregious atrocities which had
occurred, Gandhi spoke: 'I was warned that I would be killed. But I tell you that
280
even if all of you try to protect me you will not be able to save me from death. Even
doctors and hakims would be of no avail. Even Hakim Lukman, quoted in today's
bhajan [Note 1 - Hai bahara bagh by Nazir Akbarabadi] says in despair that the
grandeur of life is only transitory. Why then should we try to run away from death?
We ought to face death with courage' (CW-e, 94, #282, p.289). Furthermore, he
continued to attempt to bridge the growing gulf between Hindus and Muslims by
referring to Ramanaºa and appealing to Hinduism's history of the acceptance of
others' religions: '...[t]he bhajan by Tul–iÆa– ⁄– about two syllables Ra and ma. It
is...wrong to quarrel with anyone over the names -- Rama or Rahim. For, whether
we say Rama or Rahim, Krishna or Karim, God or Allah, we mean the One God....
Let me warn you,...if you let the fact of the Hindu majority turn your head and
attempt to eliminate other people, Hinduism is not going to benefit in any way. On
the contrary, it [will] perish' (CW-e, 94, #404, p.401).
In May of 1947, an article appeared in Bhangi Nivas from New Delhi, in
which Gandhi once more made mention of Tagore's Ekla Chalo re:
'Maybe, I am growing old and becoming senile. I am, therefore, left

all alone to plead for my line of thinking. Gurudev's [Tagore] bhajan --
Ekla Chalo re is my only consolation. Now my only wish is to sacrifice
myself in this effort. If nothing else, God will at least grant me this wish.
Remember, if you divide India today, tomorrow provinces and
states will be fragmented into smaller parts. And thus Rajputana,
Gujarat, Bihar, Delhi, Maharashtra and the Punjab also will folllow
suit. We might escape its consequences because we are on the brink
of death but generations to come will curse us at every step for the
kind of swaraj we shall have bequeathed to them' (CW-e, 95,
#15, pp.13-14).
At a public prayer meeting, held the same month, objections came again
concerning the inclusion of Islamic prayers. Gandhi requested that everyone
remain seated in silence before the next day's prayers: '...from tomorrow I shall
begin the prayer with Auz-o-Billahi and the prayer [will] be carried on if there is
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no obstruction from anyone. Otherwise, you will all sit in silence and pray in your
hearts, and go back peacefully' (CW-e, 94, #16, p.14).
When Gandhi travelled to Calcutta in May, he explained a Tagore hymn,
which had been offered, with the images of Asato ma [Ashram Bhajanavali, p. 32]
from the Upanishads: 'The purpose of the hymn was that God should take them
from darkness unto light, from untruth unto truth and from misery unto bliss
indefinable' (CW-e, 95, #37, p.52). While in Calcutta, exhausted and disappointed
with the turn of political events, he referred again to the sentiment of walking
alone:
'But now I do not feel that I can be of any use to any one.
Perhaps my mind is growing weak! Still, instead of taking rest at such a
critical juncture I would rather "do or die." I wish to die in harness, with
the name of Rama on my lips. My faith in this yajna is growing so strong
that I feel God will grant me this wish. I am the lone adherent of my
views today. But Gurudev's bhajan Ekla chalo re sustains me' (CW-e, 95, #64,
p.76).
When Gandhi returned to New Delhi, in June he received another request not
to read from the Q‹¿'an, to which he replied:
'In the bhajan, the gopi says that hearing the flute she wants to
go to the forest. But the bhajan is not meant only for women. We are all
like gopis before God. God by Himself is neither male nor female. For
Him there is no distinction of status, no distinction of birth. He can be
described only as 'not this, not this.' God resides in the forest that is the
heart and His flute is the voice within. We do not have to go to desolate
forests. We have to hear the divine music that goes on in our own hearts.
When each one of us starts hearing that sweet music, all would be well in
India.
We heard this bhajan at an opportune moment' (CW-e, #200, p.220-
21).
Two weeks later, on June 17, Gandhi spoke out against the proposed India/Pakistan
partition:
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'Today's bhajan says that in the company of the good one forgets the
notions of self and others and no one is an enemy or a stranger. This
indeed is the need of the hour. But everyone coming to me says, 'However
much you may shout, the separation is going to endure.' ...I shall continue
to say that what has happened has happened; only it should not be sealed
and made permanent' (CW-e, 95, #270, pp.292-93).
At the opening of a prayer meeting in early July, Gandhi spoke: 'You will
have understood the bhajan that has been sung. It was composed by Tukdoji
Maharaj of the Central Provinces. ...It says that Rama is accessible to one who has
suffered loss of home and property, the loss of friends and companions or suffers
from bodily disease' (CW-e, 95, #370, p.378). A few days later, he addressed the
crowd concerning recent events: 'You have heard the bhajan. It says that it makes
one laugh to think that a fish in water should remain thirsty. We are in the world of
God and we do not know God. It is our ill-luck, for God is always with us. As nails
are not apart from fingers, God is not apart from us. If a nail gets broken it causes
pain; similarly when one breaks from God, it is painful. India today is in pain' (CW-
e, 95. #390, p.392). The Hindustani Times of July 10 'reported that Ganhiji began by
referring to the bhajan which described love as the highest thing in the world -- the
best unifying force. Yudhishthira performed the yajna because he wished to
become the servant of his people through love -- in other words ahimsa' (CW-e, 96,
#30, p.19).
In mid-July, Gandhi declared that "[t]he bhajan just sung is very much to the
point, for we are today in great distress. ... To whom shall we go for help?
Nawaharlal Nehru?...Sardar Patel? ...this bhajan says that when we are in distress
we...go to God" (CW-e Vol. 96, #116, p. 78). On July 23, a note was passed forward
to Gandhi before the prayers which asked whether or not Gandhi had ever 'seen
God face to face.' Gandhi admitted that he had not, but that he did hold 'undying
faith' in God:
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'The bhajan sung during the prayers described the way to see
God face to face. The poet asked the aspirant to shed anger and desire
and to be indifferent to praise or blame if he expected to reach the
blessed state. Gandhiji compared nirvana to Ramarayja or the Kingdom of
Heaven on earth. The dream of Ramarajya was far from realization. How
could it happen when they had all along been nursing violence in their
hearts under the garb of non-violence?' (CW-e, 96, #178, p.120).
In September, following the granting of independence to India, along with

the partitioning of India and Pakistan, someone at the prayer meeting again
objected to the Al Fateha being chanted as part of the prayers. So the prayers were
not held that day (CW-e, 96, #508, p.400), and the next day Gandhi instructed the
congregation, telling them that 'people who object to certain verses being read
should abstain from attending the prayer meetings. All prayers should be able to be
recited' (CW-e, 96, #517, p.407). Violence towards and from the Sikhs had also
become a part of his daily speeches: 'The bhajan which you heard today applies
well to the present situation. We can all describe ourselves today as 'wrecked boats.'
...There is so much anger in the hearts of both the Hindus and the Muslims, that we
would not let the Muslims live in Delhi. The Hindus and the Sikhs have been driven
out of Pakistan' (CW-e, 96, #528, p.417). Gandhi encouraged the congregation to
find the similarities in their religious roots: 'If I had the time I would have narrated
so many things from the Hindu bhajans and kirtans that you would wonder whether
the religious sentiment depicted here belonged to Hinduism or Sikhism; (CW-e, 97,
#5, p.4). By the end of September, Gandhi reflected his disappointment with the
violence and the warring which had broken out on all sides: 'Brothers and Sisters, It
seems to me that we have all become savages. Both Hindus and Muslims have
turned savage. Who can determine who has committed more crimes and who has
commited less?' (CW-e, 97, #16, p.15).
In October, he acknowledged his deep despair: 'There is a bhajan which says
that hope springs from unending despair. This is true. It is a poetic expression. We
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desire to have a glimpse of hope concealed in the deepest despair' (CW-e, #67,
p.81); and he began to repeat more often his reliance on Ramanaºa: 'What I am
doing today is in the name of God. I trust Him. ... The bhajan which the girl sang a
moment ago says that one should repeat Ramanama. One should forget desire,
anger, attachment, infatuation, but never forget Ramanama becaue He is one's sole
refuge. It is for one to sing the bhajan and meditate on it' (CW-e, 97, #86, pp.103-
04).
'Ramanama is the greatest medicine.... Like the arrow of Rama

which never failed to hit the target, this medicine too never fails. But
one must be patient. ...My faith is much deeper now. The times have
changed but I have not. Prayer has an effect on those who listen to it
in good faith. ... If God wants something done through me He will keep
me alive, otherwise He will kill me by this cough' (CW-e,97, #86,
p.103).
In late October, he referred to a bhajan that concerned the love of the chakor
bird for the moon [Ashram Bhajanavali, # 151] (CW-e, 97, #97, p.114), as money
and blankets were collected for both untouchables and refugees.
'It is a great shock for a person, who has been dreaming of

freedom from his childhood days and who strove hard to achieve it,
that when freedom came, this poison has come along with it. This
pains me very much. .. "Let those who will, praise; and those who
will, blame" -- that is what we heard in the bhajan [Ashram Bhajanavali
# 159] today' (CW-e,97, # 138, p.151).
Then referencing a Kabir piece, he again praised Ramanama: "The inner meaning
of the bhajan is as Kabir says: 'While you possess elephants and horses and wealth
worth crores, my only possession is the name of Murari [Krishna]. ...The bhajan
only shows the greatness of Ramanama' (CW-e, 97, #170, p.183).
The principles of dying for a just cause were also found in the bhajans:
'This is the substance of the melodious bhajan we have heard

today. I shall dance with joy even if everybody in Kashmir has to die
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in defending this land. There would be no sorrow in my heart. The

world would go on as usual. All this is the play of God. But we have
always to make the effort and that consists in dying while doing the
right thing' (CW-e, 97, #170, p.186).
On October 31, Shri Dilip Kumar Roy, a celebrated singer from Aurobindo's
ashram at Pondicherry visited Gandhi during the day, and sang for him two national
songs, 'the Bande Mataram and Iqbal's the Sare Jehanman Achcha' (Delhi Diary,
121) [Ashram Bhajanavali, p. 232]. That evening Roy offered the bhajan, after
which, Gandhi explained:
'The bhajan says that we should make our heart like a temple
and install love in it. So this also teaches us non-violence. The
composer of this bhajan asks man why he should behave like a foolish and
ignorant man. He says that if one can light the lamp of live even if
only in the temple of one's heart, one will have won the goal of one's
life. After that he will see light and brightness in the whole world.
There will be no darkness anywhere. Similar miraculous power is to be
found in truth and non-violence' (CW-e, 97, #177, p.195).
On November 1, another objection was raised regarding the recitation of the

Islamic prayers. However, after the congregation agreed to render no violence to
the objector, and the objector agreed to render silence, the prayer meeting was
held. The following day Gandhi remarked about the nature of the sung-prayers:
'The prayer was all inclusive. God was known by many names.
In the last analysis the names were as many as human beings. It was
rightly said that even animals, birds and stones adored God. They would
find in the Bhajanavali a hymn by a Muslim saint which said the chirp of
birds in the morning and evening signified that they adored their Maker.
There was no sense in objecting to any part of the prayer because it was
selected from the Quran or from any other scripture' (Delhi Diary,
129-30).
Requests began to be made for Sikh scriptures to be included in the prayer

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meetings. Gandhi reminded the congregation that there were bhajans from the
Granthsaheb included in the Bhajanavali (CW-e, 97, # 204, p.229), and he spoke of
receiving a letter from a Sikh friend, who 'appreciate[d] the spirit of tolerance in
the prayer', although, he also felt that the addition of Sikh scriptures would be very
helpful to the Sikh community. Gandhi informed the congregation that the two of
them would meet and choose some appropriate passages (CW-e, 97,
#235, p.259).
In November, still in New Delhi, Gandhi referred to one evening's bhajan by
Miira∏ai" [Mhane chakar rakhoji - Note 1, CW-e, 97, p.274] remarking 'that all
their ills would be over if like Mirabai they became servants of God and God
alone" (Delhi Diary, p.158). Then, as November 12 was Diwali, Gandhi referenced
the celebration only with the sadness that 'there is no Ramarajya in India. ... For,
God alone can illumine our souls and only that light is real light. The bhajan [Note 2
- 'Light thy heart and sweep out from there evil thoughts and anger' - Ashram
Bhajanavali # 251] that was sung today emphasizes the poet's desire.... Today
thousands are in distress. Can you, everyone of you, lay your hand on your heart and
say that every sufferer, whether Hindu, Sikh or Muslim, is your own brother or
sister?' (CW-e , #272, p.297).
Two nights later, Gandhi once again 'took the bhajan of the evening as the
text for his discourse' (Delhi Diary, p.169), and expounded on his memories of how
that bhajan had sustained him during his 21-day fast:
'... this bhajan (Note 5 - Or nahim kachu kŸmake - 'I depend solely
on my Rama, all others are of no avail,' a bhajan by Tulsidas)
[Ashram BhajanŸvali, p. 93] had captured me. ... I would like to
mention only one thing in this connection, and it is that I survived for
21 days not because of an amount of water I used to drink, or the orange
juice which I took for some days, or the extraordinary medical care, but
because I had installed in my heart God whom I call Rama' (CW-e,
97, #283).
287
Several evenings throughout November, Gandhi referred to the evening's bhajan as

the texts for his discourse. On November 16, he referenced Mi¿a∏ai's bhajan in
which love of God for her was everything (CW-e, 97, #299, p.330), and, when on
November 23, the radio personnel complained to him that his post-prayer-meeting
speeches were extending beyond the allotted 15-minute time frame, Gandhi
apologized, but explained that 'he could not always observe the rule for his main
purpose was to reach the hearts of the audience that was physically before him. The
radio came next' (Delhi Diary, pp.199-200).
On December 4, Gandhi returned to the Sikh question, hoping to convince the
congregation that the Sikhs should not be viewed as outsiders: 'Who was Guru
Nanak, if not a Hindu? The Guru Granth was full of the teachings of the Vedas.
Hinduism was like a mighty ocean which received and absorbed all religious truths'
(Delhi Diary, p.234); and, he re-embarked on his campaign of Muslim-Hindu
communal unity, using especially the first verses of the Ishopanishad:
'You may ask why in that case Muslims indulge in such

barbarous behavior. ... Where are the Hindus who conduct themselves
according to the Gayatri?
We recite from Ishopanishad, 'All things are pervaded by the
Lord,'.... Let the Hindus but conduct themselves according to this one
single mantra. ... And yet we do not keep our hearts clean. It is a painful
thing'(CW-e, 98, #24, pp.30-31).
On the evening of December 31, Gandhi read from a letter sent by a woman
who expressed her appreciation for the broadcasting of his evening speeches,
however, she was disappointed that the 'hymns and bhajans' were not broadcast.
She suggested that, at least on occasion, the sung-prayers might be broadcast over
the radio as well as the speeches. Gandhi agreed: 'I do think the bhajans sung here,
however badly sung they may be, should be relayed' (CW-e, 98, #148, pp.149-50).
288
1948
Gandhi began 1948 by addressing the January 1st evening prayer meeting:
'Today is New Year's Day according to the English calendar. I am happy to see such
a large number of people gathered here' (CW-e, 98, #155, p.153). He then
admonished the crowd for taking so long to take their seats while the radio
broadcast was underway. He did not refer to any bhajan sung, but 'hoped that the
gathering would be even larger in the future, if all who attended would come in a
prayerful mood, for prayer was the food of the spirit. He hoped that those present
would not only maintain silence, but would carry shanti [peace] with them to their
homes' (Delhi Diary, p.303). On January 2, he commented that 'although the bhajan
that evening had been sung well, it was actually a bhajan meant for the morning'
(CW-e, 98, #162, p.160).
On January 13, Gandhi began a fast for communal unity between Sikhs,
Muslims, and Hindus. He was able to walk to the prayer grounds that evening, at
which the bhajan sung was Ekla chalo re:
'The song these girls sang was composed by Gurudev. We sang

it during our tours in Noakhali. A man walking alone calls to others to
come and join him. But if no one comes and it is dark, the Poet says,
the man should walk alone because God is already with him. I asked
the girls especially to sing this song which is in Bengali... Hindus and
Sikhs should cultivate this attitude if they are true to their religions'
(CW-e, 98, #239, p.226).
He also announced that he would not be attending the prayer meetings, as he would
be fasting, but at least one of "the girls," Abha or Manu, would be there to sing the
prayers. Although Gandhi was able to attend the meeting on January 14, on the
15th, he spoke two paragraphs of a speech to the congregation via a microphone,
and the rest of the speech was read to the congregation by Sushila Nayyar, his
physician (CW-e #247, 98, p.236). On the 16th, Gandhi spoke to the congregation
from his bed over a microphone; on the 17th he spoke over the microphone for
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about three minutes (CW-e,, 98, #253, p.248) while the rest of his speech was read
to the congregation.
On the 18th, following the signing of a promise of communnal unity between
the Sikhs, Muslims, and Hindus in Delhi, Gandhi broke his fast with sung-prayers,
which included Hindu, Buddhist, Islamic and Parsi scriptures, the singing of a
Christian hymn, a bhajan, and Ramdhun.
Following January 13, no bhajan seems to have been mentioned during his
fast. The regular rhythms of taking a hymn for the text of his public speech appear
to have been broken. After Gandhi broke his fast, he was still weak. He was carried
in a chair to the prayer grounds. On January 20, he was still being carried, but his
voice was weak and the microphone was not working. He spoke only a short time.
During that time, a bomb was exploded.
On January 21, again carried to the prayer ground, Gandhi apologized for
being late, and he addressed the congregation concerning the bombing. Although he
did not allude to any bhajan, he proclaimed: 'I want to go on uttering Ramanama
even if there should be shooting taking place all around me (CW-e, 98, #282,
p.283).
Consequent to the bomb explosion, Gandhi was still not well, recovering from
the fast, violence was increasing, and many conversations circled around the
possibility that there would be more attempts made on Gandhi's life. On January 22,
he walked to the prayer ground for the first time since ending the fast. On January
23, he quoted Tulsidas to mark Subhas Bose's [a militant independence fighter]
birthday: 'Subhas Babu was a votary of violence while I am a devotee of ahimsa.
But what does it matter?... 'The Lord has created this world full of lifeless and living
things and virtues and vices. The wise like the swan take the milk of virtue and
leave out the waste of water'' (CW-e, 98, #293, p.293). Gandhi also had a "frank"
talk with his grand-niece, Manu, regarding what he considered the yajna of her
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remaining with him, as he knew it was possible there would be other attempts to kill
him, and she was always in close proximity to him.
Following the last fast and the bomb scare, the regular rhythm of quoting
from the bhajans appears to have stopped. Questions naturally arise regarding
possible reasons for that. Was the routine simply interrupted? Concerned with
Gandhi's welfare, were other items considered as more important for inclusion in
the speeches? Had the radio personnel convinced Gandhi to keep his remarks
confined to only a 15-minute span of time? Where were the musicians who had
been coming to the prayers for so long? Were they still present?
Gandhi had been considering the possibility of leaving Delhi to travel to
Wardha for 12 days, but did not know when he would leave. On Jauanry 29: 'As you
say there is complete confusion. I am likely to leave here on the 2nd. It will be
decided tomorrow' (CW-e, 98, #318, p.325). At the prayer meeting that evening,
Gandhi reported: 'Of the things I wish to tell you, I have chosen six for today, for I
must finish in 15 minutes. ... I note that we are beginning a litle late, which is wrong.
Sushila has gone to Bahawalpur, to see the refugees still stranded there," and he
made one reference to the Gi™a which regarded not eating until after having
offered yajna' (CW-e, # 326, pp. 330-32). He then worked very late on the night of
January 29th in order to complete a draft of the Constitution for Congress.
His corresponce from the 29th had been voluminous, and on January 30,
Gandhi had many visitors. When two visitors from Kathiawar arrived and asked to
see him, Gandhi had replied: 'Tell them I shall talk with them during my walk after
the prayers, if I am alive' (CW-e, #334, p.339). Gandhi had prepared what he would
talk about at the evening prayer speech. It concerned a rumor that was circulating
concerning the possibility of a political rift between Congress President Jawaharlal
Nehru and Sardar Patel, the Deputy Prime Minister. A possible negotiation
concerning any rift was apparently what kept Gandhi in New Delhi, and both Nehru
and Patel had appointments to visit him that day. Sardar Patel was to see him at
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4.00 before the prayers, and Nehru was scheduled to meet with him at 7.00
following the prayers. It was the meeting with Sardar that caused Gandhi to be late
for the sung-prayers that day, but a scheduled meeting for negotiations with Nehru
had been the results of that meeting.
In Manu Gandhi's account of Gandhi's last walk to the prayer grounds, on
January 30, she mentions that, in the skirmish that occurred, she dropped Gandhi's
prayer ºala [rosary], his spittoon, and her notebook. However, in Pyarelal's
account, it was Gandhi's copy of the Ashram Bhajanavali that was dropped. As the
rhythms of the community had been interrupted, so had Gandhi's health and routine
been changed. His pattern of regularly taking the bhajan as his text for evening
discourse seems to have lapsed with his health. However this would have possibly
been an evening of renewed strength. Therefore, the question must be asked. If
Pyarelal's, the secretary's, account is true and consistent with events, and the
BhajanŸvali was being carried to the prayer grounds with him that evening, which
bhajan might Gandhi have used as his text that evening in the context of speaking
publically concerning any rifts between Nehru and Patel?
The purpose of this chapter has been to survey and encapsulate the various
ways in which Gandhi and his satyagraha community participated in ritual, beyond
the twice-daily sung-prayers which were described in the previous chapter.
Rappaport's schema of ritual, its features and its ways of functioning, have been
taken into account during the present survey. However, by way of summary, a few
words need to be added in regard to how the evidence of this chapter's contents
correlates with Rappaport's theory and structure.
First, beyond the regularized use of twice-daily sung-prayers, Gandhi used
ritual to surround those events that could be termed "dangerous" (such as fasting or
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public marches) with sung-prayers. While short, twice-daily rituals would have
helped, in Rappaport's terms, to shape and form developing behaviors, the longer
rituals of the fasts and marches would have had a deeper psychological, longer-
lasting, and transformative effect on Gandhi and those around him. Gandhi also
performed other rituals within the community, such as marriages and funerals.
Second, Rappaport has written that one of ritual's most significant aspects is
its ability to bind people together, to harmonize differences, to meld them into the
Middle Order of Meaning of communitas. Materials presented in this chapter serve
to illustrate the extent to which Gandhi used the ritual materials from the
Bhajanavali to create that sense of communitas, first within the satyagraha
community (on both organizational and personal levels), then within the nation
(Hindu, Muslim and Sikh), and eventually within the world.
Third, "self-referentiality" is that aspect of ritual which Rappaport has
defined as related to the present time, the ordinary, the every-day events of
common life. As Gandhi often used whichever bhajan was sung at the evening
prayer meetings as his text on which to expound when speaking to the congregation,
the nation, and the world. In this, the "self referential" material, based on the
content of the sung-prayers, increased. It was observed in Chapter Three, that the
twice-sung daily prayers had over time become more formalized and less self-
referential. It was specifically mentioned that, with the additions of material from
other religions considered to be canonical, there would have been less time for the
singing of bhajans (a more self-referential element of the ritual). This would have
remained the case, except for the fact that, later in his career, Gandhi began
speaking about the prayers after the prayers. On his tours around India, he
encouraged the use of these sung-prayers, upon which he felt the need to comment
and to give instruction. He engaged in the process of connecting the sung-prayers,
the shlokas, the Gi™a, and the bhajans, to people's every-day life experiences and
current events, encouraging them in meditational practices and non-violent modes
293
of living. Therefore, with the addition of the public speeches about the prayers, the
two strands of canonical and self-referential materials intertwined within the sung-
prayers became more equally represented.
Finally, in summary, it must be said that whereas, if Lutgendorf's comments
concerning Gandhi's having had the personna of a katha-vacak [story-teller] of the
Ma≤as are true, then Nagler's comments regarding Gandhi's use ofthe Ashram
Bhajanavali are equally true. Having placed these sung-prayers within the context
of their daily usage, in their sitz im leben, it is with the closeof this chapter, that the
extent to which these prayer-songs were central to Gandhi's life and work can be
recognized. The breadth, width, and depth of their usage affected all areas of
Gandhi's interaction with the world, as evidenced above in the many ways in which
he acted out of them. Nagler has suggested (BP, 23) that just in the way St.
Augustine lived out of the Psalms, so Gandhi lived out of these sung-prayers. In
further refinement of Nagler's observation that the Psalms were the "grammar" of
Augustine's "mind," it must be asserted (to use an analogy in harmony with
Rappaport's rarified High Level of Divine Order Enacted) that the sung-prayers of
the Ashram BhajanŸvali were the "life-song" of Gandhi's "heart."
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CHAPTER FIVE. GANDHI, MU SIC, SUNG PRAYER, AND

RITUAL
I can recall occasions when a hymn sank deep into me though the same thing
expressed in prose had failed to touch me.
-- Mohandas K. Gandhi
GANDHI AND THE POWER O F M USIC

It is in this chapter that supportive evidence from the fields of musicology,
phenomenology, and neurophysiology will be offered to support Rappaport's
understanding of ritual in the context of Gandian satyagraha, and grasp how and
why Gandhi's use of the sung-prayers was so effective. We will begin with a
discussion of Gandhi and music.
As with his many other "experiments" meant to form and reform the nation
of Indian, to which he was deeply devoted, Gandhi loved music. 'The art form that
appealed to him most was music, especially religious music' (Parel 2006, p.166).
Anthony J. Parel has even noted that, while Gandhi was deeply involved in
establishing the All-India Music Conferences, musical festivals, and establishing
music schools, "[p]erhaps Gandhi's great contribution to religious music was the
compilation, with the help of Khare, of the Ashram Hymnal...." (Parel 2006, p.166.)
The music that Gandhi would have heard while growing up in Gujarat would
have been quite eclectic. As described above, his home town of Porbandar was
culturally diverse. He would have been exposed to the simple Vaishnava melodies
to Krishna "within the household" and at one temple his mother attended; these,
however, would be difficult to trace at this point (individual correspondence with
ethnomusicologist, Meilu Ho; see Mielu Ho 2006, The Liturgical Music of the Pusti
Marg of India, for an indepth study of more modern musicians in Braj). However, as
Gandhi's mother also attended the Pranami Temple, Gandhi would have been
hearing the Qur'an, as well as possibly Sufi songs. His father had always invited
musicains and philosophers of diverse backgrounds to their home, and as his father
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grew close to death, Gandhi would have heard the Gita being chanted to his father,
as well as the chanting of the Ramcaritmanas by pandit Ladha Maharaj of
Bileshvar, a great devotee of Rama, and of whom it was said he had cured himself
of leprosy by chanting the Manas.
Gandhi's regard for music was multi-faceted. He himself was not a trained
musician; however, he was aware of how music affected him, and how it affected
others: 'Music has given me peace. I can remember occasions when music instantly
tranquilized my mind when I was greatly agitated over something. Music has
helped me to overcome anger (CW-e, 43, #322, p.256). On many occasions, he used
music as soothing medicine while fasting, or when ill: I am so fond of music that
once, while I was in [S. Africa] and ailing from a bruise on my upper lip, I felt
greatly soothed as the daughter of a friend of mine sang the song, 'Lead, Kindly
Light' at my request (CW-e, 27, #5, p.4, 2 February1924, p. 4.) He once wrote an
ailing colleague: 'Half your medicine will be Raihana's music....' (CW-e, 80, #806,
p.466), and at the time of Kasturbai's (his wife's) dying while she was in prison, he
requested of the prison officials that Kanu Gandhi (younger son of Narandas
Gandhi), be allowed to visit her, for some light nursing duties, but primarily, for the
purpose of singing bhajans to her which would provide comfort and soothing (CW-
e, 83, #277, p.440).
Gandhi did not claim to know music, but he held deep respect for its powers:
'When I hear Gita verses melodiously recited I never grow weary of hearing and
the more I hear the deeper sinks the meaning into my heart. Melodious recitations
of the Ramayana which I heard in my childhood left on me an impression which
years have not obliterated or weakened' (CW-e, 43, #322, p.256). 'I can recall
occasions when a hymn sank deep into me though the same thing expressed in prose
had failed to touch me. I also found that the meaning of hymns...burns itself on my
mind when they have been properly sung (CW-e, 43, #322, p.256).
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He recommended continually that ashramites and his devotees study music

(CW-e, 57, #16, p.11). He commented on more than one occasion that music and
sung-prayers should be taught to children when they were very young, for those
were the early years when impressions could shape their character for the good.
The ideal primary school, he felt, should teach children music, but even when
children could be only home-schooled by their mothers, Gandhi felt a good
education could be had at home, as
'[the mother] will not tolerate it if the children do not sing in

chorus and in a sweet voice national songs, devotional songs, etc.
She will teach them to sing in rhythm. If she is a good teacher, she
places a one-string instrument in their hands, [and] gives them
cymbals' (CW-e Vol. 46, #68, p. 79).
Mu sic Produces Synchronized, Non-Violent Behavior
Gandhi felt adamantly that music and sung-prayer would move India towards
swaraj. 'Why I cannot even conceive of an evolution of the religious
life of India without music' (CW-e, 27, #5, p.5, 1925). He was not referring,
however, to any kind of music; he was specifically referring to music whose
purpose was to uplift people. 'There is no harm in attending a music or dance
performance, provided there is nothing obscene in it (CW-e, 66, #583, p.391).
He referred early on to music's abilities to organize people and to support
civilized behaviors:
'[Music] exercises a powerful influence over us. We do not

realize this vividly enough, otherwise we would have done everything
possible to teach music to our boys and girls....Harmonious music has
the power to soothe the anguish of the soul. At times, we find
restlessness in a large gathering. This can be arrested and calmed if a
national song is sung by all. That hundreds of boys may sing a poem
full of courage and the spirit of adventure and bravery and be inspired
with the spirit of adventure and bravery and be inspired with the spirit
of heroism is no commonplace fact. We have an example of the power
of music in the fact that boatmen and other labourers raise, in unison,
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the cry of Harahar and Allabeli and this helps them in their work. I
have seen English friends trying to fight cold by singing songs.
...Just as a trained singer never sings out of tune or at the wrong
time, even so one who has learnt classical music will not go in for
street music. Music must get a place in our efforts at popular awakening
(emphasis added)' (CW-e, 16, #37, p.92, 1917)
He was especially interested in music's ability to bring about regulated,

calming behavior.
'Where there is discord and everyone striking his own tune, there is
bad government or anarchy. Work for swaraj fails to appeal to us because
we have no music in us. When we have millions of people singing in
harmony or taking God's name in unison, making one music, we shall
have taken the first step to svaraj' (CW-e, 34, #184, p.436)_.
He mentioned one incident in which a crowd of people were beoming negatively,

racially motivated toward a foreigner who had entered their midst. There
happened to be a musician in the crowd, and '[h]e discoursed sweet music which
soon had its effect. The ire on their faces...began to vanish; their hearts were
softened' (CW-e,36, #387, p.340).
'India is today quickly passing through the mob-law state.
We must then evolve order out of chaos. And I have no doubt that
the best and the speediest method is to introduce the people's law
instead of mob-law.
One great stumbling block is that we have neglected music.
Music means rhythm, order. Its effect is electrical. It immediately
soothes. I have seen, in European countries, a resourceful superinten-
dent of police by starting a popular song controlling the mischievous
tendencies of mobs' (CW-e, 21, 1920, p.247).
Gandhi was interested in the discipline that especially rhythm,

could provide, along with the coordinated, synchronized movements of large
groups of people which music could induce, as illustrated in this speech he later
delivered at a Boy Scouts' Rally:
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'The object of mass drill is to enable large bodies of people to

perform any movement rhythmically and swiftly and with absolute
precision. ... There is a silent music in disciplined movement of masses of
men and women. ... There is a rhythm and music in drill that makes action
effortless and eliminates fatique. If the whole nation of 300 millions could
be drilled so as to move together and act together and if necessary die
together as one man, we should attain independence without striking a
blow and set an example of a peaceful revolution for the whole world to
emulate (emphasis added)' (CW-e, 74, #454, 1938, p.341).
Sung-Prayers Produce Synchronized Non-Violent Reaction

The same principles of sychronized non-violence were of interest to Gandhi
from the beginning of the time of instituting daily sung-prayers to the time of
nationally emanating and advocating the practice:
'Music brings sweetness to the individuaal and to the social life
of the people. Even as pranayama [breath-control] is necessary for the
regulation of breath, so is music for disciplining the breath.
Dissemination of the knowledge of music among the people will greatly
help in controlling and stopping the noise which is a usual feature of
public meetings in this country. Music pacifies anger and its judicious
use is highly helpful in leading a man to the vision of God' (CW-e
42, #206, p.187, 1928).
Gandhi equated swaraj with harmony, musical harmony, sung-prayer

harmony: 'The prevalent discord of today is an indication of our sad
plight. There can be no swaraj where there is no harmony, no music'
(CW-e,34, #184, p.436, 1926). This analogy of harmony became, over time, an
important signifier to Gandhi of swaraj, of Ramarajya. Each person participating,
whether in an ashram, house, or village was perceived as "one" joining "the many"
in harmony. The perception was returned in kind. Gandhi's ashram experiments
were affecting the nation. Sung-prayers had become a synchronized, harmonizing
program of swaraj. The nation knew when and where Gandhi was praying, and
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whether they joined him in every evening prayer, or even morning prayer, the
nation was attuning itself in harmony with Gandhi's education and guidance.
'If we can conduct ourselves unitedly as we have done in

maintaining the rhythm of the bhajan sung, then whatever injury is
inflicted on us and however wronged we may be as the result of the
visitation of Nature of polity of the State, we will be the master of
the situation and keep our head unbent' (CW-e, 89, #164, p.109).
Gandhi was also interested in the quality of music and its substance to linger,
to remain with the listener for long periods of time. While he felt that the only
"real" music was that "which uplifts the soul" (CW-e, 86, #269, p.143), he was also
concerned that the Gita or Manas sections recited during
prayers would not simply be "uplifting" at the time chanted, but that they would
inspire non-violent actions at later times when called on for support.
'It is not only the music, but the substance that has been
haunting me the whole day. You do not come to prayer to listen to
music, or to admire this man's or that man's voice, but in order that
you may carry with you for the day something from what you hear
to guide and inspire you in all your actions' (CW-e, 41, #123, p.102).
He was more interested in the sung-prayers than in music per se. '...music
at the time of prayers is a form of enjoyment, for the experience of sweetness is a
pleasure. But we wish to learn renunciation through this enjoyment (CW-e, 48,
#381, p.368. The music of the sung-prayers was not entertainment.
Music was meant for service (CW-e, 98, #421, p.381), and as training for the
satyagrahis. The content of the sung-prayers were to be taken in, learned, and
lived:
'I have already referred to [music's] ordinary meaning above,
but its deeper meaning is that our whole life should be sweet and
musical like a song. It goes without saying that life cannot be made
like that with the practice of virtues such as truth, honesty, etc. To
make life musical means to make it one with God, to merge it in Him.
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He who has not rid himself of raga [desire)]and dwesha [hatred], i.e.
likes and dislikes, who has not tasted of the joy of service, cannot
have any understanding of celestial music. A study of music, which
does not take account of this deeper aspect of this divine art, has
little or no value for me '(CW-e, 42, #306, p.188).
Gandhi explained many times the purpose of prayer in almost the same
language in which he spoke about this spiritual music. The purpose of both music
and sung-prayer was self-purification and union with the Divine.
'Prayer saves you from impure thoughts; that is no small benefit

of prayer. But that is only the first step. It is not that while praying one
has to remain absorbed only in the meaning of the prayer for, when one
is really absorbed in the prayer, one is not conscious of its meaning.
In that state, we are aware only of God. Language is an obstacle at
the time. I am unable to describe this state of mind. The purpose of
prayer is to be single-minded in devotion. The purpose of collective
prayer is to be single-minded in devotion collectively and the individual
has to lose himself in the group. The individual loses himself or herself
in the group and the group loses itself in God' (CW-e, 45, #164, p.175, 1929).
In a way similar to Rappaport's description of the ritual participant moving through

the low-level order of meaning of the ritual, into the middle-level order of meaning
in which similarities discovered mitigate the use of language as a helpful qualifier,
the participants moves into "being one" with the group, and eventually the group
moves in communitas to "being one" with God. While Rappaport describes the
process in terms of orders of meaning, and Gandhi uses the meditational terms of
"single-minded devotion" and the experience of "losing" oneself in God, taken
from the Gita, the Yoga-Sutra, or another Hindu scripture, the results would appear
to be very much the same.
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Spiritual Development
Over time, Gandhi came to see music, and especially the singing of the
prayers as a means for spiritual development. In 1924, he wrote to Narayan M.
Khare, the ashram's music director, concerning his awareness of the spiritual
elements of music: 'Bhai Panditji, ... I have gradually come to look upon music as a
means of spiritual development. Please try your best to see that all of us sing our
bhajans with a correct understanding of the sense. Inmates of the Ashram do not yet
become one with the songs they recite' (CW-e, 29, #193, p.237). Furthermore as
satyagraha gained national strength, Gandhi's followers organized bhajan parties to
educate more and more people.
In regards to Gandhi's perception of music as being multi-faceted, he spoke
often of inner music or Divine music. Along the lines of Hazrat Inayat Khan, the
great musician who brought The Music of Life, as well as an understanding of
music as a spiritual manifestation of celestial harmony, to the West, Gandhi
elaborated on Divine music and on the hearing of the celestial spheres. In 1929,
wrote: "Divine music is going on all the time where God is and we can only imagine
what it is like. Collective prayer is a rationally inexplicable attempt to join in that
music, and he who joins in that music is for ever in a state of bliss" (CW-e, 45, #164,
p.175). In 1936, while describing meditational processes, he wrote, "...beyond the
perception of the sense-organs.... I experience every moment the presence of the
atman (soul) and there I occasionally catch the echoes of the divine music within.
With effort you, too, can hear the music if you wish. It is not the music that another
can help one hear" (CW-e. 69, 1936, p.210). '...[I]f you attune yourself to the divine
nightly manifestations, you will hear the soft and soothing music of the spheres'
(CW-e, 77, #324, p.272, 1940).
The perception of this celestial music was connected with the act of "losing"
one's self in God. 'We can feel Him, if we will but withdraw ourselves from the
senses. The divine music is incessantly going on within ourselves, but the loud
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senses drown out the delicate music which is unlike and infinitely superior to
anything we can perceive or hear with our senses' (CW-e, 69, #143,
p. 127).
As taught in yogic meditation, through the process of pratyahara (drawing in
of the senses), these sounds may manifest themselves in the heart, and Gandhi
proclaimed: 'Music does not proceed from the throat alone' (CW-e,90, #298, 243).
'Such worship or prayer is no flight of eloquency; it is no lip-homage. It springs
from the heart. If, therefore, we achieve that purity of the heart when it is 'emptied
of all but love,' if we keep all the chords in proper tune, they 'trembling pass in
music out of sight'' (Gandhi 2000, p.60).
Many of the bhajans in the Ashram Bhajananavali speak of this kind of
experience of celestial music, and offer stories of the poet-sages who, hearing this
music, leave their homes to live spiritually-inspired, mendicant lives. The story of
Princess Mirabai following the sounds of Krishna's beloved flute, which Gandhi
quoted often, is an obvious example. 'In the bhajan, the gopi says that hearing the
flute she wants to go to the forest...We are all gopis before God...God resides in the
forest that is the heart and His flute is the voice within. We do not have to go to
desolate forests. We have to hear the divine music that goes on in our own hearts.
When each of us starts hearing that sweet music, all will be well with India'
(emphasis added) (CW-e, 95, #200, Speech at Prayer Meeting, June 6, 1947,
pp.229-21). (Only a few days earlier, it had become clear that Pakistan would split
from India in the move for independence.)
Gandhi had also, with assistance from Khare and Kalelkar, over a period of
time collected those pieces into the Ashram Bhajanavali from various religious
traditions that would have been representative of this Divine music, as Divine
music would speak to all. 'True music lifts up people. There is no place in it for
communal differences and hostility' (CW-e,86, #291, p.155).
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The Mu sic of the Cha rkha

A further illustration of the "multi-faceted" perception which Gandhi held
for music were his continual references to the "music" of the charkha, the small
spinning wheel which he so respected: 'The music of the spinning wheel is superior
to any I know; for it is the music that finally clothes the naked (CW-e, 17, #339,
p.369). Gandhi encouraged all of India to take up the spinning of cotton, in order to
make home-spun material and be freed from dependence on British cloth. ...[w]hat
I want is the music of the charkha should be heard in every home and no cloth
except khadi [cotton] should be seen (CW-e, 98, #20, p.26). This was, for him, one
of the primary answers which would enable India to break free of England's
material hold on India.
Gandhi spent months searching for the proper equipment, old equipment
which had been lost or lain forgotten, in order to reconstruct the correct ways of
processing cotton. He was convinced that reviving the instruments and teaching
India to spin would be the equivalent of financial resurrection.
The production of home-made cloth would allow financial freedom, but
Gandhi often referred to this in ways other than financial or commercial. 'Take to
spinning. The music of the wheel will be as a balm to your soul. I believe that the
yarn we spin is capable of mending the broken warp and woof of our lives. The
charkha is the symbol of non-violence on which all life, if it is to be real life must be
based" (CW-e Vol. 94, #287, p. 291). He spoke of the charka as a mendicant: "Music
of a well-running wheel or wheels was most soothing for the mind and the spirit" '
(CW-e,92, #604, p.419); '...the music of the wheel is an aid to contemplation' (CW-e,
75, #370, p.414).
He spoke of the charkha as a social leveler: 'The music of the charkha
murmers sweetly that we are all one, born to be equal sharers in the good of the
earth with no one higher or wealthier' (CW-e, 92, #326, p.225) and
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'when India has monotonously worked away turning out swaraj, she will have
produced a thing of beauty which will last for ever' (CW-e, 24, #66, pp.111-12). It
was a symbol of India, of Indian independence, and of the Indian hearth regained:
'A Christian lady writes:...'The spinning wheel will give India
work, and give the little ones the morsel of food they are caring for.
And to the music of the spinning-wheel the women will sing their
beautiful songs, tell their stories of old, and the beauty and the
contentment of simple homelife will be renewed' (CW-e, 23,
#157, p.346).
For Gandhi, the charkha was the equivalent of swaraj, the way to accomplish
swaraj, and he praised its sound almost as if it were one of the highly-regarded,
ancient Indian instruments of the past: 'It gives sweeter music and is more
profitable than the execrable [abominable] harmonium, concertina, and the
accordian' (instruments which had all been imported into India, and were as such,
"foreigners," enemies of swaraj) (CW-e, 21, #46, p.72.
For Gandhi's seventy-eighth birthday (which would turn out to be his last),
All-India Radio broadcast a special program dedicated to the celebration of his
birthday. When asked if he would like to listen to the radio, he answered in the
negative. '[H]e preferred rentio (spinning wheel) to radio. The hum of the spinning-
wheel was sweeter. He heard in it the 'still sad music of humanity' ' (CW-e, 97,
App.1, p.475).
Mu sical In st ruments
The musical instruments that are mentioned in the Collected Works and other
secondary sources as being possibilities for accompaniment to the sung-prayers are
the ekatara (or ektar - a one-stringed instrument), the tamboora (a 4-stringed
drone), zanz (finger cymbals), pakhaj (a kind of drum), drums, kartals (a two-piece
rhythm instrument able to be held in one hand and clapped together), and the
harmonium (a small instrument similar to the portative reed organ, which sits on the
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ground, with bellows pumped by hand). The vina and sitar, more elaborate stringed
instruments, were also mentioned.
Instrumental accompaniment was not always assured, as the satyagrahis
travelled, and they were also oftened imprisoned. If instruments were available,
they were used (and others than those mentioned were no doubt alsoused), but the
prayers were sung regardless of musical accompaniment being available or not.
One visitor to Sevagram Ashram during the mid-30s and 40s wrote about the
experience of sung-prayers there: 'Then we sang a lot of hymns, keeping time with
tiny metal finger cymbals or by clapping our hands. Bapu had a thin, uncertain
singing voice, which was never quite in tune with the others. One of his favorite
hymns was the Christian hymn 'Lead, Kindly Light,' but neither he nor anyone else
ever mastered the tune' (Mehta 1976, p.9).
Although there are mentions of one person or another playing the
harmonium or taking lessons, Gandhi was not a supporter of the harmonium. It was
an instrument which had been brought into India from the West, and he did not feel
it was aligned with the purposes of svaraj. Nor did he approve of the brass band,
another import from the West, although popular at Indian ceremonial events.
Throughout his career, he fought for the use of India's own instruments, while
discouraging the use of the harmonium. As early as 1918, while visiting a remote
village, where the native instruments would have still been more prevalent, he
wrote:
'When I entered Palaj [a small town in Gujarat] I noticed that there

was no band there but instead there were the zanz (1 = cymbals) and the
pakhaj (2 = tabor/drum). Hearing them, I remembered my childhood days.
The feelings of devotion they express, their sweetness and their art, I do
not find in the band. The band is a foreign thing; the zanz and the pakhaj
are our own. The band is an imitation, a novelty. They are ancient. The
band may sound pleasant to the English and others, but it certainly does
not to me. Our ancestors invented an instrument that suited our country;
for us, too, it is the only thing. In our religious ceremonies, both instrumental
and vocal music find a place. Our native tunes have the
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power to elevate people from their fallen state; the band has no such power.
Why should we, then, give up simple, beautiful and sweet things as
the zanz and the pakhaj?
The difference between the band and the zanz-pakhaj is the
difference between modern and ancient ways. If our struggle is the same
kind of thing as this band, it will come to nought. Just as the zanz-pakhaj
suggest a number of ideas, our struggle also has beautiful truths
underlying it. If you grasp them clearly, we shall get wonderful results
out of them' (CW-e, 16, #309, p.451, Speech at Sunuv, 22 April1918).
Concerning the harmonium, when asked what instruments should be taken up

in order to learn music, he replied: 'Harmonium in only a stage away from the
concertina. I should give them the vina and the sita [sic = sitar]. These are cheap,
national and infinitely superior to the harmonium' (CW-e, 17, #87, p.111,
2 July 1918,). His primary objection to the harmonium was that it was an imported
instrument, and even those instruments whose parts were sent from the West and
then assembled in India did not represent a national instrument worthy of swadeshi.
'The new meaning of swadeshi was not that they should put together the several
parts of an article, say a watch or harmonium, imported from abroad and label it as
swadeshi, but their swadeshi now consisted of every part being made in India (CW-
e, 32, #149, p.224, 31 July 1925).
In regard to musical instruments, Gandhi was in agreement with Ananda
Kentish Coomaraswamy, an eminent art-historian, who held the harmonium in
great distain, not only as an instrument unrepresentative of svadeshi, but also for
the extent to which the harmonium destroyed the refinements of Indian music.
'Such [vocal] effects, so intimately dependent, in the degree and

manner of their expression, upon the musician's individual mood and
powers, cannot be written down, and so it is that an Indian air, set down
upon the staff and picked out note by note on a piano or harmonium
becomes the most thin and jejune sort of music that can be imagined,
and many have abandoned in despair all such attempts at record'
(Coomaraswamy 1909, p.177).
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'...the employment of the piano or harmonium prove fatal to the

delicacy and purity of Indian music, because of the limitation to exact
and mechanically limited ranges of notes; and the harmonium
especially from its destructive effect upon the quality of the voice and
fatal effects on individual taste and refinement' (Coomaraswamy 1909,
pp.173-74).
Again, in 1925, when speaking at the Villagers' Meeting in Pudupalayam

[Tamil Nadu], Gandi praised the use of national instruments, expressing a desire to
return to the use of the older stringed instruments:
'Friends, [i]t gives me great pleasure to be able to meet you all in

this out-of-the-way place, and on seeing the musical instruments here, I
wished to hear some of your songs in your own natural way. I know that
songs play an important part in the development of national life. But there
is song and song and there is all the difference between different
varieties. There is song that ennobles and there is song that degrades; and
when you get a real, good song full of devotion and fervour, it ennobles.
Such are some of our old songs all over India. In days of old, we had our
own string instruments, but today the harmonium has displaced those noble
instruments. I wish that we could revert to the stringed instruments. They
produce a deeper melody and so far as I am concerned they have a far
more soothing effect on me than a harmonium' (CW-e, 30, #266, p.458,
21 March 1925- emphasis added).
Involved in conferences, and Congress meetings, Gandhi had to clarify to

others in charge what the true meaning of swadeshi meant: "We had come to
bestow the name of 'swadeshi' on those musical instruments or clocks whose parts
had all been imported but which had been assembled here. We now know that
practical and widespread swadeshi means hand-woven khadi made of hand-spun
yarn" (CW-e, 32, #172, to Chairmen of Meetings, August 9, 1925, p. 277), thus, once
more establishing that the harmonium was not "swadeshi." Again, when planning
for an exhibition in 1930, which was to include a display of musical instruments, he
insisted:
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'Nothing but swadeshi goods should be admitted. Only that may be

called swadeshi which is wholly made in India by indigenous skill and for
predominantly Indian shareholders where the concern is controlled by a
company. Thus a harmonium whose parts are imported and only put
together in India is in no sense swadeshi, nor is cloth woven from foreign
yarn swadeshi.... '(CW-e, 45, #230, 16 January 1930, p.233).
He continued the battle as he received news in 1934 that the Congressional

sessions were to include both a cinema and a brass band. Asking whether the
Congress were being turned into a circus, he wrote to object to such modern
changes: 'But only traditional instruments should be used in such a programme. I
can see no room at all for a band' (CW-e, 64, #461, p.389, 4 September 1934).
Gandhi felt that the harmonium had overtaken Indian music. 'Indian music of the
best type is a decaying art for want of encouragement. We little know the
wonderful results that the simple musical instruments of India yield (CW-e, 25, #44,
p.108). He felt strongly enough about this to become personally involved in
collecting older, national instruments, which were being overtaken by the
'execrable harmonium': 'I have collected some village instruments which you will
see. They are no more to be found' (CW-e, 70, #124, 23 November 23, 1936, p.110).
When asked about her remembrances of Gandhi's sung-prayer meetings
which she attended in Delhi, Shri Karunamayee replied that she recalled the
tamboora(s) being used most often, but very seldom the harmonium (see
Chapter 6).
TH E POWER OF SUNG R ITUA L

As will be recalled, Rappaport has established that '[o]ne of the fundamental
properties of communitas is the blurring of distinction between self and other...
[This seems] to extend the self-unification characteristic of numinous
experience...beyond the self to the congregation or even to the world as a whole'
(Rappaport 1999, p.380). In ritual participation, one's perceptions of things
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previously judged to be separate and distinct, can change as hidden similarities are
discovered. 'The revelation of the hidden oneness of all things of one's participation
in such a great oneness may be the core message of communitas" (Rappaport,
p.381). '...[A]s a social group moves as a coordinated whole into the temporal region
of the organic, members may sense that they are, for the nonce, bound together as
tightly as the parts of a single animal. Under such conditions the existence of a
larger being of which participants are parts may become palpable to each of them
as each of them gives up his or her separate identity for the time being' (Rappaport
1999, p.225). At the same time, those streams of information being received during
ritual participation can serve to connect participants to the future, as well as to the
past, in a process that Rappaport has termed Divine Order Enacted: "That which
occurs in ritual's intervals is not historical, but happening once, is timeless, and to
participate in a canon is to escape from time's flow into 'what is, in fact, often
regarded as the unbounded, the infinite, the limitless,' the everlasting, the
unambiguously moral, the absolutely true and the immortally vital" (Rappaport
1999, p.234).
Rappaport and the Power o f Sung R itual

Rappaport expands at several junctures on these principles, noting that within
the ritual context, the use of music or chanting can provide an even stronger
experience of communitas: 'To sing or dance in concert or in unison with others...is,
literally, to act as part of a larger entity, to participate in it; ...[The] everyday self
dissolves in communitas of participation...[and] the larger entity becomes palpable'
(Rappaport 1999, p.404). In other words, physical boundaries are dissoved more
easily with song, and the medium itself is palpably experienced in the participant's
physical body.
'The members of the congregation may experience the Ultimate

Sacred Postulates not only through their ears and eyes, but coming out
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of their own bodies in song, or forcing entry into their bodies through
the beat of drums.... The self-unification of participation in ritual is
more comprehensive than that of aesthetic contemplation, for it
embraces the somatic as well as mental process, and thus may bring the
acts and sensations of the body into the mind's computations' (Rappaport
1999, p.388).
Chanting allows the physical sensations of the body to meld with the meaning
of the words in a way that deepens the process of comprehension, integration, and
retention. In the process of experiencing Rappaport's Middle Order Meaning,
especially through music, 'alterations of consciousness are not 'mere Dionysic
ends'...[but function] in the service of the integration of consciousness and
unconsciousness' (Rappaport 1999, p.388). Likewise, additional gravitas is awarded
the words of ritual when music magnifies them.
Ultimately, then, this chanting, this sung-prayer format enables a deeper and
more immediate experience of entering into the realm of High Order Meaning, of
entering into the realm of the Divine. 'To sing with others, to move as they move in
the performance of ritual, is not merely to symbolize union. It is in and of itself to
reunite in the reproduction of a larger order' (Rappaport1999, p.220). This
corresponds to bringing Heaven to earth, to Enacting the Divine Order, to
manifesting divinity, to uniting Brahman [The Ultimate; God] with srisht⁄
[creation]. This is no doubt the insight of Mohandas Gandhi as he wrote to his
grand-niece Manu in September Ëf 1947: '[a] bhajan is not an exercise in singing; it
should make us one with God' (CW-e, 96, #505, p.398).
The Power of Sound In R itual Pa rticipation

Gilbert Rouget has addressed the powers and the influence that sound and
music have on ritual participants in his book Music and Trance. Rouget incorporates
John Cage's estimation that "everything is music," and uses the term "music" in a
very broad context, not as art, but "in its most empirical and broadest sense
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...extending from the most discreet rustling sounds...to a tiny iron bell...to the most
elementary monody...from the linearity of a simple motif produced by clapping
hands...to the most complex vocal polyphonies" (Rouget 1985, p.63). Rouget breaks
down how music is experienced by human beings into four categories:
"physiologically, psychologically, affectively, and esthetically" (Rouget 1985,
p.119).
1. Physiological: Music is experienced physiologically by both the ear and by
the entire body. "A music vibration is something palpable" (Rouget 1985, p.120).
The human body is capable of absorbing vibrations of many different frequencies.
''To bathe in music' is not just a metaphor. ...The candle flames flickering in
churches at the sound of the organ provided Louis Roger (1748) with one of the
observations on which he began constructing his theory of the effects of music on
the human body' (Rouget 1985, p.120). As vibrations move through the physical
body, certain frequencies will effect, to greater or lesser extent, different parts of
the body. 'We are feeling ourselves sing...head, thorax, abdomen.... Music is thus
simultaneously an animation of things and a palpitation of the being. ...it produces a
sensorial modification in the awareness of being ' (Rouget 1985, p.120).
Furthermore, through a process of entrainment, perhaps a "...drumbeat's tempo may
approximate that of the heart beat....[, thus] entrain their breaths and heart rhythms,
and thus seem to unify the congregations's separate members into a single larger,
living being" (Rappaport 1999, p.227).
2. Psychological: The psychology of sound relates directly to cognition of the
individual who is aware of being a living being who is situated in space. "[T]he
sound of music defines the space in which I am situated as a space inhabited by
men, and at the same time, it situates me within this space in some particular
manner" (Rouget 1985, p.121). This corresponds to the directionality mentioned by
Rappaport: '...the rhythms of the order reach in two directions at once -- into each
participant's physiology [or even psychology] on the one hand and outward to
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encompass all of the participants on the other" (Rappaport 1999, p.228). It

corresponds as well to Greg Urban's theory regarding the awareness of the
psychological shifting that can occur from the "Indexical I" of ordinary life to the
"Projective I" of ritual and origin myth-telling.
3. Affective: Music affects our emotions. 'Nothing is more laden with
emotional associations than music, nothing is more capable of recreating emotions
that engage one's entire sensibility. It induces the individual into a state in which
both his inward feelings and his relations with the outer world are dominated by
affectivity (Rouget 1985, p.123). This may cause 'upheaval...in the structure of
consciousness' (Rouget 1985, p.123.), or it may place a person in a state of transport,
being taken by the triggering of memories to some other point in time. Music
strongly affects and triggers the recollection of memory.
4. Esthetic: '...[w]hen it is a success, music creates the feeling of total
adhesion of the self to what is happening' (Rouget 1985, p.123). This could be
likened to the experience of Divine Order Enacted, or at least "Divine Order
Recognized," as it '...brings about a transformation in the structure of consciousness'
(Rouget 1985, p.123). Gandhi continually encouraged those who attended his
prayer-meetings to clap, and to join in rhythm with each, becoming, as it were, all
of one body and all of one mind. 'When a group conducts itself in conformity to a
rhythmic tempo of organic frequency, for instance that of drumming [or clapping],
it may seem to be an organism to the organisms composing it and they each may
seem to themselves to be its cells' (Rappaport 1999, pp.225-26).
Rouget ends his survey concerning the powers that music holds for ritual
participants by alluding to the fact that '[m]usic has often been thought of as
endowed with the mysterious power of triggering possession, and the musicians of
possesion as the withholders of some mysterious knowledge that enables them to
manipulate this power. There is no truth whatsoever in this assumption' (Rouget
1985, p.325). Denying that there is any mystery involved, Rouget explains music's
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power with straight-forward candor: '[Music] is the only language that speaks,
simultaneously, if I may so put it, to the head and the legs' (Rouget 1985, p.325).
Music has complex abilities to engage both the body along with the mind, to touch
simultaneously the head and the heart, to enliven the imagination while
transforming consciousness, and in the coordinated influences of all these forces of
vibration as manifested in community, music has the powerfully innate ability to
facilitate communion with the Divine.
Rappaport has written that in attempting to understand the complexities of
the physical effects of ritual, and/or the physical effects of music, the emerging
medical field of neurophysiology has been largely ignored by scholars in the field
of religious studies (Rappaport 1999, p.227). This has been a detriment to the
religious studies field, and Rappaport endorses the work of scholars such as Eugene
d'Aquili, Charles D. Laughlin, J. McManus, and Barbara Lex who address the
questions of how ritual affects the human being through the knowledge revealed in
series of brain-mappings:
'The non-dominant (usually the right) cerebral hemisphere seems

to become predominant in the ritual condition.... In contrast to the left
hemisphere, in which speech, linear analytic thought, and the sense of
duration are mainly located, the specializations of the right hemisphere
include spatial and tonal perception, pattern recognition 'including those
constituting emotion and other states in the internal milieu,' and holistic
and synthetic comprehension. The linguistic ability of the right hemisphere
is limited and it is devoid of a temporal sense' (Rappaport
1999, pp.228-29).
The right hemisphere has also been identified as the hemisphere that predominates
during musical functioning; the left hemisphere has been identified with 'speech,
linear analytic thought.' When the two hemisperes come together to function during
the participation of sung ritual: 'The cognitive effect of the simultaneous
functioning of the...left hemisphere and the right is...a sense of the unification of
opposites, of harmony of the universe, of Oneness with the other members of the
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congregation, and even of Oneness of the self with God. The numinous and the holy
are thus rooted in the organic depths of human being' (Rappaport 1999, pp.229-30).
A Phenomenology of Sound
Very similar conclusions concerning the significance of sound have been
formulated by Don Ihde. Ihde argues further that sound, as compared to sight, has
historically been under-valued in western culture. He has expressed his opinion that
part of this modern-day misconception be traced back to the "age of the lens" in
Galileo's time, a period when science became overly exhilerated by the myriad
new microcosmic and macrocosmic worlds that were being observed, for the first
time, through the agency of the microscope and the telescope
(Postphenomenology 1993, p.88).
Through a series of retrospections in his work Listening and Voice: A
Phenomenology, Ihde (1976) traces the western bias of placing sight over sound
back to The Greeks. Citing Heidegger's analysis of what sight meant to the Greeks,
Ihde states: Greek thinking itself emerges as the process of allowing Being to 'show
forth' as the 'shining' of physis, of the 'manifestation' of Being as a 'clearing' all of
which recalls the vibrant vision of Being (Ihde 1976, p.6). Deeper analysis reveals
this to be a way of "knowing" (Ihde 1976, p.7), that has predominated in the
development of western thought and in the western psyche. The result is an
unidentified prejudice of "visualism" in western consciousness. The sense of sight,
being as it is based in light, has been consistently identified as the metaphor for
"knowing" or for knowledge, which can be seen in the use of such signifiers as "the
light of reason" or "en-lightenment" (see, e.g. Arthur Zajonc, 1993, Catching the
Light: The Entwined History of Light and Mind).
Furthermore, Ihde continues, for both Plato and Democritus, 'the ultimately
real was beyond sense, and thus...sense was diminished" (Ihde1976, p.9) in that the
Greeks questioned whether or not the ultimate Idea of the Good (e.g., in Plato's
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case), considered only recognizable through the intelligence of the mind, could be
truly perceived by the senses. This distrust of the senses has continued to dominate
the western psyche to the present time in such a way that not only has there been "a
reduction to vision" but a "reduction of vision." 'The reduction of vision is one
which ultimately separates sense from significance, which arises out of doubt over
perception itself. Its retrospective result, however, is to diminish the richness of
every sense' (Ihde 1976, p.9).
In the attempt to un-seat the deeply rooted hierarchy of sight over sound, as
well as to relieve the lingering distrust of experience or "knowing" as able to be
delivered through the bodily senses (especially sound), Ihde explicates a
phenomenology of sound and listening, an "ontology of the auditory," that provides
an alterative paradigm to visualism. This is especially helpful, as many religious
cultures have recognized that "although God may hide himself from the eyes, he
reveals himself in word which is also an event in spite of the invisibility of his
being" (Ihde 1976, p.14). As some cultures are more comfortable with the concept
of the "invisibility" than others, either in terms of conceptualization, active
description and theorizing, or even deep belief in what cannot be defined by the
eye, Ihde's phenomenology of sound provides a helpful baseline from which to
proceed.
Ihde begins with an examination of the field of vision. He analyzes the field
of vision as consisting of: i) a central field of clarity, referred to as a focal core; ii)
a fringe area around that central focus, which is less focussed but still observable;
iii) the limit of what can be seen, the horizon; and iv) what is beyond the horizon,
what is unseen. From the personal stance of reflective awareness, Ihde writes: 'It is
'I' who does the focussing; it is to 'me' that the fringe appears as background, as the
not-specifically-attended-to; and it is 'I' who detects the strange boundedness and
finitude of the visual field which raises the question of the World which lies
'beyond' the finitude of 'my' opening to the World (Ihde 1976, pp.39-40).
316
Idhe then moves from the visual field to the auditory field, finding a "field
shape" for which he uses Parmenides' descriptions of 'Being as a 'whole,' 'without
end,' 'one,' 'continuous' and 'homogenous or filled within the limits,'" with the limits
being "complete on every side, like the mass of a well-rounded sphere (Ihde 1976,
p.80) as its defining characteristics. This three-dimensional field is different from
the visual in terms of reflective awareness as well, in that it is not as restricted in its
forward-aiming orientation: 'as a field-shape I may hear all around me, or as a
field-shape, sound surrounds me in my embodied positionality.... My auditory field
and my auditory focussing is not isomorphic with visual field and focus, it is
omnidirectional, [and] 'exceeds' that of the field-shape of sight' (Ihde 1976,
pp. 74-75).
By way of deeper analysis, Ihde enumerates the several ways in which the
sound field differs from the sight field. First, the auditory field is a "global"
experience, as sounds are perceived from all directions, and they are perceived not
only by the ears, but by the bones of the body, the organs of the body, and even the
skin of the body (see the work of Alfred Tomatis for the skin as an extension of the
ear). Sounds are felt in the body, while the organ of hearing is also the foundation
for the body's sense of balance, its awareness of positionality in space, and its
responsiveness to gravity.
Second, due to the fact that the field is omni-directional, when the field of
hearing is filled, 'I suddenly find myself immersed in sound which surrounds me.
The music is even so penetrating that my whole body reverberates, and I may find
myself absorbed to such a degree that the usual distinction between sense of inner
and outer is virtually obliterated (Ihde 1976, p.75). It is this quality of being able to
penetrate into one's physical body that gives the sound field its power to
overwhelm, to the extent that "what disappears...is the sense of the separate and
discrete 'individuals'.... The surrounding, penetrating quality of sound maximizes
larger unities than individuals as such" (Ihde 1976, p.77).
317
Third, the ability of sound to "in-vade" (Latin, vadere "to go, hasten, rush")
the physical body results in its having often been given the connotation of being a
kind of "command" in its surroundability.
In this, the sound field has the abilty to "enliven" the body. 'To listen is to be
dramatically engaged in a bodily listening which 'participates' in the movement of
the music...in a call to dance [literally and figurately]. What occurs...is clearly anti-
Cartesian. It is my subject-body, my experiencing body, which is engaged, and no
longer is it a case of deistic distance of 'mind' to 'body' ' (Ihde 1976, p.158). In this
way, sound, especially, music, encourages actual bodily participation.
Upon further examination, Ihde finds that the sound field also gives the
ability to hear and to "know" or "recognize" things that are beyond the flat outlines
of the visual plane. It is possible to hear the surface of something and know what it
is made of (wood or metal, e.g.); it is possible to hear the shape of something as it
moves across a surface (square or circle, e.g.). With a depth of hearing and the
phenomenon of echo, it is possible even to hear into the interior of things, which
allows one to know what is "hidden" beyond the visual outline-bodies of the silent
objects in the visual field. '...it is with the hearing of interiors that the possibilities of
listening begin to open the way to those aspects which lie at the horizons of all
visualist thinking...[therein] making present the invisible' (Ihde 1976, p.70).
The horizon (end, or limit) of the visual field is a spatial limit; the visual
horizon is spatial in character and 'rounded in shape' (Ihde 1976, p.109). What lies
beyond the visual horizon is simply perceived of as "absence or emptiness."
However, in the auditory field, which is omni-directional as well as continuous (you
can not close your ears, the way you can close your eyes), the horizon reaches
beyond the spatial limit of the visual. Attention in the auditory field does not focus
on a "leading edge" or "trailing edge" of the visual field, but on an "open" attention
(Ihde 1976, p.102), where focus is "expanded" (Ihde 1976, p.102). The auditory
horizon is such that it extends beyond the visual limit. Due to its surrounding-ness,
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and the fact that it "in-vades" the body, the limit of the auditory field is "not
detected primarily in spatiality. But a horizon is discernible temporally" (Ihde 1976,
p.109).
'How far does the sound extend? ...where is its threshold?

Music does not extend indefinitely [and] an auditory horizon
as a temporal boundary does begin to show itself. Sound reveals
time '(Ihde 1976, pp.102-3).
The horizon of hearing has an intersection, or an interface, with non-hearing

(silence), similar to that found in the visual field's horizon of body-outline.
However, the auditory interface includes silence as both boundary as well as
indicator of what is "beyond"; the interface adheres both to what is heard in the
present, while serving as boundary for what is hidden.
Ihde again draws on Heidegger's definition of Being, however, to explain the
horizon of listening: 'Being, which is that which comes-into-presence, that which is
(already) gathered is the given. But at the horizon one may note the giving, the e-
venting, the point at which 'there is given' into what is present' (Ihde 1976, pp.
102-3).
This is to describe the act of listening at the horizon of hearing to be
practically synonymous with human Being. Sounds are "given," not manipulated,
and they are situated in the midst of the bodily presence of the human being as
direct experiential e-vents. Sounds "come unbidden into presence, and humankind,
in listening, is let in on this e-venting.... (Ihde 1976, pp. 102-3). For Ihde, the horizon
of hearing would appear to be as mysterious as the life process itself, or at least
worthy of similar description. The horizon, the point from which things are given,
"continually recedes from me, and if I seek for sounds and the voices of things, I
cannot force them into presence in the way in which I may fix them within the
region of central [visual] presence. I must await their coming, for sounds are given"
(Ihde 1976, p.109).
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Ihde's concept of hearing at the horizon is analogous to life itself -- Audio

ergo sum -- and his phenomenology provides an avenue to understand sound as
different from, and, in many ways, superior to, sight. It un-seats the hierarchy of
sight over sound, giving a baseline for, and a roadmap of, an awareness of the world
in which sound is as honored a way of knowing as is sight. This, while correlating
with the thoughts of both Rappaport and Rouget, also harmonizes well with M.K.
Gandhi's sentiment that '[a] bhajan is not an exercise in singing; it should make us
one with God' (CW-e, 96, #505, p.398).
TH E POWER OF SOUND IN TH E I NDIAN CONTEX T
Particulars concerning how sound can so deeply effect the mental, somatic,
and religious functioning of the human being, as outlined in the theories of
Rappaport, Rouget, and Ihde, hold much in common, and they can also be
recognized cross-culturally. However, as we move to investigate the sitz im leben
of the Ashram Bhajanavali and its usage within the cultural setting of Gandhi's
India, we will not find the same prejudice of sight over sound which Ihde has
suggested dominates in the West. Gandhi's regard for chant and music
demonstrated a deep respect for sound and music as a religious phenomena, and he
considered it a means of spiritual development. His respect was founded on at least
4,000 years of Indian respect for sound, not as entertainment, but as a direct path to,
or experience of, the realm of divinity (in whatever name or form) and the raising
of consciousness. To perceive the sacrality of the world through the phenomenon of
sound has been much more prevalent in India than in the West, and the "horizon of
hearing" has actually functioned as inspiration for understanding the unseen,
hidden world of "the gods," who have been considered, from the very earliest of
India's beginnings, to be knowable through their sounding presence.
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What lay beyond the "horizon of sound" was not considered forbidden
territory to the rish⁄– (sage/poets) of the Rig Vedic period, as they did not consider
listening as a secondary sense. Indeed, communication at and beyond the "horizon
of hearing" provided an entire world of worship, exchange, understanding, and
contact. The rish⁄– of the Rig Veda chanted (sang, recited) their communications
with the gods, and sound was not secondary to ritual. Chant formulated the ritual, to
the extent that if there were no sound, there was no ritual. 'The ritual was a
resonant performance. Its vibrations resonated to the depths of human and divine
reality, and attuned the human to the divine...and in the process it bestowed welfare
and the promise of immortality to the beneficiaries of the ritual' (Lipner 1994,
p.33).
The Sound Sacrifice

The extent to which sound was the central and necessary element in the ritual
of Vedic India inspired the work of Marius Schneider, musical ethnologist and
contributor of "Primitive Music" to The New Oxford History of Music. 'The oldest
text, the Rigveda, must have been more or less contemporary with the Mitanni texts
of northern Syria/Iraq (1450-1350 BCE)' (Witzel 2003, p.68), and consisted of 1,028
songs of praise. The material of the other three Vedas, Yajur, Atharva, and SŸma,
being all later works, will not be addressed here, as for this discussion we are
interested in the earliest layers of the Indic tradition.
For Schneider, the ritual in which the earliest rishis of the Rií Veda engaged
took place in the somatic interiors of the chanter, and it 'was primarily a spiritual
and vocal process.... It is ultimately a sound sacrifice, a song by which man
surrenders his word, which is his innermost substance' (Schneider 1989b, p.37). The
significance lies in the alignment of the singer who offers a "praise song" from the
depths, or cave, or cavity of his own being, to the deity being addressed. '...[W]e
must realize," wrote Schneider, 'that song, according to the ancient concept, did not
321
accompany the sacrifice, but in fact formed the core of the ritual process (Schneider
1989b, p.37).
Furthermore, Schneider has provided evidence that is contrary to the often-
held misconception that early Vedic sacrifice was conducted purely for material
gains (see, e.g., Thielemann 1998, p.118). The sacred singer or rishi reached into his
inner recesses and offered up the same "primordial and acoustic energy of
creation" which had created him. The connection, reaching out in all directions, was
made through bone resonance, bone conduction, the breath, and the mechanistic
apparatus of the mouth. Heaven in his upper jaw, and earth in his lower jaw, were,
thus, caused to be joined by the singing of a praise song. The sound sacrifice,
produced in the mouth and felt throughout the body, linked both worlds, as the
words and melodies were woven in the singer's mouth between the upper and lower
jaws (worlds), with the tongue functioning as shuttle. The chant allowed the
"primordial waters" to flow again: "What then are these primordial waters?
Nothing other than the rhythms of flowing time.... The so-called primordial waters
are only the acoustic expressions of flowing time" (Schneider 1989b, p.46).
Writing in harmony with (but well before) Ihde's conception of temporality
as the "horizon of hearing," Schneider demonstrated how, through song, the praise
singer connected to the original rhythms of time, the order of ri™a, in a continuum
that joined past, present, and future:
'Ritual recalls the primordial world not only by means of the voice
but by extolling it in song or speech with the concrete or mute actions of
the present time. This permits the ritual to suffuse the earthly with the
divine, the purely physiological with acoustic spirituality, and transforms
the untrue into the musical truth that is closest in the primordial act of
creation' (Schneider 1989b, p.47).
This is Rappaport's Divine Order Enacted. Rappaport has observed that

throughout many ancient religious cultures, this conception of the Divine Order was
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shared: "...we see...a conception bearing a strong resemblance to Ma'at, Rita, Asha
and Logos. [They represent] a true, moral, eternal, harmonious, encompassing,
unitary order. It is natural, but it may be violated by innappropriate behavior. It
must be maintained through appropriate acts, especially the performance of rituals"
(Rappaport 1999, p.363). He has further remarked that "[g]losses provided for Rta
are reminiscent of those for Asha and Ma'at: 'Law of the universe,' 'unity of nature,'
'cosmic law or order,' 'universal and eternal law,' 'order,' 'right,' 'truth' (Rappaport
1999, p.359). In the case of rita, it was both "truth" and "order" (Rappaport 1999,
p.360).
Rita, the ordered and fixed march of temporal action proper to the gods and
to the world, was sung by the rishi, thereby joining, while continuously creating, that
truest of progressions. Through the harmonic properties of music and the structure
of measured sound, the contradictions and misperceptions of this world merged into
hidden unity: "The blatant contradiction vanishes when the concept of space is
suppressed. In the world of sound, dualism becomes amalgamated resonance, and in
rhythm it becomes flowing time" (Schneider 1989b, p.48). The truth of this initial
sounding in the ritual was then 'shown forth' (made visual) by an action of the body,
which was secondarily seen, or illustrated, after the hearing, in the ritual.
This practice of vocal weaving was often referred to in the earliest layers of
the Rig Veda. In a hymn to Varuna (one of the oldest Vedic gods connected with
order and ethics), one poet asked for protection during the up-coming ceremony:
"Let not my thread, while I weave song, be severed" (RV II.28.5); and another,
younger poet, possibly on his way to a ritual ceremony for the first time, fretted "I
know not either warp or woof, I know not the web they weave when moving to the
contest," while praying for inspiration from Agni, the god of fire (RV VI.9.2). These
earliest Rií Vedic texts locate these sacred and sonic processes in the earliest layers
of India's past, and situate them as part-and-parcel of that original, creative impetus
which was to spin out a long and infinitely-complex song.
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Schneider noted that as the singer of the sacrifice connected the singer with
the origin of creation, so the singer continued the original creation for the well-
being of one's community. "A sound sacrifice is accomplished by a singer who
surrenders his breath and individuality in order to bring expression to an impersonal
empty form and pushes his own personality into the background in order to make
himself the sounding board of a higher principle" (Schneider 1989a, p.75). The
warp and woof, fixed within the mouth, aided by the shuttle of the tongue, and the
elongation of the breath, allowed the sounds of the chant to grow: "the ritual song
borne on the breath was considered as that moist breath or warmth whose power
allows everything to grow and flourish" (Schneider 1989a, p.59).
brahman
This 'power' that "allows everything to grow and flourish" was brahman.
In Notes on Brahman, Jan Gonda suggested that it may not now be possible to
recreate, with any accurate chronology, how the word brahman evolved over the
millenia. Originally, it was a sound of the the ritual, such as a sung-prayer or a
praise, or, it may have originally referred to the sung-ritual itself. Gonda defined
the word brahman as being derived from the verbal root b‡“ (Gonda 1950, p.3).
Monier-Williams agreed with this derivation, whereupon he translated brahman
(Monier-Williams 1999, p.737) as "lit. 'growth,' 'expansion,' evolution,'
'development,' 'swelling of the spirit or soul'... 'pious effusion or utterance,
outpouring of the heart in worshipping the gods, prayer,' as his first (typically
earliest) entry. The root bri“ (Monier-Williams 1999, p.735) is defined as 'to be
thick, grow great or strong, increase'. Surya Kanta, in A Practical Vedic Dictionary,
also gives bri“ as the verbal root ('make big,' 'what makes great'), and for the word
brahman, gives a Hindi translation of 'íita, stotra' and an English translation of
'song of praise, prayer' (Suryakanta 1981, 493).
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At its core, the chanted brahman was an invocation; it was a way of vocally
attracting the gods and securing their attention. (In this section concerning brahman,
Griffith's translation of the Rií Veda has been chosen, and his selection of
diacritical marks has been maintained when inside a direct quotation.)
To the Vish∆aÆ‰∆as (the All-Gods) [RV X,61,1] a brahman was created 'with
might', and for the Maruts (the Winds) [RV I,165,4] 'sweet hymns' were chanted. In
a sacred ceremony for the Ash∆⁄≤– (the Heavenly Physicians) (RV I,47,2), the
Kan∆as (family of rishi Kanva, who wrote several Vedic hymns) 'sen[t] the prayer'
asking that their call be heard. It was said of Indra (one of the oldest Vedic gods,
who, among other things, fought against demonic forces and vanquished the demon
Vritra) [RV VII,28,2] that his might reached out in response to the invocation,
thereby guarding the rishis.
It was the poet-sages' desire that the gods should 'reach out' to the invocation,
that the chanting should be heard -- for having heard the poet's call, the gods were
then invited to come as a guest to the sacred ceremony: '...[u]rged by the holy
singer, sped by song, come, Indra, to the prayers ...' [RV I,3,5]; Indra is petitioned
and invited: 'Come, thou most potent Indra, ... come to hear the songs, the prayer,
the hymns of praise' [RV VIII,33,13]; The more songs sung, the more libations
poured, the ºË¿‰ attention the gods paid. 'To you hath been assigned the fairest
ornament, the hymn of praise...' [RV IV,36,7].
The mode of connection or communication between the singer, the song, and
the gods was an intriguing one. The singer was described as sending forth his or her
sung-prayers which flew forth into the celestial regions: '...birdlike he chants the
holy prayer' [RV II,5,3]. The prayers, having been woven in the mouth, were
described as sonic vehicles that moved out from the singer, and they were referred
to as chariots: 'Most pleasing to the AÀvins be these prayers...which we have
fashioned' [RV V,73,10]. Indra was also the Lord of Bay Horses, and his chariot was
guided by two great steeds.
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In the hymns to Indra, the prayers were sent out as sonic vehicles to be heard
by both Indra and his horses. Indra was asked to yoke his two horses to his chariot
through the sung-prayer, and that would convey him to the human ceremony: 'O
Indra, let thy long-maned Bays, yoked by prayer bring thee hitherward...' [RV VIII,
17,2].
'I will send for my songs in flow unceasing, like water

from the ocean's depth to Indra.
Who to his car on both its sides securely hath fixed
the earth and heaven as with an axle' (RV X,89,4).
The gods, especially Indra, were caught by prayer. Indra was 'stuck' or 'attached' to
the ‰≤öantng nature of the hymns, lauds, and prayers. Yoked sonically by these
sounds, he gladly guided his vehicle to the sacred ceremony of the humans.
The gods were invited to come to the cermony and to sit on the sacred grass ,
where more sung-prayers were fashioned or designed. The barhis (Sanskrit verbal
root also brih) grass was the special seat of the gods, and as the gods were invoked
and invited to come take their regal places on the sacred grass, items were offered
to them during the ceremonies. Food was offered: 'Hero, enjoy the offered cake'
[RV III, 41,3]. Holy drink was poured: 'In our libation take delight' [RV I,3,6] 'O
V‚tra-slayer, from the libation poured at noon, drink of the Soma juice [nectar of
immortality], thou blameless Thunderer' [RV VIII,37,1]. Songs and sung-prayers
were chanted. With the connection having been extended through prayer, and with
the god's acceptance of the invitation, then the singer shared the highest songs of
praise: 'Now, Agni, will we [recite] to thee...our precious, much-availing prayer'
[RV I,75,2]. The sung-prayers were considered as nourishing as any food and drink,
and, in Agni's case, were with care poured directly into the fire, the god's mouth:
'Accept our loudest-sounding hymn, food most delightful to the Gods, Pouring our
offerings in thy mouth' [RV I,75,1].
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This pathway of prayer was reciprocal. What was given as a musical

offering, was returned in some form of blessing. The chanter enlivened the gods
with song; and when the gods visited, they, in turn, enlivened the singers and their
community. The sung prayers of the pathways were known to be ancient:
'[s]ung...with prayer prayed by our fathers' [RV VII,33,4]. Indra, Lover of Song, had
received endless praises: 'Laud him a thousand all at once, shout twenty forth the
hymn of praise; hundreds have sung aloud to him, to Indra hath the prayer been
raised, lauding his own imperial sway' [RV I,80,9]. It was in the hundreds or the
thousands (in other words, an eternal "numberless number") of songs, that Indra
joined together to meet with his singers. In chanting these prayer-songs, as of old,
they -- Atharvan (said to have authored the AtharvaVeda, a priest connected with
fire and soma), Manu (Father of all), and Dadhyach (Atharvan's son), and many
others --became united with Indra [RV I,80,16]. In the prayer-songs, Indra was at
home; he was nourished and strengthened, while lauded. As the refrain of RV I, 80
continuously reminded the singers, Indra came thus, singing his own sovereignty --
'arcann anu svarŸjyam'. Through the repeated songs, Indra sang his own existence
and kept it going through sung-prayer -- arcann anu sva¿Ÿjyam (Griffith has
poetically translated "lauding thine own imperial sway"). Any possible connection
between Indra's svarajyam and Gandhi's sung-prayers of svaraj is no idle question.
Selina Thielemann (1998) has written about the mantras of the Rig Veda:
'This process of transformation of transcendental into phenomenal realities [and
vice versa] requires a medium of such quality as to permeate both the
transcendental and the phenomenal realms. Sound is the medium that inherits this
quality: it is non-material, hence transcendental, yet conceivable by the senses,
hence phenomenal (Thielemann 1998, p.119). William K. Mahoney has written
similarly about this sung-prayer exchange, describing it as being a creative process
of imagination that bridged the worlds of sound and sight. In the early Rig Vedic
verses it was the rish⁄s' voices that were heard, connecting with the ri™a through a
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sound practice of their own making. 'It was the visionary poet who heard that
sublime Word and saw that sublime form, and thus aligned himself with the
structure and movement of that universal, formative, and sustaining principle...'
(Mahoney 1998, p.58).
While the rishis did offer hymns for their material benefit, they likewise
offered them for purposes of insight and inspiration. 'Strengthened, the gods are
expected to hand over to their devotees part of their abundance and to help them in
case of need' (Gonda 1984 p.65), yet they also yearned for divine inspiration and
intuition of expression: 'thus the members of the Gotama family have made thee, O
Indra, by means of an excellent hymn of praise a support; do thou place into them
vision [or inspiration] of complete elaboration'" (Gonda 1984, p.65).
In the Rií Vedic verses, the rishi was heard invoking the power of brahman --
'brahma varma mamŸntaram' -- my innermost protective coat-of-mail is sung-
prayer -- as safety even against death itself [RV VI,75,19]
However, in later Vedic texts, following a period of time in which a rift
between heaven and earth had come to be perceived, it then became the priest who
sang the sound sacrifice to reconcile the corrupted world with the original Divine.
As the priests strove to keep the earlier musico-poetic traditions alive, the "sound
sacrifice" became the "sound of the sacrifice." Distanced from the creative
processes, the priests became keepers of tradition, guarding the sacred path. They
were described as sitting next to the sacrifice: "They sit by the loom singing:
'Weave lengthwise! Weave crosswise!' They made the SŸman hymns their
weaving shuttles' (Mahoney 1998, p.110). With the shifting focus to the worship of
Prajapati, Lord of Creatures, whose body had been sacrificed and distributed
throughout the material world, the purpose of ritual shifted from continuously
creating to continuously re-building a "broken" world (Mahoney 1998, p.132). In
the Shatapatha Brahmana (attached to the White Yajur-Veda and attributed to the
rishi Yajnavalkya), the priests used the liturgical process of sacrifice to bring
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Prajapati back to life: "Singing that divine poetry by means of their human voices
as they kindled the ceremonial fire, the priest returned the vital 'breath' (¥¿Ÿ®a) to
the exhausted PrajŸpati...." (Mahoney 1998, p.135).
Whereas the rish⁄ had once been personally been at the center of the
sounding ri™a, the creator of sacred utterance, the priest became a protector and re-
builder by holding on to and preserving the sacred verses. Thus, a shift occurred
from the sage/poets, whose world of continual ability to create through sound
enabled them to perceive and participate in ri™a, to a world in which the priests
became keepers and guardians of those chants perceived to be able to re-
harmonize a chaotic world. This harmony was a ritually re-constructed model
(Mahoney 1998, p.134), one for which only the priests knew the appropriate sonic
formulas. Thus, they became men of power.
Along with this shift, came a change in the usage of the word brahman. What
originally signified either the songs or the sung-ritual itself came to signify
something much more expansive.
'In what was to become one of the most important developments

in Vedic thought, Vedic philosopher-priests were to regard the brahman,
not only as the unifying power or link by which the actions performed
in the sacred ceremony had effect on the world as a whole, but also...[as]
the ontological ground of being itself...the universal Absolute'
(Mahoney 1998, p.116).
In the earliest times, the brahman had been the 'nourishing song'. and the brahman
had been 'the one who knew the nourishing songs'. Originally, the brahman had
been utilized by the rish⁄ as a direct means of interacting sonically with the gods.
However, with the development of this change, the brahman became 'the one who
knew the universal Absolute' as a part of the reparational ritual, and that 'one' had
become the brahmin priest. For an ancient culture, which had originally perceived
the created world to be the expression of a divine voice, any subsequent rifts
329
occurring between heaven and earth were to be remedied, again, by the process of
sonic weaving, but now, sung only by the later Vedic priests. 'For the Indian, ritual
praise singing is as important as living in the right state of being..." (Schneider
1989b, p.50), for, in effect, it was the singing that manifested, sustained, and
effected a "right state" of existence within the sonic fabric of a sung world.
Upanishads and Later

The Upanishadic teachers expanded the postulation of Brahman to include
'...the merging of all objective phenomena into a unitary world-ground' (Hume
1995, p.23). This 'single all encompassing monistic Being' (Hume 1995, p.32) was
accessible outside the arena of external ritual, and outside the priestly control as
well. 'No longer is worship or sacrifice or good conduct the requisite of religion in
this life, or of salvation in the next. Knowledge secures the latter and disapproves of
the former' (Hume 1995, p.53). Brahman could be reached through knowledge, and
mental concentration or meditation. The priestly rituals were transmogrified into
mental exercises conducted in such a way that the body of the individual, again,
became the locus of the ritual ground.
As these changes occurred, however, the use of sound as the pathway to, or
revealer of, Brahman remained, being identified with the sacred syllable OM, as
signifier of the Sonic All. The equation of OM with Brahman is found throughout
the extensive corpus of the Upanishads . (The translations are Olivelle's.)
'This whole world is nothing but OM.'

(Cha≤ÆËíya Upanishad 2.23.3, p. 198)
'Brahman is OM. This whole world is OM.'

(Taittiriya Upanishad 1.8.1, p. 296)
330
'The word that all the Vedas disclose;

The word that all austerities proclaim;
Seeking which people live student lives;
That word now I will tell you in brief --
It is OM!
For this alone is the syllable that's brahman!

For this alone is the syllable that's supreme!
When, indeed, one knows this syllable,
he obtains his every wish.'
(Kat“a Upanishad 15-16, p. 384)
'The bow is OM, the arrow's the self,

The targe is brahman, they say.
...
Put away other words, for this
is the dike to the immortal.'
(Mundaka Upanishad 2.2.4-5, p. 447)
The salvific properties of the syllable OM are more fully outlined in the Prashna
Upanishad, wherein it is stated:
'He becomes released from evil, just like a snake

from his slough. ...
By OM alone as the support
Does a man who knows it attain
that which is serene,
beyond old age and death,
free from fear, the supreme.'
(Prashna Upanishad 5.5 & 7 , p. 468-70)
Two Brahmans were differentiated in the later Maitri Upanishad: one

Shabda-Brahman (the lower, sounded Brahman); and Brahman (the higher,
unsounded - ashabda Ultimate Reality). Here, too, the individual, described as a
spider ascending by means of its thread [tantu, "woven"], could reach the salvific
realm of Ultimate Brahman by crossing into it by means of the thread of Shabda-
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Brahman (Maitri Upanishad. 6.22, Hume 437). Shabda-Brahman was the syllable
OM and it was the pathway to Brahman.
Guy L. Beck has noted that this distinction between a 'Sound' and a 'non-
Sound' Brahman is 'a characteristic that carries over into Hindu theism, wherein a
personal deity is identified with the 'Higher,' non-Sound Brahman'' (Beck 1993,
p.45). Even in the Maitri Upanishad, Brahman had become equated with Vishn‹.
'The Vedic and UpaniŒadic notions of sound are also forerunners

of the many esoteric notions prevalent in the Yoga and Tantric methods
for meditation on sacred sound, methods wherein NŸda-Brahman [God is
Sound]has largely replaced Shabda-Brahman [God is Word] and the
Vedic Vak as the essence of sound both in the cosmos (ŸéŸÀa) and
within the human heart (“‡ÆayŸéŸÀa)' (Beck 1993, p.46)
Andre Padoux has briefly address the features of VedicVac (goddess of

voice, sound, speech, language) in his VŸc: The Concept of the Word in Selected
Hindu Tantras, however has has focussed largely on later Hindu Tantric texts. In
these texts, generally, Vac is responsible for the creation of the cosmos:
'Manifestation, as it is born out of the Word and along with it, may
thus be understood as a flashing forth which gradually becomes
obfuscated. This occurs through a series of transformations and
condensations of sound or phonic primal energy, which gradually brings
forth (but in a never-ending process, for it takes place beyond time) the
manifested universe, a process that takes place analogously in human
beings, within whom sound (and then speech) will develop following a
process corresponding to that of the cosmogony, and where the phonetic
symbols appear as closely related to visual metaphors referring to the
Word's aspect of light' (Padoux 1990, p.86).
In Sonic Theology, Beck outlines the later Hindu deistic traditions --

Shaivism, Vaishnavism, and Goddess worship -- with each tradition's
conceptualization and usage of sacred sound. Each of these traditions strongly
advocates the use of sound as a pathway to the divine. In regard to the Vaishnavaite
332
forms of worship, which would have particularly influenced M.K. Gandhi, Beck
states: 'Although many of the Vaishnava traditions exhibit [different uses of sacred
sound], the distinguishing factor in Hindu theism, and this especially visible in
Vaishnavism, is the presence of a male Supreme Being (Vishn‹, Na¿ayana,
Krishna, Rama, etc.) who directs and oversees the functioning' (Beck 1993, p.172)
of sacred sound, which has, by now, become a female subordinate to that male
deity, often personified as his spouse.
Beck's overview and summary of the Vaishnava sampradŸæas (traditions), in
terms of the importance of sacred sound, is quite extensive and goes beyond the
scope of this work. He focusses on the tradition of the Panòa¿atra (Vaishnava sacred
texts), as he states that it holds authority for all of the many strands and schools of
Vaishnavism throughout India (Beck 1993, p.173), and in these traditions, Shabda-
Brahman and Nada-Brahman figure prominently: '...the presence of the sacred in
Panòa¿atra is contained first and foremost in sound form... (Beck 1993, p.181).
Beck specifically addresses the Bhagavata-Purana with its emphasis on the
syllable OM, as well as the creative potential of the Sanskrit alphabet. The
Bhagavata-Purana is the most 'celebrated of the 18 PurŸnas (especially dedicated
to the glorification of Vish®u-Krish®a, whose history is in the 10th book' (Monier-
Williams 1999, p.751. 'The theoretical continuity of the BhŸgavata-Pu¿Ÿ®a with the
UpaniŒadic tradition of sacred sound is evident' (Monier-Williams 1999, p.185). In
these texts the sounds of the mantras [words of power] chanted are the direct
energy of Vishn‹, ⁄≤ ¨‰ form of Krishna (a divine form of V⁄shn‹, or avatara), who
is sent down to save Vishnu's followers. Special mantras were repeated over and
over, in devotional love and respect (bhakti), and such repetition often involved the
names V⁄shn‹ and/or Krishna, since nama-japa (repetition of the Name) was
regarded as most effective in its salvific properties:
'In order to be effective, the nŸma-japa must be undertaken

with a name that God himself has revealed in the Scriptures. God is
333
identical with such a self-revealed name, God's Àabda, and that lends
power to the sound of the name itself. Repetition of the name is the
most powerful remedy against all sins and faults' (Klostermaier, in Beck
1993, p.188).
Thielemann has written that the Bhagavata Purana advises congregational singing
(sankirtana) as the preeminent path to overcome the evils of the Kali Yuga (the
current time-cycle said to consist of darkness and ignorance) and that 'music and
singing have been the principal mode of worship in the VaiŒ®ava tradition from its
very beginnings (Thielemann 1998, p.92).
In Mohandas Gandhi's case, he had been taught aVaishnava form of nama-
japa (name repetition), Rama-nama, the name of Rama or God, when he was a
child in Gujarat, and as was noted in Chapter Four, he later developed the chanting
of Rama's name as a religious practice. Gandhi encouraged the use of Raºa-nama,
as well as Ramdhun, in concert with many of the pieces of the Ashram Bhajana∆ali
repertoire.
The Sants
Similarly, the ƒater Sants, many of whose songs appear in the Bhajanavali,
encouraged the chanting of their devotional works as the mechanism for their
activation: 'Sur[DŸs] does recommend good company (satsañí), but what he means
by that has nothing to do with virtue of any sort. That company is made good by the
simple fact that it provides the place where Hari's name is sung and heard. ...In
Allahabad l the poet states that without the devotion (or singing) that is possible in
the company of the Sants this body is useless" (Hawley 1987, p.203). The high
quality of Nanak's songs has been judged as one reason why the Nanak-panth
increased in popularity and size.
...these hymns provide a second evident reason for the early strength and
subsequent growth of the Nanak-panth. The actual function of Sant bŸni
[style] is the provision of appropriate songs for communal singing (k rtan), a
334
corporate practice which serves to weld a group of disparate devotees into a

society with a sense of common identity. This sense of identity will be
encouraged or retarded by the nature of the materials which are used in such
k rtan sessions. (McLeod 1987, p.231).
SUMMARY/CONCLUSION
In this chapter, we have examined how it is that sung ritual provides a deeper
experience of participation in ritual than that which is simply spoken or read. The
ritual theories of Roy Rappaport have outlined the extent to which song within the
ritual context increases the level of communitas, which, in turn, leads to the
revealing of a High Order Level of Meaning, and Divine Order Enacted. The
scientific work of neurobiologists such as d'Aquili and Newberg support these
findings through the physical evidence found in brain-mapping, while Don Ihde's
perceptions of a phenomenology of sound point to the unique qualities of physical
vibration and the omni-presence experienced within the field of sound which
exceed the field of sight. Both Ihde and Rouget have been referenced in detail as to
how sound affects the body, how it is felt palpably as a sonic occurrence, and how it
connects within the human being the various arenas of perception, cognition, and
insight.
The work of Marius Schneider has suggested that due to these very personal,
immediate, and powerfully-felt experiences within the sense of sounding, the
early-Vedic seer who "sacrificed" his own true self (his sacred, sonic essence)
through the offering of sung-prayer was an ancient sonic and iconic archetype
central and formative in Indian culture, which continued for centuries encased in
Indic scriptures.
Arthur Avalon has remarked in Principles of Tantra that in India mantra
reigns from cradle to grave. Similarly, in his well-known publication Understanding
Mantras, Harvey Alper has written that 'the history of the religious life of the
Indian people might plausibly be read as a history of mantras' (Alper 1989, p.2).
335
Alper then presents a collection of essays that traces the path of early Vedic mantra
as it manifests into latter practice, from Ayurveda and Mimam–a, yoga and Tantra,
to the later philosophies of Bhartrihari and Kshemaraja. While this intricate array,
which concerns the various and sundry ways in which mantra as sacred sound has
been variously interpreted throughout India's history, lies beyond the scope of this
study, Alper's work is an important compilation concerning the extent to which
mantra as sung-prayer has been formative in India. Sung-prayer, which provides
connection to the Divine, is an ancient and sacred mode of communication in India,
whether we are considering the brahman, ric, and saman of the Vedic rish⁄, the
sacred syllables of Upa≤ishadic sages, the chants of Kashmiri Shaivism, the
repetition of Rama-≤ama, or the bhajans of the Sikh satsaní.
This chapter began with the many examples of the high degree to which
Gandhi regarded music and sung-prayer: 'I can recall occasions when a hymn sank
deep into me though the same thing expressed in prose had failed to touch me'
(CW-e, 43, #322, p.256) He acknowledged to Narayan M. Khare: '..I have gradually
come to look upon music as a means of spiritual development' (CW-e, 29, #193,
p.237). He recognized and utilized the power of music and sung-prayer as he
organized the ashram life and developed satyagraha. The extent to which the
prayer-songs supported every aspect of Gandhi's life and teaching strongly
supported and shaped the nation as it grew towards independence. Sung-prayers
ritually marked significant and dangerous events; he proferred spiritual advice
from, and took for his public texts from, the shƒËéas and bhajans of the Bhajanavali.
During his visit to Switzerland, Madeleine Rolland observed Gandhi's deep
respect for the sung-prayers with which he always travelled: 'He is very sensitive to
the religious chants of his country,...and he has worked to assemble them'
(Jack 1956, p.384). Gandhi lived the Ashram Bhajanavali, and taught the Ashram
Bhajanavali as a way of life. The tenets of satyŸgraha were outlined in the Ashram
Bhajanavali, and they were sung.
336
Beck poses that the Hindu regard for sacred sound, both as religious path and
as ultimate salvation, is a phenomenon that reaches beyond sectarian doctrine and
dogma to act as a fundamental harmonizing principle within the multitude of Hindu
traditions:
'...throughout the vast canvas of Indian history and soil the

basic sacrality of sound has persisted, despite sectarian 'coloring.'
...Though it has undergone several metamorphoses over the
centuries, it is clear that sacred sound in Hinduism regardless of its
particular name or context, continues to operate in a mysterious way
that is both central and soteriological. And the Hindu tradition -- both
consciously and 'unconsciously' -- seeks this original centrum again
and again to renew the very power that originally impelled it' (Beck
1993, p.212).
Mohandas Gandhi, before the time of Rouget's descriptions or Ihde's

phenomenology of sound, was accutely aware of music's power to effect the human
being, and conscious of how sung-prayers could form the human character. He used,
in several ways (detailed in previous chapters), music and sung-prayers to train the
people for non-violence and to build svaraj. 'Perhaps Gandhi's greatest contribution
to religious music was the compilation, with the help of Khare, of the Ashram
Hymnal....[whose] primary aim, according to the Preface of the edition of 1947, was
to 'sustain right conduct'' (Parel 2006, p.167). By participating in and drawing so
deeply from his own traditions in order to shape a new, non-violent democratic
state, Mohandas Gandhi and the satyagraha movement stood firmly established
within the ancient and sacred traditions of India's sung-prayer rituals, out of which
and to which he gave his own voice, and through which, he was heard so clearly.
337
CHAPTER SIX. SHRI KARUNAMAYEE
'What we sing now, they are the light

that was emitted thousands of years back.'
-- Shri Karunamayee
The Ashram Bhajanavali collection provides a window into the rituals of the
satyagraha movement. Mohandas K. Gandhi led with the power of chanted prayer,
a phenomenon that has yet to be fully acknowledged, while, simultaneously,
memories of those who were present are fading, or have faded, into the silence of
history. In this chapter, we will look at the life and work of one spiritual musician,
Shri Karunamayee Abrol, who teaches the Ashram Bhajanavali, its melodies, its
history, and its significance for satyagraha. Shri Karunamayee's family were
freedom fighters, and, as a child, she sang for Mahatma Gandhi, receiving his
blessing. She describes herself as having taken the path of sacred musicianship as
opposed to a "worldly" life, yet, she has two Master's degrees, one in Music and one
in Philosophy. She achieved noted secular success in Indian classical music. Her
knowledge, which stems from personal experience and extensive musical training,
provides additional information concerning satyagraha. Her teaching renders
additional insight into the ritual practices of the time, and she is a tradition-bearer
of the Ashram Bhajanavali.
Shri Karunamayee was born March 24, 1930 in Delhi. Her family consisted
of artists and educators. Her father and mother were both active in the Arya Samaj,
and she describes their home as having been quite similar to an ashram, in that
people from various religious and social backgrounds visited continually, and her
mother was always taking care of someone. There were many musicians in the
family; music and ritual were regular elements in their family's daily life.
At six, before any formal musical training, she was composing and teaching
music to older children in the neighborhood (Madireddi 2000, p.54). At 12, Shri
338
Karunamayee had what she has called a spiritual experience in which she heard the
words: "I must have self-realization through music" (Madireddi 2000, 54), and she
began musical training in 1943 with Pandit Vinay Chandra Maudgalya, Principal
and Founder of the Gandharva Mahavidhalaya in New Delhi. She completed a six-
year music course in two-and-a-half years, and completed the Bachelor's in Music
before graduating from secondary school.
Many of Shri Karunamayee's extended family members were musicians who
played often for the prayer meetings led by Mohandas K. Gandhi when he was in
Delhi. Her older sister, at age 16, served almost three months in prison for civil
disobedience. As Shri Karunamayee's musical career was only beginning, at about
age 15, she herself sang for Mahatma Gandhi in 1945 during one of the evening
prayer meetings at the Raºƒila Grounds.
Shri Karunamayee has received many awards in music competition,
consistently placing first for classical vocal music. In 1950, she began singing light
and semi-classical music (geet, bhajan and ghazal) for All India Radio (Ibid.),
where she was graded a Class A artist (Allekote, 1). With a strong urge continuing
to draw her towards a religious life, she completed a Master's degree in Philosophy
at the Univers⁄ty of Delhi in 1952. Her mentor, Pandit Daya Shankar Mishra,
encouraged her to continue looking for a musical guru [teacher] who could direct
her in combining the two strands of music and spirituality.
At a concert of the Khadi Gramodyog Music Conference in 1953, Pandit Pran
Nath, a vocalist of the Kirana Gharana ("a highly specialized style of north Indian
classical vocal music," Jackson n.d., p.73) offered a rendition of Rag Miyan-Ki-
Malhar (the raga of rain). At the end of the musical presentation, it did rain, while
Shri Karunamayee recognized him as her musical guru.
'Pandit Pran Nath traces kirana style directly from Ustad Wahid
Khan Sahib's teacher, Ustad Haider Baksh Khan Sahib, a disciple of the
reknowned and unrivalled master of the vina and voice, Mian Bande Ali
339
Khan Sahib, through the legendary singer and saint, Gopal Nayak, and
on back into time.
Gopal Nayak, who lived about seven hundred years ago, was a
drupad singer of the Govarhari Bani (style) also known as Krishna Bani,
or the style of Krishna. ...Gopal Nayak was a worshipper of Lord
Krishna, but sometime after he was taken to Delhi [abducted by King
Allaudhin Khilji in 1293 as part of the ransom for Devgiri], he came to
be impressed by the Sufi saint Kwaja Moinuddin Chisti and his disciple
Khwaja Nizamuddin Aulia, and embraced Islam as well' (Young &
Zazeela1988, pp.2-3)
'The Chisti were the largest and most important mystical order of
silsilah/tariqa among the South Asian Muslims in the early Sultanate period, i.e.,
the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. They forged the first authentic specimen of
South Asian or Indian Islam, and it was they who adopted a distinctive attitude to
sama'... (Lawrence 1983, p.95). Sama' was the spiritual practice of chanting vocal
music in an assembled congregation as a means of mystical experience with the
Divine, which was discouraged by many sects within Islam. '[F]ar from being an
embarrassment to the Chistis, ...sama' was aggressively defended as an essential
component of the spiritual discipline or ascesis incumbent on all Sufis' (Lawrence
1983, p.95).
Shri Karunamayee studied intensively with Pandit Pran Nath until 1965,
during which time she also completed her Master's of Music in 1960. In 1966,
immediately following her resignation as the Head of the Music Department and
Vice-Principal of the Vidyavati Mukundaƒaƒ (Girls' College) in Ghaziabad, she was
mysteriously inspired to visit the Shri Aurobindo Ashram in Delhi. The founder of
this branch of the Aurobindo Ashram in Delhi was Shri Surendra Nath Jauhar, a
friend of her father's. After some conversation, she asked Surendra Nath Jauhar if
she could simply "sing one song" (as inspiration had guided her), and he finally
agreed. Following her musical rendition, during which all listeners present were
moved to tears, Surendra Nath Jauhar insisted she come to live at the ashram (see
340
Jauhar, Ed. (1993), Surendra Nath Jauhar: His Life, Work, and Thought for an
historical account of their meeting, a source which also includes photographs of Shri
Karunamayee). Following requests for another five songs, she agreed to his request
and moved to the ashram.
Shri Karunamayee discontinued her music career in the secular world to
provide music for the daily meditations in the meditation hall of the Delhi
Aurobindo Ashram, as well as for spiritual events and celebrations. On February 21,
1967, with The Mother's blessings, she established the Matri Kala Mandir (Mother's
Temple of Fine Arts). She sang only for the aspirants and initiates of the Shri
Aurobindo Ashram for the next twenty years (although continuing to sing
occasionally for All India Radio). She made her first appearance in the West, in
Europe, Holland, Belgium, France, and America in 1987, following Surendra Nath
Jauhur's death. Encouraged by many, including Pir Vilayat Khan, founder and then-
head of the Sufi Order in the West and successor to Hazrat Inayat Khan, as well as
Pandit Pran Nath, she has travelled regularly on what for her is her life's mission.
Shri Karunamayee is a spiritual musician, trained in classical music, and
inspired by the devotional chants of Kabir and Mirabai among others. She teaches
many religious repertoires, but for decades (since 1965, when her brother have her
a copy) her own daily sadhana has been the Ashram Bhajanavali of Gandhi's
satyagraha. She continues now as the Music Director for musical seekers at the
Matri Kala Mandir at Shri Aurobindo Ashram, Delhi, and she teaches in both India
and the United States. She is a tradition-bearer of svaraj and of the Ashram
Bhajanavali.
This writer met regularly with Shri Karunamayee over a period of six and a
half years, from June 2000 through November 2006, and collected more than 40
hours of recorded interviews with her. Our many discussions concentrated not just
on learning the music of the selections, but on the philosophy and/or theology of the
pieces being considered, along with the ritual settings involved. Information from
341
the interviews conducted with Shri Karunamayee correlates with, and expands the
understanding of the many topics outlined in this work, and she has shed additional
and important light on the Ashram Bhajanavali. While Shri Karunamayee could
have been an equally valuable informant regarding the life and history of Shri
Aurobindo and the ashram that was established in Delhi (where she still lives), our
conversations centered on Gandhi and the Ashram Bhajanavali.
The information concerning Shri Karunamayee's family background and her
recollections of Gandhi have been directly transcribed in her own words. No
changes have been made (with the exception of a very few words with the intent to
clarify meaning), in order that the reader can more clearly hear her in her own
voice. A second section in this chapter presents her comments given in answer to
questions regarding the Ashram Bhajana∆ali, and her teaching in this section has
been transcribed in a dialogue or interview format, in order for the reader to be
more intimately included in that dialogue process. We begin with the transcription
of her personal memories of direct experience during the satyagraha era.
FA MILY BA CKGROUND
'In our family, we were eight brothers and sisters -- six sisters and two
brothers. Our family was very deeply connected with Gandhiji and his movement.
Yes, very, very much. In our family, it was a very strong atmophere of Gandhiji and
revolutionaries. There was a great pining for the freedom of India, and of high
values, and of culture.'
Maternal Grandfather
'My [maternal] grandfather was an educationist, and his constant companions

were the Qur'an, the Bible and the Upanishads. He was one of the pioneers and
followers of Mahatma Gandhiji, and when [Gandhiji] declared in 1919 the
asarayog (non-co-operation) movement in terms of national services, my
grandfather left his job in the Punjab as Inspector of Schools for the British system.
He just gave it up. The idea was we must boycott their educational system. So,
national schools and national colleges were founded. It was in service to this ideal,
342
with an attitude without any grudge or grouse. 'All right - this is my service to my
country, the Motherland.' He was the Head and Founder of the National School in
Lahore, and then he founded the Sri Ram Ashram High School in Amritsar. He
compiled and wrote songs and prayers for it, and it is now still running.
'He was a very dear friend of Hazrat Inayat Khan. My [maternal]
grandmother was also. When they met, it was in the last phase of Murshid's [Khan's]
life in Delhi. My grandfather started the school after Hazrat Inayat Khan's death,
and then later he became in charge of the orphanage -- Arya Anathale Orphanage -
- that exists even now in Delhi.
'My grandfather came from a Sikh family, Guru Nanak's [lineage], then
turned towards Arya Samaj. He found that THIS message was even more
progressive than Guru Nanak Sahab's and Guru Govind Singh Ji's. That was still
related to a certain time, but this was the latest revival movement of the V‰dic
message. Swami Dayananda Sarasvati had started it, and it was taken up by Swami
Shraddhananda.
'My grandfather [my Na≤aji] and Swami Shraddhanandaji, they were very
close with Murshid, who was a Muslim. But, in their eating, they did NOT keep any
distinctions. They appreciated each other's good ways.
'He was Arya Samaj, Vedic, going to the source of Indian culture, that is the
Vedas. And, my father was also. That was the Reformist movement. He was a
universal being. So my mother inherited that atmosphere, and of course, only khadi
was worn.'
Paternal Grandfather
'My paternal grandfather, however, was very orthodox, a sanatani Hindu

from Riyasi in Jammu Kashmir state. We are Kshatrias. For everything, there was
the sacrifice of a goat. He would take my father, as he was the eldest son, so
naturally, he would take him, and many times, they would say 'if this happens...,'
and prayers to Kali were given, in that manner. So, we were strong and came from
fighters in the Hindu society, those who were to take care of the interests, take care
of the protection of the society, from the ruling class. Even Dr. Karan Singh, we are
from the same family tree.
'When my father decided that he would not eat meat -- he was only between
10 and 11 years of age -- that was a rebellion. He said 'I will not take meat.' My
grandfather said, 'if you don't want to take meat, etc., then you can get out of my
house.' So my father left the house, and from that age he learned to be on his own.
In the course of time, he came to Delhi.
'At first my grandfather did not like my father's changing ways, and when my
father took to Gandhiji's path and the revolutionary way, my grand father was still
wearing non-handmade cloth from Britain. My father was wearing only hand-made
khadi of Gandhiji's movement. Eventually, even my grandfather said, 'now you
343
bring these clothes for me. I also want to wear these.' And, one time it even
happened that the washerman didn't come and my grandmother could not wash at
home, so she provided my grandfather with the old dress. But, my grandfather
refused to wear it!'
Paternal Grand-Father's Sister
'My grandfather's sister became a child widow, and she didn't experience the
joys of life, which in a natural way she must have wanted.'
Father
'My father, having been expelled from his father's home for not eating meat,
travelled around for a few years, and eventually came to Delhi. From the year of
Gandhji's work, when the civil disobedience started, my father was connected with
the Arya Samaú, Arya Kumar Sabha and with Congress. So, he started wearing
khadi. There was no cloth, no fabric coming in our home except for khadi.
'He came in contact with Gandhiji's movement, also. I can't quote exactly, but
1997 would have been my father's centenary, so when he came to Delhi, he might
have been 16 or 17, very young. There, he came in contact with a very good circle
of Arya Samaj and he started his own kind of life; he tried to be independent in
business, a contractor.
'There was a very good man, a senior person, who had resources, money,
well-established, but who was a very dynamic Congress man and a very dynamic
Arya Samaú ƒ‰aÆ‰¿ -- Lala Narayana Dutta. All these young people gathered
around him, and he liked to support these young people because they were doing
Arya Kumar Sabha. When there was a plague in Delhi, they came forward and
looked after sick people, at the risk of their own lives. Because there were not too
many familes behind them to hold them back, they were free to do this work. So,
Dutta was a good support. These young men wanted to stand on their own feet, and
he would give them monetary support for being independent.
'Then Congress organized during that time the foreign cloth boycott -- that
was Gandhiji's movement. And at that time, they organized a kind of court, also.
'My father, my mother's brother, and Surendra Chacha Ji (founder of the Shri
Aurobindo Ashram in Delhi), they were all youngsters at that time, but they were
under the direct influence of Swami Shraddhananda Ji and Hazrat Inayat Khan, the
Congress culture, and Gandhiji, etc. All these movements, they're one. And, they all
knew each other. They worked for the realization of the same ideals -- a classless
society and women should have equal status, freedom for them, for education, good
education for everyone. Women should have the right to remarriage, not just once
if they're widowed early and their life's over, and no pardha (wearing veils, they
344
can't mix with men, all those restrictions), caste system, and you can't touch the food
of untouchables, and mixing with all people.
'Later on, Surendra Nath Jauhar became the founder of the Shri Aurobindo
Ashram. He was Sikh (Sikhandarla was his name), but he changed his name. Under
the influence of Congress and the Arya Samaj, the reformist society, they did away
with idol worhip and they turned towards the Vedic founts, just as Swaº⁄
Dayananda had founded that society.
'There was a youth force needed who could implement this in their lives. So
they founded Jat ¥ath tolak mandal, "the society that breaks the caste system."
Under the influence of that, they would marry out of the caste system, breaking the
caste system, and with no dowry, and no pardha and with no show-off weddings. Just
simple Vedic weddings with the fire ceremony, with Vedic mantras.
'That revival now is very common. But then, Swami Dayananda had selected,
culled out, mantras from the Vedic rites of different sorts -- 16 sanskars and there
was a complete re-thinking given to how we should live a life. Many of them came
to the Indian National Movement, from Arya Samaú, Arya Kumar Sabha, and the
spirit of sacrifice, character-building, austerity, ascesis, looking forward to higher
ideals and bringing them into life, actually implementing them.
'So many boys from that generation came forward, and the result is what we
see in the form of present-day society in India, where there is alot of progressive
outlook; so much of the old, stagnant material has been gotten rid of. Every society
needs that kind of educating from time to time.
'One of my uncles was an absolute revolutionary, with Bhagat Singh and that
movement, but that was a secret revolutionary party. That was of a HIGH risk, high
life-risk. When my uncle was in prison, he underwent much torture.
'My father remained in a certain line of defense, too, but he had a big family,
and he was a self-made man with no property to fall back on. So, he had to support
the family. But, he supported many families of freedom fighters who were
imprisoned or who took satyagraha as their path. Otherwise, their children would
have died with no one to support them. He would take in those families and support
them. It was a kind of silent service."
Mother
'My mother was one of those Arya Samaj girls of that generation. She did not
go to a "girls' school," but to an Arya Samaj school called a "daughters' school," or
Arya putri path-shala. People sent their daughters to study there, and my mother,
when my grandfather moved to Delhi, came to study in Class II. But, there was no
teacher for Class I. So, the Head Mistress requested that she teach the Class I. My
mother might have been 6 or 7 years old, and she said: 'I got a little nervous.' My
345
grandfather said: 'What is there to be nervous about? That Class I you have already
done. Go and teach it.' In those days, children were so accepting, obedient; if it were
said by father, she would do it. My mother also; she took the job, and started
teaching.
'Every Saturday, there also was the Bala Samaj, girls getting together to
perform, reading or reciting shlokas or poems, story telling, singing songs -- a
variety of things, folk dance also."
Mother's Brother
'My mother's brother was also a great educationist; he took charge of Shri
Ram Ashram High School, after my grandfather went to direct the orphanage. He
was a principal, playwright, director, poet, and a very good artist. They would
present plays about Hindu-Muslim unity. He wrote beautiful plays and staged them;
an amateur dramatic club was founded, where professional film-makers would
come and watch their presentations for three or four days at a time. He was also
khadi."
Childhood Home
'Our home had 'no walls.' Anybody could walk in from anywhere. It was like
an ashram. We never thought of it as just our family. Many other children lived
there too, because my father believed in this. They would stay in our home and go
to school. There was a nationalist atmosphere and Gandhiú⁄ was our leader. That
was the model for us. It was quite like an ashram. And my mother's father's home
also. The school he started and the children, it was like a woven fabric. There was
no barrier between family life and ashram life. So these things, we were saturated
with them.
When Gandhiji was on a fast, the children in our family were not interested
in food. Of course, children could not be starved, but many of us would go fasting.
Nobody would care, and the parents would not force them to eat. There was a
feeling that it was our –adhana, and parents encouraged the children to be aware of
these things.
It was in our family. We grew up with a great ache in our heart, anguish in
our hearts, as small children. Our Mother India, we used to think literally as if: 'She
IS our Mother' and she is in shackles! As Shri Aurobhindo had said, 'a demon is
sitting over her chest and drinking her life blood!' How can you tolerate that? For
whole nights, we would not be able to sleep, pining for that freedom of our Mother,
and crying 'when will it happen?'
My young brother, who was only four or five years old, was going to school
one day, when the 1942 movement was going on. At that time, they would let go
with lati charges and firing and all that -- processions were going on, and such
346
things. Every day he went to school, mother would button his shirt. But that day, he
pulled it open, parting the buttons. She buttoned it again, and he unbuttoned it
again. Three times he did this, and finally mother said 'What are you doing?' He
said, 'Mati, I am opening it so that when the Britishers shoot, my chest will be open!'
'Our family atmosphere was full of that. He said, 'I am keeping it open so
that the bullet should go directly here (points to her heart) without any hindrance.'
He was a small child, of course, only four, he didn't know that the bullet could
pierce through his shirt also!"
'So, we never missed the prayer meetings. Every day, when Gandhiji would
be visiting Delhi, we eagerly looked forward to all his prayer meetings. As long as
Gandhiji was there, we would go to the prayer meetings. My father and elder sister
they would go even for the early morning prayers also.There was no transporation;
they would leave very early in the morning, walking, carrying with them their
tambouras. Later, the day Gandhiji was assassinated, the prayers were being held at
Birla House. It was in January. (Recently, I offered prayers there, and Gandhiji's
grandson came; Arun Gandhi brought his group there. It was very special.) So many
people had heart attacks when Gandhiji was killed. My younger sister, she got such
a high fever, we almost lost her. Because Gandhiji had said 'I will live for 125
years.'
'In later years, my father was very fond of having all the family around,
having food together, and of course, for sham, evening prayers, we were together.
'There were good teachers coming to teach music to my elder brother and
sister. We were a musical family. Music was always there. Music was my
confidante, my constant companion, early. I did not have a systematic education in
Sanskrit, but our family atmosphere was always resounding with Vedic mantras,
sandhya and havan mantras. In my childhood for YEARS, it was our daily routine.
We didn't know the meaning, but every child chanted. My father had a great love
for music, so he would sing these mantras in the rŸgas and you would follow,
because the words were known and a melody you can always follow. By singing,
every time, something would be awakened and opened."
SINGING FO R GANDHI
'While growing up, our family was in so many satyagraha processions,

pra∏hat pheris (or nagar ki¿™a≤), when people go early in the morning and try to
create awakening in the sleeping masses. So "sleep" is taken in a double sense.
They are found sleeping at 4 o'clock early in the morning. At the same time, they
347
are sleeping to the truth of so many things that they should be aware of. This gives
them a kind of shock, giving a new current of thinking that starts with that.
'My sister sang for Gandhiji several times. Early morning prayers were held
in Banghi Colony. Gandhiji stayed there, when in Delhi, at the Bhangi Colony. They
were sweepers. My sister and my father would attend the early morning prayers,
which were at 4 o'clock. There was no transportation, so they would walk early in
the morning to be there, and she would take the tamboura [a four-stringed drone
instrument used for accompaniment]. She was firey, and she sang directly for him
three times."
'I went to evening prayers that were held mostly in Ramlila Grounds. Huge
lawns are there, and Gandhiji and the ashram family were there. There was a
platform created where they would sit. There was a lot of grass. We sat on the grass.
I have one memory from when I was very small. I saw him standing there like the
trunk of a strong tree. Behind him were his grandchildren. It was like seeing Divine
in action. It seemed like the sanatanamparam, the perennial path of the light.
'I sang once for Gandhiji, at the evening prayers, with my sister. I was about
15, after the end of the war. I don't remember the date, but it was a Monday. It was
his maun day, Monday. On that day he would keep silence. We were told by the
school principal (Pandit Vinay Chandra Maudgalya, or Bhaiji, the Universal
Brother) that day we would sing in Bapuji's prayer meeting. It was at Ramlila
Grounds in Delhi, and Bapuji was under that big tree. More than one lakh of people
were there, one hundred thousand or more. But there was pin-drop silence, the sun
was setting, and Bapuji was so strong (she indicates his sitting in silent meditation).
'We went, took our seats, and then we had the great privilege of singing at his
prayer meeting. We sang Sumiran kara le mere mana, Guru Nanak's song. When
we finished, the prayer meeting ended. We got up, and we did our pranams to
Bapuji. (In our family, we never touched the feet of anybody. Girls were so
respected, like devis, that when a girl was born it was announced 'devi ayi he! -- a
goddess has come into our home!' But nothing was announced for boys. Our feet
were touched, but we never touched anyone's feet. So, we never touched Bapuji's
feet.)
'We did namaskar, with all the reverence, and he was so doting. He could not
speak, but he put his hands on our heads, and on our backs. He put his hands over our
heads, and we received his blessings. There was a good, deep silence. It was a
prayerful atmosphere, complete embodiment. Everything was merged in this point
of prayer, where Gandhiji stood like a rock, like a prakasha stambha (pillar of
348
light), a body in the full spirit of prayer, but in deep humility. It was such a great
experience.
'I have another remembrance from when I was older, maybe 17 or so. Bapuji
was fasting. The prayers lasted about 45 minutes. The chanting would stop and then
Gandhiji used to speak. Many people had suffered and were out of their homes.
They were very upset. People had lost everything. They were so furious, and
autrocities had not stopped -- the not-honouring of a 90-year old woman or a 9-
months old girl. What to do? Cruel times. After the riots, more Muslims came. Not to
all, but in Ramlila Grounds much more. That was a part of every day, prayers
chanted from different traditions. In India, people never wanted to exclude any
tradition. [Sung]-prayer meetings were part of the revolutionary movement.'
Shri Karunamayee teaches many musical repertoires. She is currently

approaching her eighth decade of life, and she has been disseminating and
recording these repertoires in order to preserve both her lineage and her distinctive
style for the sake of posterity. With the younger people in India currently possessing
great admiration for western lifestyles and music, she feels that fewer young
people in India are interested in learning the repertoires she teaches. Our
conversations focussed on her historical knowledge of Gandhi and the musical
content of Ashram Bhajanavali, which were woven together in her comments. This
set of questions continues as part of this inquiry following her explanation that the
sung-prayer meetings were an integral part of the Indian freedom movement.
INSIGHTS IN TO TH E ASHRAM BHAJANAVALI
C S: Could you refer, then, to these prayer-songs as "revolutionary"?
K: Revolutionary prayer-songs? Oh, yes! Gandhiji thought if the people are in

harmony, then we can fight the struggle of independence with the rulers who had
come to dominate us. Gandhiji's work seemed to be political work, but it was all
based on the fealty of God, and the complete submission, and surrender to God.
C S: Why was this collection of sung-prayers such an important support to the

satyagraha movement?
349
K: People, then, were looking forward, in a time of foreign rule. India had suffered
a kind of domination, not for five or ten years, but for hundreds of years. So, for
that society, the question arises (for you, or me, or anyone who is a seeker of truth),
when there were realizations of such high order, like the Vedic and Upanishadic
truths, the Bhagavad Gita and so many Puranas, so many scriptures, Ramayana,
Mahab“arata, and all the samhitas also, then, why is it that the old race had to be
under subjugation? The question should arise. Was there any lack of
comprehensiveness of truth realization? No.
So, on all levels, Gandhiji tried to go to the sources, and then he brought out
the message that would directly charge the spirit and the soul of the people.
C S: Were the pieces he chose meant to be chanted? Were they sung?
K: Yes, singing is very important. Music is an inseparable part of the religious,

spiritual teaching. It gives you a time when you carry the sound through vowels,
which was, and is, done consciously and unconsciously. Those who can not carry the
sound on certain pitches, they sustain the thought. Sustenance is very essential, in
which SOUND helps a lot.
This is a very important quality and characteristic of mantra. It should
reverberate again and again and again. Ajapajapa -- it happens. Inspite of you, the
japa is happening. So by singing, it becomes part and parcel of you. Because breath,
pulsation, that sustains the life, and it has been a part of that life current this mantra.
So that's why it goes into our very being. Singing is very, very important. For every
mantra, it shares its secret. That is it's message, and it becomes part of you by
singing.
C S: Gandhi was, then, teaching political freedom through spiritual freedom,

through singing?
K: Singing opens the whole thing -- especially with the pieces in the Ashram
Bhajanavali. All the thoughts, all the ideas, they unfold, and with that in my heart,
my soul unfolds into maturity. This has been my mainstay for years -- besides going
to Gandhiji's prayer meetings. When you take it up with your own initiative, and
you do it daily, early in the morning, the rhythmic aspect gives you time to focus.
The whole thing puts you into a state where you can really understand it. You look
and say: "Ah, this is true! that is true!" The music opens the door so you can reach
your OWN self. And, this is what the people felt!
C S: Do you feel Gandhiji used music in that way?
K: All of Gandhi's work depended upon prayers and it was SUNG prayer.
350
First, early in the morning. Then, later, for students, there was a different
compilation of prayers in the Vidhyamandir prartana; then Strivargaki prayers for
when the women would be together, with a special selection that would really
inspire them for the lofty principles for which they had to be prepared, for the
highest sacrifices also. Then, through evening prayers in which everybody joined,
all the levels could be kept up.
All the attention, all the energies could be fused then through one channel to
satyagraha. If satyagraha movements were to be started, within certain time
frames, all the preparations had to be for THAT. (All the time, you have to keep
your instrument in order, and then there comes an occasion when you give a
performance. But be“ind that performance, there is ALL your sadhana.)
The ashram community provided the leadership for that unified action. If you
see the hierarchy, the mouthpiece was Mahatma Gandhiji; then there were, as they
say, lines of defense. The lines of satyagraha had to be there. If there was one
ashramite living amongst the peopƒ‰ in the far-distant communities, which were
spread all over India, he was the torchlight for everyone there. His example was a
living example of what Bapuji stood for, of his leadership.
Those ashrams prepared the people who changed the climate of the whole
country, because there was the resistance against foreign rule. They had to set their
personal model, their example, before the people -- what they stood far, how they
should act. Even their slightest action, from the most minor to the most major, was
subject to the eye of the common man. They tried to emulate Gandhiji with his
spirit of 100% commitment.
C S: The sung-prayers in the Ashram Bhajana∆aƒ⁄ constituted the rituals and the
daily ritual practice of satæagraha? Were they yajna?
K: Yes, of course, they were yajna. You see, the first yajna is performed here (she
gestures to her heart). The flame being of light is right behind the heart, which
pulsates. And Gandhiji sang, 'PrŸtah smarŸmi -- I remember that Ÿtma tattva.' But,
how many heart beats are taken consciously? The breaths which we take every
minute and are sustained by Divine.
C S: This current edition of the Ashram Bhajana∆aƒ⁄ that I am holding ⁄– –Ë –ºall

that it could fit easily in one's pocket. Just looking at this volume, it is so small, so
silent, it could just as easily be passed over as not being of much import. But, when
you work with this, and coordinate it with the primary and secondary sources
concerning Gandhi, it becomes evident there was a great deal of sound and sung
ritual in the satyagraha movement.
K: It is very, very important. Surely. Because as they did their work, it was not with
bound volumes -- it was by direct vibration. That is why he could take the millions
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with him. When he was marching in the 1920s and 1930s, millions of people's eyes
followed him everywhere. And there is a pranam we say to him: 'Oh, million-eyed
one.' He gave his message through SOUND -- and, through silence also.
C S: Out of all the scriptures available, why do you feel these were chosen?
K: First, (laughing) they couldn't take all the verses of all the scriptures. Second,
these were taken to make a deep impression, which gave a great sanska¿
[shaping]to the people. After that, they emerged ready for the right action, for their
lives, and for the nation also. It was for sanséa¿ [shaping of an impression].
Gandhiji was dealing with the common people. He was their teacher, every
day. He WAS a rishi [ancient holy man], but also a person down-to-earth trying to
realize the highest ideals, the subtlest, to be within the reach of the common man.
He had love for the most left-out or rejected one; he would not like to leave that
one behind.
Gandhiji taught by everything he did. He was not only observed during the
day time, but 24-hours a day. What is ashram life? We're under observation by our
followers, so that they can follow that path, through and through, with transparency.
CS: As you consider the contents of the Ashram Bhajanavali, do you see any
general themes?
K: Yes. There are many, many verses written about the glory of God. But, Gandhiji
was a very practical man, and these songs ask 'what should WE do?' These prayers
ask: 'what is that by which WE can improve our own life quality? and not be lost in
this thing and that thing?' Always, in these prayers, we are concentrating on the
qualities of a balanced person.
WE are praying also. It is a double-edged sword. We are knowing on one
side, telling ourselves through these words actually, what is the real quality of a
balanced person, and asking 'how much of that do I have? where do I stand?' And,
day after day, when this is part of my daily prayer, I ask this daily of myself. So, the
message has gone inside, and now I start molding also myself, coming up to that
standard. When I make it a part of MY prayer, then I am involving the help of God,
which helps me evolve into a better consciousness and my dealings with others also.
It is through this way.
And, when everybody was singing? I've seen a prayer meeting where there
was one lakh of people, 100,000 people, who were seated in one place. And in such
a situation, when these prayers are sung out, SUNG OUT, everybody is so attentive.
This is not just "ear-hearing;" it is hearing with the heart, hearing even
around and through the back of the heart. Not only is there the the sound of pin-drop
silence, but along with that, you hear your OWN heart beat. And with that, you hear
the sound of these mantras, which are made of sound.
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Music makes the sound very soothing, and, thus, it is sustained. It makes an
impression, a very lasting impression, on the heart. And, there was the living
presence of Mahatma Gandhiji, who embodied all these ideals in his life. Such a
simple man, full of the spirit of truth and non-violence, for which he would lay out
anything and everything as sacrifice. This all made a very, very lasting impression
on one and all. One can't forget that experience.
They were all in a prayer mood. They were not in a politics mood. Although
prayer was the preparation for politics.
C S: The use of some of these prayer-songs by Gandhiji and those immediately

around him is documented in accounts of his fasting and in accounts of the national
marches. Do you know whether songs, like "K‡Œna tvadiiya," for example, would
have been chanted by certain individuals during the satyagraha campaigns?
K: While growing up, I was in so many satyagraha processions, pra∏at preris, when
people go early in the morning and try to create awakening in the sleeping masses.
There were songs, and, with them, we went. Some slogans were there: Vande
Mataram. These were songs that were dear to the people. Those were very dear
songs of the people at that time, to awaken their spirit and to attune themselves to
the work, and to get ready for suffering.
So, these songs were on the lips of the people. "K‡Œna tvadiiya" would have
been part of the prayer meetings, in which it is one couplet. It is the call of a person,
asking that the 'the rŸjahansa of my mind' might find its place at the time of parting:
'I don't want to postpone it, but today, right now.' Yes, it was chanted in the prayer
meetings. If someone were marching, hearing "K‡Œna tvadiiya" from the
Mukundamala in their heads, why not? Or the Upanishads?
There is a natural self-preserving instinct even in animals, so in human
beings also. To overcome that instinct, there must be some counter-force that is a
moral power -- it could be from the Upanishads; it could be from Mukundamala or
some special verses from the Qur'an -- Christian, Buddhist, Zoroastrian, Sikh -- or
bhajans which are given here, so many of them. Who can say which was the source
of inspiration for whom?
But, with THESE verses, the work could be done.
C S: I've noticed that very often, in his English translation of these songs which he
made for Mirabehn, Gandhi used the word 'God' instead of 'Raº' which was in the
original verse. Did Gandhi use the word 'RŸm' as the universal 'God'?
K: Yes, often 'Ram' is the same as Brahman, God, the Universal Being.
C S: It has been written by Margaret Chatterjee that Gandhi was more a devotee of
Rama's than of Krishna's. Why do you think that would be?
353
K: Shri Ram had given the society a moral, ethical model. There were different
avatars, and at different stages of evolution. Divine guidance comes in different
forms. The teacher appears in the classroom; the creation is like a classroom. The
teacher comes and gives the lessons, sets the model. Everything is explained, and he
lives the life: 'This is how it should be lived.' Then, he leaves the classroom, and the
students are left to themselves to follow the lessons out! Within them, there can be
some wiser people, some less wise; there are group leaders, and there are some
naughty children who create difficulties (laughing), some cowards, some not so
bright. So, from ages immemorial the game has been going on.
The teacher will return to the classroom to check the students' homework.
However, the teacher (Brahman) won't remain in the classroom all the time; the
students are left to themselves for times, to see how they will work it out. And, the
lesson is always more and more advanced; it is given on more progressive lines.
This is how the story in our day also goes.
So, there was a time when human beings didn't know how to relate well.
But, look at Shri Ram. Ram is a representative of Divine. He fulfilled a boon given
by his father to his stepmother. He kept up the representation of how to respect his
parents and his wife. His father, Dasharatra, had three wives. But Ram set a law for
himself: one wife. When Sita was in exile? Why? If he is a king then he has to be a
model. If they don't respect him, then he's not a king.
This is called the role of an avatar. An avatar who knows what he is, is one
with the Brahmic consciousness, and these devatas also, they are the laws of
dharma. They are expressing the dharma of Brahman. So, there is no dichotomy.
But they have to set a kind of ideal behavior for the common people to follow. And
surely, to set a proper line of action in which there is security for children, and race
also is to be considered, there's not too much selfishness or superficiality involved.
Ram is called maryada purushottama -- everything has its line, is well-
spelled out. Tracks are laid down, and, for that, he paid heavily [Monier-Williams
1999, p,791, "MaryaÆa -- one who sets marks or limits, an arbiter, umpire; the
bounds or limits of morality and propriety, rule or custom, distinct law or definition,
Mn, MBh"]. This is the character which Gandhiji could project before the people
also, if they had to follow self- discipline and prepare their psyche for
concentration.
Shri Krishna was also an avatar. But, Shri Krishna's behavior, if it were put
into practice, would bring about anarchy. Shri Krishna is considered lila
purushottamama. Brahman can play the ƒila through the life of Krishnaji. But, Ram
depicts ma¿yaÆa.
Mohandas was Gandhiji's name, and it means one of Krishna's names. But
Gandhiji did not make Krishna the object for his day-to-day dhun. Ram-dhun was
his choice, and he sang "Raghupati Raghava Raja Ram."
354
At that time, ºaræaÆa was a very important value to be highlighted, to be

placed in the very center of every Indian person. For Shri Ram, life was full of
sacrifice. So people should be prepared. They were being PREPARED
unconsciously for high sacrifices. For the path of non-violence, it is not an easy path.
You can't be aggressive in any manner. If you have a weapon, there's a chance that
the other person may have one also, so there's an equal balance. But, where you
know you don't have any such device with you -- then what is it that will sustain you
in your own moral power?
Only in the real Self, and confidence in the Truth, and in the sovereignty of
the realm of the Self. And, you know that you are a person of Truth, so without any
hatred or anger towards the other person, with shanti you go.
C S: So, were these prayer-songs meant by Gandhi as a form of meditation or as a

form of excitement?
K: Not for excitement. It was for meditation. It was concentration on this, and trying
to bring these values into life. It was very serious and meditative. It was very, very
in-drawn. There are different types of music. If you are in ecstasy, bha∆ –amadhi,
that joy of meeting your beloved has an intensity, as in the Hare Krishna dancing
and movement. Gandhi didn't use music in that way, but he would not have
objected.
When we would go to the evening prayers, if they were at 5:30, we would go
earlier than that. We would get settled by 5:00 -- privately, silently, deeply. It was
serious and meditative. There would be only pranams [bowing] if anything. But no
talk. And, after the singing of the prayers, Gandhiji would give a talk. What he said,
those things were to be absorbed, and to be put into your life.
C S: In choosing stories of Ram, one could say that some theological decisions were
made concerning what was chosen for the Ashram Bhajanavali. Are there other
instances of "theological choices" or "editing" that you've noticed in this collection?
K: Yes. Think of how much sensitive editing had to be done! What was the
material to be presented?
1) Those hymns that have a theology of negativity or fear are not in the
Bhajanavali, nor those that emphasize punishment (there is no punishment, no
prize). Hymns that encourage only one isolated way, or that opinion that excludes
all others, saying 'this is the only path,' are not in the Ashram Bhajanavali. Because
all paths are respected equally. All the prayers are cosmic prayers. There is never
'this is the only way.' Ved means jnan it means ever-growing.
355
2) In Tulsidas' verse from Raºcaritmanas, there is a verse that originally

ended with 'Blest the life that has service of brahmins upheld!' But in the Ashram
Bhajanavali, the song is sung not with the word dvija [twice-born; high born
brahmin] but with Haribhakti [lover of God] instead. For Gandhiji, brahman
consciousness was not a matter of birth. That verse had to be changed for
satyaí¿aha.
3) The hymn I sang for Gandhiji, "Sumiran kara le," was a bhajan by Guru
Nanak. Nanak, in this song, gives so many beautiful similies to tell how life can be
devoid of divine consciousness. But there are at least two verses left out in the
Bhajanavali version. There was a time when woman was given a lesser place, so
Nanak originally used the comparison, nari purush bina, a woman without a man,
meaning that a woman without a man would be incomplete. But the Bhajanavali
leaves that out. It's interesting. There's another very beautiful comparison that is
also left out that connected with the 'woman' simile to balance it. Nanak said panchi
(bird) panka (wings) bina (without) -- this was sacrificed along with nari purush
bina.
Otherwise, nari purush bina, with that concept, how could women be taken
out of the pardha and subjugated status? Gandhiji had to liberate women also, and it
is whatever freedom we see for women in India today.
4) There is an equally powerful metaphor that used to be used in the

treatment of this topic of depicting life devoid of divine consciousness. It is that of
the sati or faithful wife who bravely mounts her husband's funeral pyre and never
turns back. This wouldn't be included!
Bapuji released the laws that women should come forth. That svadeshi, the
things made in the country must be given preference over things from other
countries, even if they are very fine -- it's svadeshi bhavana. For that he used the
women, and Ba herself, his wife. And, the women also came out of the ashram.
Every ashram should have a teacher and a school, and the children should be raised
according to these principles. For that, Gandhiji said they will do satyagraha -- it is
a very honorable thing to do, in the society, in the family -- when she comes out of
the home, she is exposed to outside things. There is a kind of loss to the family, but
if she goes for a good cause, then the family feels proud of her. They feel she's
participating in a kind of yajna and they feel that they are participating in a kind of
national yajna for the liberation of the country.
Everybody felt a kind of vibration once there were women with them in
satyagraha. Because, at that time, the English were ruling through the Indians. And
the Indian men got a kind of shock: 'Oh, I'm raising my hand against a woman! It
could be my wife, or my sister, or my daughter.' It would immediately give them a
shock, and the women would say: 'All right, so do it.' With that one action, Gandhiji
356
was very wise. He implemented many, many lessons. And this is how women got a
good chance for education also. They were not lacking in any manner. Children
also learned to become more self dependent.
Now what is done in the name of women's liberation, it is not with a high
consciousness, but with so much ego. Woman is loosing respect for herself. She is
the mother really -- she need not try to be like men. It doesn't mean 'might is right.'
Men have their qualities, but woman has many of her own best qualities. Big
business from the West and western culture have taken over and we now have no
voice against it. And, how it has overshadowed so many good things of the East, I
can not tell you. Families are losing their foundations, their values, and everything
Bapuji was upholding.
C S: Were there people who helped Gandhi make these decisions, and helped put
the Ashram Bhajanavali together?
K: Pandit Narayan Mor‰shwar Khare chose the bhajans for the publication and the
ragas they were set in. Pandit Khare was a VERY good musician who helped
resurrect music in India.
Pandit Khare was a disciple of Pandt Vishnu Digambar Paluskar. There was
a time when Indian music had fallen into disarray, and even the most spiritual of
ragas was being used and heard in places like brothels. The ancient understandings
had been lost with the forced Islamic conversions. So, Pandit Vishnu Digambar
Paluskar, who had a very good training, said 'we'll bring the volumes and lyrics
from the sants, their writings and songs.' He composed new compositions. He started
an ashram for music students, a gurukul, Gandharva Mahavidyalaya, he had a
notation system and books written also, systematized. There are hundreds of music
schools now, and there is a regular university of music. It was Pandit Shri Digambar
only, when Congress sessions were held, who would go there and sing Vande
Mataram.
Pandit Narayan Moreshwar Khare was his disciple (Digambar's); he was his
direct disciple. He had the same attitude, strictness, everything with self-discipline.
That was why he came to Gandhiji's ashram. Pandit Vishnu Digambar Paluskar sent
him to Mahatma Gandhiji from his gurukul.
In the Ashram Bhajanavali, there is a solid foundation of this classically-
based tradition, because Khare was instrumental in selecting the texts of the songs,
and the ¿agas, and he was living an ashramite's life. He was a regular ashramite. He
was teaching this (she points to the Ashram Bhajanavali). It was part of their
teaching.
Pandit Khare's picture was once on the front of one of the Bhajanavali
editions. Like the cover that bears Mahatma Gandhiji's photograph now? At one
time, there was an edition of this very Bhajanavali published with Pandit Khare's
photograph on the front, with his tamboura. You could see Gandhiji is sitting close
357
to him, and they were all in meditation. He had just sung, and they had gone into
meditation.
Pandit Khare would have set the ragas, and the meters for these bhajans.
Look at the variety of ragas he has chosen (gesturing to Ashram Bhajanavali, p. 82).
Number Two is in Rag des; Number Three is rag sohal (rag sohani in the Punjab);
Number Four is rag khamaj; Number Five is in rag paraj; Number Six is in Rag
Kaush⁄æa; and, Number Seven is in a–avari or todi. That's what we do. My way has
been that I never sing the same words in the same raías that I have already sung.
But, for common singing, you have to pick one.
Pandit Khare would have helped choose the Ramdhun also. Gandhiji used to
sing Ramdhun daily, and he would keep the tal also (by clapping). With Raºdhun,
everybody would keep the taƒ a≤Æ Gandhiji used to do that. You see in GujarŸ™,
there was a great tradition of singing and dancing to the word, and Gandhiji came
from that.
C S: Do you see a pattern to the ragas?
K: Yes, we can see at what time these songs would have been sung, because ragas
are sung at a particular time. Every raga has its time, except for some seasonal
ragas and some dhun, like folk dhuns. But, they are connected with classical singing
also, and they can be sung any time. But for a–a∆a¿a, khamaj, sohani-- they all have
their TIMES. So, naturally, according to the time of prayer, he would have kept the
raga. Or, when people would have gathered besides the prayer time.
These bhajans were raga-based. Khare was a very great musician, but also
dedicated to the ideals laid down by Bapuji. Khare based those songs on ragas.
Ragas have a very deep meaning. Every raga depicts one rasa; it has a presence,
the deity. Every swara, every note of it, creates a very specific atmosphere in
evoking that particular energy.
The different Garanas [traditions] have different melodies. Some are from
Gujarat, or from Maharashtra, or from the Punjab. They use different melodies.
Even folk people can be experts of given ragas. People will travel a long way to
listen to someone who is an expert -- how much ras, how much depth, message,
effectivity, how are the taƒ and svar blended.
C S: What instruments were used to accompany the sung-prayers?
K: I remember mainly tambouras, being played. My father and sister would leave
very early in the mornings carrying their tambouras. But the harmonium was very
seldom used.
C S: Who helped Gandhiji with choosing the Sankrit shlokas that comprise the first
third of the collection?
358
K: Shri Kaka Saheb Kalelkar and Acarya Vinobhave helped choose the shlokas.
They were sung on special occasions by all. Otherwise, they were sung by those like
Kaka Sahab Kalelkar, a Sanskrit scholar, who would not be satisfied with any
prayer meeing that didn't have a lot of Upanishads. He always chanted the
Ishopanishad, Kaka Saheb did. He had made a very detailed study of it, and he was
a musician. He had a very good ear for music. He had been with Gandhiji since the
beginning.
Kaka Kalelkar helped make these selections. Each one is so beautiful.
Ghandiji did a monumental work here, which will go for ages to humanity. And
now, after how many years, Gandhiji passed on in 1948, and it is 2005 or 06 --
almost 50 years hence? Almost fifty years, and now the time has come also for this
place to taste it.
I sang for Kaka Saheb, once, when he was much older. I sang to him one
time, and he was very happy, thrilled, and he laughed. I sang to him and he started
singing with me. It was so charming. We were all laughing. He was so open-
hearted, like a child. These are memories I cherish, which give nourishment and
sustenance.
C S: In the front portion of the Bhajanavali, in the Sanskrit shlokas, where Gandhiji
and Kakaji included the Upanishads, why is there no actual Rig Veda verse?
K: Because the Upanishads are the fruits of the Vedas, and in the Upanishads there
are the same verses. The same verses were taken, but discussed in the presence of
the guru -- upa-ni-shad -- sitting in the presence of their peers. They were not
different; they were the same.
These Upanishads are chosen from here and there. This is such unfailing
medicine! A remedy for all the ills. And going with music, it can never fail you!
C S: When was the word Allah" added to Raghupati Raghava?
K: This is a tune that was set by Pandit Vishnu Digambar Paluskar. The first line
only may have been sung then. But, when Gandhiji came on the scene, and he had
the devotion to liberate Mother India, the Muslims felt separate. So Gandhiji added
Allah to that dhun, so that both communities should feel a unity for one cause. It
came with Gandhiji. We can't say when these words were given, but they were so
that everybody would have right thinking, and could move in one direction.
C S: Gandhi's actions and the satyagraha movement have been scrutinized in such
detail by so many people, so many scholars from both West and East. He was a
complex man, and he has at times received so much criticism.
359
K: We are at times very, very cruel when we pass judgments on people who
worked in such difficult conditions. After all, we have not received what THEY
have received. So much they have done, that it needed about one hundred years at
least. The achievements which they worked out in their period resulted in the state
we are left with, and we should ask what are WE doing with that? This is how we
should learn to compare their work when we are very harsh in passing judgements.
This I always feel -- the conditions then were really very, very, very difficult.
Inspite of that, different communities could come together AND India did attain its
freedom, although it was a very heavy cost when the partition came.
Let's step back for a moment, and look at what Gandhiji had to do, and how
long it took to prepare the Ashram Bhajanavali. When he published this, do you
think that was the only time that it was manifested? No, no, no. Those prayers were
with him during 21 years of preparation before hand! And then, they brought them
to light. Even a small bottle of ghi takes a long time to make -- it's a long process.
So you can imagine what it must have taken to churn out all this.
The sadhana that Gandhi waged has outweighed the lapses of so many of us.
Still it was really his sadhana. But the fight is not over.
So many good things have happened. But, so many things of the culture are
now also falling apart, decreasing. Everybody should have gone to the Vedas and
moved forward. Now, in politics, in the constitution as formulated, India is a secular
place. Dharma now has no place. So, if you are not left with dharma, what are you
left with?
This current situation is the work of politics. This is why you see so much
confusion. Groupism and parties -- further and further away from the real values
for which India stood. But inside, people still want to uphold these values, because
that is our basic spring, and our natural dharma.
C S: What ⁄– ¨‰ Æ⁄fference between a text and a text which is sung?
K: Words are words, but when you sing them, then the real thing comes. The whole
feeling flows through us; the whole content flows through us by singing. It becomes
part of your blood stream. It is because those breaths are so conscious, so
purposeful. They are carrying the life breath of that which they respresent -- Life.
So, Life starts flowing with the content, and that feeling, and all the centers of the
body synchronize with that, and you become one with that. For instrumentalists, this
can not happen -- that is something else -- it's like reading a very good book, but it's
one translated from another language. When you sing, everything becomes alive.
You can have a full-size photograph of somebody and you can have
somebody. This is the difference. You see every feature, every thing, but, they are
different. Or, in a mirror, everything is there, but when you touch it, the nose, the
cheeks, the ears -- they are flat! There is a difference between the appearance and
the reality. When you touch a person and when you see them in a mirror, there's a
360
difference. And, even if you have a statue that shows a likeness to the person, there
is still a difference. There is a degree of difference between a reflection in a mirror
and a piece of sculpture. Yet, there is a greater degree of difference between either
of those and the life of the person.
If you read something, it is someone else's. You may also identify with it
mentally, but it is someone else's. When you sing, you are committing yourself. It is
coming through you. Now it is your message. Every cell of your body expresses it,
gets lit up by that message, because you are in attunement with that. Whatever you
sing, you become that. There's a world of difference. And, then, when you come
back to yourself, you ARE all that, yet you are somebody who transcends all that.
You try to become that. You may not have reached it fully, BUT AT THAT TIME,
YOU WERE THAT!
Indian music is very organic. It comes through you. This is very important,
because you feel that it is coming through you. From you, and then through you.
Guru Nanak's consciousness is not bound by his time. Guru Nanak's consciousness is
now YOUR consciousness. It is in you now, and your body is an instrument of that.
And you experience this in a fresh manner in this song, life, and breath. This is
YOUR song now. When you sing it, you have to become it. It is more than even
words from a pulpit. It's a very vital difference.
THE CU R R EN T MISSION OF A T RADITION-B EA R ER

The interviews with Shri Karunamayee which have been transcribed and
presented above help to place the Ashram Bhajanavali within the social, religious,
and political context of its time. Shri Karunamayee's reports of events that took
place correspond with the written and published reports of the day, as evidenced in
the Collected Works and in secondary materials presented in earlier chapters. By
correlating these primary and secondary sources from Gandhi's era with the
information provided by Shri Karunamayee, a better understanding of the Ashram
Bhajanavali's significance for satyagraha has been achieved. Further, it has been
established that Shri Karunamayee, as a living witness of satyagraha, is a tradition-
bearer for Gandhi's Bhajanavali and the satyagraha movement.
Specifically, as a direct witness, her descriptions of how the sung-prayers
affected people, how people were physically and spiritually moved, and how
Gandhi used these pieces to educate the Indian populace to respond in coordinated,
361
non-violent ways are invaluable. Her reports indicate the extent to which this sung-
prayer repertoire was used for meditative purposes. The sung-prayer material
served as a focal point for concentration and self-control. As was mentioned in
previous chapters, even the Raº∞‹≤ prayers were often utilized as crowd-control
to quiet congregations before prayer, and as meditative device at the end of prayer.
Shri Karunamayee's attendance at actual events and her observations
concerning direct participation in the evening prayer meetings present a clear
picture of how Gandhi utilized these sung-prayers. Contrary to many westerners'
prejudice that Indian music is defined by the lively dancing and singing of the Hare
Krishna movement that occurred in this country in the 1970s, it should be noted here
that Gandhi did not use music in this way. As Shri Karunamayee stated above,
Gandhi's use of music was not for excitation, but was for meditation. As such, this
usage would fall into the Hyperquiescent category of d'Aquili and Newberg's
paradigm, a state connected with the parasympathetic nervous system, which is
described as oceanic tranquility, or bliss, and it occurs during "slow" rituals, such as
chanting, prayer, or even ordinary religious services (d'Aquili & Newberg 1999,
p25). While the "Projective I" of the individual (in Urban's schematic) actively
partakes in the hearing and singing of mythic remembrance, s/he would have been
enabling a process similar to Rappaport's reference to the 'Halakhic man' who in
frequent, daily rituals was directly involved in the manifestation of bringing
Heaven to earth.
The continuity of Shri Karunamayee's lineage and mission does not end with
Gandhi, or even with herself, as she states: 'Satyagraha is not over. It is only
partially completed. The prarthana [prayers], the sound, it is as if we see the stars
only at this moment. But, what Gandhiji's work was, it was done in continuation.
What we sing now, they are the light that was emitted thousands of years back.'
For several years, Shri Karunamayee has been teaching Indian vocal music
in the United States, as well as in the Shri Aurobindo Ash¿am at Delhi. She has
362
become interested in passing on those teachings she has received, and the renditions
of music that she remembers from the time of satyagraha.
'As it was done in the true ashram, these prayers, this small seedling
is now being brought out. It was my prayer that these prayers will be sung!
They must be heard! As you may have noticed, anybody can sing with
them. It is so simple. It can become anybody's heart beat. It has the
message; it is mantra also. We sing directly the song of it. This creates the
survival of the world.'
Her mission, to create the survival of the world through Gandhi's counsel
embodied in the Bhajanavali, has been focussed on the individual, on society, and
on the world at-large. She has taught individuals through private lessons, as well as
groups who have met in private homes and retreat centers.
'By singing [the Ashram Bhajanavali], it becomes part and parcel of

your own being. Otherwise, these are just books, lying there -- stacks of
them! But, somebody who is singing can use them. They fill life with
hope, and when we cannot find any person to whom we can confide, or
from whom we can take advice, this is a very living, burning counsel.'
She continues to understand her mission in the light (and sound) of ancient
teachers, both Eastern and Western.
'This is a very important time in creation. WE are sitting together

with some music. And music means the core of eternity of all creation.
Why should these mantras be coming here now? Because there is need of
them. The continuity of the light of the stars is penetrating more and
more. The stars are not going to be put out, and we have more and more
awareness. This is light to the world, like John and the Christ. This is light.
People want to hear this.
The creation is not meant to be stagnant. It is an evolutionary
march. The Veda is not a closed book.Veda means jnana, and it is ever-
growing, ever-expanding.'
When asked whether this concept of sonic, vibratory expansion was connected with
the Sanskrit verbal root brih, Shri Karunamayee answered in the affirmative: 'Yes,
it is growing, ever-moving, ever-brewing.'
363
This chapter has presented Shri Karunamayee's stories, recollections, and

teachings both as evidence of how these prayer songs were utilized, and as
evidence of their significant power during Gandhi's satyagraha. Gandhi lived and
taught through the power of sung-prayer rituals. Ritual has the power to move
people together. Sung-prayer has the power to bring people together toward
unified actions. In his early writings, Gandhi declared that what he did, he did not
just for India, but for the help of the whole world. He would most assuredly endorse
and support Shri Karunamayees current mission of bringing the Bhajanavali to new
singers in order to sustain the world's continuing creation, as he would no doubt
have agreed with her dedication to the principle that: 'What we sing now, they are
the light that was emitted thousands of years back' (Shri Karunamayee).
364
Shri Karunamayee Abrol's Family Tree
Maternal Grandfather Paternal Grandfather

Acharya Sunder Singh-Ji Laƒa Jagat-Raº-Ji
-Sikh; friends w/ Hazrat Inayat Khan and -Kshatriya from Riyasi, Jammu
Swami Sh¿aÆ∞ananda Kashºir (same lineage as Dr. -became
Arya Samaj Karan Singh)
-left job as Inspector of Schools to start -expelled his son for not eating
National School and founded meat, then followed him into
Sri Ram Ashram High School, Amritsar KhaÆ⁄ movement
-ran Arya Anath-Alaya Orphanage, Delhi
Paternal Great-Aunt
-child widow
Mother
Shrimati Shanta Devi
-attended Arya Samaú Putri Path-Shala School,
Chawri Bazar, Delhi
-at 7, began to teach
-married outside of caste; no bride-dowry
-house like ashram
Maternal Uncle
Dhruv Dev
-revolutionary with Bhagat Singh
Maternal Uncle
Vir Dev or "Vir"
-ran Shri Ram H.S. following Sunder Singh-Ji
-principal, wrote plays on Hindu-Muslim unity,
current Reformist subjects produced
Father
Mahashaya Krishna Chandra-Ji
-at 10, expelled by father for refusing to
eat meat
-at 16, went to Delhi (ca.1913)
-follower of Gandhi from beginning, 1919
-Arya Samaj, Arya Kumar Sabha,
Congress, Khadi movement, and
"Society that Breaks the Caste System"
365
-met Sh¿⁄ºati Sha≤™a Devi and

Surendrana¨ Jauhar (see below) in Delhi
-married outside of caste; no bride-dowry
-house like ashram
-attended many Gandhi Prayer Meetings
Paternal Friend
Surendranath Jauhar
-influenced by Shraddhananda
-founded Aurobindo Ashram, Delhi
-changed Sikh name (Sikhandarla) to
Surendranath Jauhar; became a 'Faquir'
-asked Karunamayee to live at Ashram
Karunaºayee Abrol
-went on early morning
bhajan singing parties, prabhat pheris
-at 16, sang for Gandhi at
evening prayer meeting, Delhi (1945)
Elder Sister
Santosh Mati/Bhatt
-at 16 jailed as satyagrahi:
arrested: 2 September 1942
released: 22 November 1942 (2 mos, 22 days
-went often with father to Gandhi's 4 a.m. prayer
meetings
-sang three times for Gandhi, once at evening
prayers with sister Karunaºayee (1945)
4 Other Sisters
2 Brothers
366
CHAPTER SEVEN. PO ST-COLONIALIS M, SO ME

REFLECTIONS, AND A FINAL S U M MATION
POST-CO LONIALIS M AND ASSESSM EN TS OF SA TYAGRAHA

During the final years of Gandhi's life, he became more and more depressed
as it became clear to him that his campaigns for non-violence were not
accomplishing what he wished. Although independence had been achieved,
violence between Pakistan and India had escalated over the Partition, and that
same violence would eventually take his life. The violence still continues today,
and Gandhi would be most dismayed over the current nationalist fervor and the
current acts of violence.
David Smith has written that in the modernity currently emerging from India,
'much of religion has [been] transmuted into nationalism," whilst India and
Pakistan stand poised against each with their nuclear weapons in "[t]he hands of the
Doomsday Clock of the Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists' (Smith 2003, p.184 &
p.200). In his work Hinduism and Modernity, Smith outlines how nationalism, which
was once needed to evict the British, and which was once described in 1979 by the
Bharatiya Janata Party (Indian People's Party) as a force for providing to India a
nation 'which is modern, progressive and enlightened in outlook and which proudly
draws inspiration from India's ancient cultures and values" (Smith 2003, p.189), has
today become embroiled in competitive wrangling. 'The nationalism of modernity
overrides the original Hindu model' (Smith 2003, p.189). Gangsters are prevalent in
the political system, and the violence between Hindus, Muslims, and Sikhs has
continued since the time of the Partition, with the destruction of the Babri Mosque
in Ayodhya (said to be the birthplace of Rama) being among one of the worst
examples of communal violence, with thousands having been killed.
Echoing Smith's description, Shri Karunamayee spoke in Chapter Six of the
present-day circumstances in which Indians find themselves living :
367
'Big business from the West and western culture have taken over
and we now have no voice against it. [H]ow it has overshadowed so
many good things of the East, I can not tell you. Families have lost their
foundations, their values, and everything Bapuji [Gandhi] was upholding.
...so many things of the culture are now also falling apart,
decreasing. ... Now, in politics, in the constitution as formulated, India is a
secular place. Dharma now has no place. So, if you are not left with
dharma, what are you left with? ...
Groupism and parties -- further and further away from the real
values for which India stood. But inside, people still want to uphold these
values, because that is our basic spring.'
With the current situation of violence and chaos that reigns in modern India
today, one is tempted to ask whether Gandhi's satyagraha approach to svaraj was a
success or a failure. Quoting from C.R. Rajagopalachari, one of the very few of
Gandhi's colleagues still alive in the mid-1960s, Hugh Tinker has printed what
Gandhi's wishes had been for post-Colonial India:
'He desired simplicity in living to become a general feature. He

desired self-sufficiency at least in food and clothing. He desired that
the citizens should govern themselves freely and that the compulsory
powers of the state should be reduced to a minimum. He desired Hindus
and Muslims to live in mutual trust and fraternal unity. He desired firm
friendship between India and Pakistan and elimination of all hostility
between them' (Tinker 1965, p.154).
For Hugh Tinker, writing in 1965, and drawing on Frank Moraes' India
Today (1960), Gandhi was a "magnificent failure." Within ten years of Gandhi's
death most of his closest colleagues had abandoned the satyagraha principles:
"Service...has given way to a struggle for power and privilege" (Tinker 1965,
p.136). Tinker remarks that Gandhi foresaw this decline, as in December 1947, he
wrote: "'Today everybody in the Congress is running after power.... The
Congressmen failed to come up to scratch and to shoulder the burden. Such is our
bankruptcy'" (Tinker 1965, p.146).
368
Tinker also concludes that much of Gandhi's decline came not only from
others' desires for power, but from his own insistence on choosing causes unpopular
to the general Hindu populace (Muslim unity, elimination of untouchability, etc).
Gandhi was also reticent to move quickly into the industrialization of the West.
Would he have minded more that, as Frank Moraes suggests, his
own trusted lieutenant, Jawaharlal Nehru, deliberately took the path
of centralization and industrialization? The greatest departure from the
Gandhian ideal has certainly been the pursuit of the material standards
of the West by means of the western techniques of industrialization:
the attempt to turn India into a factory and a mine (Tinker 1965, p148).
Tinker comments that people still look back on the Freedom Fighting days
as "days of glory," and they glamorize the memories of Gandhi and the great
struggle. However, for the most part, Gandhi's actual techniques and aspirations
have been abandoned. His were the ideals of compromise, conciliation, and
cooperation. "The extent to which independent India has furthered this creed is the
true measure of Gandi's success or failure" (Tinker 1954, p.141). If Tinker had
written this today, in the light of current circumstances, he would most probably
have judged Gandhi, along with Moraes, still "a magnificent failure."
Others, in more recent days, have, at least in certain ways, judged Gandhi
through a different lens, and have judged his life's work to have been a success.
In his work Margins of Political Discourse (1989), Fred Dallmayr has
suggested that Mohandas Gandhi was actually one of the first "true mediators"
between the East and the West, even though Gandhi's wish was to stem the tide of
western material aggression. Dallmayr focusses on Gandhi's quasi-Socratic ability
in 'his capacity for unsettling traditional dividing lines and dichotomies, including
(above all) the polarity between East and West' (Dallmayr 1989, p.24). As a
"critical traditionalist," able both to critique and to defend his own tradition, he
provided both a corrective and "a gateway or threshold between cultures, a
threshold which links and separates at the same time" (Dallmayr 1989, p.26).
369
'What is typically invoked in contemporary writings is an image

of Gandhi not as a modernizing nation-builder but rather as a critical
traditionalist, that is, as a figure able to combine reliance on
indigenous Indian traditions with the aspiration of liberating
transformation. In this respect, Gandhi is clearly an unparalleled
political and intellectual figure in our century, someone who has lessons
not only to India, but to the world at large' (Dallmayr 1996, p.172).
Gandhi has written of the Ash¿am Bhajanavali: '...probably the ashram

[sung]-prayer is a hotchpot of something Eastern and something Western. As I have
no prejudice against taking anything good from the West or against giving up
anything bad in the East, there is an unconscious blending of the two' (Gandhi
2000, p.144). Dallmayer has assessed Gandhi to be 'a guidepost or beacon of light
for East and West alike, a guidepost pointing toward an alternate cosmopolis or
future world society"' (Dallmayr 1989, p.38).
Many people have identified Gandhi's genius with his ability to
combine concepts from differing religions in such a way that a new hybrid was
formed, which touched and moved people. In his Orientalism and Religion
(1999), Richard King points to the need for an awareness of the hybridization
that can take place within and between religions and cultures: "What is
required of the study of Indian culure and 'religion' in a post-colonial context
is an attempt to think across or beyond traditional Orientalist representations -
- to 'transgress the boundaries' imposed by normative Western models of
'religion' (King 1999, p.210). He goes on to say that "[t]here is no single
'Indian,' 'Chinese' or 'African' way of looking at the world, just as there is no
definite 'gender-critical stance' from which to approach the study of religion
(King 1999, p.212).
Halbfass has also written that
'The modern idea of 'Hinduism,' or of the 'Hindu religion,' is a

370
reinterpretation of the traditional ideas and, in a sense, is a hybridization

of the traditional self-understanding. Yet it is by no means a mere
adaptation of Western superimpositions. It is also a continuation of the
tradition, an expression and transformation of that self-understanding
which articulates itself in its commitment to the Vedic revelation. It is
this commitment that provides the focus for traditional Hindu self-
understanding...' (Halbfass 1991, p16).
In this regard, Gandhi was ahead of his time, and he himself certainly helped
create the open space for this new, modern kind of Hinduism, as his "effectiveness
lay in his creative use of traditional beliefs and symbols. He 'used the traditional to
promote the novel; he reinterpreted tradition in such a way that revolutionary
ideas, clothed in familiar expression were readily adopted and employed towards
revolutionary ends '"(Bondurant, Conquest of Violence, p.105 in Parel 2000,
p.133). He was an adept at hybridization.
Bikhu Parekh attests to Gandhi's having remained within his own Hindu
tradition, while also borrowing freely from other religious traditions when he
desired. Parekh describes a number of ways in which Gandhi utilized the religious
terms of his tradition, but provided them with new definitions. For instance,
'samŸdhi meant not leaving the world...but temporal withdrawal from the daily
routine in order to compose one's thoughts and to reflect on the meaning and
significance of one's actions' (Parekh 1999, p.108). While Gandhi's ideas on
religion as social service had had its roots in the 19th century, 'his view that a total
and lifelong commitment to wiping away every tear from every eye was the only
path to moksha was almost entirely new' (Parekh 1999, p.111). Further, while the
practices of fasting were age-old in India, 'Gandhi's concept of the redemptive fast
was based on a creative combination of some Hindu ideas and practices with the
Christian concepts of vicarious atonement and suffering love. ...[N]ew to both
traditions, [this concept] owed [its origin] to his creative synthesis of [both of] them'
(Parekh 1999, p.112).
371
In her book Gandhi and the Challenge of Religious Diversity (2005),

Margaret Chatterjee has marked several ways in which Gandhi blended
religious concepts from divergent religions into new hybrids. While Gandhi
was in London, intellectual discussion of the day focussed on examinations of
the Truth, '[however], linking of Truth and nonviolence was peculiarly his own'
(Chatterjee 2005, p.23). He would combine Vivekananda's concern with God
'as the protector of the needy' with the evangelical concept of 'seeing 'the
living God' in the poor' (Chatterjee 2005, p. 32). Most importantly Gandhi
grafted Jain concepts into his beliefs; however, again with his own selectivity.
In 1926, Gandhi wrote: 'My anekantavada [the Jain concept of the many-
sidedness of perspectives] is the result of the twin doctrine of satya and ahimsa'
'For Gandhi, a tradition was not a repository of inviolable norms

and values but a place of criticism, change and development.
Reinterpreting moksha to include political freedom goes along with
identifying dharma and moksha since means and ends are on a
continuum. Interpreting bhakti both vertically and horizontally
encouraged fellow-feeling beyond the bounds of community'
Gandhi was moved by the ethics of the Sermon on the Mount, and by the
simple services of the Quakers. Stoic in character, he combined the attributes
of the sthitaprajna [person of steady wisdom] from the Gita with service to
humanity. Chatterjee also mentions additional terms to which Gandhi even
gave new meanings:
'Likewise the three margas (paths) of Jnana (knowledge),

bhakti (devotion), and karma (action) are held in tension by him after
the reinterpretation of each. Jnana now refers to the need to be sure
of the facts before plunging into what may turn out to be ill-advised
action. ... Bhakti, a term usually reserved for devotion to God, retains
its original usage, but in addition Gandhi gives it a horizontal
application, love of one's fellow man, that is, a ... sense of 'caring
372
for'. For Gandhi, karma, the third of the three margas, indicates not
so much single actions of the kind that set off a train of karmas or
consequences, as whole strategies and policies and their execution
Gandhi made an art out of culling religious and ritual language from
various religions and making them his own in an inclusive manner, which was
inviting to all. He created an interpretation of Hinduism that was unlike that of
the Brahmo Samaj or the Arya Samaj, or any other. His influences and
practices were much broader than simply joining with or denying one religion,
Christianity. He culled from Jainism, from Islam, from the Quakers, from
Buddhism -- and the Ashram Bhajanavali is a reflection of this diversity.
Rudolph and Rudolph (2006) have suggested that his overall
hermeneutic was postmodern, as "[h]e sought meaning in context, a
perspective brought to the interpretation of practice and texts" (Rudolph &
Rudolph 2006, p.7). In this regard, he was, as Dallmayr (1989) has asserted, one
of the first "true mediators" between the East and West.
Similarly, Ashis Nandy has supported Gandhi's satyagraha as an
experimental model over and against the "One World of Beauty" chimera, which
does not admit to the necessity for the experience of co-suffering in order to
understand either other or self. Gandhi's experiment can, says Nandy, continue to
encourage the pursuit of a "ramarajya that is the earthly kingdom of God or the
community of genuine doers of truth" (Dallmayr 1989, p.38). So, too, in his work
Parapolitics: Toward the City of Man, "[u]sing Western terminology, [Raghavan]
Iyer renders ramarajya as an ongoing quest beyond the claims of 'class and race,
sect and creed,': namely as 'the continual, if incomplete, incarnation of civitas Dei
into an unfinished civitas humana, in the midst of earthly cities where 'ignorant
armies clash by night'" (Dallmayr 1989, p.38).
373
MAHATMA GANDHI'S VOICE

Stephen Hay (2000) views Gandhi's work even more deeply and as even
more significant than the East-West dialogue. In his article, 'Gandhi: Guide to a
Better Human Future,' he suggests that Gandhi's principles are literally life-saving
for humanity and the planet. He identifies three primary concerns in Gandhi's
practice: 1) individual self-control or svaraj; 2) an empathic desire to serve others,
even if they are one's opponents; and 3) the use of prayer in order to help solve
what Hay sees as the four current major human problems. Those problems are: 1)
physical violence among nations and within nations; 2) the economic plight of
women and children, along with problems of illiteracy and world-wide poverty; 3)
the destruction of the planet's resources and the decline in air and soil quality,
which will lead to eventual destruction of the planet, and 4) a general decline in
moral standards and civility.
These concerns were addressed by Gandhi as he trained his satyagrahis in
svaraj (self-discipline). His advice from 1920 about containing 'visceral emotions' is
worth remembering today: 'As heat conserved is transmuted into energy, even so
our anger controlled can be transformed into a power which can move the world'
(in Hay 2000, p. 141). He taught ahimsa or non-violence, service to others, and he
was greatly concerned for the welfare of women, widows, and children, as well as
the problems of poverty and illiteracy. His concern for the planet was illustrated by
walking wherever he could, as opposed to taking cars or trains. He advocated
simple, but healthy vegetarian foods, which today have been proven to decrease the
rate of cancer and heart disease. Finally, he engaged in "heart-felt" sung-prayers at
least twice a day, and his desire for self-purification and harmony can still prove
useful to those today looking to serve the causes of peace and justice.
'Roger W. Sperry, a Nobel Prize winner, pinpointed the urgency of

our situation: 'If we do not succeed soon in adopting a theology that will
protect the biosphere and if we do not find a common neutral belief
system and global ethic on which most nations and cultures and faiths can
374
agree, then shortly there may not be any nations or theologies or sciences
to worry about -- or even any biosphere' (Hay 2000, 144).
Stephen Hay, thus, sees Gandhi's template for satyagraha as no kind of
failure, but rather a very successful model for the future survival of both humanity
and the world.
So, it would appear, that the voice of Mahatma Gandhi is still today very
much in need of being heard, regardless of some of his failings. Gandhi
communicated regularly with his followers and the general public through many
venues -- in books, newspapers, periodical publications, correspondence,
interviews, etc. He voiced his opinions and his guidance in clear and public ways.
J.L. Mehta's assertion that India has, in fact, always had strong voices in the East-
West dialogue correlates well to the strength with which Gandhi, in his own practice
of self-understanding, addressed his country.
Parekh (1999) makes a very pertinent point in this regard. In referring to the
many ways in which Gandhi communicated with his followers, his country, and the
world-at-large, Parekh writes: Since his correspondents belonged to different
cultural and religious traditions and came from all over the world, the columns of
his paper took on the character of an ecumenical forum of debate between
conflicting points of view (Parekh 1999, p.121). This ecumenical forum is offered
as a model for the on-going East-West dialogue.
Yet, further on, beyond the columns of Gandhi's newspaper correspondence,
lies another very important source for the ecumenical forum of debate -- the
Ash¿am Bhajanavali. The Ash¿am Bhajanavali may be said to be "the voice" of
satyagraha, and it is asserted here that the Bhajanavali was, and still is, a "voice"
for Gandhi.
In addition, Shri Karunamayee is a "voice" for Gandhi. Dedicated to the
teachings of the Ash¿am Bhajanavali, she is a living embodiment of its principles of
religious tolerance, openness to the other, and service to humanity.
375
Her voice, in its strength, is, indeed, that much more necessary in a time when
Hindustani art music, especially the music of the Muslim hereditary professionals is
rapidly disappearing. R.B. Qureshi has written that "the stark reality is that within a
generation most of these musicians, along with their oral musical heritage, can be
fully expected to fade away, a process that can be solidly documented already"
(Qureshi 1991, p.162), and that because of a complete lack of patronage and
interest (witnessed in 1987), "in twenty years archaeologists will be needed to
research music in Pakistan" (Qureshi 1991, p.165).
As a representative of the North Indian, Hindustani tradition, living in Delhi,
Shri Karunamayee has herself experienced a present lack of interest from the
Indian populace in regard to learning classical Indian music and its repertoires.
Since 1987, she has been visiting the West on a regular basis, where she has found
new interest from western students to learn the Sufi, classical Indian, and Ash¿am
Bhajanavali repertoires which she teaches. Shri Karunamayee produces, as did
Gandhi, a strong voice for the on-going East-West dialogue, about which Halbfass
has written.
Shri Karunamayee is a sacred singer with ancient roots. As Schneider has
remarked, the singer of the sacrifice continued the original creation for the well-
being of one's community: '[a] sound sacrifice is accomplished by a singer who
surrenders his breath and individuality in order to bring expression to an impersonal
empty form and pushes his own personality into the background in order to make
himself the sounding board of a higher principle' (Schneider, 1989a, p.75). She is
situated in a long line of ancient sacred singers, who can still chant with the rishis
"brahma varma mamŸntaram -- my innermost protection is sung-prayer," or even
with Indra, who moved throughout the Vedic world arcann anu svarŸjyam, "singing
[her] own self-established rule." Her voice may indeed be only one "bead" on the
maƒa, but her voice is very strong.
376
For Shri Karunamayee, the Ash¿am Bhajanavali is not a dead document. It is

a living essence, which, especially when sung, brings alive "the light that was
emitted thousands of years back." For her, satyagraha has not ended. These verses
have the power to overcome nuclear proliferation and have the power to continue
sustaining the creation of the world. Gandhi's Ash¿am Bhajanavali and its
principles, as taught by Shri Karunamayee, continue to hold a valuable template for
the continuation of East-West dialogue and peace.
A SU M MA TION OF TH E TH ESIS
In "Reflections on Tradition and Inquiry in the Study of Religions," Gavin
Flood called for an encounter with texts which "gives hospitality to traditions and
their self-representations, allows for discussion across subdisciplines..., is dialogical
in nature" (Flood 2006, p.48), and that acts as a bridge between cultures
"contributing to human self-understanding and the human good" (Flood 2006, p.57).
The present examination has considered one text, the Ashram Bhajanavali, and has
attempted to locate it within the context of Gandhi's satyagraha movement, to
examine its development, and to elucidate its contents and usage. In so doing,
Gandhi's own words and descriptors have been utilized to understand this text and
its usages. In addition, interviews with Shri Karunamayee have helped to elucidate
the function and importance of this text to the satyagraha movement. In each case,
the "voices" being heard have hopefully been presented in a manner consistent
with Flood's paradigm.
Chapter One began with the primary assertion that the Ashram Bhajanavali
has, until recently, been ignored as a key that unlocks Gandhi's theories and
practices of svaraj based in a new understanding of sung-prayer. It also includes
some methodological considerations, along with a description of the reform
movements during that period of Colonial rule in India that served as prologue to
Gandhi's satyagraha.
377
Chapter Two consisted of a historical overview of the Ash¿am Bhajanavali,

along with a descriptive summary of the sung-prayer materials found within it.
(Chapters Three through Five also provide additional information regarding
historical context and development.) This collection of chanted prayers used by the
Indian satyagraha community, was and is much more than what the term "hymnal"
often implies, both in the scope of its contents and in its importance as another tool
with which to understand the developments of Gandhi's satyagraha community.
In response to the question"what is the message of the Ash¿am
Bhajanavali?", it can be clearly stated that its message was that of Gandhi's svaraj
movement, as reflected most succinctly in the Eleven Vows. The vows were
chanted during both Morning and Evening Sung-Prayers. They represented the
core values of the satyagraha community, and they were the life vows which
ashramites had taken and were expected to uphold: ahim–a, satya, asteya,
brahmacarya, asaní¿aha, shari¿ash¿ama, asvsÆa, sarvatra bhayavarjana,
sarvadharma-samanatva, svadedhi and –parshabhavana. Its eclectic selections of
sung-prayers illustrated Gandhi's preferences for a reformed Hinduism, as well as
training material for those participating in the non-violent independence
movement.
"Who transmitted the message?" of course, changed over time. First and
foremost, Mohandas K. Gandhi and the prime- movers of satyagraha, such as Khare
and Kalelkar, transmitted the message. As the movement grew and sung-prayer
groups were established, the text was transmitted by other satyagrahis from the
ashrams, and eventually other satyagrahis who met in their own homes or in public
places for sung-prayers. In the beginning of the movement, the daily sung-prayers
of the Ash¿am Bhajanavali were transmitted to those members committed to
ashram life. As more and more people committed to satyagraha became invovled
in various forms outsidethe ashram, more and more Indian people became
receivers of the Ash¿am Bhajanavali message. By the end of Gandhi's life,
378
hundreds of thousands of Indians attended his sung-prayer meetings, and millions

could hear his radio speeches around the world. Furthermore, Rappaport's
comments must also be remembered here, regarding the fact that ritual
participants, who are performers and transmitters themselves, are, simultaneously,
a most significant segment of the population who "receive" the message as well.
Chapters Three, Four, and Five examined in more detail how the Ash¿am
Gandhi and the nation in its work for social change. These chapters investigated
and discovered the Bhajanavali's sitz im leben, as it were.
Chapter Three discussed the use of these sung-prayers in ritual prayer
meetings that were chanted twice daily. These sung-prayers provided rhythmic
stability and devotional grounding to the satyagraha community in its early days.
They provided guidance, nourishment, and rules to live by as the movement grew.
These prayers were repeated twice a day, every, day for at least four decades.
Chapter Three also juxtaposed the liturgical ritual theory of Roy Rappaport
with Mohandas Gandhi's practices. Rappaport's schema of liturgical ritual, its
features and its particular ways of functioning, have been utilized during
examination to illuminate the simple rituals of the satyagraha movement.
Beyond the regularized use of twice-daily sung-prayers, Gandhi used
ritual to surround those events that could be termed "dangerous," such as fasting or
public marches, with sung-prayers. While short, twice-daily rituals would have
helped, in Rappaport's terms, to shape and provide formation for developing
behaviors, the longer rituals of the fasts and marches would have had a deeper
psychological, stronger transformative effect on Gandhi and those around him.
Gandhi also performed other rituals within the community, such as marriages and
funerals.
Rappaport has written that one of ritual's most significant aspects is its ability
to bind people together, to harmonize differences in communitas, and to merge into
379
the High Level Order of Meaning of Enacting the Divine Order. Materials
presented in Chapters Three and Four serve to illustrate the extent to which Gandhi
used the ritual materials from the Bhajanavali in his attempts to create that sense of
communitas, first within the satyagraha community (on both organizational and
personal levels), then within the nation (Hindu, Muslim and Sikh), and eventually to
the world.
'Congregational [sung]-prayer is an aid to being in tune with the Infinite'
(Gandhi 2000, p.144). This coincides with Urban's phenomenon of the "Indexical I"
shifting radically through participation into the "Projective I" of Original
Being.This phenomenon of Enacting the Divine Order through participation in
ritual is strongly paralleled by and echoed as well in Shri Karunamayee's
comments regarding the Ash¿am Bhajanavali's sung-prayers as being "the light that
was emitted thousands of years back."
Chapter Four investigated further how the texts were used in ritual contexts
beyond the everyday. These sung-prayers prepared the satyagrahis and Gandhi
himself for the grand and dangerous acts of non-co-operation. The country was
focussed on and inspired by these sung-prayers for decades, and millions read the
newspaper accounty as they functioned as instruction, and later listened to
"sermon" texts at Gandhi's evening speeches. These songs were used by Gandhi and
the satyagraha community to achieve their purposes, as the movement grew into a
national initiative. They furnished devotional ideals whose intent was to control
and calm natural human tendencies, thus enabling the satyagrahis to respond to
force with non-violence.
Chapter 5 considered how it was that this sung-prayer repertoire, being
specifically sung and chanted (rather than read or spoken), had a significant appeal
and power for the nation of India and the satyagraha communities. By relating this
collection to its historical past, the extent to which these sung-prayers affected and
shaped Gandhi's program of satæagraha in India should be significantly clear.
380
C hapter Six considered the life and work of one spiritual musician, Shri
Karunamayee Abrol, who teaches the Ash¿am Bhajanavali, its melodies, its history,
and its significance for satyagraha. Shri Karunamayee's family were Freedom
Fighters, and, as a child, she sang for Mahatma Gandhi, receiving his blessing. She
is a link to Gandhi, having first-hand knowledge of the use and practice of this sung-
prayer literature. As a spritual musician, she is a "tradition-bearer" for the Ash¿am
Bhajanavali and satyagraha.
Chapter Seven has consisted of Post-Colonial reflextions in an analysis of
satyagaha's "success" or "failure." While the negative assessments came in early,
following Gandhi's death, more positive assessments have been formed since that
time. Within a modern-day India, (or the world, for that matter), where terrorism is
an everyday occurance, Gandhi's vision still has a significant place at the political
table. It has, as well, presented some reflections regarding the Bhajanavali's place
within the continuing East-West engagement. As representative of Gandhi's
"voice" (which freely offered space for the presence of other "voices"), and as a
living tradition, the Ash¿am Bhajanavali presents the field of Religious Studies and
inter-religious dialogue with a template of engagement which contributes "to
human self-understanding and the human good."
This examination has meant to focus on one text, the Ash¿am Bhajanavali.
This text, truly was a primary religious text of the satyagraha community, as it 'has
a 'voice' from the past that is complex in its formation -- perhaps being the totality
of authorial voices that have composed it -- and enlivened by the present
communities who set the text aside, breathe life into it through their...reception, and
enact it' (Flood 2006, p.53), while it provided a 'blueprint for how people should
live their lives (prohibitions, injunctions, and stories to live by) (Flood 2006, p.53).
Furthermore, the Ash¿am Bhajanavali was a text that consisted of materials
which were intended to be sung (or chanted), and as such, the extent to which it
influenced Gandhi and his followers must be acknowledged as greater than that of
381
a text meant to be read. The auditory field is a "global" experience, as sounds are
percieved not only by the ears, but by the bones of the body, the organs, and even
the skin of the body. 'The surrounding, penetrating quality of sound maximizes
larger unities than individuals as such' (Ihde 1976, p.77). These texts were intended
to be repeated on a regular basis and 'learned by heart, internalized to the degree
that [they could] become self-performing...' (Lutgendorf 1991, p.37). From this
stance of calmed transition, these "sonic weapons" of non-violence could enable the
ritual participants to embody ahimsa and satya, and to react to violent force in non-
violent ways.
Finally, this examination has also been meant to acknowledge the significant
role that ritual played in Gandhi's life and in the satæagraha movement. The
Ash¿am Bhajanavali and Gandhi's own words have given clear evidence of exactly
how those "plain and featureless" rituals functioned to situate svaraj within
Rappaport's realm of a High Order Level of Meaning, that of Divine Order
Enacted. These rituals supported every aspect of satyagraha 's attempt to bring
heaven to earth.
A FINAL SU MMA TION

In concluding the Azad Lectures on India and the World in 1960,
Arnold Toynbee spoke:
'I have one last point to make. To my mind it is more important

than any other. Gandhiji had a vast amount of daily business to transact. ...
Yet Gandhiji was never too busy to withdraw temporarily
from business affairs for recurrent periods of contemplation. If he had not
made this his practice, he would not, I suppose, have been able to go on
doing his business, because his spells of contemplation were the source of
his inexhaustible spiritual strength' (Raghavan 1966, p.82).
Arnold Toynbee knew obviously of Gandhi's "spells of contemplation," but

he may not have understand that those "spells" were in Gandhi's collection of sung-
382
prayers, the Ash¿am Bhajanavali. The Bhajanavali is a rich source of information

concerning satyagraha and Gandhi's "inexhaustible spiritual strength." It is hoped
that the present examination of this collection has been a partial remedy for this
lacuna. For it has also been noted by Raghavan that the peoples of India responded
readily to the songs of the saints and the mystics: This was the secret of the success
of Mahatma Gandhi and his mass movement' (Raghavan 1966, p.22) (emphasis
added).
Until the present, the Ash¿am Bhajanavali has been overlooked. However,
the Ash¿am Bhajanavali stood at the center of Gandhi's life and mission. Today, it is
an important doorway onto satyagraha, and onto Gandhi's cherished ideals for a
new India, while still continuing to remind the chaotic, violent world of today that
there are other models of interaction which consist of hope and conciliation. Most
significantly, it provides more-than-ample evidence for understanding the large
extent to which Mohandas Gandhi and satyagraha were sustained by ritual, and the
even greater degree to which Gandhi lead the Indian independence movement
through the power of sung-prayers.
383
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Young, L. & Zazeela, M., 1988. "Pandit Pran Nath, India's Master
Vocalist,"Concert Program Notes, Cathedral of St. John the Divine, New
York, New York.
Zajonc, A. 1993. Catching the Light: The Entwined History of Light and Mind.
Oxford: OUP.
Zavos, J., 2000. Emergence of Hindu Nationalism. Oxford: OUP.
Zavos, J., 2007. Understanding Politics through Performance in India. In T.

Fitgerald, ed., Religion and the Secular: Historical and Colonial
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394
Zelliot, E., 1987 Eknath's Bharuds: The Sant as Link between Cultures In
K. Schomer and W.H. McLeod, eds., The Sants: Studies in a
Devotional Tradition of India. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, pp.91-109.
395
AB B R EV IATIONS
A.Bhaj. = Ashram Bhajanavali. Delhi: Navajivan Press, orig. 1947;

2000, 32nd edition.
CW = Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi. Government of India, Publications

Division, 1971, (Ashram Bhajanavali is Vol. 44, pp.386-465).
CW-e = Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi in digital e-book format,

Government of India, Publications Division, 1999, (Ashram Bhajanavali
is Vol. 50, pp.323-406)
K = Shri Karunamayee
CS = Cynthia Snodgrass
APPENDIX: ASRA M BHA JANAVALI
I. Collected Works (CW-e) II. Publi shed

Vol . 50 , page 323 (1930) 1947 32nd Rep rint
Translation
No. Name Author Date 1930
--- Nityapatha (Ishava–æam idam) ----- p. 2, no #

1. Pratah smarami Shankara 6 May /20 Nov/ ¥. 2, #1
20 Dec.
2. Pratar bhajami " 7 May p. 4, #2
3. Pratar namami " 8 May p. 4, #3
4. Samudra-vasane Devi 9 May p. 4, #4
5. Ya kundendu- 10 May p. 6, #5
6. Vakratunda 11 May p. 6, #6
7. Gurur Brahma 12 May p. 6, #7
8. Shantakaram 13 May p. 8, #8
9. Kara-carana-kritam Shankara 14 May p. 8, #9
10. Na tvaham kŸmaye 15 May p. 8, #10
ÉÀ¿am BhajanŸvali 1A
11. Svasti prajŸ∫æaÅ 16 May ¥. 10, #11
12. Namaste sate te 17 May p. 12, #12
13. Tvam ekam sharanyam 18 May p.12, #13
14. Bhayanam bhayam 19 May p. 12, #14
15. Vayam tvam smaramo 20 May p. 12, #15
--- Ekadasha Vrata ----- p. 14, no #
--- Kuran Pra¿äna

Ouzu Billahi ----- p. 14, no #
Al Fatiha ----- p. 16, no #
Su¿a Al-Ikhlas ----- p. 18, no #
--- Zo roast rian Gaä ----- p. 20, no #

--- Buddhist Mantra ----- p. 20, no #
--- Sayankalaki Prarthana (Evening Prayers)
Yam Brahma- ----- p. 22, no #
Bhagavad G ™Ÿ II: 54-72 ----- pp. 22-30
16. Vipado naiva 21 May p. 32, #4 (Vidya Mandiraki
17. Vishnur va 22 May p. 34, #5 Pra¿ä≤a)
Upanishads
18. Hiranmayena 23 May p. 40, #1
19. Agne naya 24 May p. 40, #2
20. Shreyashca ¥¿‰æashca 25 May p. 40, #3
21. Sarv‰ veda 26 May p. 42, #4
22. Na tatra suræË 27 May p. 48, #14
23. Tapah shraddhe 28 May p. 48, #15
24. Atmanam rathinam 29 May p. 42, # 5 & 6
25. VijnŸna sarathir 30 May p. 42, #7
26. Uttishtthata jagrata 31 May p. 44, #8
27. Agnir yathaiko 1 June p. 44, #9
28. Vayur yathaiko 2 June p. 44, #10
29. S›ryo yathŸ 3 June p. 46, #11
30. Eko vashi 4 June p. 46, #12
31. NityonithŸnŸm 5 June p. 46, #13
32. Parikshya lokan 6 June p. 48, #13
33. Tasmai sa vidvan 7 June p. 50, #17
34. Pranavo dhanuh 8 June p. 50, #18
35. Bhidyate 9 June p. 50, #19
36. Brahmaivedam 10 June p. 50, #20
37. Satyena labhyastapasa 11 June p. 52, #21
38. Satyam eva jayate 12 June p. 52, #22
39. Nayam atma pravacanena 13 June p. 52, #23
40. Nayam atma bala“inena 13 June p. 54, #24
41. Samprapyainam 15 June p. 54, #25
42. Vedanta-vijnana 15 June p. 54, # 26
43. Yatha nadyaÅ 16 June p. 54, #27
44. Sa yo ha vai tat 17 June p. 54, #28
45. Yato vaco 18 June p. 56, #29
46. Yuva syat –adhu 19 June p. 56, #30
47. [no title: "He may not witness dance..."] 20 June -----
48. Balam vava 21 June p. 56, #31
49. Madhuva™a 22 June p. 58, #32
50. Na jatu kamat 23 June p. 58, #34
51. Ya deva vidyaya 24 June p. 58, #33
52. Yam Brahmaa-Varunendra 25 June p. 22, no #(Sayanéalaki)
(Vikya Mandiraka
Kumar Mandir (School) Prayers - 32nd Ed .)
53. OM Saha navavatu 26 June p. 32, #1
54. OM Asato ma 27 June p. 32, #2
55. Yo'ntaÅ pravishæa 28 June p. 32, #3
Women's Prayers
56. Govinda Dva¿⁄éavas⁄≤ 29 June ¥. 36, #1
57. Dharmam carata 30 June p. 36, #4
--- He Naä! ----- p. 36, #2
--- Krishna Krishna MahaæËí⁄≤! ----- p. 36, #3
58. Ahimsasatyamasteyam 1 July p. 36, #5
59. Ahimsa –a™æaºa–™‰æam 2 July p. 38, #6
60. VidvadbhiÅ 3 July p. 38, #7
61. Shuyatum 4 July p. 38, #8
--- Slokardhana ----- p. 38, #9
62. Adityacandravanilo'nalashca 5 July p. 38, #10
--- Mukam karoti ----- p. 38, #11
Dwadasha Panjarika Stotram
63. Mudha jahihi 6 July p. 70, no #s
64. Arthamanartham 7 July "
65. Kamam krodham 8 July "
66. Tvayi mayi 9 July "
67. Nalini-dala-gata salilam 10 July "
Pandava Gi™a
68. Pandava: "Prahlada-NŸrada-" 11 July p. 60, no #s
69. Kunti: "Svakarma-" 12 July "
70. Drona: "Ye ye-" 13 July "
71. Gandhari: "Tvam eva-" 14 July "
72. Virata: "Namo brahmanyadevaya-" 15 July "
Prahlada: "Natha-" " "
Bharadvaja: "Labhas-tesham" " "
Markand‰ya: "Sa hanis-ta≤-" " "
Shaunaka: "Bhojanacchadane-" " "
Sanatkumara: "Akasha™-" " "
Mukundamala
73. Sri Vallabheti 15 July p. 64, #1
74. Mukunda m‹¿î≤a 16 July p. 64, #2
--- Na–ä dharme ----- p. 64, #3
--- Divi vŸ bhuvi vŸ ----- p. 64, #4
--- Krishna Tvadiya ----- p. 66, #5
--- Bhava-jaladhi-gatanam ----- p. 66, #6
75. Bhava-jalidham aía∞am 17 July p. 66, #7
Baddhenanúalina " p. 66, #8
Madana parihara " p. 68, #9
Idam shariram " p. 68, #10
76. Namami Narayana 18 July p. 68, # 11
Ananta Vaikuntha " p. 68, #12
--- Ramcaritmanas ----- p. 72-81
Bhajans (HindustŸni Bhajana

- 1947)
77. O elephant-mouthed One Kalidas 19 July p. 82, #1

Johi sumirata
78. For those in want there is Tulsidas 20 July -----

Dina ko dayalu
79. Thou art merciful; I am in Tulsidas 21 July p. 82, #2

Tu dayalu
80. When shall I conduct myself Tulsidas 22 July -----

Kabahuka
81. O my soul! How foolish art Tulsidas 23 July p. 83, #3
Aisi mudhata
82. O Lord! Hear this my prayer Tulsidas 24 July p. 84, #5

Yaha vina™i Raghuvir
83. O Madhav, how can this Tulsidas 25 July p. 84, #4
Ma∞ava moha
84. O Raghuvir, help of the distressed Tulsidas 26 July p. 85, #6
Maim kahi
85. None is so generous Tulsidas 27 July p. 86, #7
Aisi ko
86. Shun those people as enemies Tulsidas 28 July p. 87, #9
Jaé‰ ¥¿⁄æa
87. What should I do to be able Tulsidas 29 July -----
Kauna jatana
88. Raghunath knows what love is Tulsidas " -----
Janata pittarita
89. O Raghuvar, my shame is Tulsidas " p. 88, #10
Raghuvar tumako meri laja
--- Jaun ka“an...kako nama p. 88, #1

--- Janaki≤aä p. 90, #13
90. O Prince of the Raghus, wake up Tulsidas 30 July -----
Jagiye Raghunaä
91. O Lord, my mind will not Tulsidas 31 July -----

Meri mana
92. O Rama, he (Bibhishana) left Tulsidas 1 August p. 86, #8
Kutumba
93. O my mind, worship Tulsidas 2 August p. 89, #12
Bhaja mana
94. I have spoiled everything hitherto Tulsidas 3 August p. 91, #14
Aba laun
95. O my mind, what is the use of Tulsidas 4 August p. 91, #15
Mana pachitai
96. O Madhav! there is none Tulsidas " p. 92, #16

Madhava mo samana
97. In the Kaliyuga Ramanama is Tulsidas 5 August p. 93, #17
Kali nama kamataru Rama ko
98. Hail to Thee, O Rama 6 August -----
Jaya Rama (fr. Raºòaritmanas) Tulsidas
99. There is no religion like the 7 August -----
Tulasi bodha (fr. Raºòaritmanas) Tulsidas
--- Or nahm éachu ----- p. 93, #18
--- Shri Ramacandra Surdas ----- p. 94, #19
--- Kahanke pathika ----- p. 95, #20
100. I bow to the lotus feet Surdas 8 August p. 96, #21
Carana-kamala
101. O Lord, keep me as Thou wilt Surdas 9 August p. 103, #32
Jaise rakhahu
102. O God, Thou removest the woes Surdas l0 August p. 97, #23
Dinana dukha-harana
103. I have heard that Rama Surdas 11 August p. 98, #24
Sune ri
104. I belong to my devotees Surdas " -----
Hama bhaktana
105. Now it is my fixed resolve Surdas " p. 98, #25
Abaki teka
--- Tum meri raê‰ ----- p. 100, #27

--- £ere suno ----- p. 101, #29
106. Who can be so crooked, bad Surdas 12 August p. 102, #30
Mo sama
107. O God, do not lay to heart --- 13 August p. 103, #31
Prabhu mere
ÉÀ¿am BhajanŸvali 10 A
108. I am pining to see God as the Surdas 14 August p. 96, # 22
Akhiyam Hari-darasana
109. The best tie is the tie of love Surdas 15 August p. 104, #33
Sabase unci prema
110. O Gopal, I have danced away Surdas 16 August -----
Saba maim
111. Now is the thing known all over Surdas 17 August p. 105, #35
Aba tare
112. O God, guard me against insult Surdas 18 August p. 99, #26

Lajja mori
113. Although Putna administered Surdas 19 August -----

De Putna
114. O Lord, save me now. --- 20 August p. 101, #28

Abake Natha
115. O my foolish soul, thy life Surdas 21 August p. 105, #34
Re mana
116. O Lord, save me this once Surdas 22 August -----
Natha moham
--- Aba main nacyo bahut Gopal Surdas ----- p. 106, #36
--- Chand⁄ mana ----- p. 107, #37
--- Saba dina ----- p. 108, #38
--- Udho karmanaki ----- p. 109, #39
--- He Govinda, He Gopala ----- p. 109, #40
--- Vriéshanase mata le ----- p. 110, #41
117. Open thy face, thou wilt see Kabir 23 August p. 111, #42
Ghunghataka pata khola re
118. O good man, natural meditation Kabir 24 August p. 111, #43
Sadho sajaha sama∞⁄ ∫aƒa
119. When the soul is saturated Kabir 25 August p. 113, #44
Mana masta
120. We are not to stay here long Kabir 26 August p. 115, #46
Rahana nahim desa
121. O friend, my mind is fixed Kabir " p. 114, #45
Mana lago meri
122. O my soul, my dear friend Kabir 27 August -----
Sumai dekha mana
123. Be thou absorbed in God Kabir 28 August -----
Tu to Rama sumara
124. Do not give way to self-deception Kabir 28 August p. 115, #47
Mata kara moha ™‹
125. Without the master, who can Kabir 29 August p. 115, #48
Guru bina
126. O Father, I will not give up Kabir 30 August -----
Nahim chond‹m ¿‰ Ba∏a
127. This sheet (called body) is Kabir 31 August p. 116, #49
Ghini ghini bini òadariæa
128. What is the use of taking pride Kabir 1 September -----

Isa tana dhanaki
129. O Brother, sing the praises of Kabir 2 September p. 117, #50
Bhajo re bhaiya Rama
130. O my soul, how shall I reason Kabir 3 September p. 117, #51
Mana tohe kehi
131. I have obtained the name of God Kabir 4 September -----
Payo satanama gareke harava
132. With fight in front a brave person Kabir 5 Sept. p. 118, #52
Shura saní¿aºa ko
--- Bita gaye dina --- ----- p. 120, #54

--- Samai bui --- ----- p. 121, #55
133. O God, I seek refuge in Thee Nanak 6 September p. 121, #56
T“akura tum
134. O good man, give up thy pride Nanak 7 September p. 122, #57
Sadho manaka
135. O God, ever since I have had Nanak 8 September p. 123, #58
Visara gai saba
136. O my soul, dedicate thyself Nanak 9 September p. 124, #60
Re mana Rama
137. Why dost thou search for Him Nanak 10 September p. 123, #59
Kahe re
138. O my soul, remember thy God Nanak 11 September p. 125, #61

Sumarana kara le
139. Why hast though given up Khalus 12 September p. 125, #62

Nama japana
140. All intentions came to naught Nanak 13 September p. 126, #63

Manaki mana
141. I have obtained a jewel Mira 14 September p. 127, #64
PaæË úi
142. Such a birth does not come often Mira 15 September p. 128, #66
Nahim aiso
143. O my soul, touch the feet of Hari Mira 16 September -----
Mana re parasa Harike carana
144. For me there is none else Mira 17 September p. 129, #67

Mere to
145. O mother, I have bought Mira " p. 132, #71
Mai ºaine Govinda
146. O my Ranaji, I must sing Mi¿abai " p. 130, #68
Mere Ranaji
147. My mind is fixed Mira " p. 128, #65
Mori ƒaíi
148. O God, Thou deliverest Mira " p. 130, #69
Hari! tum haro
149. O God, make me Thy slave Mira 17 September p. 131, #70

Mhaune cakara
--- Raºanama rasa paúai --- ----- p. 133, #72
150. One who speaks ill of me Dadu 18 September -----
Nindaka ba∏a
151. Still does cruel life cling Dadu 19 September p. 133, #73
Ajahun na
152. O God, Thou art sandal, I am Raidas 20 September p. 134, #74
Prabhuji!
153. O God, my mind is distracted Raidas 21 September p. 134, #75
Nara Hari canòala
154. O dullard, why does thou Nitanand 22 September p. 136, #76
Vanom sona (CW-e) = Kyom soya (32nd Ed.)
155. A knowing man uses his knowledge Akha 23 September p. 136, #77
Akala kala
156. O brother, the morning has broken Sahajram 24 September -----
Jaga jiva
157. That ornament of Nanda's home Nandadas 25 September ¥. 139, #81
Nanda bhavanako
158. To whom shall I bear ill will? Haridas 26 September p. 137, #78
Aba haun
159. Let those who will, praise Jasvant 27 September p. 138, #79
Koi ∏a≤ÆË
160. In the world the saints do Brahmanand 28 September p. 139, #80

Santa parama
161. O man, fear God, how canst thou Braj Kishore 29 September -----
Pran⁄! tu Hari som
162. O thou Protector of the universe -- 30 September p. 146, #91
He Jagatra™a
163. Among the fishes the Fish Kanhar 1 October -----
Varnamani mina
164. O God, my friend I ask of Thee Premsakhi 2 October p. 140, #82
Visara na
165. O Beloved, I seek refuge in Thee Premsakhi 3 October p. 141, #83
Ho rasiyŸ maim to
166. O Star of my eyes Rasik 4 October p. 143, #85
Darasana dena
167. O Divine Spirit, let me -- 5 October p. 143, #86

Chetana! aba mohim
168. I have now become immortal Anandghan 6 October -----
Aba hama amara
169. All is Brahman. Anandghan 7 October p. 144, #87

Rama kaho Rahman kaho
--- Guru kri¥anúana --- ----- p. 145, #89

--- Gopaƒa º‰¿i --- ----- p. 146, #90
--- Utha jaga --- ----- p. 147, #92
--- Kyom mana jivana --- ----- p. 148, #93
--- Jaya jagadisha Hare --- ----- p. 149, #94
--- Mero mana sakala --- ----- p. 150, #95
--- Jaun éa“an...jisaka --- ----- p. 150, #96
--- Aya Æ∆ara tum Hare Rama --- ----- p. 151, #97
170. O God, break my bondage Vidhuband 8 October -----

Bandhana kata
171. My reliance is on the celebrated Premanand 9 October p. 142, #84
Maim to birada
172. If Thou wouldst see Him Mad Mansur 10 October p. 152, #98
Agara hai
173. Life in this world called ∏‰autiful Nazir 11 October p. 153, #99
Hai baha¿‰ ∫aí
174. Yes, now Thou art the only King --- 12 October ¥. 154, #100
Basa aba mere
175. O God, Thy law is mysterious --- 13 October p. 155, #101
Ajaba tera
176. My boat is tiny and is laden Giridhar 14 October p. 145, #88
Naiya º‰¿i
177. O good woman, put on thy best --- 14 October -----
Kara le sangara
178. He is a Vaishnava who Narasaiyo 15 October p. 156, #102
Vaishnava jana to
Ma rathi Bhajana
179. Know him to be a true man Tukaram 15 October p. 197, #142
Je ko ranjale
180. God is near indeed Ramdas " p. 209, #164
Deva javali antari
181. O God, Thou Who art known Eknath " p. 209, #165
Tem mana nishthura
182. O God, let me not be witness Tuka 16 October p. 197, #143
Pa¥aòi ∆asa≤a
183. What can maya do to one who Amrit 17 October p. 205, #158
Smaratam nitya Hari
184. O God, grant me love Amrit 17 October p. 205, #157
Santapadaci
185. Give thyself to devotion Shivdini 18 October p. 210, #166
Bhava dharare
186. Who will lay by stores Amrit 19 October p. 206, #159
Ashashvata sangraha
187. Do not let thy time pass Sohira 20 October p. 206, #160
Hari bhajanavina
188. Blessed is that family Tuka 21 October -----

Pavitra tem kula
189. If thou wouldst be a yogi, --- " p. 210, #167

Niyama paƒave
190. Wherever I go, Thou art my Tuka 22 October p. 198, #144
Jethem jato
191. When one does not know Tuka 22 October p. 199, #145
Na kalataº
192. To the servants of Vishnu Tuka 23 October ¥. 199, #146
Mukti-panga nahim
193. How now shall I describe Tuka " p. 200, #147
Kaya vanuº
194. Saintliness is not to be purchased Tuka 24 October p. 201, #148
Na“iº santapana
195. He is a devotee who Tuka " p. 201, #149

Bhakta aise
196. The essence of the endless Vedas Tuka 25 October p. 202, #150
Veda antata
197. This heart of mine is determined Tuka " p. 202, #151

Aniéa dusarem
198. What though I get nothing to eat Tuka 26 October p. 203, #152
Na mile khavaya
199. He who becomes enraged Tuka " p. 203, #153
Maha¿a–i shive
200. Let the body persist or perish Namdev 27 October p. 207, #161
Deha jŸvo
--- Santacem lak–ana Nama (Namdev) ----- p. 208, #162

--- Sodiº sansa¿aòi Nama (Namdev) ----- p. 208, #163
201. Merit consists in doing good Tuka 27 October p. 204, #154
Punya para-upakara
202. This is my last prayer Tuka " p. 204, #155

Shevatinci vinavani
203. O God, grant only this boon Tuka 28 October p. 205, #156
Henòi Æana de ga Æ‰∆a
Bengali Bhajana
204. O Thou Dweller in my heart --- 28 October p. 212, #168
Antara mama
205. Endless stream of joy flows --- 29 October p. 212, #169
Vahe nirantara ananta
206. Thou art Brother, Thou art Lord --- 30 October p. 213, #170
Tumi bandhu tumi Naä
207. In one prostration, O Lord The Poet 30 October p. 213, #171
Ekati namaskare Prabhu
--- Ananda loke --- ----- p. 214, #172

--- Jivana jakhana --- ----- p. 215, #173
(p. 215 note: based on Gujarati song on p. 195)
--- Tora apana --- ----- p. 216, #174
--- Tomari nama --- ----- p. 217, #175
--- MËra sandyaya tumi --- ----- p. 218, #176
--- Satya mangala premamaya tumi --- ----- p. 219, #177
Gujarata, cont'd
208. On this globe, worship of God Narsainyo 31 October p. 156, #103
Bhutala bhakti
209. We should forsake him who Narsainyo 1 November p. 157, #104
Na¿ayananum nama
210. O Good man, remember God Narsainyo 2 November p. 158, #105
Samarane Shri Hari
211. Throughout the whole universe Narsainyo 3 November p. 159, #106

Akhila Brahma
212. As long as the secret of the soul Narsainyo 4 November p. 161, @#107
Jyam lagi a™ºatattva
213. It is useless to sorrow --- 5 November p. 162, #108

Je Rame
214. As I awake I see no world Narsainyo 6 November p. 163, #109

Jagine joun to jagata
215. O lazy man of poor wit Narsainyo 7 November -----
Dyana dhara hari tanum
--- Bapaji ¥apa mem Narsainyo ----- p. 164, #110
216. This temple is worn out Mira 8 November p. 165, #111
Junum to thayum re
217. I will not forget Hari Mira 9 November p. 167, #113

Nahim re visarum Hari
218. Do not utter anything else Mira 10 November p. 166, #112

Bola ma bola ma
219. O dear Lord, I love Thy face Mirabai 11 November p. 168, #114
Mukhada≤i ºaæa
220. Thou has not yet become Daya Vitthal 12 November p. 168, #115
Vaishnava ≤athi äyo tum re
221. O God, such as I am, I am Pritam 13 November p. 169, #116
Hari, jevo tevo
222. You may call to mind the sages Dayaram 14 November -----
Mahakashtha pamya vina
223. Returning again and again Daya 15 November -----

Bhatakatam bhavamam re
224. Godward way is for the brave Pritam 16 November p. 170, #117
Harinam marga che
225. Blessed be Gopichand's mother Nishkulanand 17 November p. 172, #119
Janani jivo
226. No matter what one does Nishkulanand 18 November p. 173, #120
Tyaga na take
227. The yogi has migrated Nishkulanand 19 November -----

Jangala vasavyum
228. Those yogis who are like Jada Nishkulanand 20 November -----
Jada Bharatani
229. They are patient and brave Muktanand 21 November p. 174, #121
Dhi¿a dhurandhara
230. Tho‹ who will not break Brahmanand 22 November -----
T‰éa na mele
231. We must risk life itself Brahmanand 23 November ¥. 175, #122
Re shira sate
232. Without the help of a true guru Keshav 24 November p. 176, #123
Sadguru sharana bina
233. My pulse is in Thy hands Keshav 25 November p. 177, #124

Ma¿i ≤ad
234. O Lord of the afflicted Keshavlal 26 November p. 178, #125
Dina-Natha
235. God comes to us through devotion Keshav 27 November -----
Bhakti vad‰
236. There is no help for thee but God Keshav 28 November p. 178, #126
KËi sahaya nathi, bina Hari
237. He only knows what it is who Dhano 29 November p. 179, #127
Ramabana vagyam
238. Who can destroy him Dhiro 1 December p. 180, #128
Jene Rama rakhe re
239. The mountain is in the straw Dhiro 1 December p. 181, #129
Tarana othe dungara re
240. Beware, O my mind, you have Dhiro 2 December -----

Khabaradara mana
241. The world is mad Dhiro 3 December -----
Duniya to Æi∆a≤i
242. Resolve upon enthroning Narbho 4 December -----
Nishòe karo Ramanum nama
243. Men of God should have Bhojo 5 December p. 182, #130
Harijana hoya tene
244. Devotion is for the brave Bhojo 6 December -----
Bhakti shuravirani saci
245. O teacher, you say Brahman Bapu 7 December p. 183, #131
Guruji tame
246. O tongue, why dost thou tire --- 8 December p. 184, #132
Jibhaladi ¿‰
247. Worship God, take RŸmanŸma Gavaribai 9 December -----
Bhagavata bhajajo
248. By the grace of the good, Pritam 10 December p. 171, #118
Santa kri¥athi
249. Those who trust in God Premaldas 11 December p. 185, #133

Harine bhajatam
250. The works of him who has Nirant 12 December -----
Anubhava evo re
251. Light thy heart and sweep out Ranchhod 13 December p. 185, #134
Dilamaº di∆o
252. When will the matchless time come Rajchand 14 December p. 186, #135
Apurva avasara
253. How neglectful must my eyes be --- 15 December p. 190, #136
Ma¿aº ≤ayana≤i
--- Premal joyti ("Lead, Kindly Light") ----- p. 191, #137

--- Mangala mandir kholo --- ----- p. 193, #138
--- Eka ja de cinaga¿i --- ----- p. 194, #139
--- Eka ja e abhilasha --- ----- p. 195, #140
--- Jivana java --- ----- p. 195, #141
Sindhi ∏hajana
--- Tera makana --- ----- p. 220, #178
Angleji ∏hajana
--- Take my life and let it be ----- p. 221, #179
--- Lead, kindly, light Newman ----- p. 222, #180
--- When the mists have rolled in splendour ----- p. 223, #181
--- Near my God, to Thee, nearer to Thee ----- p. 225, #182
--- Rock of ages, cleft for me ----- p. 226, #183
--- When I survey the wondrous Cross ----- p. 227, #184
Ra shthragita
--- Vande Mataram Chatterj /Paluskar ----- p. 229, #185
--- Janaganamana Tagore ----- p. 229, #186
--- Ayi bhuvana-mana-mohini! Tagore ----- p. 232, #187
--- Sa¿‰ jahanse accha Iqbal ----- p. 232, #188
Bhajanaki Dhun
--- Na¿aæana --- ----- p. 234
--- Raghupati Raghava Raúa Ram Paluskar ----- "
--- Shri Krishna --- ----- "
--- Siya-svaminki jaya --- ----- "
--- Rama-dhun laía, GË¥ala-dhun laíi --- ----- "
--- Jaya Govinda Hari Govinda --- ----- "
--- Bhaja le, bhaja le Sita-Ram --- ----- p. 235
--- Bhaja mana pyare Si™a-Ram --- ----- "
--- Radha-Krishna jaya --- ----- "
--- Pavana Rama, Patitapavana Rama --- ----- "
--- Raúa Ram Ram Ram, Sita Ram --- ----- "
--- Jaya Ram, jaya Ram, jaya jaya Ram --- ----- "
--- Hare Ram, Hare Ram, Hare Ram --- ----- "
--- Bhaja∆a Raº --- ----- p. 236
--- Nivritti jnanadeva --- -----
--- Gopala Radhe Krishna --- ----- "
--- Saºba Sadash⁄va --- ----- "
--- OM Shiva OM Shiva para™ para Shiva--- ----- "

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❂

THE SOUNDS OF SATYAGRAHA:

MAHATMA GANDHI'S USE OF

SUNG-PRAYERS AND RITUAL

University of Sti rling

I would like to gratefully acknowledge the many people who supported me

I would like to thank those at the University of Stirling, especially,

I am very grateful to Dr. Monish R. Chatterjee of the University of Dayton

CHAPTER 2. ASHRAM BHAJANAVALI 51

CHAPTER 3. RITUAL: TWICE-DAILY SUNG-PRAYERS 171

CHAPTER 4. RITUALS BEYOND THE TWICE-DAILY

CHAPTER 5. GANDHI, MUSIC, AND SUNG-PRAYER

CHAPTER 6. SHRI KARUNAMAYEE 337

INSIGHTS INTO ASHRAM BHAJANAVALI 348

CHAPTER 7. POST-COLONIALISM, SOME REFLECTIONS,

CHAPTER ONE - INTRODUCTION

INTRODUC ING TH E ASHRAM BHAJANAVALI

Thing Divine played, as well, a very important role in Gandhi's ability to

'The primary aesthetic criterion for the evaluation of an Indian

as well. The collection upheld the religious/musical traditions of chanting ancient

M E THODOLOGY AND R ELIG IOUS STUDIES

'Under the relentless impact of globalism, indigenous cultures are

'The Indian cultural tradition has retained its identity and

consequence occupied itself with the problem of relationship as it arises

'...the free encounter with other traditions made both possible

'For Indians as well as Europeans, the "Europeanization of the

'Certainly, we want to be 'beyond' European and Eurocentric

In this kind of engagement, there exists an openness to the other, in 'which

'[W]e understand the text not by transposing ourselves into the

M E THODOLOGY AND R ITUAL STUDIES

society and societal organization, and ritual as cultural communication, see

TOWARDS TH E D EFINITION OF A FEW TE R MS

Nirmal Kumar Bose, as an anthropologist, has produced three books on

The complex figure of Mohandas Gandhi has been examined to such an

examination of the sung-prayers of the Ashram Bhajanavali, their development,

Religion and Politics

'Our problem is, indeed, an enormously difficult one. ... Endless

This approach was further evidenced as the non-violent activities of non-

It might be argued that it was necessary to adopt the methods and

'[F]or Gandhi [sung-]prayer provided entry into a power house

religion is like a corpse only fit to be buried' (Speech on Swadeshi at Missionary

Theology and C reed

'...excluding 'theology' is not a service to Indian thought. Rather,

Hymn s, Poetry , and Sung-Prayers

compositions in the seventh century to the fourteenth century, a time of written

Bhajan, Kirtan , and Ram-dhun

In addition, Ashok Ranade (1992, p.18) presents this definition:

'It may be recalled that the all-encompassing devotional movement

'The songs of the mendicants refer to a kind of religion which differs

This type of bhajan was a kind of "non-participatory music...in which the

'Kiirtana: Kiirtana is the verb associated with the Sanskrit abstract

It is important to take note of Raja's defining kirtan as being generally

TEX TUAL CONSIDERA TIONS

SETTING THE SCENE: PRE-GANDHI CONTEXT

'Apart from caste itelf, perhaps the most important attribute in

When speaking of capabilities to act or not to act in terms of 'human agency',

'[t]here were at least three possible intellectual responses to the

Hinduism into a common rational religion with strong deist tendencies),

'Reason and ethics are central concepts for Roy. Because of

'He provided his own Sanskrit commentaries to these texts, in which