Key Findings from National Survey

Mobilization, Change, and Political and Civil Engagement Project

The Mobilization, Change and Political and Civic Engagement Project (MCPCE) explores the
impact of the 2008 presidential election, especially its initial and possibly lasting ability to shape
the attitudes of individuals toward the government, other racial groups, and on important policy
issues such as immigration and same-sex marriage. The MCPCE at the University of Chicago,
with Dr. Cathy J. Cohen and Michael Dawson as co-principal investigators, used a combination
of methodologies for gathering data, including a national representative panel survey and in-
depth interviews with individuals from across the country to secure important information that
can help shape the discussion about the 2010 midterm election, the 2012 presidential election
and politics in the country more broadly. In this summary we highlight some key findings in
regards to racial attitudes, mobilization, political alienation, immigration, and political information
consumption.

Racial Attitudes
Amidst all the debate, from declarations that Obama’s victory was a “post-racial triumph,” to
later assertions that “Obama won because of race,” basic questions persist: what is the nature
of racial attitudes in America today? Have such attitudes changed as a result of the election of
our first black president? How do racial attitudes differ on the basis of demographic
characteristics such as age and racial group membership?

Race as a Major Problem: Despite hopes that the election of President Barack Obama, would
lessen racial tensions, it appears that issues of race are just as salient a year after the election.

 Black respondents are the most likely to say that racism continues to be a major problem
while whites are the least likely to hold such an opinion. Asians and Latinos fall in the
middle: White 29%, Black 69%, Asian 32%, Latino 51%

 The gaps between beliefs of whites and blacks were most stark on whether they think that
Blacks have achieved racial equality in the United States. Those who believe that blacks
have achieved racial equality: White 50%, Black 12%, Asian 25%, Latino 22%

 Whites are also the group most likely to believe that Hispanics had achieved racial equality,
although less than a majority expressed that view: White 40%, Black 14%, Asian 23%,
Latino 21%

 Across race, young people ages 18–35 are less likely to think racism remains a major
problem than older respondents. Instead, they are more likely to think that racism exists but
is no longer a major problem. The largest age gap in this regard exists among blacks: 74%
of older respondents believed that racism is still a major problem, compared to 60% of 18–
35-year-olds.

Racial Harmony
There are reasons to be optimistic about the possibility of racial harmony. When asked whether
the problems facing blacks, Latinos, and Asians in the United States are too different for them to
be political allies or partners, blacks and whites appeared substantially more optimistic than
Latinos and Asians about prospects for interracial alliances.

 45% of whites and 42% of blacks either disagreed or strongly disagreed with the assertion
that the problems of the various racial minority groups are too different to foster alliances
compared to 23% of Latinos and Asians American respondents.

Opinions like these are particularly important for understanding the prospects for interracial and
intraracial political solidarity and coalition building.

Growth of Minority Populations

Whites are disproportionately likely to think that the growth of minority populations either
weakens or does not affect the country: Whites 32%, Black 6%, Asian 6%, Latino 10%.

Comparatively, when asked if minority growth strengthens the country, a slim 18% of whites
agreed compared to Blacks at 51%, Asian at 50%, and Latinos at 64%

When examined based on age, the results indicate that 18–35-year-olds were more positive
about increasing minority populations; this age effect is most pronounced among Latinos and
Asians. One exception is that younger black respondents are substantially more likely to believe
that increasing numbers of minorities will weaken the country than their older counterparts.

Racial Profiling
Whites were most likely to either agree or strongly agree that racial profiling helps to keep our
country safe from terrorists (47%), although sizeable numbers of racial minorities also agreed:
30% of Blacks, 34% of Asians and 38% of Latinos. Respondents over the age of 36 across all
racial groups were also more like to agree that racial profiling helps keep the country safe.
What’s more, by one year after the election, support for racial profiling increased by 9% for
whites, 7% for Asians, and 7% for blacks. It appears that backing for racial profiling may be
gaining momentum. Given current events, it remains an open question whether tactics such as
those employed by the state of Arizona will reverse such momentum by going too far or
continue to be imitated by other states.

The data and analysis of this national survey underscores the extent to which racial attitudes will
continue to play a role in American social and political life for the foreseeable future. Even
during a time when many celebrate the successful ascendance of an African American to the
presidency, racial (and often generational) attitudinal gaps endure. Furthermore, as the
demographics of the country change, it is less and less possible to ignore the voices of Asians
and Latinos. This data open the door for a multifaceted and comprehensive rendering of racial
attitudes in the United States.
*For more data and analysis see “Racial Attitudes in the 2008 Election and Beyond” by Jamila Celestine-
Michener at http://www.2008andbeyond.com/findings/

Mobilization
Voter-mobilization campaigns were extremely active in the lead-up to the 2008 election. Millions
of people were contacted by organizations to participate, and hundreds of thousands answered
the call to involve themselves in the election in ways beyond just voting. Young people and
black and Latinos turned out for the 2008 election in record numbers.

Racial and ethnic groups were mobilized differently in the lead-up to the 2008 election. White
respondents were much more likely to report being contacted by political parties, political
campaigns or candidates, veteran’s organizations, and organizations promoting the interests of
women. The percentage of respondents contacted by these groups and encouraged to vote in
the election is:
 
 Political parties: 34% White, 21% Black, 19% Hispanic, 21% Asian respondents
 Political campaign or candidates: 34% White, 22% Black,16% Hispanic,16% Asian
 Veteran’s organizations: 46% White, 24% Black, 24% Hispanic, 20% Asian
 Groups promoting women’s interests: 59% White, 23% Black, 34% Hispanic, 33% Asian

Black respondents were much more likely to report being contacted by people in their
neighborhood, community-based groups, and places of worship in efforts to get them to vote in
the election. The percentages are:

 People in their neighborhood: 13% White, 23% Black, 11% Asian, 17% Latino
 Groups working to improve their community: 5% White, 14% Black, 5% Asian, 9% Latino
 Place of worship: 14% White, 24% Black, 7% Asian, 9% Latino

Looking forward, one of the most important results from the above analysis is that the effects of
political mobilization don't end once the election season concludes; rather, political mobilization
contributes to continued general mobilization. A concern for politics appears to translate into a
concern for general community well-being. It is important to note the different sources of
mobilization found across various ethnic and racial groups. We must explore whether such
disparate forms of mobilization contribute to differing rates of participation.
*For more data and analysis see “Political Mobilization in the 2008 Election” by Christopher
Berk at http://www.2008andbeyond.com/findings/

Political Alienation
Trust in Government
Overall, levels of trust of the government to do what is right were significantly higher
immediately following the election compared to preelection levels but receded to their
preelection levels once the Obama administration had been in power for several months.
This pattern holds across every racial group.

The percentage of black respondents who believe they can trust government to do what is right
exhibited the most dramatic increase, increasing by almost threefold. Immediately after the
election, black respondents expressed more government trust than white, Latino, and Asian
respondents. One year after the election, however, Latino and white respondents expressed
similar levels of trust as they did before, and black and Asian respondents expressed lower
levels of trust, yet were still more trusting of government than in the initial wave of the survey.
(See Table 1, page 7)

Political leaders attuned to their needs and concerns

Black, Latino and white respondents were all more trusting of political leaders immediately
following the election, yet were less so one year after the election. White respondents were
more distrustful of political leaders one year after the election than they were before the
election, while black respondents’ level of trust declined only marginally during the period
immediately following the election and one year later. In contrast, there were only minor
changes among Asian respondents over the same time period. (See Table 2, page 8)

*For more data and analysis see “Political Alienation and Government Trust in the Age of Obama“ by Jon
C. Rogowski at http://www.2008andbeyond.com/findings/

 
Immigration
Americans are still deeply divided over the issue of immigration, possibly more today in the
wake of demonstrations over initiatives such as Arizona new immigration law and the rejection
of the Dream Act.

Differences in opinion on rights of immigrants

 White respondents were the most likely to be in agreement with the idea that immigrants,
especially immigrants from Latin America, Asia, and Africa, take jobs, housing, and
healthcare away from people who were born in the United States: White 51%, Black 38%,
Asian 23%, Latino 16%

 In contrast, Latinos are most likely to be agree with the idea that immigrants who come to
the U.S. should be eligible for government services such as Medicaid, Food Stamps, and
welfare before they become citizens: White 8%, Black 6%, Asian 25%, Latino 38%,

 Whites were also the most likely to think that to be truly American it is very important to be
able to speak English. Although a majority of all racial and ethnic groups agreed with the
idea: White 79%, Black 72%, Asian 69%, Latino 62%

 Similarly, white respondents were the most likely to agree with the idea that laws should be
passed making English the official language of the United States: White 86%, Black 72%,
Asian 73%, Latino 30%,

Civic Engagement among Immigrants

Most anti-immigrant claims suggest that immigrants tend to be apolitical generally or less
politically and civically active than their U.S.-born counterparts. The data suggests otherwise.

 When it came to listening to news about the presidential campaign, Latino immigrants in
both age categories paid as much attention to the news as American-born citizens. While
the percentage of Asian immigrants who followed that news a great deal/a lot was lower in
some cases, when it came to younger, noncitizen respondents, they were more likely—by
12%—to pay a great deal of attention to the news, compared to their white counterparts.

 When it comes to community involvement, the numbers across racial groups and between
the two different age categories are consistently similar. While immigrants might have
varying reasons for their disinterest in many different forms of civic engagement,
unfortunately, they are uninterested at the same rate as most Americans.
 The majority of immigrants were engaged in political conversations within their private
spheres to the same degree that whites, blacks and Asian and Latino citizens were,
especially during the 2008 presidential campaign season. Moreover, younger noncitizen
Asian and older naturalized Asian respondents, had the highest percentage of those who
had conversations about politics with friends and family.

Many people view immigrant groups as being made up of apolitical individuals. The data show
that even when they are threatened with deportation, documented and undocumented
immigrants alike will come together and prove that they are paying attention to the political
climate of the day and are active members of civil society.

*For more data and analysis see “Wave 3 Race and Immigration Factsheet” and “Civic and Political
Activism: Understanding Immigrants in Civil Society” by Claudia Sandoval at
http://www.2008andbeyond.com/findings

 
How Race, Age, and Political Events Impact Political Information Consumption
The flurry of political information from digital and electronic sources that surrounded the 2008
election was unprecedented. Are these forms of “new media” replacing more “traditional”
sources and print media? The survey researchers investigated whether the election has had a
lasting impact on the types of political information that people use, and whether there are race-
and age-based differences in the sources of political information that people prefer.

Internet Use compared to More Traditional Media

 Before and after the election, all respondents got political information from newspapers at
higher rates than they did from the Internet. This holds true after the election for all racial
and ethnic groups except Asians. Among all Asians, 56% used newspapers for political
information after the election, while 65% said they used the Internet.

 Looking at just the young people (18-35-year-olds) within each racial group reveals that, in
contrast to their groups as a whole, young white, black, and Asian respondents all used the
Internet more than newspapers, both before and after the election. Young Latinos, however,
like the rest of their racial group, used newspapers more than the Internet. These results
indicate that Latino youth might have differential access to the Internet than their peers of
other races.

 Television remained the most common source of information across all racial and age
groups: all groups said that they watched television for political information at higher rates
than they used the Internet, both before and after the election. Thus, while more young
people (except Latinos) use the Internet than they read newspapers, both young and old
use television more than either the newspapers or the Internet.

Types of media as source of political information before and after the election:
Respondents, by age group and race, and percentage
using each source both pre- and post-election
Media Type All Young All Young All Young All Young
white white black black Asian Asian Latino Latino
Television: Pre 90 83 85 81 74 70 91 89
Post 84 73 86 75 78 69 89 85
Newspapers: Pre 61 41 55 53 57 46 54 49
Post 61 51 61 54 56 46 48 46
Internet: Pre 49 59 40 57 50 56 34 40
Post 49 58 40 56 65 79 32 43
Radio: Pre 46 48 46 43 30 22 49 46
Post 43 34 49 40 35 23 46 41
Magazines: Pre 21 59 22 26 23 21 20 19
Post 19 58 26 28 29 22 18 13

Although civic excitement surrounded the 2008 presidential election, there appears to have
been a general decrease in the attention people pay to politics since then. By identifying where
discrepancies in political information sources exist between groups, and which demographic
groups prefer and trust different information sources, it should be possible to heighten access to
political information where it is needed. Taking such measures should also sustain and elevate
political information consumption in the times between momentous political events or elections.
*For more data and analysis see, “The 2008 Presidential Election and Political Information: How do Race,
Age, and Political Events Impact Political Information Consumption?” by Alexandra Bass at
http://www.2008andbeyond.com/findings.

 
Conclusion:
The data from the Mobilization, Change and Political and Civic Engagement Project provides
new insights and empirical research into a number of issues ranging from the racial disparity in
voter mobilization efforts to current disparities in racial views among the American populace. As
the midterm elections take place and we prepare for the 2012 presidential elections, we hope
that community, state, and national organizations as well as the media will use the data, fact
sheets and memos provided on our website—www.2008andbeyond.com—to better inform the
public and support them in the politics of running our country.

Note on the full research: This summary highlights findings from five areas of the survey
research: Racial Attitudes, Mobilization, Political Alienation, Immigration, and How Race, Age,
and Political Events Impact Political Information Consumption. Further information on these and
other topics as well as factsheets from all three waves of data and the questionnaires used for
data collection can be reviewed, and the data downloaded, at www.2008andbeyond.com

Note on Research Design: The research design for the MCPCE project featured a three-wave
national representative panel study along with a series of in-depth interviews with survey
respondents. Knowledge Networks (KN) using an online panel sample collected the survey
data. The Knowledge Networks panel is drawn from a random sample of the population of
American households. Thus, the Knowledge Networks sample is a nationally representative
sample of the United States population.

Our specific survey sample is a nationally representative panel survey that included
oversamples of African Americans, Latinos, Asians and young people ages 18-35. One-third of
the Latino respondents came from Spanish language dominant homes and received the
questionnaire in Spanish. Since this is a national representative panel there is geographic
diversity in the sample. Also, because we were interested in both changes over time and
persistence of change, we used a panel survey that re-interviewed respondents at different
points in time. The first wave of the survey was fielded only weeks before the historic 2008
election. The second wave of data was gathered in April-May 2009, just seven months after the
election of the country’s first African-American president. The final wave of data was gathered
approximately one year after the 2008 election in November and December of 2009.

As noted above, along with the survey component of the research, we also conducted in-depth
interviews with a small group of respondents to gain a deeper and more nuanced understanding
of their feelings on specific issues. In-depth interviews were conducted after the first and third
wave of survey data collection. The data from the project is now available to the public.
Individuals, groups and organizations can download the data for free through our website
www.2008andbeyond.com.

 
Political Alienation: Trust in Government

Table 1:
Percentage of respondents who “frequently” or “almost always trust government to do what is right.

 
Political Alienation: Trust in Government

Table 2:
 
Percentage of who agree with statement “Leaders in government care very little about people like me.”