5

2018

MICONI ANDREA/SIPA
Belgrade and Pristina: lost in
normalisation?
by Donika Emini and Isidora Stakic

The EU-facilitated dialogue between Belgrade The windy road to normalcy

and Pristina, known as the Brussels Dialogue,
started in March 2011 with the aim to ‘normalise’ The first phase of the Brussels Dialogue, the so-
relations between the two parties, find solutions called ‘technical’ phase, lasted from March 2011
for long-standing disputes and, consequently, until February 2012; it resulted in nine agree-
advance their prospects of European integra- ments between Serbia and Kosovo, of which
tion.The newly adopted European Commission some have been implemented fully, some par-
Communication on a credible enlargement per- tially, and some not at all. The second phase el-
spective for an enhanced EU engagement with evated the Dialogue to a prime ministerial level,
the Western Balkans (known as the new EU and it was at this stage that the First Agreement
Strategy for the Western Balkans) reaffirms that of Principles Governing the Normalisation of
the normalisation of relations between Kosovo1 Relations (known as the Brussels Agreement)
and Serbia is key to their advancement on their was signed on 19 April 2013.3 This Agreement is
respective EU paths.2 considered to be a major historical achievement
and a milestone in the normalisation process, as
However, during the seven years of the Dialogue, it tackled politically highly sensitive areas – such
relations between Kosovo and Serbia have os- as security, the rule of law, the competences of
cillated between normalisation and a state of local authorities in Serbian-inhabited areas in
strained peace and conflict prevention. The as- Kosovo, and the judiciary. The Agreement con-
sassination of a Serbian politician from north tains 15 points on a range of issues, the most
Kosovo, Oliver Ivanovic, on 16 January 2018, important being related to the establishment of
as well as the arrest of the Serbian government the Association/Community of Serb majority
official Marko Djuric by Kosovo police in north municipalities and the dissolution of the Serbian
Mitrovica, Kosovo on 26 March, has fuelled new parallel structures in north Kosovo.
tensions and increased uncertainty surrounding
the future of the normalisation process. Given The implementation of the Brussels Agreement
these developments, what are the key obstacles proved to be even more challenging than the
to more constructive relations between Pristina implementation of the Agreements reached dur-
and Belgrade? ing the technical phase of the Dialogue, given

European Union Institute for Security Studies (EUISS) April 2018 1

the sensitivity of its content. Different parts of already on hold due to the presidential elections
the Brussels Agreement have to date been im- in Serbia, and later on due to the parliamentary
plemented to various degrees, with some of the elections in Kosovo, the resolution did not have
points becoming a source of tension between any implications for the normalisation process. It
the parties, rather than serving as a tool to reach did, however, fuel nationalist sentiments in both
the overarching goal of normalisation – particu- countries, thus exacerbating tensions.
larly the points related to the formation of the
Association/Community of Serb majority mu- Relations reached a new nadir just ten days af-
nicipalities. ter Haradinaj’s arrest, when a train departed
from Belgrade bound for northern Mitrovica (a
Serb majority municipalities in Kosovo north Kosovo municipality populated by Serbs),
painted in the colours of the Serbian flag and
SERBIA bearing the words ‘Kosovo is Serbia’ in 21 differ-
ent languages. The train was eventually stopped
before entering Kosovo by then Prime Minister
of Serbia Aleksandar Vucic, who claimed that
MONTENEGRO Kosovo-Albanians had tried to mine the railway.
The train incident was followed by even more
inflammatory rhetoric, with the then President
Pristina of Serbia Tomislav Nikolic stating that “he would
be willing to send the army to defend Serbs in
Kosovo, if necessary”.4 The timing of the inci-
dent – a few months before the presidential elec-
tions in Serbia – suggests that it might have been
intended to garner support among the parts of
ALBANIA the Serbian electorate with nationalist leanings.

THE FORMER YUGOSLAV

REPUBLIC OF MACEDONIA
War of words
Such events, although frequently referred to as
incidents, involve more than just an excessive
use of inflammatory language. Instead, they are
Data: UK FCO a manifestation of the true nature of the regional
politics underpinning the Brussels Dialogue –
During the first four years of the Dialogue, name- which both sides portray differently depending
ly from 2011 to 2015, a number of Agreements on whether they are addressing their respective
were reached, which created an appearance of domestic audiences or the international commu-
progress. However, once the implementation of nity, particularly the EU.
the Agreements was put on the agenda, the pace
of the Dialogue slowed down significantly. Since The narrative crafted for international audi-
2016, the Brussels Dialogue has stalled, while ten- ences, for instance, is marked by a declaration
sions have risen and nationalist rhetoric has be- of full commitment to the normalisation of re-
come increasingly common. Tensions intensified lations, a readiness for compromise, and great
sharply at the begin- concern for the well-
ning of January 2017 ‘The domestic narrative is nationalist, rationale being of citizens. The
with the arrest of the behind this
former (and now cur- identitarian, and structured according is that further progress
rent) Prime Minister on EU integration for
Ramush Haradinaj, to a zero-sum logic, portraying one side both sides is condi-
one of Kosovo’s po- either as the winners, or as the victims tioned on engagement
litical leaders and war in the Dialogue. The
veterans, in France of an ‘enemy other’.’ domestic narrative,
based on a Serbian ar- however, is national-
rest warrant for alleged war crimes. In response, ist, identitarian, and structured according to a
the Assembly of Kosovo adopted a resolution de- zero-sum logic, portraying one side either as the
manding the suspension of the Brussels Dialogue winners, or as the victims of an ‘enemy other’.
until Haradinaj was released. As the Dialogue was For example, after the signing of the Agreement

European Union Institute for Security Studies (EUISS) April 2018 2

on the Association/Community of Serb majority meaning: for Kosovo it refers to a ‘border’ and
municipalities, and the Agreements on energy and therefore a delineation between two countries,
telecommunications, Serbian high official Marko while for Serbia it is perceived as an ‘administra-
Djuric stated that the outcome is “a 5-0 victory for tive boundary line’ and is therefore an internal de-
Serbia”, implying that the goal of the normalisa- marcation separating two regions. Back in 2012,
tion process is to somehow defeat the other party.5 using this term was considered to be ‘the only way
forward’. However, the debate over terminology
Another even more drastic example occurred in will continue in Serbia in the framework of chap-
December 2017 when the Serbian Minister of ters 23 and 24 of the EU accession process, and in
Defence Aleksandar Vulin declared that Serbian Kosovo due to growing calls for the government
armed forces are preparing for war.6 He explicitly to reach an agreement on a ‘border’ with Serbia.
mentioned the violent attacks on Kosovo-Serbs
by Kosovo-Albanians that happened 14 years ago Common Crossing Points (CCPs)
(in March 2004) as an explanation as to why the
Serbian army should be ready for the outbreak of
war at any time. Kosovan politicians can be equally
quick to use inflammatory rhetoric. For instance, Rudnica-Jarinje

after Haradinaj’s arrest in France, his brother and SERBIA

member of parliament, Daut Haradinaj, threat-

ened that “not a single Serb would remain in Bernjak-Tabalije
Kosovo” should France extradite him to Serbia. Merdare-Merdare
These often aggressive narratives on both sides MONTENEGRO

serve to win the support of nationalist elements of Mutivode-Mutivode

society, without which the current political elites
would struggle to remain in power.
Konculj-Dheu i Bardhe
Another reason behind the slow implementation
of the Agreements and why the normalisation pro-
cess has stalled is the employment of ‘constructive Depce-Mucibaba

ambiguity’, an approach that aims to ensure the

commitment of both parties to sometimes vague ALBANIA
agreements, the details of which are to be speci-
fied at a later date. This was applied in order to THE FORMER YUGOSLAV
portray each Agreement as beneficial for both par- REPUBLIC OF MACEDONIA

ties, and to postpone the implementation of more

sensitive aspects until a moment when enough
trust has been built. However, in the process of
implementation, this became one of the key ob-
stacles, or even made the Agreements non-imple- Data: UK FCO, Kosovo police
mentable, as genuine trust between the parties has
not been established. Legally ambiguous Agreements have also allowed
political elites to express triumphalism after each
As the legally ambiguous parts of the Agreements round of talks, while local populations have yet
are open to diverging interpretations, they have to feel the effects of concrete progress. This was
become a source of endless (re)negotiation that reflected in the statements by Hashim Thaci, the
elites use to postpone their implementation. current president of Kosovo, who claimed that
For instance, in the Agreement on Association/ Serbia had “in a way recognised Kosovo as an in-
Community, the dual reference itself leaves room dependent state” immediately after the Brussels
for different interpretations. For Belgrade, it is a Agreement, but also in the declarations of Serbian
‘Community’, thus a legal entity with executive politicians, such as the aforementioned statement
powers, while for Pristina, it is a non-governmen- by Marko Djuric that compared the Dialogue to
tal organisation with no executive powers, similar a football match.8 Yet the failure of local political
to the existing ones found in Albanian municipali- elites to deliver on their statements has gradually
ties.7 lowered the overall level of public trust in the nor-
malisation process.
Another example of exercising ambiguity is the
Integrated Border/Boundary Management (IBM) As ambiguity has served as an excuse for both
Technical Protocol. Again, the title has a dual parties to justify their lack of progress, most

European Union Institute for Security Studies (EUISS) April 2018 3

 The ‘technical’ phase: milestones of the Brussels Dialogue

FREEDOM OF MOVEMENT LEVEL OF full implementation

2 July 2011 IMPLEMENTATION partial implementation
Both sides agree that respective citizens should be able to some progress
travel freely. The Agreement includes the regulation of no progress
documents such as identity cards and driver’s licenses, as well
as license plates and car insurance. CUSTOM STAMPS
2 September 2011
While elements have been implemented, limited progress has
been made in increasing mobility between the northern This facilitates the end of the trade embargo. Serbia agrees to
Serbian municipalities and southern part of Kosovo. accept Kosovan stamps, while ensuring freedom of movement
of goods as envisaged in the Central European Free Trade
Agreement (CEFTA).

VEHICLE INSURANCE
25 June 2015 related agreements

MITROVICA BRIDGE
25 August 2015
Parties agree on a EU-led project to renovate the bridge which
symbolically and ethnically divides the city.
Although it was expected to occur in 2016, there has been no
progress in opening the bridge. Crossing points in the north CIVIL REGISTRY BOOKS
remain problematic, while it took a further four years from
signing to agree on vehicle insurance and car registration plates. 2 July 2011
Parties agree on the scanning, copying and certifying of all
available civil registry status books. Serbia agrees to make
copies of the documents and hand them over to EULEX, which
is appointed to facilitate the process.
CADASTRE
Over 14,000 civil registry books have been sent to Pristina. The
2 July 2011 Kosovo Civil Registry Agency, in cooperation with the Danish
Serbia successfully returned available civil registry status Refugee Council, has finished digitalising all certified copies
books to Kosovo authorities, process facilitated by EULEX. of civil registry books returned from Serbia to Kosovo.
In 2016, the government of Kosovo adopted a new draft law
for a new technical agency, the Kosovo Property Comparison
and Verification Agency. While in Serbia, the EU Delegation ACCEPTANCE OF UNIVERSITY DIPLOMAS
has financed the Serbian Republic Geodetic Authority (RGA) to
scan the cadastre documentation covered by the Dialogue 2 July 2011
Agreement. Around 40% of documents have been scanned. Parties agree on reciprocal recognition of university diplomas.
The European University Association (EUA) agrees to
undertake the process.
INTEGRATED BORDER/BOUNDARY MANAGEMENT There has been no progress to date.
23 February 2012
Parties agree to set up common crossing points using the EU
model of IBM. Parties agree to not display any state symbols
in order to remain as neutral as possible.
In 2012, Kosovo and Serbia agreed to open two IBM crossing REGIONAL REPRESENTATION AND COOPERATION
points (Jarinje and Merdare). The EU is investing €9.42 million
to fund three permanent border crossing points. 24 February 2012
The ‘Footnote Agreement’ guarantees regional representation
for Kosovo. Kosovo’s name to appear with an asterisk
referencing UN Security Council Resolution 1244 and the ICJ
decision on Kosovan independence. Serbia agrees not to
ENERGY hinder Kosovo’s efforts to participate in regional initiatives.
8 September 2013 Kosovo has become part of some regional initiatives in the
Parties agree that the energy transmission authorities – KOSTT Western Balkans – mostly EU-led projects. In spite of this
from Kosovo and EMS from Serbia – sign an Agreement to agreement, Serbia has continued to block Kosovo’s participa-
regulate transmission operators. tion in regional initiatives. The non-recognition campaign was
also highlighted during Kosovo’s UNESCO membership bid.
The lack of an action plan has delayed the implementation of
the Agreement. This has also delayed interconnection projects
between Albania, Kosovo and Serbia in the framework of the
Berlin Process. A power grid dispute between Serbia and TELECOMMUNICATIONS
Kosovo led to a domino effect which caused digital clocks to
fall behind by 6 minutes in the majority of EU countries. 8 September 2013
Parties agree that the International Telecommunication Union
(ITU) will allocate the three-digit code – replacing the three
existing ones in Kosovo (from Serbia, Slovenia and Monaco).
Kosovo received the three-digit (+383) code in 2016 and the
process is expected to be complete by September 2018.

Data: Council of the European Union, EULEX, Government of Kosovo, Government of Serbia

European Union Institute for Security Studies (EUISS) April 2018 4

 The ‘political’ phase: elements of the Brussels Agreement

LEVEL OF full implementation FIRST AGREEMENT OF PRINCIPLES GOVERNING THE

IMPLEMENTATION partial implementation NORMALISATION OF RELATIONS
some progress 19 April 2013
no progress

ASSOCIATION/COMMUNITY
OF SERB MAJORITY MUNICIPALITIES
IN KOSOVO – GENERAL PRINCIPLES/MAIN ELEMENTS
25 August 2015
The parties agree to establish an association of the 10 Serb
majority municipalities in Kosovo. Municipalities to have full
competences in areas such economic development, health, ESTABLISHMENT OF FOUR SERBIAN MUNICIPALITIES
education, and urban and rural planning. IN THE NORTHERN PART OF KOSOVO
After debates between the opposition and the government of 19 April 2013
Kosovo, the Agreement has been sent to the constitutional The Dialogue legally establishes the municipalities of
court, which put the agreement on hold due to a lack of Mitrovica North, Zvecan, Zubin Potok and Leposavic.
compliance with the constitution. Kosovo has conditioned the
establishment of the Association on progress in the justice This marked a critical step in the implementation of the
sector, the dissolution of parallel institutions, the dismantle- Brussels Agreement. Although the functioning of the four
ment of the Civil Protection Corps, and the renovation of the municipalities in the north remains fragile and influenced by
Mitrovica bridge. Serbia, which continues to support parallel institutions.

ADOPTION OF THE MUNICIPAL STATUTES

11 January 2014

INAUGURATION OF THE MUNICIPAL BODIES

IN ALL FOUR MUNICIPALITIES
16 May 2014

JUDICIARY
The Agreement foresees the integration of Serbian judges and
prosecutors into the Kosovo justice system, working in
related accordance with Kosovan law. The details include specific
agreements/ positions appointed on the basis of the ethnic composition of
components the municipalities in the north.

POLICE Although judges and prosecutors have been appointed, there

have been delays in implementation of the Agreement. On 7
The parties agree that the only law enforcement officials in the October 2017, judges, prosecutors and judicial staff were
northern part of Kosovo are the Kosovo police. Former police integrated into the Kosovo judiciary. This will allow for a
officers working in parallel structures are to be integrated into single justice system across Kosovo and in the Mitrovica
the Kosovo police. The parties agree that there will be a region in particular.
separate police commander for northern Kosovo, and that the
ethnic composition of the Kosovo police would reflect the
demographics of Kosovo. SECURITY
Police parallel structures have been dissolved. 287 Kosovo-Serb The Agreement also envisages the integration of members of
police officers were integrated into the Kosovo police on 31 the so-called Civil Protection Corps into Kosovo’s institutions.
December 2013, and a Regional Directorate was established on Some of the former Civil Protection members have been
22 July 2013. The Regional Director is a Kosovo Serb, while the integrated into or employed by Kosovan institutions (the
Deputy Director is Kosovo Albanian, appointed on 25 June 2013. Emergency Management Agency and the Correctional
Service). By May 2016, less than 25% of the total number of
Civil Protection staff has been integrated. It is unclear whether
former Civil Protection members who have yet to be integrated
still receive salaries from Serbia.

Data: Council of the European Union, Government of Kosovo, Government of Serbia

Agreements have only been partially imple- the ownership of the operation-distribution sys-
mented. While certain sections have been suc- tem. This dispute between Kosovo and Serbia
cessfully implemented – such as the integration resulted in problems in the electricity grid that
of former Serbian police officers into the Kosovo serves most of Europe, and is now being me-
police – others led to renegotiations. For exam- diated by Klaus Töpfer, a former German envi-
ple, the Agreement related to energy required ronment minister.9 Similarly, the Agreement on
further negotiation due to a disagreement over Freedom of Movement has been through several

European Union Institute for Security Studies (EUISS) April 2018 5

rounds of renegotiation since it was signed in localised disconnect has contributed to cement-
2011. Parties have gone back to Brussels a num- ing the division between ethnic Albanians and
ber of times to settle matters related to car reg- Serbs, while the Kosovan government lacks an
istration plates, insurance, crossing borders at overall strategy of how to integrate citizens in
airports, as well as other details left out of the the north. Pristina fails to see integration beyond
initial Agreement. Currently, the most contested the territorial aspect of the issue – striving to ex-
part of this Agreement remains the revitalisation ercise control over the territory of Kosovo, the
of the Mitrovica bridge. authorities have focused their efforts on build-
ing government facilities in the north, without
The issue of constructive ambiguity became offering tangible opportunities to Kosovo-Serbs.
particularly problematic after the signing of
one of the most important Agreements between At the same time, the Serbian government has
Pristina and Belgrade – the Agreement on the used its influence in north Kosovo to stoke the
Association/Community of Serb majority mu- fears of Kosovo-Serbs, thus preventing them
nicipalities. This Agreement sparked heated de- from actively engaging in politics. This was par-
bates in Pristina between the government and ticularly emphasised before and during the na-
the opposition (which tional and local elec-
was strongly opposed tions in Kosovo, when
to the deal and the ‘un- ‘Over the past year, the term local Serb politicians,
conditioned dialogue ‘stabilitocracy’ has been widely used as well as employ-
with Serbia’), eventu- ees in (Serbian) pub-
ally leading to political by critics, referring to regimes in the lic institutions, were
deadlock and the trig- threatened or even
gering of snap elec- region which are characterised by weak attacked for partici-
tions. After the con- democratic institutions and strong, pating in the electoral
tent of the Agreement process or supporting
was sent to the Kosovo autocratically-minded leaders who claim candidates who ran
Constitutional Court to provide stability.’ independently from
for review, the body the ‘Serbian List’ – the
judged that four out of Belgrade-controlled
five parts were not in full compliance with the political organisation of Kosovo-Serbs. Among
constitution as they violate the principle related the threatened politicians was also the recently
to the multi-ethnicity of Kosovo. However, the assassinated Oliver Ivanovic.12
Court has given instructions, albeit in vague
language, on how to draft the Statute of the An interest in initiating internal dialogues on
Association/Community of Serb majority mu- the normalisation process has been revealed re-
nicipalities, which is a process that requires cently, with both governments launching new
both parties to go back to Brussels and agree on bottom-up approaches as part of the Dialogue.
the basic principles.10 For instance, President Vucic authored an op-ed
published in July 2017 in the Serbian daily Blic,
Nevertheless, while the overall Agreement on in which he appealed to citizens to engage in a
Association/Community is on hold, a very sen- dialogue about Kosovo, but failed to specify a
sitive part of the Brussels Agreement is already format or provide solutions to the long-lasting
being implemented, which has a significant problems that burden relations.
impact on the rule of law in north Mitrovica.
The section which foresees the integration of While the idea of internal dialogues seems like a
the justice system in the Serb-run north into step towards greater inclusiveness, the initiators
the main system of Kosovo has almost been fi- – the political leaders on both sides – remain
nalised: judges have been appointed, and the vague about their precise contents and for-
court is expected to start functioning within a mats. In Serbia, the so-called internal dialogue
few months.11 on Kosovo is to be coordinated by the govern-
ment, which leaves doubts about whether the
opposition will be able to influence the process.
And the people? Nationalist opposition parties have already re-
fused to participate in the internal dialogue,
While the Dialogue takes place at the highest while other political actors, including civil soci-
political level, deep divides remain between ety, largely share the negative perceptions of the
political actors and citizens on both sides. This initiative. At this stage, there is a fear that the

European Union Institute for Security Studies (EUISS) April 2018 6

contributions of domestic populations, opposi- after meetings with EU officials in Brussels,
tion parties and civil societies will remain rather President Vucic stated that Serbia will not be
limited, and in any case would serve primarily able to become a member of the EU until a le-
as a way of legitimising what has (or has not) gally-binding document is signed with Pristina,
been done so far. marking the end of the normalisation process.
Although the Serbian president underlined that
European dimensions such document would not imply an official rec-
ognition of Kosovan independence by Serbia, it
As one of the country-specific political criteria is clear that this statement is a part of the narra-
for EU membership, the normalisation of rela- tive directed towards the Serbian electorate – as
tions between Kosovo and Serbia has been of there is a de facto recognition implied.
paramount importance for the Union. The new
EU Strategy for Western Balkans reconfirms this While it was speculated that the new EU Strategy
point. However, given the slow progress of nor- for the Western Balkans would envisage that the
malisation, the EU has come under fire – par- document should be signed by 2019, the final
ticularly by pro-EU actors in the Balkans – for text of the Strategy only requests that a legally-
allegedly ‘trading off’ genuine progress in the binding normalisation agreement is concluded
Dialogue against stability in the Western Balkans. ‘urgently’. Keeping in mind that there will be no
Over the past year, the term ‘stabilitocracy’ has new enlargement of the EU until at least 2025,
been widely used by critics, referring to regimes the urgent completion of a comprehensive and
in the region which are characterised by weak substantial normalisation that the EU is calling
democratic institutions and strong, autocratical- for seems to be rather optimistic.
ly-minded leaders who claim to provide stabil-
ity. A number of non-governmental reports, as In February 2018, President Vucic announced
well as opposition leaders and independent ex- that he would present his proposal for a solution
perts, have expressed their concern over what to the Kosovo problem in April 2018, reaffirming
they perceive to be the EU’s tolerant stance to- that the recognition of Kosovan independence
wards Balkan ‘stabilitocracies’.13 Paraphrasing by Serbia is not an option. It is speculated that
the policy paper by the Balkans in Europe Policy President Vucic’s proposal will include the sign-
Advisory Group which coined the term ‘stabili- ing of a legally-binding document with Pristina,
tocracy’, the Union and a number of its member but without the explicit recognition of Kosovo.
states, have, for a number of reasons, tolerated Such a document would enable Kosovo’s mem-
this dynamic despite that fact that the status quo bership in international organisations, as well
does not foster stability or guarantee pro-Euro- as advance Serbia on its EU path. However, the
pean governments. Association/Community of Serb majority mu-
nicipalities remains a critical issue, as it is not
Since the Brussels Dialogue is seen as crucial for clear what the Serbian government’s aspirations
maintaining stability in the region, the Serbian regarding its competences will be, and whether
and Kosovan leaders engaged in it have been these aspirations could impede the future func-
praised by EU officials for their commitment tioning of the Kosovan legal and political system.
to the process and for maintaining peace, while
serious deficiencies in the rule of law are often For a successful continuation of the Brussels
not explicitly criticised.14 Such failings, although Dialogue – after a long stalemate – it is neces-
a part of internal politics, represent a danger to sary, first of all, that both parties return to the ne-
democratic governance in the region, and might gotiating table and agree on more frequent and
eventually pose a threat to regional stability, too. transparent meetings. While, on the one hand,
local ownership of the normalisation process is
of paramount importance, on the other hand, the
Let’s talk progress and the pace of the process are largely
dependent on the certainty and clarity of the
The two meetings of the presidents of Serbia and prospects for EU accession for both Kosovo and
Kosovo, Aleksandar Vucic and Hashim Thaci, Serbia. In order to strengthen local ownership,
that took place during summer 2017 in Brussels both governments have to ensure full transpar-
marked the beginning of a new phase of the ency and greater inclusiveness in the Brussels
Dialogue. While it is clear that this phase will Dialogue. It is important that both general pub-
take place at a presidential level, details about lics have access to the texts of the Agreements,
the content and dynamics of the future Dialogue as well as an insight into the stages of their im-
remain vague. Nevertheless, in November 2017, plementation. The benefits of the normalisation

European Union Institute for Security Studies (EUISS) April 2018 7

 8) Guy Delauney, “Kosovo and Serbia sign ‘landmark’
process should also be communicated clearly to agreements”, BBC News, August 26, 2015. http://www.bbc.com/
citizens, especially to the population of north news/world-europe-34059497.
Kosovo. 9) Fatos Bytyci, Maja Zuvela, “Kosovo finds temporary fix for
energy glitch slowing Europe’s clocks”, Reuters, March 13, 2018.
However, in order for citizens to feel tangible ben- https://uk.reuters.com/article/serbia-kosovo-energy/kosovo-
finds-temporary-fix-for-energy-glitch-slowing-europes-clocks-
efits, stricter implementation of the Agreements idUKL8N1QV1F4.
is needed. In this regard, ambiguities of word- 10) “Big Deal 2: Lost In Stagnation”, Prishtina Insight, April
ings must be clarified, and this is where EU di- 02, 2015. http://prishtinainsight.com/reports/; Joanna Hanson,
plomacy could play a prominent role. The legal- “Awkward Responsibilities”, Prishtina Insight, May 27, 2016.
ly binding document envisaged by the new EU http://prishtinainsight.com/awkward-responsibilities/; Gëzim
Krasniqi, “The Challenge of Moving from Normalised Dialogue
Strategy should be as precise as possible, in or- to Normalised Relations”, Prishtina Insight, April 22, 2016.
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Finally, abandoning nationalist rhetoric and the Justice System Takes Effect”, Balkan Insight, October 17, 2017.
http://www.balkaninsight.com/en/article/kosovo-serbia-justice-
zero-sum framing of the Dialogue is a critical agreement-expected-to-be-implemented-10-16-2017.
condition for achieving a genuine normalisa- 11) Edward P Joseph, “An Assassination Could Be Just What
tion of relations. While the Serbian government Kosovo Needed”, Foreign Policy, January 22, 2018. http://
must not attempt to block the membership of foreignpolicy.com/2018/01/22/an-assassination-could-be-just-
Kosovo in international organisations, or to ob- what-kosovo-needed/.
struct the functioning of Kosovo’s legal system 12) “The Crisis of Democracy in the Western Balkans -
by keeping control over the north, the govern- Authoritarianism and EU Stabilitocracy”, Balkans in Europe
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inclusion of ethnic Serbs, and foster a society balkans-authoritarianism-and-eu-stabilitocracy/; “Jankovic:
based on the principles of equality and non-dis- Nepominjanje Savamale Budi Zebnju”, Dnevni List Danas,
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13) ”Vucic Na Hitnom Sastanku Sa Mogerini: Srbija Ima Jedan
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2) “EU-Western Balkans Strategy: A Credible Enlargement
Perspective”, European Commission, April 12, 2018. https://
ec.europa.eu/commission/publications/eu-western-balkans-
strategy-credible-enlargement-perspective_en.
3) During the first phase, the head of the Belgrade negotiating
team was Borislav Stefanovic, political director at the ministry of
foreign affairs, while the negotiating team from Pristina was led
by Edita Tahiri, deputy prime minister of Kosovo.
4) “Serbia-Kosovo Train Row Escalates to Military Threat”, BBC
News, January 15, 2017. http://www.bbc.com/news/world-
europe-38630152.
5) “Four Agreements Signed during Kosovo Talks round”, B92.
net, August 25, 2015. https://www.b92.net/eng/news/politics.
php?yyyy=2015&mm=08&dd=25&nav_id=95216.
6) “Vulin: Vojska Se Sprema Za Rat, Na Politici Je Da Ga
Izbegne”, N1 Srbija, December 07, 2017. http://rs.n1info.com/
a347715/Vesti/Vesti/Vulin-Vojska-se-sprema-za-rat-na-politici-
je-da-ga-izbegne.html.
7) Dusan Reljic, “EU Facilitated Dialogue: Another exercise
in constructive ambiguity”, Centre for European Policy Studies,
August 28, 2015. https://www.ceps.eu/publications/eu-
facilitated-dialogue-another-exercise-constructive-ambiguity.

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© EU Institute for Security Studies | QN-AK-18-005-EN-N | ISBN 978-92-9198-647-7 | ISSN 2315-1110 | doi:10.2815/6096