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by Henry David Thoreau

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Title: On the Duty of Civil Disobedience

Author: Henry David Thoreau

Release Date: 12 June 2004 [EBook #71]

Language: English

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On the Duty of Civil Disobedience

by Henry David Thoreau
[1849, original title: Resistance to Civil Goverment]
I heartily accept the motto, "That government is best which governs least"; and I should like to
see it acted up to more rapidly and systematically. Carried out, it finally amounts to this, which
also I believe—"That government is best which governs not at all"; and when men are prepared
for it, that will be the kind of government which they will have. Government is at best but an
expedient; but most governments are usually, and all governments are sometimes, inexpedient.
The objections which have been brought against a standing army, and they are many and
weighty, and deserve to prevail, may also at last be brought against a standing government. The
standing army is only an arm of the standing government. The government itself, which is only
the mode which the people have chosen to execute their will, is equally liable to be abused and
perverted before the people can act through it. Witness the present Mexican war, the work of
comparatively a few individuals using the standing government as their tool; for in the outset, the
people would not have consented to this measure.
This American government—what is it but a tradition, though a recent one, endeavoring to
transmit itself unimpaired to posterity, but each instant losing some of its integrity? It has not the
vitality and force of a single living man; for a single man can bend it to his will. It is a sort of
wooden gun to the people themselves. But it is not the less necessary for this; for the people must
have some complicated machinery or other, and hear its din, to satisfy that idea of government
which they have. Governments show thus how successfully men can be imposed upon, even
impose on themselves, for their own advantage. It is excellent, we must all allow. Yet this
government never of itself furthered any enterprise, but by the alacrity with which it got out of its
way. It does not keep the country free. It does not settle the West. It does not educate. The
character inherent in the American people has done all that has been accomplished; and it would
have done somewhat more, if the government had not sometimes got in its way. For government
is an expedient, by which men would fain succeed in letting one another alone; and, as has been
said, when it is most expedient, the governed are most let alone by it. Trade and commerce, if
they were not made of india-rubber, would never manage to bounce over obstacles which
legislators are continually putting in their way; and if one were to judge these men wholly by the
effects of their actions and not partly by their intentions, they would deserve to be classed and
punished with those mischievious persons who put obstructions on the railroads.
But, to speak practically and as a citizen, unlike those who call themselves no-government men, I
ask for, not at once no government, but at once a better government. Let every man make known
what kind of government would command his respect, and that will be one step toward obtaining
it.
After all, the practical reason why, when the power is once in the hands of the people, a majority
are permitted, and for a long period continue, to rule is not because they are most likely to be in
the right, nor because this seems fairest to the minority, but because they are physically the
strongest. But a government in which the majority rule in all cases can not be based on justice,
even as far as men understand it. Can there not be a government in which the majorities do not
virtually decide right and wrong, but conscience?—in which majorities decide only those
questions to which the rule of expediency is applicable? Must the citizen ever for a moment, or
in the least degree, resign his conscience to the legislator? Why has every man a conscience
then? I think that we should be men first, and subjects afterward. It is not desirable to cultivate a
respect for the law, so much as for the right. The only obligation which I have a right to assume
is to do at any time what I think right. It is truly enough said that a corporation has no
conscience; but a corporation of conscientious men is a corporation with a conscience. Law
never made men a whit more just; and, by means of their respect for it, even the well-disposed
are daily made the agents on injustice. A common and natural result of an undue respect for the
law is, that you may see a file of soldiers, colonel, captain, corporal, privates, powder-monkeys,
and all, marching in admirable order over hill and dale to the wars, against their wills, ay, against
their common sense and consciences, which makes it very steep marching indeed, and produces
a palpitation of the heart. They have no doubt that it is a damnable business in which they are
concerned; they are all peaceably inclined. Now, what are they? Men at all? or small movable
forts and magazines, at the service of some unscrupulous man in power? Visit the Navy Yard,
and behold a marine, such a man as an American government can make, or such as it can make a
man with its black arts—a mere shadow and reminiscence of humanity, a man laid out alive and
standing, and already, as one may say, buried under arms with funeral accompaniment, though it
may be,
"Not a drum was heard, not a funeral note,
As his corse to the rampart we hurried;
Not a soldier discharged his farewell shot
O'er the grave where our hero was buried."
The mass of men serve the state thus, not as
men mainly, but as machines, with their bodies.
They are the standing army, and the militia,
jailers, constables, posse comitatus, etc. In most
cases there is no free exercise whatever of the
judgement or of the moral sense; but they put
themselves on a level with wood and earth and
stones; and wooden men can perhaps be
manufactured that will serve the purpose as
well. Such command no more respect than men
of straw or a lump of dirt. They have the same
sort of worth only as horses and dogs. Yet such
as these even are commonly esteemed good
citizens. Others—as most legislators,
politicians, lawyers, ministers, and office-
holders—serve the state chiefly with their
heads; and, as they rarely make any moral
distinctions, they are as likely to serve the devil,
without intending it, as God. A very few—as
heroes, patriots, martyrs, reformers in the great
sense, and men—serve the state with their
consciences also, and so necessarily resist it for
the most part; and they are commonly treated as
enemies by it. A wise man will only be useful
as a man, and will not submit to be "clay," and
"stop a hole to keep the wind away," but leave
that office to his dust at least:
"I am
too high
born to
be
properti
ed,
To be a
second
at
control,
Or
useful
serving-
man and
instrume
nt
To any
sovereig
n state
through
out the
world."
He who
gives
himself
entirely
to his
fellow
men
appears
to them
useless
and
selfish;
but he
who
gives
himself
partially
to them
in
pronoun
ced a
benefact
or and
philanth
ropist.
How
does it
become
a man to
behave
toward
the
America
n
governm
ent
today? I
answer,
that he
cannot
without
disgrace
be
associat
ed with
it. I
cannot
for an
instant
recogniz
e that
political
organiza
tion as
my
governm
ent
which is
the
slave's
governm
ent also.
All men
recogniz
e the
right of
revoluti
on; that
is, the
right to
refuse
allegian
ce to,
and to
resist,
the
governm
ent,
when its
tyranny
or its
inefficie
ncy are
great
and
unendur
able.
But
almost
all say
that
such is
not the
case
now.
But such
was the
case,
they
think, in
the
Revoluti
on of
'75. If
one
were to
tell me
that this
was a
bad
governm
ent
because
it taxed
certain
foreign
commod
ities
brought
to its
ports, it
is most
probable
that I
should
not
make an
ado
about it,
for I can
do
without
them.
All
machine
s have
their
friction;
and
possibly
this does
enough
good to
counter-
balance
the evil.
At any
rate, it is
a great
evil to
make a
stir
about it.
But
when
the
friction
comes
to have
its
machine
, and
oppressi
on and
robbery
are
organize
d, I say,
let us
not have
such a
machine
any
longer.
In other
words,
when a
sixth of
the
populati
on of a
nation
which
has
undertak
en to be
the
refuge
of
liberty
are
slaves,
and a
whole
country
is
unjustly
overrun
and
conquer
ed by a
foreign
army,
and
subjecte
d to
military
law, I
think
that it is
not too
soon for
honest
men to
rebel
and
revoluti
onize.
What
makes
this duty
the more
urgent is
that fact
that the
country
so
overrun
is not
our own,
but ours
is the
invading
army.
Paley, a
common
authorit
y with
many on
moral
question
s, in his
chapter
on the
"Duty of
Submiss
ion to
Civil
Govern
ment,"
resolves
all civil
obligatio
n into
expedie
ncy; and
he
proceeds
to say
that "so
long as
the
interest
of the
whole
society
requires
it, that
is, so
long as
the
establish
ed
governm
ent
cannot
be
resisted
or
changed
without
public
inconve
nience,
it is the
will of
God . . .
that the
establish
ed
governm
ent be
obeyed
—and
no
longer.
This
principle
being
admitted
, the
justice
of every
particula
r case of
resistanc
e is
reduced
to a
computa
tion of
the
quantity
of the
danger
and
grievanc
e on the
one side,
and of
the
probabil
ity and
expense
of
redressi
ng it on
the
other."
Of this,
he says,
every
man
shall
judge
for
himself.
But
Paley
appears
never to
have
contemp
lated
those
cases to
which
the rule
of
expedie
ncy does
not
apply, in
which a
people,
as well
as an
individu
al, must
do
justice,
cost
what it
may. If I
have
unjustly
wrested
a plank
from a
drownin
g man, I
must
restore it
to him
though I
drown
myself.
This,
accordin
g to
Paley,
would
be
inconve
nient.
But he
that
would
save his
life, in
such a
case,
shall
lose it.
This
people
must
cease to
hold
slaves,
and to
make
war on
Mexico,
though
it cost
them
their
existenc
e as a
people.
In their
practice,
nations
agree
with
Paley;
but does
anyone
think
that
Massach
usetts
does
exactly
what is
right at
the
present
crisis?
"A drab
a cloth-o'-
To have her t
and her soul tra
Practically s
opponents to
Massachusetts
hundred thousa
at the South,
thousand me
farmers here,
interested in c
agriculture tha
humanity, an
prepared to do
slave and to
what it may. I q
far-off foes, b
who, near at ho
with, and do t
those far away
whom the lat
harmless. We a
to say, that the
are unprep
improvement is
the few are no
wiser or better
It is not so
many should b
as that there be
goodness some
will leaven the
There are thou
in opinion oppo
and to the wa
effect do nothin
to them; wh
themselves
Washington an
down with thei
pockets, and
know not what
nothing; who
the question of
question of fr
quietly read the
along with the
from Mexico,
and, it may be,
them both. Wh
current of an h
patriot today?
and they
sometimes they
they do nothing
with effect. T
well disposed,
remedy the evil
no longer have
most, they giv
cheap vote,
countenance an
the right, as it
There are nine
ninety-nine pat
to one virtuous
easier to deal
possessor of a
the temporary g
All voting is a
like checkers or
with a slight m
a playing wi
wrong, with m
and betting
accompanies it
of the voters i
cast my vote, p
think right; b
vitally concer
right should
willing to lea
majority. Its
therefore, neve
of expediency.
for the right is
for it. It is only
men feebly you
should prevail.
will not leave t
mercy of chanc
to prevail thro
of the majority
little virtue in
masses of me
majority shall
for the abolitio
will be beca
indifferent to
because there
slavery left to b
their vote. The
the only slaves
can hasten th
slavery who a
freedom by his
I hear of a co
held at B
elsewhere, for t
a candidate for
made up chie
and men who
by profession;
what is it to an
intelligent, an
man what deci
come to? Shal
the advantage o
and honesty,
Can we not co
independent vo
not many indi
country who
conventions? B
that the respec
called, has
drifted from hi
despairs of his
his country has
to despair o
forthwith adop
candidates thus
only availabl
proving that
available for a
the demagogue
no more worth
any unprinciple
hireling native,
been bought. O
is a man, and, a
says, has a bo
which you can
hand through!
are at fault: the
been returned t
many men ar
square thousan
country? Hardly
America offer a
for men to se
American has
an Odd Fello
may be kno
development o
gregariousness,
lack of intellec
self-reliance; w
chief concern, o
the world, is t
almshouses are
and, before
lawfully donn
garb, to collect
support of the
orphans that m
short, ventures
the aid of
Insurance comp
promised to
decently.
It is not a ma
matter of cou
himself to the
any, even to m
wrong; he may
have other conc
him; but it is hi
to wash his han
he gives it no
not to give it
support. If I de
other pur
contemplations
see, at least,
pursue them
another man's
must get off hi
may pu
contemplations
gross incon
tolerated. I hav
of my towns
should like to h
me out to help
insurrection of
to march to M
would go"; and
men have eac
their allegian
indirectly, at l
money, furnish
The soldier is
refuses to serv
war by those
refuse to sust
government wh
war; is applau
whose own act
he disregards
naught; as if
penitent to that
hired one to sco
sinned, but not
that it left off
moment. Thu
name of Ord
Government, w
at last to pay h
support our o
After the first
comes its ind
from immoral i
were, unmoral,
unnecessary to
we have made.
The broadest
prevalent error
most disintere
sustain it. The
to which th
patriotism is co
the noble are
incur. Those w
disapprove of
and measur
government, yi
allegiance and
undoubtedly
conscientious s
so frequently th
obstacles to ref
petitioning th
dissolve the
disregard the
the President.
not dissolve it
the union betw
and the State—
pay their qu
treasury? Do no
same relation to
the State does
And have n
reasons preven
from resisting
which have p
from resisting t
How can a man
entertain an o
and enjoy it?
enjoyment in it
is that he is agg
are cheated ou
dollar by your
do not rest
knowing you a
with saying
cheated, or
petitioning him
your due; b
effectual steps
obtain the full
see to it that
cheated again.
principle, the
the performan
changes things
it is essentially
and does not
with anything
not only divid
churches, it di
ay, it divides
separating the
him from the di
Unjust laws ex
content to obey
we endeavor to
and obey them
succeeded, o
transgress them
generally, un
government as
they ought to
have persuaded
to alter them. T
if they shoul
remedy would
the evil. But it
the governmen
remedy is wors
It makes it wo
not more apt to
provide for refo
it not cheri
minority? Why
resist before it
does it not
citizens to put
and do better
have them?
always crucify
excommunicate
and Luther, a
Washington
rebels?
One would
deliberate and p
of its authority
offense never c
its government;
it not assigned
suitable and
penalty? If a m
property refuse
earn nine shi
State, he is put
period unlimite
that I know, a
only by the disc
who put him t
should steal nin
shillings from
soon permitted
again.
If the injustice
necessary fric
machine of gov
go, let it go: pe
wear smooth—
machine will w
injustice has a
pulley, or a rop
exclusively fo
perhaps you
whether the re
be worse than t
is of such a
requires you to
injustice to ano
break the law. L
a counter-fricti
machine. What
to see, at any
not lend mysel
which I condem
As for adoptin
the State has
remedying the
not of such wa
too much time
life will be gon
affairs to attend
this world, not c
this a good pl
but to live in it
bad. A man has
to do, but so
because he
everything, it is
that he shou
something wron
business to be
Governor or t
any more than
petition me; and
not hear my
should I do the
case the State h
way: its very
the evil. This m
harsh and
unconcilliatory;
treat with the u
and considera
spirit that can
deserves it. So
for the better,
death, which
body.
I do not hesita
those who ca
Abolitionists s
effectually w
support, both
property, from t
of Massachuset
till they consti
of one, before
right to prevail
I think that it is
have God o
without waiting
one. Moreover,
right than h
constitutes a m
already.
I meet th
government,
representative,
government, di
to face, once a
—in the perso
gatherer; this is
in which a ma
am necessarily
then says
Recognize m
simplest, the m
and, in the pre
affairs, the
mode of treati
this head, of e
little satisfacti
love for it, is t
My civil neig
gatherer, is th
have to deal w
after all, with
with parchmen
—and he ha
chosen to be a
government. H
ever know well
does as an o
government, or
he is obliged
whether he wil
neighbor, for
respect, as a
well-disposed
maniac and di
peace, and see
over this obst
neighborlines w
and more imp
or speech corre
his action. I k
that if one tho
hundred, if ten
could name—
men only—a
HONEST man,
Massachusetts,
hold slaves, w
withdraw fro
partnership, and
in the county
would be the
slavery in Am
matters not h
beginning may
what is once we
forever. But we
talk about it: tha
mission. Refor
scores of new
service, but no
my esteemed
State's ambassa
devote his
settlement of t
human rights i
Chamber, inst
threatened with
Carolina, were
prisoner of
that State whic
to foist the sin o
her sister—tho
she can discov
of inhospitalit
ground of a qua
the Legislatur
wholly waive
the following w
Under a gove
imprisons unju
place for a just
prison. The
today, the only
Massachusetts
for her free
despondent spi
prisons, to be
locked out of th
own act, as the
put themselves
principles. It is
fugitive slav
Mexican priso
and the Indian
the wrongs of h
find them; on th
more free a
ground, where t
those who are
but against
house in a s
which a free m
with honor. If
their influence
there, and the
longer afflict t
State, that they
as an enemy w
they do not k
much truth is
error, nor how
eloquently and
can combat inj
experienced a l
person. Cast yo
not a strip of pa
your whole
minority is pow
conforms to the
not even a min
it is irresistible
by its whole
alternative is to
men in prison,
and slavery, the
hesitate which
thousand men w
their tax bills
would not be
bloody measur
be to pay them,
State to comm
shed innocent
in fact, the d
peaceable revo
such is possib
gatherer, or an
officer, asks m
done, "But wh
my answer is,
wish to do an
your office." W
has refused alle
officer has r
office, then the
accomplished.
suppose blood
there not a sort
when the c
wounded? T
wound a man's
and immortality
he bleeds to
death. I see this
now.
I have cont
imprisonment o
rather than the
goods—though
serve the sam
because they w
purest right, an
are most dan
corrupt State, c
not spent m
accumulating
such the S
comparatively
and a slight t
appear exorbita
if they are obl
by special lab
hands. If there
lived wholly w
of money, th
would hesitate
him. But the ric
make any
comparison—is
the institution
him rich. Absol
the more mo
virtue; for m
between a m
objects, and ob
him; it was cer
virtue to obtain
rest many ques
would otherwis
answer; while
question which
hard but superf
to spend it. T
ground is taken
feet. The op
living are d
proportion as
the "means"
The best thing
for his culture w
is to endeavor
those scheme
entertained whe
Christ answered
according to t
"Show me the t
said he—and
penny out of
you use money
image of Caes
which he has
and valuable,
are men of t
gladly enjoy the
Caesar's govern
him back som
when he deman
therefore to Ca
is Caesar's and
things which
leaving them
before as to wh
for they did not
When I conv
freest of my
perceive that,
may say about
and seriousn
question, and t
the public tr
long and the
matter is, tha
spare the pro
existing govern
dread the co
their property a
disobedience t
own part, I sho
think that I ev
protection of th
I deny the au
State when it p
bill, it will s
waste all my p
harass me and
without end. Th
makes it impos
to live honest
same time co
outward respec
be worth th
accumulate p
would be sure
You must h
somewhere, an
small crop, and
You must live w
and depend
always tucked
for a start, and
affairs. A man
in Turkey even
in all respects
of the Turkish
Confucius said
governed by th
reason, poverty
subjects of sham
not governed by
of reason, rich
are subjects o
until I want th
Massachusetts
to me in
Southern port
liberty is endan
I am bent sole
up an estate
peaceful enter
afford to refus
Massachusetts,
to my propert
costs me less in
incur the
disobedience to
it would to obe
as if I were wo
case.
Some years ago
me in behalf o
and commande
certain sum
support of a cle
preaching my f
but never I my
said, "or be lo
jail." I decline
unfortunately,
saw fit to pay i
why the schoo
be taxed to sup
and not the
schoolmaster;
the State's scho
supported myse
subscription. I d
the lyceum sho
its tax bill, and
to back its dem
the Church. H
request of the
condescended
such statemen
writing: "Know
these presents,
Thoreau, do n
regarded as a m
incorporated so
have not joined
to the town cle
it. The State,
learned that I d
be regarded as
that church, has
like demand
though it said
adhere to
presumption tha
known how to
should then hav
detail from al
which I never
but I did not k
find such a com
I have paid no
years. I was p
once on this ac
night; and,
considering the
stone, two or t
the door of wo
foot thick, and
which strained
could not help
with the fooli
institution whic
if I were mere f
and bones, to b
wondered that
concluded at l
was the best u
me to, and had
to avail itself o
in some way.
there was a
between me
townsmen, the
more difficult o
break through
could get to b
was. I did nor
feel confined,
seemed a great
and mortar. I fe
of all my town
my tax. They
know how to
behaved like pe
underbred. In e
in every com
was a blund
thought that m
was to stand th
that stone wall.
smile to see how
they locked th
meditations, w
them out again
hindrance, an
really all that w
As they could
they had resol
my body; just a
cannot come a
against whom
spite, will abuse
that the State w
that it was tim
woman with he
and that it did
friends from its
all my remaini
it, and pitied it.
Thus the
intentionally
man's sense,
moral, but only
senses. It is n
superior wit o
with superi
strength. I was
forced. I will b
own fashion. Le
the strongest. W
multitude? Th
force me who
law than I. The
become like th
not hear of me
to live this w
masses of men
life were that t
meet a gove
says to me, "Y
your life," why
haste to give it
may be in a g
not know what
help that. It m
do as I do. It is
while to snivel
not responsib
successful wo
machinery of so
the son of th
perceive that, w
and a chestnu
side, the one d
inert to make
other, but both
laws, and spring
flourish as bes
one, perchance
and destroys t
plant cannot liv
nature, it dies; a
The night in pr
and interesting
prisoners in th
were enjoying
evening air in
when I entered
said, "Come, b
to lock up";
dispersed, and
sound of their
into the hollo
My room-
introduced to m
as "a first-rat
clever man." W
was locked, h
where to hang
how he man
there. The
whitewashed o
and this one, a
whitest, m
furnished, a
neatest apartme
naturally wan
where I came f
brought me the
had told him, I
my turn how h
presuming him
man, of cours
world goes, I b
"Why," said he
me of burning
never did it."
could discov
probably gone t
when drunk, a
pipe there; and
burnt. He had
of being a cle
been there som
waiting for his
on, and would
much longer; b
domesticated a
since he got
nothing, and th
was well treated
He occupied on
I the other; an
one stayed th
principal busine
look out the w
soon read all
were left there,
where former
broken out, and
had been sawed
the history o
occupants of th
found that eve
was a history
which never cir
the walls of the
this is the only
town where
composed,
afterward printe
form, but not p
shown quite a
young men w
detected in a
escape, wh
themselves by s
I pumped my
as dry as I co
should never s
but at length h
which was my
me to blow out
It was like trave
country, such a
expected to b
there for one n
to me that I ne
the town clock
not the evening
village; for we
windows open
inside the grat
see my native
light of the Mi
our Concord wa
Rhine stream,
knights and
before me. T
voices of old b
heard in the st
involuntary s
auditor of what
and said in the
adjacent village
new and rare
me. It was a clo
native town.
inside of it. I n
its institutions
one of its pecul
for it is a shire
to comprehen
inhabitants wer
In the morning,
were put throu
the door, in
square tin pan
and holding
chocolate, with
and an iron spo
called for the v
was green eno
what bread I h
comrade seized
that I should l
lunch or dinner
was let out to w
in a neighborin
he went every d
not be back ti
bade me good d
he doubted if
me again.
When I came o
for some one
paid that tax
perceive that
had taken p
common, such
who went in
emerged a gra
and yet a chang
my eyes come
—the town, a
country, greater
mere time coul
yet more distinc
which I lived.
extent the p
whom I lived c
as good neighbo
that their frien
summer weath
they did not gre
do right; that
distinct race fro
prejudices and
as the Chinam
are; that in the
humanity they
not even to thei
after all they
noble but they t
as he had trea
hoped, by a c
observance and
and by walking
straight though
from time to
their souls. Th
judge my neig
for I believe
them are not a
have such an in
jail in their villa
It was formerly
our village, w
debtor came ou
acquaintances
looking throug
which were
represent the
"How do y
neighbors did
me, but first loo
then at one ano
returned from a
I was put into
going to the s
get a shoe whic
When I was le
morning, I proc
my errand, and
my mended s
huckleberry pa
impatient to p
under my cond
an hour—for
soon tackled—
midst of a huc
on one of our
two miles off,
State was nowh
This is the wh
"My Prisons."
I have never d
the highway tax
as desirous of
neighbor as I
bad subject;
supporting sc
doing my part
fellow countrym
for no particul
tax bill that I re
simply wish
allegiance to
withdraw and
from it effectu
care to trace th
dollar, if I coul
man or a musk
with—the dolla
but I am conc
the effects of
In fact, I quiet
with the Sta
fashion, thoug
make use an
advantages of h
usual in such ca
If others pay th
demanded of
sympathy with
do but what the
done in their
rather they abe
greater extent
requires. If the
from a mistaken
individual taxe
property, or pre
to jail, it is bec
not considered
they let their p
interfere with th
This, then, is
present. But on
much on his g
case, lest his ac
by obstinacy
regard for the
men. Let him s
only what belo
and to the hour.
I think sometim
people mean
only ignorant;
better if they k
give your neig
to treat you a
inclined to? Bu
This is no reaso
do as they do, o
to suffer much
a different k
sometimes sa
When many m
without heat, w
without person
any kind, dem
few shillings on
possibility, su
constitution, of
altering their p
and without the
your side, of
other millions,
yourself to this
brute force? Yo
cold and hung
and the
obstinately;
submit to a th
necessities. Yo
your head into
just in proporti
this as not w
force, but pa
force, and cons
relations to tho
to so many mi
and not of m
inanimate thin
appeal is poss
instantaneously
the Maker o
secondly, fro
themselves. Bu
head deliberate
there is no appe
the Maker of f
only myself t
could convince
have any right
with men as th
treat them ac
not according
respects, to m
and expectation
and I ought to
good Mussulm
I should end
satisfied with
are, and say it
God. And, abo
this differen
resisting this
brute or natura
can resist thi
effect; but I
like Orpheus,
nature of the r
and beasts.
I do not wish
any man or na
wish to split h
fine distinctions
up as bette
neighbors. I see
say, even an
conforming to
land. I am bu
conform to th
have reason to
on this head; an
the tax-gatherer
I find myself
review the acts
the general
governments, a
the people to
pretext for conf
"We mus
And i
Out love
We must
Matter
And not desire
I believe that th
and then I shall
of view, the Co
respectable; ev
admirable, and
seen from a hig
worth looking a
However, the g
possible though
this world. If a
for a long time
him.
I know that m
profession devo
Statesmen and
and nakedly be
it. They may b
invented ingeni
their wit and us
that the world
government, an
legislators who
thinkers, and th
of those whose
of his mind's r
reformers, and
almost the on
Comparatively,
not wisdom, bu
expediency. Tru
reveal the justic
has been called
him but defensi
"I have never m
never countena
arrangement as
thinking of the
part of the orig
ability, he is un
lies absolutely t
do here in Ame
some such desp
a private man—
"The manner,"
to regulate it is
to the general l
elsewhere, spri
whatever to do
never will." [Th
They who know
stand, and wise
reverence and h
that pool, gird
fountainhead.
No man with a
history of the w
but the speaker
much-vexed qu
truth which it
learned the com
a nation. They
and finance, co
wordy wit of l
experience and
rank among the
say it, the New
and practical ta
legislation.
The authority
cheerfully obey
who neither kn
have the sanctio
and property b
monarchy, from
for the individ
individual as t
improvement p
recognizing an
enlightened Sta
independent po
him accordingly
to all men, and
think it inconsis
with it, nor em
State which bor
prepare the way
but not yet anyw

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