Collective Behavior Mass Public and Social Movement

22
CHAPTER
Collective Behaviour, Social

Movements, and Social Change
Broadcaster and journalist Murray Dobbin shares

his analysis of the anti-capitalist Occupy protest
movement:
The occupiers have already made history.

They have broken the media- and elite-
imposed taboo on talking about the
destructive impact of inequality on the lives
of hundreds of millions of people around the
world in developing and developed countries
toshot
. . . The failure of the movements modelled
ua/Pho
in, and for, the 1960s to come to grips with
Antiglob
the mounting crisis for working people is at alization
© Xinh
ment th a
the root of the Occupy Wall Street rebellion. at seeks ctivism is a pow
cerns, su to call p erful typ
ublic att
Tired of waiting for a kind of movement ch
Activists as capitalist do ention to e of social mov
often sta min pressing e-
organization that could inspire and mobilize here, to ge publi ation and corpo social co
n -
gain the c protes rate exp
them—or even speak to their experiences— attentio ts, such loitation
n of poli a s the o .
ticians a
the most conscious and passionate of those nd citize ne shown
ns in gen
left behind took up the call. eral.
What is the call? Implicitly, that the system negative experience of the hegemony
is broken beyond repair. Indeed that might of corporate rule and state complicity—
just explain why there were no conventional constantly legitimized by a corrupt and
demands: The rebels know that the system is monolithic media—that they aren’t buying it.
no longer capable of meeting such demands The notion that we can somehow go back to
and its utter corruption has taken it far beyond the golden age is delusional and they know
the place where it could be expected to respond it. This is perhaps the most important lesson
in any genuine way to the needs of ordinary they are teaching us.
people. Young people have been leading It’s not that they lack a vision consisting
Occupy and it is young people who have lived of all sorts of elements (call them demands
their entire lives with a growing corporatism— if you like—Occupy Vancouver has pages of
that dangerous amalgam of reactionary state them), but they know in their gut that there
and ruthless corporation that Mussolini himself has to be a whole new economic system and
said was the definition of fascism. a genuine, radical democracy to go with it, if
My generation of activists keeps insisting that vision has any chance of being realized.
that government—the state—is the only But now the question for them and us is
possible counterpoint to global corporate how we imagine this transitional explosion
power and we just have to take it back. But of protest and joy, of anger and caring,
young people have had such a viscerally moving to the next stage. No one has any
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NEL-MURRAY-12-0803-022.indd 1 18/12/12 12:20 PM

answers because this is something completely crisis between Iraq and the United States. In October
different. It’s as if the occupiers are saying we 2011, thousands of Canadians in over 20 cities joined
are going to sit there and keep saying the same forces in the Occupy movement, a protest movement
thing until it begins to sink in to the dominant against social and economic inequality. The same year,
culture and stay there. Maybe it’s not their job over 300,000 Egyptian democracy demonstrators
to define the next phase—that’s too much to peacefully gathered in Tahrir square for more than 18
ask. They have alerted the world, put crushing days. The individuals involved in all of these incidents
inequality—the social essence of capitalism—on are social activists in one form or another. What they
the map and they are demanding, if anything, all have in common is their pursuit of social change.
that we join with them. Social change is the alteration, modification, or
Occupiers are not necessarily asking that transformation of public policy, culture, or social
we join them in their camps but in their spirit institutions over time; such change is usually brought
of resistance and cultural rebellion, and in about by collective behaviour and social movements.
the task of imagining a better world—realizing In this chapter, we will discuss collective
that we have been sleep-walking towards the behaviour, social movements, and social change.
edge of the cliff. They are telling us all to wake Throughout the chapter, we will use environmental
up before it’s too late. (2011) activism as an example of how people may use social
movements as a form of mass mobilization and social
Like other nations, Canada has a long history of positive transformation (Buechler, 2000). Before reading on,
social change resulting from grassroots activism. Over the test your knowledge about collective behaviour and
past century, continuing streams of progressive grassroots environmental issues by taking the quiz in Box 22.1
movements have contested capitalist exploitation and on page 22-3.
other forms of oppression in Canada, and mobilized for
greater human rights. The first half of the 20th century Critical Thinking Questions
saw the democratic demands of tradespeople for collective- 1. What social issues would most motivate you to
bargaining rights, of suffragettes for women’s rights, engage in a protest movement?
of farmers for cooperative marketing, and of popular
educators for public broadcasting. These movements 2. What results would you most like to see?
played key roles in shaping the political culture of the 3. Would the experiences of protestors in the
last half-century. The diversity we experience today in Occupy movement, the G20 Summit in Toronto,
this country is a product of these past social movements or students in Quebec dissuade you from partici
(Livingston, 2002). pating in a nonviolent protest? Why or why not?
More recently, we have seen images in the news
of various activist groups at the international and
national level. In 2003, a weekend of worldwide
antiwar demonstrations brought millions of people
to the streets in support of a peaceful solution to the
Chapter How might collective behaviour and social movements make people
Focus more aware of important social issues such as environmental
Question destruction and global warming?
LEARNING OBJECTIVES
After reading this chapter, you should be able to
LO-1 Understand how collective behaviour is defined and how collective behaviour leads to social change.
LO-2 Identify the common forms of collective behaviour.
LO-3 Describe the primary forms of mass behaviour.
LO-4 Distinguish between different types of social movements.
LO-5 Understand the theoretical explanations of social movements.
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2 2 -3 CHAPTER 22 n Co l l ect ive B eh avio ur, Socia l Mov ements, a nd Socia l C ha ng e
LO-1 Collective Behaviour
Collective behaviour is voluntary, often spontaneous activity that is engaged in by a large number
social change The of people and typically violates dominant-group norms and values. Unlike the organizational behav-
alteration, modifica iour found in corporations and voluntary associations, such as environmental organizations, collec-
tion, or transformation
of public policy, cul tive behaviour lacks an official division of labour, hierarchy of authority, and established rules and
ture, or social institu procedures. Unlike institutional behaviour (in education, religion, or politics, for example), it lacks
tions over time. institutionalized norms to govern behaviour. Collective behaviour can take various forms, including
crowds, mobs, riots, panics, fads, fashions, and public opinion.
Early sociologists studied collective behaviour because they lived in a world that was
responding to the processes of modernization, including urbanization, industrialization, and
proletarianization of workers. Contemporary
forms of collective behaviour, particularly
social protests, are variations on themes that
originated during the transition from feu-
dalism to capitalism and the rise of moder-
nity in Europe (Buechler, 2000). Today,
some forms of collective behaviour and
social movements are directed toward public
issues, such as air pollution, water pollution,
and the exploitation of workers in global
sweatshops by transnational corporations.
Conditions for Collective

© ZUMA Wire Service/Alamy
Behaviour
Collective behaviour occurs as a result of
some common influence or stimulus that
produces a response from a collectivity. A
In 2011, over 300,000 peaceful protestors gathered in Tahrir Square in Egypt.
collectivity is a relatively large number of
BOX 22.1
How Much Do You Know About Collective Behaviour

and Environmental Issues?
True False
T F 1. The environmental movement in North America started in the 1960s.
T F 2. A number of social movements in North America are becoming globalized.
T F 3. Environmental groups may engage in civil disobedience or use symbolic gestures to call attention
to their issue.
T F 4. Influencing public opinion is an important activity for many social movements.
T F 5. Social movements are more likely to flourish in democratic societies.
T F 6. Most social movements in Canada seek to improve society by changing some specific aspect of
the social structure.
T F 7. Global warming is not a major concern for most Canadians.
or more questions and the answers to the quiz about collective behaviour and environmental issues,
F
go to www.nelson.com/sociologyinourtimes6e.
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Collective Behaviour 22- 4
people who mutually transcend, bypass, or subvert established institutional patterns and struc-
tures. Three major factors contribute to the likelihood that collective behaviour will occur: collective behaviour
Voluntary, often spon
(1) structural factors that increase the chances of people responding in a particular way, taneous activity that is
(2) timing, and (3) a breakdown in social control mechanisms and a corresponding feeling of engaged in by a large
normlessness (McPhail, 1991; Turner and Killian, 1993). number of people
A common stimulus is an important factor in collective behaviour. For example, the Occupy and typically violates
dominant-group norms
movement came at a time when people were becoming more concerned about social issues and and values.
beginning to see that they could empower themselves through grassroots activism. Similarly,
protest was inevitable at the G20 Summit in Toronto in 2010. The exclusive focus on economic
issues made it an obvious target for protesters increasingly concerned about the human rights
and social costs of economic globalization.
Timing and a breakdown in social control mechanisms are also important in collective
behaviour. Since the 1960s, most urban riots in Canada and the United States have begun in
the evenings or on weekends, when most people are off work (McPhail, 1971). More recently,
a report released after the 2011 Vancouver Stanley Cup riot indicated that a major contributor
to the riot was that Vancouver police underestimated the number of people who would attend
the event in the downtown area and consequently had insufficient police resources in place to
manage the crowd. Once the crowd became unruly, the police force’s communications systems
failed, leading to a complete loss of control of the situation by Vancouver police.
Time to Review
• When is collective behaviour likely to occur?
Distinctions Regarding Collective Behaviour

People engaging in collective behaviour may be divided into crowds and masses. A crowd is a crowd A relatively
relatively large number of people who are in one another’s immediate vicinity (Lofland, 1993). large number of
people who are in one
Examples of crowds include the audience at a movie theatre or fans at a sporting event. In con-
another’s immediate
trast, a mass is a large number of people who share an interest in a specific idea or issue but are vicinity.
not in one another’s immediate vicinity (Lofland, 1993). To further distinguish between crowds
and masses, think of the difference between a riot and a rumour: People who participate in a
riot must be in the same general location; those who spread a rumour may be thousands of
kilometres apart, communicating by telephone or through the Internet. mass A large number
of people who share
Collective behaviour may also be distinguished by the dominant emotion expressed. an interest in a spe
According to sociologist John Lofland, the dominant emotion refers to the “publicly expressed cific idea or issue but
feeling perceived by participants and observers as the most prominent in an episode of collec- are not in another’s
tive behaviour” (1993:72). Lofland suggests that fear, hostility, and joy are three fundamental immediate physical
vicinity.
emotions found in collective behaviour; however, grief, disgust, surprise, or shame may also
predominate in some forms of collective behaviour.
LO-2 Types of Crowd Behaviour

When we think of a crowd, many of us think of aggregates, previously defined as a collection of
people who happen to be in the same place at the same time but have little else in common. The
presence of a relatively large number of people in the same location, however, does not neces-
sarily produce collective behaviour. Sociologist Herbert Blumer (1946) developed a typology
in which crowds are divided into four categories: casual, conventional, expressive, and acting.
Other scholars have added a fifth category: protest crowds.
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22- 5 CHAPTER 22 n Co l l ect ive B eh avio ur, Socia l Mov ements, a nd Socia l C ha ng e
CASUAL AND CONVENTIONAL CROWDS Casual crowds are relatively large gatherings
of people who happen to be in the same place at the same time; if they interact at all, it is
only briefly. People in a shopping mall or on a bus are examples of casual crowds. Other than
sharing a momentary interest, such as watching a busker perform on the street or observing the
aftermath of a car accident, a casual crowd has nothing in common. The casual crowd plays no
active part in the event—such as the car accident—which would have occurred whether or not
the crowd was present; the crowd simply observes.
Conventional crowds are made up of people who specifically come together for a scheduled
event and thus share a common focus. Examples include religious services, graduation ceremo-
nies, concerts, and university lectures. Each of these events has established schedules and norms.
Because these events occur regularly, interaction among participants is much more likely; in
turn, the events would not occur without the crowd, which is essential to the event.
EXPRESSIVE AND ACTING CROWDS Expressive crowds provide opportunities for the
expression of some strong emotion, such as joy, excitement, or grief. People release their pent-up
emotions in conjunction with other persons experiencing similar emotions. Examples include
© Jason Payne/Postmedia News Service
The Vancouver riots in 2011 resulted in hundreds of people being injured and massive property damage to the downtown Vancouver area.
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worshippers at religious revival services or mourners lining the streets when a celebrity, public
official, or religious leader has died. Acting crowds are collectivities so intensely focused on a spe-
cific purpose or object that they may erupt into violent or destructive behaviour. Mobs, riots,
and panics are examples of acting crowds, but casual and conventional crowds may become
acting crowds under some circumstances. A mob is a highly emotional crowd whose members mob A highly emo
engage in, or are ready to engage in, violence against a specific target, which may be a person, tional crowd whose
members engage in,
a category of people, or physical property. Mob behaviour in this country has included fire or are ready to engage
bombings, effigy hangings, and hate crimes. Mob violence tends to dissipate relatively quickly in, violence against a
once a target has been injured, killed, or destroyed. Sometimes, actions, such as effigy hanging, specific target, which
are used symbolically by groups that otherwise are not violent. may be a person, a
category of people, or
Compared with mob action, riots may be of somewhat longer duration. A riot is violent physical property.
crowd behaviour that is fuelled by deep-seated emotions but not directed at one specific target.
Riots are often triggered by fear, anger, and hostility; however, not all riots are caused by deep-
seated hostility and hatred. People may be expressing joy and exuberance when rioting occurs.
Examples include celebrations after sports victories, such as the most recent riot in Vancouver riot Violent crowd
following their team’s loss to the Boston Bruins in the Stanley Cup playoff. behaviour that is
A panic is a form of crowd behaviour that occurs when a large number of people react fuelled by deep-seated
to a real or perceived threat with strong emotions and self-destructive behaviour. The most emotions but not
directed at one spe
common type of panic occurs when people seek to escape from a perceived danger, fearing cific target.
that few, if any, of them will be able to get away from that danger. Panic can also arise in
response to events that people believe are beyond their control—such as a major disrup-
tion in the economy. Although instances of panic are relatively rare, they receive massive
media coverage because they provoke strong feelings of fear in readers and viewers, and the panic A form of crowd
number of casualties may be large. behaviour that occurs
when a large number
of people react to
PROTEST CROWDS Protest crowds engage in activities intended to achieve specific political a real or perceived
goals. Examples include sit-ins, marches, boycotts, blockades, and strikes. Some protests threat with strong
emotions and self-
sometimes take the form of civil disobedience—nonviolent action that seeks to change a destructive behaviour.
policy or law by refusing to comply with it. Acts of civil disobedience may become violent,
as in a confrontation between protesters and police officers; in this case, a protest crowd
becomes an acting crowd. Such was the case in the 2001 Summit of the Americas in Quebec
City when protesters tore down a section of the chainlink fence built to protect visiting heads civil disobedience
of state. Some protests can escalate into violent confrontations even though the organizers Nonviolent action that
do not intend it. seeks to change a policy
or law by refusing to
comply with it.
Explanations of Crowd Behaviour
What causes people to act collectively? How do they determine what types of action to take?
One of the earliest theorists to provide an answer to these questions was Gustave Le Bon, a
French scholar who focused on crowd psychology in his contagion theory.
CONTAGION THEORY Contagion theory focuses on the social–psychological aspects

of collective behaviour; it attempts to explain how moods, attitudes, and behaviour are
communicated rapidly and why they are accepted by others (Turner and Killian, 1993).
Le Bon (1841–1931) argued that people are more likely to engage in antisocial behaviour
in a crowd because they are anonymous and feel invulnerable. Le Bon (1960/1895) sug-
gested that a crowd takes on a life of its own that is larger than the beliefs or actions of
any one person. Because of its anonymity, the crowd transforms individuals from rational
beings into a single organism with a collective mind. In essence, Le Bon asserted that emo-
tions, such as fear and hate, are contagious in crowds because people experience a decline in
personal responsibility; they will do things as a collectivity that they would never do when
acting alone.
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2 2 -7 CHAPTER 22 n Co l l ect ive B eh avio ur, Socia l Mov ements, a nd Socia l C ha ng e
© Frances Roberts/GetStock.com
Convergence theory is based on the assumption that crowd behaviour involves shared emotions, goals, and beliefs. An example is this Earth Day event,
which brought together children promoting protection of the environment.
SOCIAL UNREST AND CIRCULAR REACTION Robert E. Park was the first U.S. sociolo-
gist to investigate crowd behaviour. Park believed that Le Bon’s analysis of collective behaviour
lacked several important elements. Intrigued that people could break away from the powerful
hold of culture and their established routines to develop a new social order, Park added the con-
cepts of social unrest and circular reaction to contagion theory. According to Park, social unrest
is transmitted by a process of circular reaction—the interactive communication between persons
such that the discontent of one person is communicated to another, who, in turn, reflects the
discontent back to the first person (Park and Burgess, 1921).
CONVERGENCE THEORY Convergence theory focuses on the shared emotions, goals, and
beliefs many people bring to crowd behaviour. Because of their individual characteristics, many
people have a predisposition to participate in certain types of activities (Turner and Killian,
1993). From this perspective, people with similar attributes find a collectivity of like-minded
persons with whom they can express their underlying personal tendencies. Although people
may reveal their “true selves” in crowds, their behaviour is not irrational; it is highly predictable
to those who share similar emotions or beliefs.
Convergence theory has been applied to a wide array of conduct, from lynch mobs to envi-
ronmental movements. In a study of a lynching in the United States, social psychologist Hadley
Cantril (1941) found that the participants shared certain common attributes: They were poor
and working-class whites who felt that their own status was threatened by the presence of suc-
cessful African Americans. Consequently, the characteristics of these individuals made them
susceptible to joining a lynch mob even if they did not know the target of the lynching.
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Convergence theory adds to our understanding of certain types of collective behaviour by

pointing out how individuals may have certain attributes—such as racial hatred or fear of envi-
ronmental problems that directly threaten them—that initially bring them together. However,
this perspective does not explain how the attitudes and characteristics of individuals who take
some collective action differ from those who do not.
EMERGENT NORM THEORY Unlike contagion and convergence theories, emergent norm
theory emphasizes the importance of social norms in shaping crowd behaviour. Drawing on
the interactionist perspective, sociologists Ralph Turner and Lewis Killian asserted that crowds
develop their own definition of a situation and establish norms for behaviour that fit the
occasion:
Some shared redefinition of right and wrong in a situation supplies the justification
and coordinates the action in collective behaviour. People do what they would not
otherwise have done when they panic collectively, when they riot, when they engage
in civil disobedience, or when they launch terrorist campaigns, because they find
social support for the view that what they are doing is the right thing to do in the
situation. (1993:12)
According to Turner and Killian, emergent norms occur when people define a new situation
as highly unusual or see a long-standing situation in a new light (1993:13).
Sociologists use the emergent norm approach to determine how individuals in a given col-
lectivity develop an understanding of what is going on, how they construe these activities, and
what types of norms are involved. For example, in a study of audience participation, sociologist
Steven E. Clayman (1993) found that members of an audience listening to a speech applaud
promptly and independently but wait to coordinate their booing with other people—they do
not wish to “boo” alone.
Some emergent norms are permissive—that is, they give people a shared conviction that
they may disregard ordinary rules, such as waiting in line, taking turns, or treating a speaker
courteously. Collective activity, such as mass looting, may be defined (by participants) as taking
what rightfully belongs to them and punishing those who have been exploitative. For example,
the looting in the streets of New Orleans after Hurricane Katrina was precipitated by the fact
that thousands of residents were not evacuated to safety when the levees broke and were left for
far too long without aid. Once a crowd reaches
some agreement on the norms, the collectivity is
supposed to adhere to them. If crowd members
develop a norm that condones looting or van-
dalizing property, they will proceed to cheer for
those who conform and ridicule those who are
unwilling to abide by the collectivity’s new norms.
Emergent norm theory points out that crowds
are not irrational. Rather, new norms are devel-
oped in a rational way to fit the needs of the
immediate situation. Critics, however, note that
© Shameel Arafin/Demotix/Corbis
proponents of this perspective fail to specify

exactly what constitutes a norm, how new ones
emerge, and how they are so quickly disseminated
and accepted by a wide variety of participants.
One variation of this theory suggests that no
single dominant norm is accepted by everyone in
a crowd; instead, norms are specific to the various
categories of actors rather than to the collectivity What type of crowd behaviour is occuring in this photo? Which explanation of crowd
as a whole (Snow, Zurcher, and Peters, 1981). behaviour would you use to explain this occurrence?
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22- 9 CHAPTER 22 n Co l l ect ive B eh avio ur, Socia l Mov ements, a nd Socia l C ha ng e
Time to Review
• Name five different types of crowds and provide recent examples other than those
already identified.
• Which of these types of crowds occur most often? Why?
• Which of the theoretical explanations of crowd behaviour best apply to the crowd of over
300,000 protestors in Tahrir Square in 2011?
LO-3 Mass Behaviour

mass behaviour Not all collective behaviour takes place in face-to-face collectivities. Mass behaviour is collec-
Collective behaviour tive behaviour that takes place when people (who are often geographically separated from one
that takes place
when people (who
another) respond to the same event in much the same way. For people to respond in the same
are often geographi way, they typically have common sources of information, and this information provokes their
cally separated from collective behaviour. The most frequent types of mass behaviour are rumours, gossip, mass hys-
one another) respond teria, fads, fashions, and public opinion. Under some circumstances, social movements consti-
to the same event in
much the same way.
tute a form of mass behaviour. However, we will examine social movements separately because
they differ in some important ways from other types of dispersed collectivities.
RUMOURS AND GOSSIP Rumours are unsubstantiated reports on an issue or subject.

rumour An unsubstan Rumours may spread through an assembled collectivity, but they may also be transmitted
tiated report on an
issue or subject.
among people who are dispersed geographically, including people spreading rumours on
Twitter or posting messages on Facebook or talking by cellphone. Although they may initially
contain a kernel of truth, as they spread, rumours may be modified to serve the interests of
those repeating them. Rumours thrive when tensions are high and little authentic information
is available on an issue of great concern. For example, in the aftermath of the devastating Haiti
earthquake, rumours quickly spread on Twitter that American Airlines would fly doctors and
nurses to that country free of charge and that JetBlue was offering free flights and UPS was ship-
ping packages for free (Griggs, 2010).These rumours were nothing more than a hoax, but they
led many people to inquire because they wanted to help with disaster relief, or perhaps because
they saw the so-called offer as an opportunity for a free trip. Were people on Twitter trying to
help the relief effort in Haiti but simply misinformed, or did they intentionally spread a rumour
that was eventually proven to be untrue? Social networks such as Twitter provide people with
an opportunity to spread “information,” both substantiated and unsubstantiated, and the lack
of validation can be particularly problematic during natural disasters and other times of crisis.
In the case of a major disaster, it is important to know the reliability of sources of information:
The outcome might be much worse, or at least far different, than in the Haiti situation, where
it created confusion and disappointment but was not necessarily life-threatening.
People are willing to give rumours credence when no offsetting information is available.
Once rumours begin to circulate, they seldom stop unless compelling information comes to the
forefront that either proves them false or makes them obsolete.
In industrialized societies with sophisticated technology, rumours come from a wide variety
of sources and may be difficult to trace. Print media (newspapers and magazines) and electronic
media (radio and television), fax machines, cellular networks, satellite systems, and the Internet
facilitate the rapid movement of rumours around the globe. In addition, modern communica-
tions technology makes anonymity much easier. In a split second, messages (both factual and
fictitious) can be disseminated to millions of people through various forms of social media. (For
more on this, see Box 22.2, “Urban Legends: Don’t Believe Everything You Read,” at www
.nelson.com/sociologyinourtimes6e.)
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Collective Behaviour 22-1 0
Whereas rumours deal with an issue or a subject, gossip refers to rumours about the per- gossip Rumours about
sonal lives of individuals. Charles Horton Cooley (1962/1909) viewed gossip as something that the personal lives of
individuals.
spread among a small group of individuals who personally knew the person who was the object
of the rumour. Today, this is often not the case; many people enjoy gossiping about people they
have never met. Internet sites such as Perez Hilton and Gawker, tabloids and magazines such
as the National Enquirer and People, and television “news” programs, such as Entertainment
Tonight, that purport to provide “inside” information on the lives of celebrities are sources of
contemporary gossip, much of which has not been checked for authenticity.
MASS HYSTERIA AND PANIC Mass hysteria is a form of dispersed collective behaviour mass hysteria A form
that occurs when a large number of people react with strong emotions and self-destructive of dispersed collective
behaviour that occurs
behaviour to a real or perceived threat. Does mass hysteria really occur? Although the term when a large number
has been widely used, many sociologists believe this behaviour is best described as panic with of people react with
a dispersed audience. You will recall that panic is also a form of crowd behaviour that occurs strong emotions and
when a large number of people react with strong emotions and self-destructive behaviour to a self-destructive behav
iour to a real or per
real or perceived threat. ceived threat.
An example of mass hysteria or panic with a widely dispersed audience occurred on
Halloween evening 1938 when actor Orson Welles presented a radio dramatization of the
science fiction classic The War of the Worlds, by H.G. Wells. A dance music program on CBS
radio was interrupted suddenly by a news bulletin informing the audience that Martians had
landed in New Jersey and were aiming to conquer the earth. Some listeners became extremely
frightened, even though an announcer had indicated before, during, and after the perfor-
mance that the broadcast was a fictitious dramatization. According to some reports, as many
as one million of the estimated 10 million listeners believed that this astonishing event had
occurred. Thousands were reported to have hidden in their storm cellars or gotten in their
cars so they could flee from the Martians (see Brown, 1954). The program probably did not
generate mass hysteria, but rather created panic among gullible listeners. Others switched sta-
tions to determine if the same “news” was being broadcast elsewhere. When they discovered
that it was not, they merely laughed at the joke being played on listeners by CBS. In 1988,
on the 50th anniversary of the broadcast, a Portuguese radio station rebroadcast the program,
and once again panic ensued.
Fads And Fashions A fad is a temporary but widely copied activity enthusiastically fol- fad A temporary but
lowed by large numbers of people. Fads can be embraced by widely dispersed collectivities; widely copied activity
enthusiastically fol
news networks, such as CBC Newsworld, may bring the latest fad to the attention of audiences lowed by large num
around the world. bers of people.
Fashions tend to last longer than fads. Fashion may be defined as a currently valued style
of behaviour, thinking, or appearance. Fashion also applies to art, drama, music, literature,
architecture, interior design, and automobiles, among other things. However, most sociological
fashion A currently
research on fashion has focused on clothing, especially women’s apparel (Davis, 1992). valued style of behav
In preindustrial societies, clothing styles remained relatively unchanged. With the advent of iour, thinking, or
industrialization, however, items of apparel became readily available at low prices because of appearance.
mass production. Fashion became more important as people embraced the “modern” way of life
and advertising encouraged “conspicuous consumption.”
Georg Simmel, Thorstein Veblen, and French sociologist Pierre Bourdieu have all viewed
fashion as a way to differentiate status among members of different social classes. Simmel
(1904) suggested a classic “trickle-down” theory (although he did not use those exact words) to
describe the process by which members of the lower classes emulate the fashions of the upper
class. As the fashions descend through the status hierarchy, they are watered down and “vulgar-
ized” so that they are no longer recognizable to members of the upper class, who then regard
them as unfashionable and in bad taste (Davis, 1992). Veblen (1967/1899) asserted that fashion
served mainly to institutionalize conspicuous consumption among the wealthy. Almost 80 years
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22-1 1 CHAPTER 22 n Co l l ect ive B eh avio ur, Socia l Mov ements, a nd Socia l C ha ng e
later, Bourdieu (1984) similarly (but most subtly)

suggested that “matters of taste,” including fashion
sensibility, constitute a large share of the “cultural
capital” (or social assets) possessed by members of
the dominant class.
Herbert Blumer (1969) disagreed with the
trickle-down approach, arguing that “collective
selection” best explains fashion. Blumer suggested
that people in the middle and lower classes follow
fashion because it is fashion, not because they desire
to emulate members of the elite class. Blumer thus
shifts the focus on fashion to collective mood,
states, and choices: “Tastes are themselves a product
of experience . . . They are formed in the context
of social interaction, responding to the definitions
and affirmation given by others. People thrown
into areas of common interaction and having
similar runs of experience develop common tastes”
(quoted in Davis, 1992:116). Perhaps one of the
best refutations of the trickle-down approach is the
way in which fashion today often originates among
people in the lower social classes and is mimicked
by the elites. The mid-1990s grunge look was a
prime example of this.
PUBLIC OPINION Public opinion consists of

the political attitudes and beliefs communicated by
© Jochen Tack/GetStock.com
ordinary citizens to decision makers. It is measured

through polls and surveys, which utilize research
methods, such as interviews and questionnaires, as
described in Chapter 2. Many people are not inter-
ested in all aspects of public policy but are concerned
about issues they believe are relevant to them. Even on
a single topic, public opinion will vary widely based
What role does advertising play in determining what will become a fad?
on race and ethnicity, religion, region, social class,
education level, gender, age, and so on.
Scholars who examine public opinion are inter-
public opinion The ested in the extent to which the public’s attitudes are communicated to decision makers and
political attitudes and the effect (if any) that public opinion has on policy making (Turner and Killian, 1993). Some
beliefs communicated political scientists argue that public opinion has a substantial effect on decisions at all levels of
by ordinary citizens to governments (see Greenberg and Page, 1996); others strongly disagree.
decision makers.
As the masses attempt to influence elites and vice versa, a two-way process occurs with the
dissemination of propaganda—information provided by individuals or groups that have a
vested interest in furthering their own cause or damaging an opposing one. Although many of
propaganda us think of propaganda in negative terms, the information provided can be correct and can have
Information pro positive effects on decision making.
vided by individuals
or groups that have In recent decades, grassroots environmental activists have attempted to influence public
a vested interest in opinion. In a study of public opinion on environmental issues, sociologist Riley E. Dunlap
furthering their own (1992) found that public awareness of the seriousness of environmental problems and sup-
cause or damaging an port for environmental protection increased dramatically between the late 1960s and the early
opposing one.
1990s. It is less clear, however, that public opinion translates into action by either decision
makers in government and industry or individuals (for example, in their willingness to adopt a
more ecologically sound lifestyle).
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Social Movements 22-1 2
Initially, most grassroots environmental activists attempt to influence public opinion so that
local decision makers will feel the necessity of correcting a specific problem through changes
in public policy. Although activists usually do not start out seeking broader social change, they
often move in that direction when they become aware of how widespread the problem is in
the larger society or on a global basis. One of two types of social movements often develops at
this point—one focuses on NIMBY (“not in my backyard”), while the other focuses on NIABY
(“not in anyone’s backyard”).
Social Movements LO-4
Although collective behaviour is short-lived and relatively unorganized, social movements are
longer lasting and more organized and have specific goals or purposes. A social movement is social movement
an organized group that acts consciously to promote or resist change through collective action An organized group
that acts consciously
(Goldberg, 1991). Because social movements have not become institutionalized and are outside to promote or resist
the political mainstream, they offer “outsiders” an opportunity to have their voices heard. change through collec
Social movements are more likely to develop in industrialized societies than in preindustrial tive action.
societies, where acceptance of traditional beliefs and practices makes such movements unlikely.
Diversity and a lack of consensus (hallmarks of industrialized nations) contribute to demands
for social change, and people who participate in social movements typically lack power and
other resources to bring about change without engaging in collective action. Social movements
are most likely to spring up when people come to see their personal troubles as public issues
that cannot be solved without a collective response.
Social movements make democracy more available to excluded groups (see Greenberg and
Page, 1996). Historically, people in North America have worked at the grassroots level to bring
about changes even when elites sought to discourage activism (Adams, 1991). For example, in
the United States, the civil rights movement brought into its ranks African Americans who had
never been allowed to participate in politics (see Killian, 1984). The women’s suffrage move-
ment gave voice to women, who had been denied the right to vote (Rosenthal et al., 1985).
Social movements provide people who otherwise would not have the resources to enter the
game of politics a chance to do so. We are most familiar with those movements that develop
around public policy issues considered newsworthy by the media, ranging from abortion and
women’s rights to gun control and environmental justice. However, other types of social move-
ments exist as well.
Types of Social Movements

Social movements are difficult to classify; however, sociologists distinguish among movements
on the basis of their goals and the amount of change they seek to produce (Aberle, 1966; Blumer,
1974). Some movements seek to change people, while others seek to change society.
REFORM MOVEMENTS Grassroots environmental movements are an example of reform move-

ments, which seek to improve society by changing some specific aspect of the social structure.
Members of reform movements usually work within the existing system to attempt to change
existing public policy so that it more adequately reflects their own value system. Examples of
reform movements (in addition to the environmental movement) include labour movements,
animal rights movements, antinuclear movements, Mothers Against Drunk Driving, and the
disability rights movement.
Some social movements arise specifically to alter social responses to and definitions of stig-
matized attributes. From this perspective, social movements may bring about changes in societal
attitudes and practices while at the same time causing changes in participants’ social emotions.
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For example, the civil rights, gay rights, and Aboriginal rights movements helped replace shame
with pride (Britt, 1993).
REVOLUTIONARY MOVEMENTS Movements seeking to bring about a total change in

society are referred to as revolutionary movements. These movements usually do not attempt to
work within the existing system; rather, they aim to remake the system by replacing existing
institutions with new ones. Revolutionary movements range from utopian groups seeking to
establish an ideal society to radical terrorists who use fear tactics to intimidate those with whom
they disagree ideologically (see Alexander and Gill, 1984; Berger, 1988; Vetter and Perlstein,
1991).
terrorism Acts of Terrorism is acts of serious violence, planned and executed clandestinely and committed to
serious violence, achieve political ends. Movements based on terrorism often use tactics such as bombing, kid-
planned and executed
clandestinely and
napping, hostage taking, hijacking, and assassination. A number of movements in the United
committed to achieve States have engaged in terrorist activities or supported a policy of violence. However, the ter-
political ends. rorist attacks in New York City and Washington, D.C., on September 11, 2001, and the events
that followed those attacks demonstrated that terrorism can originate from the activities of
extremists from both inside and outside the target.
Canada is not immune to terrorist activity. In the late 1960s, the Front de Libération du
Québec (FLQ), a small group of extremists on the fringe of the separatist movement, carried out
200 bombings. In addition, Sikh separatists are believed to be responsible for the 1985 bombing
of an Air India jet that was travelling to India from Canada. This disaster was the biggest mass
killing in Canadian history. Of the 329 people who died, 278 were Canadians.
Since the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, governments around the world have
focused on a “war on terrorism” in an attempt to prevent further terrorist activities and ensure
that persons who participate in such conduct are punished.
RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS Social movements that seek to produce radical change in indi-
viduals are typically based on spiritual or supernatural belief systems. Also referred to as expres-
sive movements, religious movements are concerned with renovating or renewing people through
“inner change.” Fundamentalist religious groups seeking to convert nonbelievers to their belief
system are an example of this type of movement. Some religious movements are millenarian—
they forecast that “the end is near” and assert that an immediate change in behaviour is impera-
tive. Relatively new religious movements in industrialized Western societies have included the
Hare Krishna sect, the Unification Church, Scientology, and the Divine Light Mission, all of
which tend to appeal to the psychological and social needs of young people seeking meaning in
life that mainstream religions have not provided for them.
ALTERNATIVE MOVEMENTS Movements that seek limited change in some aspect of peo-
ple’s behaviour are referred to as alternative movements. For example, in the early 20th century,
the Woman’s Christian Temperance Union attempted to get people to abstain from drinking
alcoholic beverages. Some analysts place “therapeutic social movements,” such as Alcoholics
Anonymous, in this category; however, others do not, due to their belief that people must
change their lives completely to overcome alcohol abuse (see Blumberg, 1977). More recently,
a variety of “New Age” movements have directed people’s behaviour by emphasizing spiritual
consciousness, often combined with a belief in reincarnation and astrology. Such practices as
vegetarianism, meditation, and holistic medicine are often included in the self-improvement
category. Beginning in the 1990s, some alternative movements have included the practice of
yoga (usually without its traditional background in Hindu religion) as a means by which the
self can be liberated and union achieved with the supreme spirit or universal soul.
RESISTANCE MOVEMENTS Also referred to as regressive movements, resistance movements

seek to prevent or undo change that has already occurred. Virtually all the proactive social
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Social Movements 22-1 4
movements previously discussed face resistance from one or more reactive movements that
hold opposing viewpoints and want to foster public policies that reflect their own viewpoints.
Examples of resistance movements are groups organized to oppose free trade, gun control,
and restrictions on smoking. Perhaps the most widely known resistance movement, however,
includes many who label themselves as “pro-life”—such as Operation Rescue, which seeks
to close abortion clinics and make abortion illegal under all circumstances (Gray, 1993; Van
Biema, 1993). Protests by some radical anti-abortion groups in Canada and the United States
have grown violent, resulting in the deaths of several doctors and clinic workers and creating
fear among health professionals and patients seeking abortions (Belkin, 1994).
Stages in Social Movements

Do all social movements go through similar stages? Not necessarily, but there appear to be iden-
tifiable stages in virtually all movements that succeed beyond their initial phase of development.
In the preliminary (or incipiency) stage, widespread unrest is present as people begin to
become aware of a problem. At this stage, leaders emerge to agitate others into taking action. In
the coalescence stage, people begin to organize and to publicize the problem. At this stage, some
movements become formally organized at local and regional levels. In the institutionalization
(or bureaucratization) stage, an organizational structure develops and a paid staff (rather than
volunteers) begins to lead the group. When the movement reaches this stage, the initial zeal and
idealism of members may diminish as administrators take over management of the organiza-
tion. Early grassroots supporters may become disillusioned and drop out; they also may start
another movement to address some as yet unsolved aspect of the original problem. For example,
some environmental organizations—such as the Sierra Club, the Canadian Nature Federation,
and the National Audubon Society—that started as grassroots conservation movements are
currently viewed by many people as unresponsive to local environmental problems (Cable and
Cable, 1995). As a result, new movements have arisen.
© Blend Images/Ariel Skelley/Jupiter
Yoga has become an increasingly popular activity in recent years as many people have turned to alternative social
movements derived from Asian traditions.
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LO-5 Social Movement Theories
What conditions are most likely to produce social movements? Why are people drawn to these
movements? Sociologists have developed several theories to answer these questions.
Relative Deprivation Theory

According to relative deprivation theory, people who are satisfied with their present condition
are less likely to seek social change. Social movements arise as a response to people’s perception
that they have been deprived of their “fair share” (Rose, 1982). Thus, people who suffer rela-
tive deprivation are more likely to feel that change is necessary and to join a social movement
to bring about that change. Relative deprivation refers to the discontent that people may feel
when they compare their achievements with those of similarly situated persons and find that
they have less than they think they deserve (Orum and Orum, 1968). Karl Marx captured the
idea of relative deprivation in this description: “A house may be large or small; as long as the
surrounding houses are small it satisfies all social demands for a dwelling. But let a palace arise
beside the little house, and it shrinks from a little house to a hut” (quoted in Ladd, 1966:24).
Movements based on relative deprivation are most likely to occur when an upswing in the
standard of living is followed by a period of decline, such that people have unfulfilled rising
expectations—newly raised hopes of a better lifestyle that are not fulfilled as rapidly as they
expected or not realized at all.
Although most of us can relate to relative deprivation theory, it does not fully account for
why people experience social discontent but fail to join a social movement. Even though discon-
tent and feelings of deprivation may be necessary to produce certain types of social movements,
they are not sufficient to bring movements into existence.
Value-Added Theory
The value-added theory, developed by sociologist Neal Smelser (1963), is based on the assump-
tion that certain conditions are necessary for the development of a social movement. Smelser
called his theory the “value-added” approach, based on the concept (borrowed from the field of
economics) that each step in the production process adds something to the finished product.
For example, in the process of converting iron ore into an automobile, each stage “adds value”
to the final product (Smelser, 1963). Similarly, Smelser asserted, the following six conditions
are necessary and sufficient to produce social movements when they combine or interact in a
particular situation:
1. Structural conduciveness. People must become aware of a significant problem and have the
opportunity to engage in collective action. According to Smelser, movements are more
likely to occur when a person, class, or agency can be singled out as the source of the
problem, when channels for expressing grievances either are not available or fail, and when
the aggrieved have a chance to communicate among themselves.
2. Structural strain. When a society or community is unable to meet people’s expectations that
something should be done about a problem, strain occurs in the system. The ensuing tension
and conflict contributes to the development of a social movement based on people’s belief
that the problems would not exist if authorities had done what they were supposed to do.
3. Spread of a generalized belief. For a movement to develop, there must be a clear statement
of the problem and a shared view of its cause, effects, and possible solution.
4. Precipitating factors. To reinforce the existing generalized belief, an inciting incident or dra-
matic event must occur. With regard to technological disasters, some gradually emerge from
a long-standing environmental threat, while others involve a suddenly imposed problem.
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Social Movement Theories 22-1 6
5. Mobilization for action. At this stage, leaders emerge to organize others and give them a
sense of direction.
6. Social control factors. If there is a high level of social control on the part of law enforcement
officials, political leaders, and others, it becomes more difficult to develop a social move-
ment or engage in certain types of collective action.
Value-added theory takes into account the complexity of social movements and makes it pos-
sible to use Smelser’s assertions to test for the necessary and sufficient conditions that produce
such movements.
Resource Mobilization Theory

Smelser’s value-added theory tends to underemphasize the importance of resources in social
movements. By contrast, resource mobilization theory focuses on the process through which
members of a social movement gather, trade, use, and occasionally waste resources as they
seek to advance their cause (McCarthy and Zald, 1977; Oberschall, 1973). Resources include
money, members’ time, access to the media, and material goods, such as property and equip-
ment. Assistance from outsiders is essential for social movements. Reform movements, for
example, are more likely to succeed when they gain the support of political and economic elites
(Oberschall, 1973).
Resource mobilization theory is based on the belief that participants in social movements
are rational people. According to sociologist Charles Tilly (1973, 1978), movements are formed
and dissolved, and mobilized and deactivated, based on rational decisions about the goals of the
group, available resources, and the cost of mobilization and collective action. In other words,
social movements do not develop because of widespread discontent but because organizations
exist that make it possible to express discontent by concerted social action (Aminzade, 1973;
Gamson, 1990). Based on an analysis of 53 U.S. social protest groups ranging from labour
unions to peace movements between 1800 and 1945, sociologist William Gamson (1990) con-
cluded that the organization and tactics of a movement strongly influence its chances of success.
Critics of this theory, however, note that it fails to account for social changes brought about by
groups with limited resources.
Social Constructionist Theory: Frame Analysis

Recent theories based on a symbolic interactionist perspective focus on the importance of the
symbolic presentation of a problem to both participants and the general public (see Capek,
1993; Snow et al., 1986). Social constructionist theory is based on the assumption that social
movements are an interactive, symbolically defined, and negotiated process that involves par-
ticipants, opponents, and bystanders (Buechler, 2000). Research based on this perspective often
investigates how problems are framed and what names they are given. This approach reflects the
influence of sociologist Erving Goffman’s Frame Analysis (1974), in which he suggests that our
interpretation of the particulars of events and activities is dependent on the framework from
which we perceive them. According to Goffman, the purpose of frame analysis is “to try to
isolate some of the basic frameworks of understanding available in our society for making sense
out of events and to analyze the special vulnerabilities to which these frames of reference are
subject” (1974:10). In other words, various “realities” may be simultaneously occurring among
participants engaged in the same set of activities. Sociologist Steven M. Buechler explains the
relationship between frame analysis and social movement theory:
Framing means focusing attention on some bounded phenomenon by imparting
meaning and significance to elements within the frame and setting them apart from
what is outside the frame. In the context of social movements, framing refers to the
interactive, collective ways that movement actors assign meanings to their activities
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in the conduct of social movement activism. The concept of framing is designed

for discussing the social construction of grievances as a fluid and variable process
of social interaction—and hence a much more important explanatory tool than
resource mobilization theory has maintained. (2000:41)
Sociologists have identified at least three ways in which grievances are framed. First, diag-
nostic framing identifies a problem and attributes blame or causality to some group or entity
so that the social movement has a target for its actions. Second, prognostic framing pinpoints
possible solutions or remedies, based on the target previously identified. Third, motivational
framing provides a vocabulary of motives that compel people to take action (Benford, 1993;
Snow and Benford, 1988). When successful framing occurs, the individual’s vague dissatisfac-
tions are turned into well-defined grievances and people are compelled to join the movement
in an effort to reduce or eliminate those grievances (Buechler, 2000).
Frame analysis provides new insights on how social movements emerge and grow when
people are faced with problems such as technological disasters, where greater ambiguity typi-
cally exists, and when people are attempting to “name” the problems associated with factors
such as nuclear or chemical contamination. However, frame analysis has been criticized for
its “ideational biases” (McAdam, 1996). According to the sociologist Doug McAdam (1996),
frame analyses of social movements have looked almost exclusively at ideas and their formal
expression, whereas little attention has been paid to other significant factors, such as movement
tactics, mobilizing structures, and changing political opportunities that influence the work of
movements. In this context, political opportunity means government structure, public policy,
and political conditions that set the boundaries for change and political action. These bound
aries are crucial variables in explaining why various social movements have different outcomes.
New Social Movement Theory

New social movement theory looks at a diverse array of collective actions and the manner in
which those actions are based in politics, ideology, and culture. It also incorporates sources of
identity, including race, class, gender, and sexuality, as sources of collective action and social
movements. Examples of “new social movements” include ecofeminism and environmental
justice movements. Ecofeminism emerged in the late 1970s and early 1980s out of the femi-
nist, peace, and ecology movements. Prompted by the near-meltdown at the Three Mile Island
nuclear power plant, ecofeminists established World Women in Defense of the Environment.
Ecofeminism is based on the belief that patriarchy is a root cause of environmental problems.
According to ecofeminists, patriarchy not only results in the domination of women by men but
also contributes to a belief that nature is to be possessed and dominated, rather than treated as
a partner (see Merchant, 1983, 1992; Mies and Shiva, 1993; Ortner, 1974).
Another new social movement focuses on environmental justice and the intersection of race
and class in the environmental struggle. Stella M. Capek (1993) investigated a contaminated
landfill in the Carver Terrace neighbourhood of Texarkana, Texas, and found that residents were
able to mobilize for change and win a federal buyout and relocation by symbolically linking
environmental racism their issue to a larger environmental justice framework. Since the 1980s, the emerging environ-
The belief that a dis mental justice movement has focused on the issue of environmental racism—the belief that a
proportionate number disproportionate number of hazardous facilities (including industries such as waste disposal and
of hazardous facilities treatment and chemical plants) are placed in low-income areas populated primarily by people of
(including industries
such as waste disposal colour (Bullard and Wright, 1992). These areas have been left out of most of the environmental
and treatment and cleanup that has taken place in the past two decades (Schneider, 1993). Capek concluded that
chemical plants) are linking Carver Terrace with environmental justice led to its being designated as a cleanup site.
placed in low-income She also views this as an important turning point in new social movements: “Carver Terrace is
areas populated
largely by people of significant not only as a federal buyout and relocation of a minority community, but also as a
colour. marker of the emergence of environmental racism as a major new component of environmental
social movements in the United States” (1993:21).
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Social Movement Theories 22-1 8
Sociologist Steven M. Buechler has argued that theories pertaining to 21st-century social move-
ments should be oriented toward the structural, macrolevel contexts in which movements arise.
These theories should incorporate both political and cultural dimensions of social activism:
Social movements are historical products of the age of modernity. They arose as part
of a sweeping social, political, and intellectual change that led a significant number
of people to view society as a social construction that was susceptible to social
reconstruction through concerted collective effort. Thus, from their inception,
social movements have had a dual focus. Reflecting the political, they have always
involved some form of challenge to prevailing forms of authority. Reflecting the
cultural, they have always operated as symbolic laboratories in which reflexive actors
pose questions of meaning, purpose, identity, and change. (2000:211)
The Concept Snapshot below summarizes the main theories of social movements.
As we have seen, social movements may be an important source of social change. Throughout
this text, we have examined a variety of social problems that have been the focus of one or more
social movements. For this reason, many groups focus on preserving their gains while simulta-
neously fighting for changes that they believe are still necessary.
Time to Review
• What is the primary focus of research based on frame analysis and new social movement
theory?
CONCEPT SNAPSHOT
Relative Deprivation People who are discontent when they compare their achievements with those of others
Theory consider themselves relatively deprived and join social movements in order to get what
they view as their “fair share,” especially when there is an upswing in the economy
followed by a decline.
Value-Added Theory Certain conditions are necessary for a social movement to develop: (1) structural
conduciveness, such that people are aware of a problem and have the opportunity to engage
Key thinker: Neal Smelser in collective action; (2) structural strain, such that society or the community cannot meet
people’s expectations for taking care of the problem; (3) growth and spread of a generalized
belief as to causes and effects of and possible solutions to the problem; (4) precipitating
factors or events that reinforce the beliefs; (5) mobilization of participants for action; and
(6) social control factors, such that society comes to allow the movement to take action.
Resource Mobilization A variety of resources (money, members, access to media, and material goods, such as
Theory equipment) are necessary for a social movement; people participate only when they feel
the movement has access to these resources.
Key thinker: Charles Tilly
Social Constructionist Based on the assumption that social movements are an interactive, symbolically defined,
(Frame Analysis) Theory and negotiated process involving participants, opponents, and bystanders, frame
analysis is used to determine how people assign meaning to activities and processes in
Key thinker: Erving Goffman social movements.
New Social Movement The focus is on sources of social movements, including politics, ideology, and culture.
Theory Race, class, gender, sexuality, and other sources of identity are also factors in movements
such as ecofeminism and environmental justice.
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Social Change in the Future
In this chapter, we have focused on collective behaviour and social movements as potential
forces for social change in contemporary societies. A number of other factors also contribute to
social change, including the physical environment, population trends, technological develop-
ment, and social institutions.
The Physical Environment and Change

Changes in the physical environment often produce changes in the lives of people; in turn,
people can make dramatic changes in the physical environment, over which we have only
limited control. Throughout history, natural disasters have taken their toll on individuals and
societies. Major natural disasters—including hurricanes, ice storms, floods, and tornadoes—can
devastate an entire population. Even comparatively “small” natural disasters change the lives of
many people. As sociologist Kai Erikson (1976, 1994) has suggested, the trauma that people
experience from disasters may outweigh the loss of physical property—memories of such events
can haunt people for many years.
Some natural disasters are exacerbated by human decisions. For example, floods are viewed
as natural disasters, but excessive development may contribute to a flood’s severity. As office
buildings, shopping malls, industrial plants, residential areas, and highways are developed, less
land remains to absorb rainfall. When heavier-than-usual rains and snowfall occur, flooding
becomes inevitable; in recent years, some regions in Canada have remained under water for days
and even weeks. Clearly, humans cannot control the rain, but human decisions can worsen the
consequences.
People also contribute to changes in the earth’s physical condition. Through soil erosion and
other degradation of grazing land, often at the hands of people, an estimated 24 billion tons
of the earth’s topsoil is lost annually. As people clear forests to create farmland and pastures
and acquire lumber and firewood, the earth’s tree cover continues to diminish. As hundreds
of millions of people drive motor vehicles, the amount of carbon dioxide in the environment
continues to rise each year, resulting in climate change.
Just as people contribute to change in the physical environment, human activities also must
be adapted to changes in the environment. For example, we are being warned to stay out of sun-
light because of increases in ultraviolet rays, a cause of skin cancer, which have resulted from the
increasing depletion of the ozone layer. If this prediction is accurate, the change in the physical
environment will dramatically affect those who work or spend their leisure time outside.
Population and Change

Changes in population size, distribution, and composition affect the culture and social structure
of a society and change the relationships among nations. As discussed in Chapter 21, the coun-
tries experiencing the most rapid increases in population have a less developed infrastructure to
deal with those changes. How will the nations of the world deal with population growth as the
global population continues to move toward seven billion? Only time will provide a response
to this question.
Immigration to Canada has created an increasingly multi-ethnic population. The
changing makeup of the Canadian population has resulted in children from more diverse
cultural backgrounds entering school, producing a demand for new programs and changes
in curriculums. An increase in the number of dual-income families has created a need for
more child care, while an increase in the older population has created a need for services
such as home care and placed increasing demands on our healthcare systems and programs
such as the Canada Pension Plan.
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Social Change in the Future 2 2-2 0
As we have seen in previous chapters, population growth and the movement of people to
urban areas have brought changes to many regions and intensified existing social problems.
Among other factors, growth in the global population is one of the most significant driving
forces behind environmental concerns, such as the availability and use of natural resources.
Technology and Change

Technology is an important force for change, and in some ways, technological development
has made our lives much easier. Advances in communication and transportation have made
instantaneous worldwide communication possible but have also brought old belief systems and
the status quo into question as never before. Today, we are increasingly moving information
instead of people—and doing it almost instantly. Advances in science and medicine have made
significant changes in people’s lives. The light bulb, the automobile, the airplane, the assembly
line, and the high-tech developments of the past few decades—all have contributed to dramatic
changes. Individuals in high-income nations have benefited from the use of these technologies;
those in low-income nations may have paid a disproportionate share of the cost of some of these
inventions and discoveries.
Ranging from impacts on the foods we eat to our reproductive capabilities, scientific
advances will continue to affect our lives. Genetically engineered plants have been developed
and marketed in recent years, and biochemists are creating potatoes, rice, and cassava with the
same protein value as meat (Petersen, 1994). Advances in medicine have made it possible for
those formerly unable to have children to procreate; women well beyond menopause are now
able to become pregnant with the assistance of medical technology. Advances in medicine have
also increased the human lifespan, especially for white and middle- or upper-class individuals
in high-income nations; they have also contributed to the declining death rate in low-income
nations, where birth rates have not yet been curbed.
Just as technology has brought about improvements in the quality and length of life for
many, it has created the potential for new disasters, ranging from global warfare to localized
technological disasters at toxic waste sites. As sociologist William Ogburn (1966) suggested,
when a change in the material culture occurs in a society, a period of cultural lag follows in
which the nonmaterial (ideological) culture has not caught up with material development. The
rate of technological advance at the level of material culture today is mind-boggling. Many of
us can never hope to understand technological advances in the areas of artificial intelligence,
holography, virtual reality, biotechnology, and robotics. One of the ironies of 21st-century high
technology, however, is the increased vulnerability that results from the increasing complexity
of such systems. We have already seen this in situations ranging from jetliners that are used as
terrorist weapons to identity theft and fraud on the Internet.
Social Institutions and Change

Many changes have occurred in the family, religion, education, the economy, and the political
system over the past century. As we saw in Chapter 13, the size and composition of families in
Canada changed with the dramatic increase in the number of single-person and single-parent
households. Changes in families produced changes in the socialization of children, many of
whom now spend much of their time playing video games, texting friends, posting their daily
activities on Facebook or Twitter, or spending time in a child-care facility outside their own
home.
Public education has changed dramatically in Canada over the past century. This country
was one of the first to provide universal education for students regardless of their ability to pay.
As a result, Canada has one of the most highly educated populations and one of the best public
education systems in the world. However, the education system does not seem to be meeting
the needs of some students; namely, those who are failing to learn to read and write or those
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2 2 -2 1 CHAPTER 22 n Co l l ect ive B eh avio ur, Socia l Mov ements, a nd Socia l C ha ng e
who are dropping out. As the nature of the economy changes, schools will almost inevitably
have to change, if for no other reason than the demands from leaders in business and industry
for an educated workforce that allows Canadian companies to compete in a global economic
environment.
Political systems have experienced tremendous change and upheaval in some parts of the
world over the past century. Canada’s government seems unable to determine what its priorities
should be, even as the country faces serious economic and social problems. As the centralized
federal government becomes less able to respond to the needs and problems of the country,
federal political leaders will likely seek to decentralize services and programs by putting more of
the burden onto provincial and municipal governments. Unfortunately, these governments are
no better equipped to deal with problems, such as poverty and homelessness, environmental
pollution, and decaying infrastructures.
Although we have examined changes in the physical environment, population, technology,
and social institutions separately, they all operate together in a complex relationship, sometimes
producing large, unanticipated consequences. We need new ways of conceptualizing social life
at both the macro- and microlevels. The sociological imagination helps us think about how
personal troubles—regardless of our race or ethnicity, class, gender, age, sexual orientation, or
physical abilities and disabilities—are intertwined with the public issues of our society and the
global community of which we are a part. Using our sociological imaginations also encourages
us to think creatively about ways we can contribute to the social issues identified in this text.
A Few Final Thoughts
In this text, we have covered a substantial amount of material, examined different perspectives
on a wide variety of social issues, and suggested different methods by which to deal with them.
The purpose of this text is not to encourage you to take any particular point of view; rather, it
is to allow you to understand different viewpoints and ways in which they may be helpful to
you and to society in dealing with the issues of the 21st century. Possessing that understanding,
we can hope that the future will be something we can all look forward to—producing a better
way of life, not only in this country but worldwide.
NEL

22
Visual Summary 2 2-2 2
L0-1 Understand how collective

behaviour is defined and
how collective behaviour
leads to social change.
Collective behaviour is voluntary, often
© Xinhua/Photoshot
spontaneous activity that is engaged in by a
large number of people and typically violates KEY TERMS
dominant-group norms and values. Social
change is the alteration, modification, or civil disobedience Nonviolent
transformation of public policy, culture, or action that seeks to change
social institutions over time; it is usually brought about by collective behaviour, which a policy or law by refusing to
comply with it (p. 22-6).
is relatively spontaneous, unstructured activity that typically violates established social
norms. collective behaviour
Voluntary, often spontaneous
activity that is engaged in by
a large number of people and
L0-2 Identify the common typically violates dominant-
forms of collective group norms and values
© Jason Payne/Postmedia News Service
behaviour. (p. 22-4).
People engaging in collective behaviour crowd A relatively large

number of people who are
can be divided into crowds and masses.
in one another’s immediate
A crowd is a relatively large number vicinity (p. 22-4).
of people who are in one another’s
environmental racism The
immediate vicinity. In contrast, a mass is belief that a disproportionate
a number of people who share an interest number of hazardous facilities
in a specific idea or issue but are not in (including industries such as
one another’s immediate vicinity. waste disposal and treatment
and chemical plants) are placed
in low-income areas populated
largely by people of colour
L0-3 Describe the primary (p. 22-17).
forms of mass behaviour.
fad A temporary but widely
Mass behaviour is collective behaviour that copied activity enthusiastically
followed by large numbers of
occurs when people respond to the same
© Jochen Tack/GetStock.com
people (p. 22-10).

event in the same way even if they are
not geographically close to one another. fashion A currently valued
style of behaviour, thinking, or
Rumours, gossip, mass hysteria, fads and appearance (p. 22-10).
fashions, and public opinion are forms of
gossip Rumours about the
mass behaviour. personal lives of individuals
(p. 22-10).
mass A large number of

L0-4 Distinguish between people who share an interest
different types of social
in a specific idea or issue but
movements.
© Blend Images/Ariel Skelley/Jupiter
are not in another’s immediate

physical vicinity (p. 22-4).
A social movement is an organized
group that acts consciously to promote mass behaviour Collective
or resist change through collective behaviour that takes place
when people (who are often
action; such movements are most likely geographically separated from
to be formed when people see their one another) respond to the
personal troubles as public issues that same event in much the same
cannot be resolved without a collective way (p. 22-9).
response. Reform movements seek to
improve society by changing some specific aspect of the social structure. Revolutionary
movements seek to bring about a total change in society—sometimes by the use of
NEL 22- 22

22-23 VISUAL SUMMARY
mass hysteria A form of terrorism. Religious movements seek to produce radical change in individuals based on
dispersed collective behaviour spiritual or supernatural belief systems. Alternative movements seek limited change to
that occurs when a large
number of people react with some aspect of people’s behaviour. Resistance movements seek to prevent or undo change
strong emotions and self- that has already occurred.
destructive behaviour to a real
or perceived threat (p. 22-10).
mob A highly emotional crowd L0-5 Understand

whose members engage in, the theoretical
or are ready to engage in, explanations of social
violence against a specific movements.
target, which may be a person,
© ZUMA Wire Service/Alamy

a category of people, or Social scientists have developed several
physical property (p. 22-6). theories to explain crowd behaviour.
panic A form of crowd Contagion theory asserts that a crowd
behaviour that occurs when a takes on a life of its own as people
large number of people react are transformed from rational beings
to a real or perceived threat
with strong emotions and self-
into part of an organism that acts on
destructive behaviour (p. 22-6). its own. A variation on this is circular
reaction—people express their discontent to others, who communicate back similar
propaganda Information
provided by individuals or feelings, resulting in a conscious effort to engage in the crowd’s behaviour. Convergence
groups that have a vested theory asserts that people with similar attributes find other like-minded persons with
interest in furthering their own whom they can release underlying personal tendencies. Emergent norm theory asserts
cause or damaging an opposing
that, as a crowd develops, it comes up with its own norms that replace more conventional
one (p. 22-11).
norms of behaviour. Relative deprivation theory asserts that, if people are discontented
public opinion The political when they compare their accomplishments with those of others similarly situated, they
attitudes and beliefs
communicated by ordinary are more likely to join a social movement than are people who are relatively content with
citizens to decision makers their status. Value-added theory asserts that six conditions must exist in order to produce
(p. 22-11). social movements: (1) a perceived source of a problem, (2) a perception that the authorities
riot Violent crowd behaviour are not resolving the problem, (3) a spread of the belief to an adequate number of people,
that is fuelled by deep-seated (4) a precipitating incident, (5) mobilization of other people by leaders, and (6) a lack
emotions but not directed at of social control. Resource mobilization theory asserts that successful social movements
one specific target (p. 22-6).
can occur only when they gain the support of political and economic elites, without
rumour An unsubstantiated whom they do not have access to the resources necessary to maintain the movement.
report on an issue or subject
Frame analysis often highlights the social construction of grievances through the process
(p. 22-9).
of social interaction. Various types of framing occur as problems are identified, remedies
social change The alteration, are sought, and people feel compelled to take action. Like frame analysis, new social
modification, or transformation
of public policy, culture, or
movement theory has been used in research that looked at technological disasters and
social institutions over time cases of environmental racism.
(p. 22-3).
social movement An
organized group that acts
consciously to promote
or resist change through
collective action (p. 22-12).
terrorism Acts of serious

violence, planned and executed
clandestinely and committed to
achieve political ends (p. 22-13).
NEL

VISUAL SUMMARY 22-24
APPLICATION QUESTIONS
1. What types of collective behaviour think this has happened? In what 4. Using the sociological imagination
in Canada do you believe are ways, if any, would you like to you have gained during this course,
influenced by inequalities based on alter these actions? determine some positive steps you
race or ethnicity, class, gender, age, believe might be taken in Canada
or disabilities? Why? 3. Analyze the environmental to make our society a better place
movement in terms of the value- for everyone in this century. What
2. In what ways have your actions or added theory. Next, try using the types of collective behaviour and/
behaviours changed when you have relative deprivation and resource or social movements might be
been part of a crowd? Why do you mobilization theories. required to take those steps?
KEY FIGURES
Gustave Le Bon (1841–1931) Le Bon was a French scholar who focused on

crowd psychology in his contagion theory. Le Bon argued that people are more
likely to engage in antisocial behaviour in a crowd because they are anonymous
and feel invulnerable.
Robert E. Park (1864–1944) The first U.S. sociologist to investigate crowd

behaviour, Park developed the concepts of social unrest and circular reaction.
Herbert Blumer (1900–1987) Blumer developed a typology that divides

crowds into four categories: casual, conventional, expressive, and acting.
Test your For other Practise what

comprehension interesting Lived you’ve learned
and assess what Experiences, watch with flashcards
you’ve learned with the video clips on containing key terms
CourseMate’s online CourseMate. and definitions on
quizzes. CourseMate.
NEL

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22

Collective Behaviour, Social

Broadcaster and journalist Murray Dobbin shares

The occupiers have already made history.

NEL-MURRAY-12-0803-022.indd 1 18/12/12 12:20 PM

LO-2 Identify the common forms of collective behaviour.

LO-3 Describe the primary forms of mass behaviour.

LO-4 Distinguish between different types of social movements.

LO-5 Understand the theoretical explanations of social movements.

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LO-1 Collective Behaviour

Conditions for Collective

How Much Do You Know About Collective Behaviour

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Distinctions Regarding Collective Behaviour

LO-2 Types of Crowd Behaviour

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© Jason Payne/Postmedia News Service

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CONTAGION THEORY Contagion theory focuses on the social–psychological aspects

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Convergence theory adds to our understanding of certain types of collective behaviour by

proponents of this perspective fail to specify

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LO-3 Mass Behaviour

RUMOURS AND GOSSIP Rumours are unsubstantiated reports on an issue or subject.

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later, Bourdieu (1984) similarly (but most subtly)

PUBLIC OPINION Public opinion consists of

ordinary citizens to decision makers. It is measured

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Social Movements LO-4

Types of Social Movements

REFORM MOVEMENTS Grassroots environmental movements are an example of reform move-

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REVOLUTIONARY MOVEMENTS Movements seeking to bring about a total change in

RESISTANCE MOVEMENTS Also referred to as regressive movements, resistance movements

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Stages in Social Movements

© Blend Images/Ariel Skelley/Jupiter

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LO-5 Social Movement Theories

Relative Deprivation Theory

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Resource Mobilization Theory

Social Constructionist Theory: Frame Analysis

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in the conduct of social movement activism. The concept of framing is designed

New Social Movement Theory

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Social Change in the Future

The Physical Environment and Change

Population and Change

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Technology and Change

Social Institutions and Change

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