Statelessness in India

Statelessness in India
By Asha Bangar
Statelessness Working Paper Series

No. 2017/02
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Statelessness Working Paper Series No. 2017/02

June 2017
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Statelessness in India
To what extent have international standards concerning statelessness in the international human
rights law framework been implemented in the Indian legal system and how could they be
strengthened?1
Asha Bangar

Institute on Statelessness and Inclusion
June 2017
Author biography
Asha Bangar is a graduate of LL.M Globalisation and Law from Maastricht University, prior to which
she obtained a BA in Liberal Arts and Sciences (with a major in Law) at Tilburg University. She is
particularly interested in a Human Rights based approach in International Law and International
Relations. She is currently an intern at the Centre for European and International Affairs at the
University of Nicosia in Cyprus as a researcher.
Author email
asha.bangar92@gmail.com
Key words
India—nationality—statelessness—Asia—citizenship
Abstract
The right to nationality is essential to facilitating the actualisation of all other fundamental human
rights. While International law provides that all persons have the right to a nationality, State’s still
retain the right to determine how nationality is acquired. This article discusses the problem of
statelessness in the Indian context by examining its citizenship laws and how it actually produces
stateless persons in India. Although India is not a state party to the key Conventions on Statelessness,
it is bound to other international conventions which creates obligations for India to cooperate in its
prevention and reduction of the phenomenon. Thus, the article suggests ways in which India’s
nationality laws could be improved to bring it in line with the international legal framework on
statelessness.
1
Based on Master Thesis for LL.M Globalisation and Law at Maastricht University
1. Introduction
1.1 Statelessness
Article 1 of the 1954 Convention relating to the Status of Stateless Persons (1954 Convention) defines
a ‘stateless person’ as someone “not considered as a national by any state under the operation of its
law.”2 The bond of nationality, a legal bond between an individual and a State, denotes membership
which results in reciprocal rights and duties. There are two main doctrines for granting nationality at
birth: jus soli, which is conferred on the basis of birth in the country; and jus sanguinis, which is
conferred based on parents’ nationality. The implications of lack of (effective) nationality leaves
stateless persons disenfranchised, making them victims of ineffective governance and discrimination,
and other violations of fundamental human rights.3
Despite advances in international law regarding the protection of stateless persons, India has been
reluctant to incorporate them into national legislation. Thus, it is not surprising that there is a gap in
the literature and data regarding statelessness in India4. In fact, Indian nationality5 laws have become
even more restrictive since independence in 1947. Decolonisation led to partition of British India and
creation of two sovereign States: India and Pakistan. This caused a large mass migration of
approximately 14 million people who became displaced, moving either to Pakistan (mostly Muslims)
or to India (mostly Hindus and Sikhs).6 Grounds for granting Indian citizenship were based on legal
status, depending on when they entered India.
Decolonisation also affected the legal status of many Indians who were sent to Sri Lanka during
colonial times, and were rendered stateless upon Independence.7 To this day, many individuals and
communities are still recovering from the legal implications of decolonisation, especially stateless
persons.8 Furthermore, over recent years, thousands of refugees—including stateless refugees—
fleeing persecution such as Rohingyas9 and Tibetans10 have sought shelter in India.11 While India has
a long-standing history of hosting a large number of refugees and stateless persons, it does not legally
recognise them, which creates problems of integration. This article will examine to what extent
relevant international human rights provisions and international standards for the identification and
2
Article 1, UNGA, Convention Relating to the Status of Stateless Persons, 28 September 1954, UNTS, vol. 360.
3
Blitz, B. K., Lynch, M., 'Statelessness and the deprivation of nationality', Statelessness and Citizenship: A
Comparative Study on the Benefits of Nationality, Edward Elgar Publishing Limited, Glos, 2011, pp. 4-5
4
While India is not state party to the Statelessness Conventions, it is party to the ICCPR, ICESCR, CERD, CRC,
and CEDAW.
5
The terms 'Citizenship' and 'Nationality' will be used interchangeably
6
Cutts, M., 'The State of the World's Refugees, 2000: Fifty Years of Humanitarian Action'. UNHCR, Geneva,
2000, p. 59
7
Pillai, R.S., ‘Indo-Sri Lankan Pact of 1964 and the Problem of Statelessness- A Critique’, Afro Asian Journal of
Social Sciences Vol. 3, No. 3.1. Quarter, 2012, pp. 1-14
8
See Mohanty, R., Tandon, R., 'Participatory Citizenship: Identity, Exclusion, Inclusion.' Sage Publications, New
Delhi, 2006, p. 15
9
Murshid, N., ‘Stateless and left out at sea’, The Hindu, 3 June 2015, available at:
http://www.thehindu.com/opinion/lead/rohingya-migrants-and-ethnicitybased/article7275533.ece [accessed
28 October 2016]
10
Tibet Justice Center, ´Tibets Stateless Nationals II: Tibetan Refuges in India.’ 2011, p.32 available at
http://www.tibetjustice.org/reports/stateless-nationals-ii/stateless-nationals-ii.pdf [accessed 8 August 2016]
11
It must be noted that the term refugee is a political not legal term in India.
1
protection of stateless persons, and the prevention and reduction of statelessness have been applied
into India’s national legislation.
2. Nationality in the Indian Legal Framework
2.1 The Constitution of India, 1950

After Independence in 1947 but before the enactment of the Constitution in 1950, Indians were still
British subjects by virtue of Section 18(3) of the Indian Independence Act.12 With the introduction of
the Constitution, the following could be citizens of India: persons born and resident in India;13 persons
resident in India and whose parents were born in India,14 persons resident in India for more than five
years since the start of the Constitution,15 persons resettling to India from Pakistan after 1 March
1947, persons who migrated to India from Pakistan before 19 July 1948 or those who came afterwards
and have been resident in India since immigration,16 persons resident outside India but if either parent
or grandparent was born in India.17
The Constitutional provisions concerning citizenship appear relatively inclusive and consider people's
freedom of choice post partition. The provisions primarily concern themselves with two broad
categories of persons: residents at the time of independence, and 'migrants' whose citizenship was
determined by where they intended to reside in light of the complex nature of mass migrations that
took place between India and Pakistan. However, between the enactment of the Constitution in 1950
and the enactment of the Citizenship Act in 1955, there was a ‘legal vacuum’: while the nationality
framework was being formulated, the people who had been moving across the borders between India
and Pakistan had to be taken into consideration. Thus, when the Citizenship Act came into force, their
citizenship status was determined by ‘intent’ and followed by attributions of legality and illegality.18
2.2 The Citizenship Act, 1955

The Constitution left future matters of citizenship to be regulated by the Parliament.19 Accordingly,
the Parliament enacted the Citizenship Act (‘Principal Act’) in 1955.20 As per the Act, Citizenship could
be acquired by birth21, descent22, registration23, naturalisation24 and by incorporation of territory25
12
Section 18(3), Indian Independence Act, 1949
13
Article 5(a), The Constitution of India, 1950
14
Article 5(b), ibid.
15
Article 5(c), ibid.
16
Article 6(b), ibid.
17
Article 8, ibid.
18
See Roy, A., 'Mapping Citizenship in India.' Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 2010, pp 34-35
19
Article 11, The Constitution of India, 1950
20
Subheading, The Citizenship Act, 1955
21
Section 3, ibid.
22
Section 4, ibid.
23
Section 5, ibid.
24
Section 6, Citizenship Act, 1955
25
Section 7, The Citizenship Act, 1955
2
(derived from the person’s membership to territories that were incorporated into India, i.e. Goa,
Daman and Diu,26 Dadar and Nagar Haveli,27 Pondicherry,28 and Sikkim.)29
The Citizenship (Amendment) Act, 1986 transformed the system from a jus soli regime to a system
largely based on jus sanguinis. Thus anyone born after the commencement of the Constitution on 26
January 1950 but before 1 July 1987 would be a citizen; however anyone born on or after 1 July 1987
would only be a citizen by birth if either parent is an Indian citizen.30 This was in response to the large
influx of migrants and refugees that were coming into India and raising concerns of national interest,
particularly in the state of Assam.31 This led the Government to become more stringent on the
provisions of its nationality laws by introducing the Citizenship (Amendment) Act, 1986. The Act also
inserted Article 6(A) which created special provisions as per the Assam Accord.32 Anyone of Indian
origin33 entering Assam before 1 January 1966 from a “specified territory”34, and resided in India since
were deemed Indian citizens.35 On the other hand, those entering Assam on or after 1 January 1966
but before 25 March 1971 from the specified territory, were ordinarily resident in Assam and
identified as a foreigners36 could register for citizenship.37 The second category of persons would have
the same rights as citizens except for voting rights.38 Persons who did not qualify for either of the two
were considered illegal migrants and rendered stateless.
The Citizenship (Amendment) Act of 1992 brought a positive change in relation to gender
discrimination in India’s citizenship law. Section 4 of the Principal Act provided that a person born
after 26 January 1955 but before the commencement of the Act is an Indian citizen by descent if the
father is Indian at the time of birth. This provision was amended by the Citizenship (Amendment) Act
of 1992 which provided that persons shall be Indian citizens if either of his/her parents is Indian. It
further replaced all references made to "male persons" with "persons" thus bringing India in line with
Article 9(2) of the Women’s Convention which requires States to grant women equal rights regarding
the nationality of their children.
The Citizenship (Amendment) Act, 2003 (6 of 2004) made major changes to the Principal Act. The Act
originally required residency in India or service of a Government in India for twelve years for periods
amounting in the aggregate of a minimum of nine years to be eligible for naturalisation; this was
26
Goa, Daman and Diu Citizenship Order, 1962
27
Dadar and Nagar Haveli (Citizenship) Order, 1962
28
Pondicherry Citizenship Order, 1962
29
Sikkim (Citizenship) Order, 1975
30
Section 3 (1), The Citizenship (Amendment) Act, 1955
31
See Chandra, B., Mukherjee, M., Mukherjee, A., ‘India since independence’, Penguin Books India Pvt. Ltd.,
New Delhi, 2008, p. 403
32
See Chapter 4.1
33
If either of his/her parent or grandparent was born in undivided India
34
Territories included in Bangladesh immediately before the commencement of the Citizenship (Amendment)
Act, 1986
35
Section 6A (2), Citizenship (Amendment) Act, 1985
36
As per the Foreigners (Tribunal) Order 1964
37
Section 6A (3), Citizenship (Amendment) Act, 1985
38
Section 6A (4), ibid.
3
increased to fourteen years and eleven years respectively by the 2003 Act39 thereby leaving many
stateless persons in a legal limbo. The First Schedule was omitted40 and the term 'citizen' in relation
to a ‘specified country’ in the First Schedule was substituted by 'illegal migrant' which is defined as a
foreigner entering India.41 This poses a challenge for stateless persons in India to acquire nationality,
as they often do not possess the necessary documents. Thus matters of legal status complicate
eligibility as their very condition creates an obstacle to legal means to citizenship. Moreover, the
amendment affected provisions to Section 5 that made 'illegal migrants' and their children unqualified
for registration,42 i.e. the application for registration of minors under Section 5(1)(d) requires a copy
of valid foreign passport, a copy of the valid residential permit but also proof that each parent of the
minor is an Indian citizen.43 These conditions bar stateless minors to attempt to naturalise as they
usually do not possess such documents. Moreover, it does not consider circumstances where one
parent is an Indian citizen and the other is not.
Regarding naturalisation,44 there was a minor but very significant step towards avoiding statelessness.
The Principal Act originally required that an applicant for naturalisation renounces their nationality
before application, which was substituted by the applicant “undertakes to renounce the citizenship of
that country in the event of his application for Indian citizenship being accepted.” This is an significant
as it provides a safeguard that in case an application for Indian citizenship is denied; the applicant still
has his/her former nationality. This is in accordance with the 1930 Hague Convention (Article 16), and
the 1961 Convention (Article 7(1) and (2)).
2.2.1 Citizenship by birth

Section 3 of the Citizenship Act provides for the ascription of citizenship via jus soli if both or one of
the parents is an Indian citizen, as long as the other is not an irregular migrant.45 However, the law
does not provide jus soli safeguards if the child would be otherwise stateless. Furthermore, since the
law provides that even if just one parent is an illegal migrant, the child’s eligibility to acquire the
nationality from the other parent, whether by birth or by descent, would be denied. Moreover,
Section 3(2)(b) states that in situations where the birth takes place in a territory that had then been
under occupation by 'the enemy' and either of the parents are an 'enemy alien', the child would not
be able to obtain Indian citizenship by birth. However, the Act does not provide a definition of ‘enemy
alien’ and thus this provision is liable to changes in times of war; and secondly, the provision does not
make any reference to scenarios where either or both of the parents may be 'enemy alien(s)' but the
birth takes place in the territory of India not under occupation by the enemy.
39
Section 18(c), The Citizenship (Amendment) Act, 2003
40
Section 16, ibid.
41
Section 2(i), ibid.
42
Section 5, ibid.
43
See Form IV, Part II, The Citizenship Rules, 2009
44
Found under the Third Schedule of the Principal Act
45
The Act defines an 'illegal migrant' as a foreigner entering India: (i) without a valid passport or other travel
document; or (ii) with a valid passport or other travel documents but has overstayed in India beyond
permitted time. Section 2, The Citizenship (Amendment) Act, 2003
4
In terms of citizenship by birth, it can be established that it is very unlikely that section 3 of the
Citizenship Act would grant nationality via jus soli to children born in the territory of India who are
vulnerable to statelessness. This is not in line with Article 1 of the 1961 Convention which requires
States to “grant nationality to a person born in its territory who would otherwise be stateless”46, to
which India is not a state party. Before 1986, every person born in India on or after the
commencement of the Constitution was considered an Indian citizen by birth on the territory
(unconditional jus soli). As mentioned earlier, this was replaced by a stricter jus sanguinis doctrine
with the introduction of the Amendment Act, 1986 (see section 1.3). Although India is not party to the
1954 or 1961 Conventions, the lack of safeguards against statelessness at birth are in contravention
of CRC (Article 7), ICCPR (Article 24), CPRD (Article 18) and the Convention on Migrant Workers (Article
29) which assert the right of a child to be registered immediately after birth and the right to acquire a
nationality, under which India has not filed any reservations. From the perspective of stateless
children, this is a shortcoming under Indian citizenship laws.
2.2.2 Citizenship by descent

Section 4 of the Citizenship Act divides citizenship by descent (jus sanguinis) into three categories:
persons born outside India between 26 January 1950 and 10 December 1992 if the father was an
Indian citizen at the time of birth; persons born outside India between 10 December 1992 and 7
January 2004, if either of the parents is an Indian citizen at the time of birth; and children born after
7 January 2004 if either of the parents is an Indian citizen and the birth is registered at an Indian
consulate within one year. 47 Section 4 also requires births to be registered at an Indian consulate
within one year and that the minor does not hold another nationality. This is aligned with Article 4 of
the 1961 Convention, which requires states to grant nationality to persons born outside the country
of his/her parents nationality, if (s)he would otherwise be stateless.48 In comparison to citizenship by
descent described above, it becomes clear that Indian laws make it is easier for persons of Indian
descent born outside of India to gain Indian citizenship than for persons born in India.
2.2.3 Citizenship by registration

Section 5 of the Citizenship Act provides Indian citizenship through registration for the following
categories of persons: (a) a person of Indian origin49 who is currently resident in India for seven years
before making an application for registration; (b) a person of Indian origin who is ordinarily resident
in any country or place outside undivided India50; (c) a person who is married to an Indian citizen and
is ordinarily resident in India for seven years before making an application for registration; (d) minor
children of persons who are citizens of India; (e) a person of full age and capacity whose parents are
registered as citizens of India under clause (a) of this sub-section or sub-section (1) of section 6; (f) a
person of full age and capacity who, or either of his/her parent, was earlier a citizen of Independent
India, and has been residing in India for one year immediately before making an application for
registration; (g) a person of full age and capacity who has been registered as an Overseas Indian Citizen
46
Article 1, UNGA, Convention on the Reduction of Statelessness, 30 August 1961, UNTS, vol. 989
47
The Citizenship (Amendment) Act, 2003
48
Article 4 (2), UNGA, Convention on the Reduction of Statelessness, 30 August 1961, UNTS, vol. 989
49
Section 5, Citizenship (Amendment) Act, 2003
50
India before 1947 partition as recognized by 'The Government of India Act', 1935
5
for five years and has resided in India for twelve months51 before making an application for
registration.52
The registration of minors in Section 5 (1) (d) of the Act requires a declaration from the parent of the
child,53 however the term ‘parent’ has not been clarified for instance whether the term covers
adoptive parents or children born out of wedlock. Thus it remains unclear what happens if one parent
is an Indian citizen and the other is stateless. So, it can be said that Indian citizenship by registration
does not really consider those who are stateless. Although stateless persons may fulfil the
requirement of duration of residency in India, they are still not eligible for citizenship by registration
under Section 5 as they are not considered of Indian origin, married to an Indian citizen or children of
Indian citizens.
2.2.4 Citizenship by naturalisation

Section 6 in conjunction with the Third Schedule of the Citizenship Act provides for the acquisition of
Indian citizenship through naturalisation. The requirement that persons shall not be ‘illegal migrants’
introduced by the 2003 Act already disqualifies most stateless persons from acquiring citizenship via
naturalisation. Furthermore, the fact the individual has not previously renounced nor been deprived
of Indian citizenship seals the barrier for most stateless persons from being able to naturalise in the
future as well. Nevertheless, the condition in Section 6(1) provides that the Central Government may
waive any of the conditions from the Third Schedule for individuals that have rendered distinguished
service to “the cause of science, philosophy, art, literature, world peace or human progress
generally.”54 Ultimately, the Central Government has the discretion to decide whether the person has
fulfilled such service, and thus plays a key role in the reduction of statelessness in India. However it
seems very unlikely that stateless persons would have the possibility to render such distinguished
services as they are usually marginalised and lack resources to excel in such fields.
Another potential barrier to naturalisation is that Rule no.10 of the Citizenship Rules55 requires
applicants to have “adequate knowledge”56 of at least one language specified in the Eight Schedule of
the Constitution.57 This can be burdensome for many stateless persons who do not know any of the
specified languages, which is the case for many Rohingyas.58 The obligations under Article 2(1) of the
ICCPR states that all rights and freedoms must be guaranteed “without distinction of any kind such as
[…] language”. Additionally, Article 29(c) and Article 30 of the CRC states that education of the child
51
Substituted from ‘2 years’ from the Principal Act to ‘twelve months’ by Section 3(i)(b)(B) Citizenship
(Amendment) Act, 2015
52
Section 5, Citizenship (Amendment) Act, 2003
53
Rule no. 5, The Citizenship Rules, 2009,
54
Section 6(1), The Citizenship Act, 1955
55
Rule no. 10, The Citizenship Rules, 2009
56
ibid.
57
'Specified languages' are the following: Assamese, Bengali, Bodo, Dogri, Gujarati, Hindi, Kannada, Kashmiri,
Konkani, Maithili, Malayalam, Manipuri, Marathi, Nepali, Oriya, Punjabi, Sanskrit, Santhali, Sindhi, Tamil,
Telugu, and Urdu. Eight Schedule, The Constitution of India, 1950
58
Khan, A.Y., ‘Hyderabad’s Rohingya refugees fight language barriers.’ The Hindu, 1 July 2013, available at:
http://www.thehindu.com/news/cities/Hyderabad/hyderabads-rohingya-refugees-fight-
languagebarriers/article4866622.ece [accessed 15 July 2016]
6
shall be directed to “the development of respect for the child’s parents, his or her own cultural
identity, language and values”59 and that children belonging to “States in which ethnic, religious or
linguistic minorities or persons of indigenous origin exist” shall not be denied to practice their
language. For a socio-linguistically diverse country like India, Rule No.10 adopts an exclusionist
approach to naturalisation. Moreover, those who are stateless most likely have no formal education
or documents to prove their qualifications and thus such requirement could be an impediment if they
fulfil all other requirements.
Naturalisation may be the only alternative for stateless persons who are not eligible for other avenues
to Indian citizenship. Article 32 of the 1954 Convention requires States to “as far as possible facilitate
the assimilation and naturalisation of stateless persons […] in particular make every effort to expedite
naturalisation proceedings and to reduce as far as possible the charges and costs of such
proceedings.”60 Instead of facilitating naturalisations of stateless persons, the criteria laid out in the
Citizenship Act concerning naturalisation are simply too rigid to consider stateless persons. Although
the provisions in the Citizenship Act concerning naturalisation do not create statelessness per se, they
do sustain the problem as they bar stateless persons from obtaining Indian citizenship through
naturalisation.
2.2.5 Renunciation of Citizenship

Section 8 of the Indian Citizenship Act provides for the renunciation of Indian Citizenship. This is
aligned with Article 15 (2) of the UDHR which states that everyone has the “right to change their
nationality.”61 However the procedure does not at any point request authoritative proof or assurance
of the subsequent nationality that the person has acquired or intends to acquire; the declaration form
merely requires the applicant to mention ‘(second) nationality’.62 In circumstances where citizenship
renunciation is registered before the person has successfully acquired the nationality of another State,
the person is vulnerable to the risk of statelessness. This is not in line with Article 7(1)(a) of the 1961
Convention which requires States to not permit the renunciation of nationality unless the individual
possesses or acquires another nationality.63
According to the Tunis Conclusions, States must ensure that renunciation of citizenship would not
result in statelessness by “providing for a lapse of the renunciation if the individual concerned fails to
acquire the foreign nationality within a fixed period of time.”64 As a result the renunciation should be
considered void, thus preventing the risk of statelessness. The Conclusions noted that some
Contracting States require applicants intending to naturalise to have renounced their former
nationality and give assurance that the naturalisation would be granted followed by proof of
59
Article 29(c), UNGA, Convention on the Rights of the Child, 20 November 1989, United Nations, UNTS, vol.
1577, p. 3
60
Article 32, Article 1, UNGA, Convention Relating to the Status of Stateless Persons, 28 September
1954, UNTS, vol. 360.
61
Article 15(2), Universal Declaration of Human Rights, 10 December 1948, 217 A (III)
62
Rule 23 (in conjunction with Form XXII), The Citizenship Rules, 2009
63
Article 7 (1)(a), UNGA, Convention on the Reduction of Statelessness, 30 August 1961, UNTS, vol. 989
64
UNHCR, ‘Expert meeting: Interpreting the 1961 Statelessness Convention and Avoiding Statelessness
resulting from Loss and Deprivation of Nationality: Summary Conclusions.’ ("Tunis Conclusions"), November
2013, para 42
7
renunciation of their foreign nationality. There is an implicit obligation in the 1961 Convention that
once issued, assurances should not be withdrawn on grounds that conditions of naturalisation are not
fulfilled, as this could result in statelessness. As an alternative to issuance of an assurance, some States
provide that naturalisation is granted against a pledge by the individual to renounce his/her foreign
nationality and set a fixed timeline for submitting the proof of the renunciation, which if not
submitted, renders the naturalisation application null and void.65 In light of this it can be said Indian
provisions on voluntary renunciation of nationality are not aligned with the international legal
standards.
Another consequence is that the renunciation of Indian citizenship as a parent would have a direct
effect on the nationality of his/her child. Section 8(2) of the Act provides that where a person ceases
to be an Indian citizen via renunciation, “every minor child of that person shall thereupon cease to be
an Indian citizen.”66 There is no clarification provided on the status of the child where one parent
renounces their Indian citizenship while the other does not. The lack of safeguards provided under
Section 8 have the potential to create childhood statelessness which is in contravention of Article 6 of
the 1961 Convention requiring states not to deprive children of their nationality until they possess or
acquire another nationality, and Article 8 of CRC which requests states to preserve the identity of the
child, including his/her nationality.67
2.2.6 Termination of Citizenship

The Tunis Conclusions clarified the distinction between the terms ‘loss’ and ‘deprivation’ of nationality
in the 1961 Convention. ‘Loss’ is used in Articles 5-7 of the Tunis Conclusions when referring to the
automatic withdrawal of nationality by operation of law (ex lege); while ‘deprivation’ is used in Article
8 referring to situations where the withdrawal is initiated by the authorities of the State.68 The UN
Human Rights Council has established that ‘deprivation’ in the UDHR also includes arbitrary ex lege
loss of nationality.69 The Indian Citizenship Act, 1955 considers both ‘loss’ and ‘deprivation’ of
nationality and addresses them in two provisions: Section 9 considers the ‘termination of citizenship’
or loss of citizenship by operation of law; while Section 10 considers the ‘deprivation of citizenship’
initiated by Governmental action.
Under Section 9 of the Citizenship Act, any Indian citizen who either by naturalisation, registration or
otherwise voluntarily acquires/acquired the nationality of another country, ceases to be an Indian
citizen.70 The Central Government may determine the issues as to whether, when or how any Indian
citizen acquires the citizenship of another country with due regard provided in Schedule III of the
65
Ibid, para 45
66
Section 8(2), The Citizenship Act, 1955
67
Article 8, UNGA, Convention on the Rights of the Child, 20 November 1989, United Nations, UNTS, vol. 1577,
p. 3
68
UNHCR, ‘Expert meeting: Interpreting the 1961 Statelessness Convention an Avoiding Statelessness resulting
from Loss and Deprivation of Nationality: Summary Conclusions.’ ("Tunis Conclusions"), November 2013, para 9
69
UN Human Rights Council, ‘Human Rights and Arbitrary Deprivation of Nationality’, A/HRC/RES/20/5, 19
December 2013, para 3
70
8
Citizenship Rules, 2009;71 the onus of proving otherwise lies with the person in question.72 If such
citizen has obtained a passport from another country, it shall be conclusive proof of his/her having
voluntarily acquired the citizenship of that country before that date.73 The Citizenship Rules also state
that where an Indian citizen leaves India for a period exceeding three years without a travel document
issued by the Central Government, (s)he shall be deemed to have voluntarily acquired the citizenship
of the country of his residence.74 This contravenes Article 7(3) of the 1961 Convention which provides
that a nationals should not lose their nationality on the ground of “departure, residence abroad,
failure to register or on any similar ground.”75
2.2.7 Deprivation of Citizenship

While Article 8(1) of the 1961 Convention prohibits States from depriving persons of his/her
nationality if it would render him/her stateless,76 there are some exceptions. Article 8(2)(a) allows
deprivation based on prolonged period of residency abroad without notification to relevant
authorities.77 Article 8(2)(b) allows deprivation if nationality has been obtained by misrepresentation
or fraud.78 Article 8(3) provides States the right to deprive individuals’ nationality where the individuals
conduct is found to be inconsistent with his/her duty of loyalty to the State.79 Nevertheless, the
Convention requires that such deprivations should be exercised in accordance with law and shall
provide the individual concerned the right to a fair hearing before a court.80
Section 10 of the Citizenship Act provides circumstances where the Central Government may deprive
(naturalised or registered) individuals from Indian citizenship.81 Said include: (a) registration or
certificate of naturalisation obtained by fraudulent means;82 (b) behaviours constituting disloyalty to
the Constitution of India;83 (c) unlawful trading, communication, engagement or association with an
enemy during war;84 (d) imprisonment in any country within five years after registration or
naturalisation;85 and (e) residing outside India for a continuous period of seven years without having
annually registered in the prescribed manner at an Indian consulate to retain citizenship.86
Some of these grounds for deprivation are vague and even harsh. With regards to Section 10(a) of the
Act, the Tunis Conclusions required the existence of causality between the misrepresentation or fraud
and the grant of nationality. Thus deprivation should not be allowed if nationality would have been
71
Rule 40, The Citizenship Rules, 2009
72
Para 1, Schedule III, The Citizenship Rules, 2009
73
Para 3, ibid.
74
Section 6, Schedule III, Citizenship Rules, 2009
75
Article 7(3), UNGA, Convention on the Reduction of Statelessness, 30 August 1961, UNTS, vol. 989
76
Article 8(1), ibid.
77
Article 8(2)(a), ibid.
78
Article 8(2)(b), ibid.
79
Article 8(3), ibid.
80
Article 8(4), ibid.
81
Section 10 (1), The Citizenship Act, 1955
82
Section 10(2)(a), ibid.
83
Section 10(2)(b), ibid.
84
Section 10(2)(c), ibid.
85
Section 10(2)(d), ibid.
86
Section 10(2)(e), ibid.
9
acquired regardless of the misrepresentation or fraud. The Tunis Conclusions noted that “due
consideration should be given to the motivation of the individual such as why a person committed the
act(s) in question”. One example provided related to provision of incorrect information during a
naturalisation procedure because the applicant feared that use of their full and correct identity would
endanger family members in another country. Another area of concern is the often poor quality of
supporting identity documents from civil registration systems and other administrative registries.
These documents often contain minor errors or discrepancies relating to the identity of individuals.
These realities need to be taken into account in assessing cases of alleged misrepresentation or fraud.”
It also clarified that deprivation cannot be justified if the person did not know or could not have known
that the information provided was untrue.87 Section 10(b) makes it unforeseeable which acts would
amount to disloyalty towards the Constitution, and thus could be used arbitrarily.
Regarding Section 10(d), imprisonment in any country within five years of registration or
naturalisation is also an unfair ground for deprivation as it does not distinguish between serious and
less serious crimes, thus appears only to further punish said individual. Section 10(e) can also be seen
as a punitive measure for those residing abroad beyond seven years. This could be a concern for many
Non-Resident Indians (NRIs)88, which is a large population.89 The Tunis Conclusions recognized that
deprivation of nationality based on prolonged residence abroad is not justified where the result is
statelessness and the impact on the individual outweighs the objective sought by the state.90 By virtue
of Section 10(3), the Central Government ultimately decides on said deprivation depending on
whether it is “satisfied that it is not conducive to the public good.”91 This is a highly subjective criterion
and it is probable that the government could use this section arbitrarily and discriminatorily. So
although it appears as though precautions are provided in the procedure before deprivation takes
place, the discretionary power of the Central Government to disregard the report of Committee of
Inquiry undermines the judicial character of the procedure which has the potential to create
statelessness.
2.3 Identification of persons in India

2.3.1 Section 14A, Citizenship (Amendment) Act, 2003
Section 14A of the Citizenship (Amendment) Act, 2003 created a method of mapping Indian citizens
by making it compulsory that every Indian citizen is registered and issued a national identity card.92
Rule no.4 of the Citizenship Rules of 2003, provides that in cases where during the verification process,
the individuals citizenship is doubtful, further examination will take place.93 Rule no.5 further
87
from Loss and Deprivation of Nationality: Summary Conclusions.’ ("Tunis Conclusions"), November 2013, para
58-59
88
Indian citizens residing abroad
89
Statistics of Indians in Abroad, available at:
http://www.nriol.com/indiandiaspora/statistics-indians-abroad.asp [accessed 19 November 2016]
90
from Loss and Deprivation of Nationality: Summary Conclusions.’ ("Tunis Conclusions"), November 2013, para
55
91
92
Section 14 A (1), The Citizenship (Amendment) Act, 2003
93
Rule 4, The Citizenship (Registration of Citizens and Issue of National Identity Cards) Rules, 2003
10
elaborates upon this that the person or family shall be given the opportunity to be heard by the Sub-
district or Taluk Registrar of Citizen Registration94 before a final decision is made,95 while Rule no.7
provides for the opportunity of an appeal to be made.96 Still, there is no remark on the status of
individuals whose citizenship remains doubtful even after the verification process is over. While
Section 13 provides that in cases of doubt, the Central Government if it thinks appropriate may issue
a certificate of citizenship. However for this to be possible, it still requires that citizenship was not
obtained by means of fraud, false representation or concealment of any material fact. Thus, it remains
unclear which degree of discretion would be given to authorities in respect of stateless persons with
regards to Section 13.
2.3.2 Aadhaar
While the abovementioned registrar is a database for Indian citizens only, the National Population
Register (NPR) and Unique Identification Number of India (UIDAI) are in currently in progress to collect
and store the demographic data of residents into a centralised database while issuing an Aadhaar, a
unique 12-digit identity number to each resident. Although this is a great step in storing an identity
database for residents in the country, it is still unclear what the potential implications of this would
be on stateless persons. It is likely it will be just another system in which stateless persons do not exist
and thus there would be no data providing how many of them there are.
2.3.3 Foreigners Act, 1946

The Foreigners Act (1946) is the primary law regarding non-nationals in India.97 This Act gives the
Central Government the authority to prohibit, regulate or restrict entry of foreigners into and out of
India.98 The act defines a ‘foreigner’ as someone who is “not a citizen of India.”99 Section 8 of the
Foreigners Act on the determination of nationality considers the situation of a foreigner recognized as
a national by the law of more than one foreign country or a foreigner whose nationality is uncertain.100
Such a foreigner “may be treated as the national of the country with which he appears to the
prescribed authority to be most closely connected for the time being in interest or sympathy or if he
is of uncertain nationality, of the country with which he was last so connected.”101 If the foreigner has
a nationality by birth, (s)he shall be deemed to retain that nationality unless the Central Government
directs otherwise or where the individual proves that (s)he has acquired by naturalisation or otherwise
the nationality of another country.102 Section 8 does not clarify the status or treatment of foreigners
who appear to have no nationality upon the completion of the determination procedure, which again
leaves stateless people in a legal grey zone and thus result in further human rights violations. The
94
See Section 2(o) of the Citizenship (Registration of Citizens and Issue of National Identity Cards) Rules 2003
95
Rule 5, ibid.
96
Rule 7, ibid.
97
The Foreigners Act, 1946, supplemented by the Registration of Foreigners Act, 1939; the Foreigners
(Internment) Order, 1962; the Foreigners (Tribunal) Order, 1964; and the Registration of Foreigners Rules,
1992
98
Section 3, The Foreigners Act, 1946
99
Section 2, ibid.
100
Section 8(1), The Foreigners Act, 1946
101
Section 8(1), ibid.
102
Section 8(1), ibid.
11
assumption of nationality can be very dangerous, the Geneva Conclusions provide the mechanisms
for determining who is a stateless person, and the status and appropriate standards of treatment for
such persons.103
2.3.4 Passports Act, 1967

Under Article 28 of the 1954 Convention, States are required to “issue stateless persons lawfully
staying in their territory travel documents for the purpose of travel outside their territory [and] give
sympathetic consideration to the issue of such a travel document to stateless persons in their territory
who are unable to obtain a travel document from the country of their lawful residence.”104 The
Passports Act, 1967, issues three types of documents: passports, travel documents and certificates of
identity. Under Part II of the Passport Rules, 1980, “stateless persons residing in India, foreigners,
whose country is not represented in India, or whose national status is in doubt” may qualify for a
‘Certificate of Identity’.105 The Passports Act is by far the most advanced Indian legislation relating to
statelessness, as it is the only law so far that recognises such persons in their own category and
provides them with an identification document. Nevertheless, clarifications can be made to improve
the Act. For instance, a residential permit is required for the application for the issuance of Certificate
of Identity. The Rules do not clarify the procedure or criteria for obtaining such residential permit and
thus it remains unclear whether a stateless person would be qualified for it. Moreover, the form
requires the applicant to provide the information as to his/her “last permanent address abroad,” 106
which is based on the presumption that the individual is a migrant from abroad and fails to consider
individuals who may have been residing in India but do not have the necessary documents to prove it,
thus this section could be removed or altered.
3. Regional Agreements
3.1 Assam Accord, 1985

The Accord between AASU, AAGSP and the Central Government on the Foreign National Issue (Assam
Accord), 1985,107 was a memorandum of settlement signed between the Indian Government and the
Assam Movement, which marked the end of the anti-foreigner agitation. Attempts to mitigate
minority rights issues gave rise to arbitrary ex lege loss of citizenship in Assam.108 Thus, by virtue of
the accord persons who entered Assam: Before 1 January 1966 would be regularised and granted full
Indian citizenship rights; after 1 January 1966 but before 24 March 1971 would be detected and
registered as ‘foreigners’ and deleted from electoral rolls for at least 10 years; illegally after being
103
UNHCR, ‘Expert meeting: Stateless Determination Procedures and the Status of Stateless Persons: Summary
Conclusions.’ ("Geneva Conclusions"), 6-7 December 2010.
104
Article 28, UNGA, Convention Relating to the Status of Stateless Persons, 28 September 1954, UNTS, vol.
360.
105
Class 2, Schedule II, Part II, Passport Rules, 1980
106
Ibid.
107
Accord between AASU, AAGSP and the Central Government on the Foreign National Issue (Assam Accord),
1985
108
Ghosh, D.P.S., 'Migrants, Refugees and the Stateless in South Asia,’ SAGE Publications India Pvt. Ltd., New
Delhi, 2016, pp. 95-96
12
expelled would be expelled again; on or after 24 March 1971 would be detected, deleted from
electoral rolls and expelled from the territory.109 Thus, the Accord grants citizenship to those who
entered Assam before 1 January 1966 and limited access to citizenship to those who entered after 1
January 1966 but before 24 March 1971. However, anyone entering Assam after 24 March 1971 would
be expelled. It remains unclear where they would be expelled to and what would happen to the status
of their nationality, thus they would most likely be rendered statelessness. By authorising the
detention and expulsion of foreigners, some of whom were once considered lawful citizens, the
Accord is at odds with Article 31 of the 1954 Convention.
3.2 Srimavo-Shastri Agreement between India and Sri Lanka, 1964

The case of stateless Tamils of Indian origin in Sri Lanka had long been a problem in the bilateral
relations between India and Sri Lanka.110 The Srimavo-Shastri Pact was a landmark agreement reached
between the two countries in 1964. The pact agreed to grant nationality to those rendered stateless
following India’s independence. As per the pact, 975, 000 stateless persons would be repatriated or
granted citizenship over the period of 15 years.111 In 1974, a follow-up agreement decided that the
remaining 75,000 persons (with their offspring) would be repatriated to India and the residual 75,000
persons (with their offspring) would be granted Sri Lankan citizenship. However, in 1982, India
informed Sri Lanka that it will no longer entertain any applications for Indian citizenship as the
specified period of 15 years was completed and thus no longer considered the pacts binding. During
this time 86, 000 applications were still pending, while 90, 000 Indian Tamils had been granted Indian
citizenship but were still awaiting repatriation.112 In 1984, repatriations to India ceased as a result of
the inter-ethnic violence.113 This rendered many who obtained Indian citizenship but were not
repatriated to India unprotected. Nevertheless, Sri-Lankan citizenship was granted to stateless
persons of Indian origin in 1988114 and 2003115, which finally resolved the problem of stateless Hill
Tamils in Sri-Lanka in light of the 1954 and 1961 Conventions.
3.3 Land Boundary Agreement between India and Bangladesh

The India-Bangladesh enclaves116 resulted from the Partition of British India, which later led to the
secession of Bangladesh from Pakistan, which hosted thousands of stateless persons. Initial attempts
109
Assam Accord, 1985
110
Phadnis, U., 'The Indo-Ceylon Pact and the "Stateless" Indians in Ceylon.' Asian Survey, Vol. 7, No. 4, 1967, p.
226
111
Ibid., p. 228
112
World Directory of Minority Rights Group International, 'Sri Lanka- Tamils', available at:
http://minorityrights.org/minorities/tamils/ [accessed 17 November 2016]
113
Ghosh, D.P.S., 'Migrants, Refugees and the Stateless in South Asia,’ SAGE Publications India Pvt. Ltd., New
Delhi, 2016, p. 46.
114
The 1988 Act granted Sri-Lankan citizenship to stateless persons of Indian origin who were lawfully resident
in Sri-Lanka and not within those who applied for Indian Citizenship. Section 2, Grant of Citizenship to Stateless
Persons Act, 1988
115
See Grant of Citizenship to Persons of Indian Origin Act, 2003
116
See Reece, J., 'Sovereignty and statelessness in the border enclaves of India and Bangladesh', Political
Geography Vol. 28 (2009), p. 373
13
were made to resolve the land dispute; however, they were met with resistance from both sides.117 In
1974, India and Bangladesh signed the Agreement Concerning the Demarcation of the Land Boundary
between India and Bangladesh and Related Matters, 1974 (LBA); and in 2011 a Protocol to the 1974
LBA was adopted to pave the way for the outstanding border demarcations. The 100th Constitutional
Amendment Act, 2015 ratified the 1974 LBA and its 2011 Protocol by which enclaves and inhabitants
are to be swapped. Before the exchange of enclaves, a survey was conducted asking inhabitants their
choice of citizenship: 14,863 inhabitants in 51 Bangladeshi enclaves in India and 989 inhabitants in 111
Indian enclaves in Bangladesh opted for Indian nationality, while the remainder opted Bangladeshi
citizenship.118
4. Discussion
The current framework of India’s nationality laws is inconclusive and ambiguous when assessed
against international law’s standards on statelessness. One of the main obstacles is that the key
Conventions on Statelessness have not yet been ratified. This raises many concerns, the first of which
is the lack of legal recognition of stateless persons which is a prerequisite to access the rights to which
they are entitled to under the 1954 and 1961 Conventions on Statelessness. India is not party to the
Refugee Convention either, which ultimately puts many non-citizens (i.e. refugees, stateless persons,
asylum seekers) in the same broad category of ‘foreigner’ as per the outdated Foreigners Act when
their realities and needs are overlapping but categorically different.119
While the MHA Annual Report (2015-2016) 120 includes reports on refugees from Sri Lanka and Tibet,
it does not provide any exclusive information or data on stateless persons overall. The term stateless
is only used with reference to Sri Lankan refugees, but even then the report does not provide any
definition or description of the term and who fits the category of stateless persons in India.121
Nevertheless, Article 51(c) of the Constitution provides that India “shall endeavour to foster respect
for international law and treaty obligations in the dealings of organised peoples with another,” and
thus the definition of a stateless person provided in the 1954 Convention, which has attained
117
Shewly, H. J., 'India and Bangladesh Swap Territory, Citizens in Landmark Enclave Exchange', Migration
Policy Institute, March 9 2016, available at:
http://www.migrationpolicy.org/article/india-and-bangladesh-swap-territory-citizens-landmark-enclave-
exchange [accessed 19 September 2016]
118
MEA, Press release: “Exchange of enclaves between India and Bangladesh,” Government of India, 20
November 2015, available at:
http://www.mea.gov.in/press-
releases.htm?dtl/26048/Exchange+of+enclaves+between+India+and+Bangladesh [accessed 19 September
2016]
119
Nair, A., ‘National Refugee Law for India: Benefits and Roadblocks’, Institute of Peace and Conflict Studies,
New Delhi, 2007
120
MEA, Annual Report 2015-2016', Annual Report 2015-2016', Government of India, available at:
releases.htm?dtl/26048/Exchange_of_enclaves_between_India_and_Bangladesh
121
“Refugees are of the following two categories: (i) stateless persons who had not applied for Indian
citizenship or those not yet conferred Sri Lankan citizenship; and (ii) Sri Lankan citizens.” Annual Report 2015-
2016', Annual Report 2015-2016', Ministry of External Affairs, Government of India, pp. 269-270 available at:
releases.htm?dtl/26048/Exchange_of_enclaves_between_India_and_Bangladesh [accessed 20 September
2016]
14
customary international law status, should have some legal recognition, whether India is party to the
Convention or not.
Moreover, the meanings of ‘citizen’ and ‘non-citizen’ have also not been clearly defined in the
Citizenship Act. The term ‘parent’ should also be defined so as to include parents of children born out
of wedlock, adoptive parents, single parents, etc. By incorporating or clarifying these terms in the Act,
the scope to granting citizenship could be widened, thus avoiding punitive statelessness of children
born out of non-traditional partnerships. Furthermore, the Citizenship Act contains strict exclusionary
provisions that create statelessness as a by-product, normalising inequality and severely compromises
the goals of international human rights law. India could simplify procedures to acquire citizenship via
jus soli (Section 3(1)(c)(ii)) as well as citizenship by naturalisation (Section 6(1)) by removing trivial
‘ascriptions of illegality’ attached to stateless persons by making exceptions in special circumstances
where said individuals do not have another nationality, and by removing the precondition that persons
shall not be an ‘illegal migrants’. While the precondition of residency seems reasonable in relation to
citizenship by naturalisation (and registration), requirements such as language (Third Schedule (f)),
identity documents and details of nationality of parents (Form VI) could be also be broadened to
include more languages, especially when other criteria’s such as residency are fulfilled. Simplifying
these procedural impediments is vital, as these requirements prevent many stateless persons in India
from acquiring citizenship when fulfilling all other criteria’s that make them eligible.
India defends its strict nationality laws on grounds of national security as well as social, economic, and
political concerns. Conversely, it can be argued that the 1954 Convention explicitly excludes persons
who are suspected of having committed serious crimes (Article 1(2)(iii), 1954 Convention) and thus
the Convention takes into account security considerations. The conditions set out in registration and
naturalisation procedures in the Citizenship Act are specifically concerned with avoiding double
nationality, in a way which requires any person seeking Indian citizenship to renounce the citizenship
of their other country of nationality upon acceptance of his/her application for Indian citizenship.
However, the qualifying period of residency or service required to be considered eligible for citizenship
is so long that it leaves many vulnerable to statelessness, since a person who has exceeded the
duration of residing abroad from his/her country of nationality may lose that nationality but may not
yet be eligible for Indian citizenship until the conditions and rules relating to registration (Section 5)
and naturalisation (Section 6) have been fulfilled.
A number of provisions in the Citizenship Act explicitly provide legal means by which Indian citizens
may lose their citizenship, resulting in statelessness. Section 8 on renunciation of citizenship allows
Indian citizens to relinquish their citizenship even if doing so would render them stateless.
Consequentially, their children also lose their citizenship, which unfairly exposes them to the risk of
statelessness without any fault of their own. Section 9 on termination of citizenship also creates a
possibility for statelessness as the Act does not require guarantees that another nationality has been
acquired. Finally, Section 10 on deprivation of nationality as a punishment for certain acts or omissions
can also result in statelessness. It is crucial that Indian authorities approve the acquisition of foreign
nationality before registering an applicant’s renunciation, termination, or deprivation of Indian
citizenship, in order to avoid statelessness. With regards to children, major reforms need to be made
as they are the most vulnerable. One of the main obstacles preventing children from accessing Indian
citizenship has been the requirement that at least one parent must be an Indian citizen and the other
must not be an illegal migrant. This results in many children inheriting statelessness through no fault
of their own. Under international legal framework, a child is entitled to nationality (Article 7 and 8,
15
CRC) irrespective of the nationality or any other status of his/her parents (Article 2(1) CRC). This is
imperative in preventing statelessness from being inherited.
Another concern is the issue of registration of the birth of a child, which is one of the first legal forms
of recognition. Article 7 of the CRC urges contracting States to register the birth of a child. India passed
the Registration of Births and Deaths Act in 1969122 which requires births to be registered within 21
days of its occurrence. However, in 2013 only about 71% of births were actually registered.123 The
implementation of the Act is clearly inadequate, thus it is important that the Indian government takes
steps in terms of uniform training and capacity building of authorities in charge of birth registrations
so as to develop their competence. The monitoring or correct implementation of this procedure could
be assisted by partnering with organisations such as UNHCR. This is central to reducing the risk of
statelessness. Obtaining a birth certificate subsequently facilitates access to other forms of
identification.124
India needs to move its nationality laws towards inclusive citizenship based on fairness and equal
opportunities. Currently, Section 7A needs to be amended as it does not allow OCI registration to
those who are/were citizens of Pakistan or Bangladesh, or if either of their parent, grandparent or
great-grandparent is/was such a citizen. In July 2016, the Citizenship (Amendment) Bill, 2016 was
introduced to the Parliament and is currently pending approval. The Bill amends Section 2(1)(b) of the
Principal Act, inserting a provision stating that “persons belonging to minority communities….who
have been exempted” by the Government under Section 3(2)(c) of the Passport (Entry into India) Act,
1920, or any provisions from the Foreigners Act, 1946 shall not be considered as ‘illegal migrants’ by
virtue of the Act. Thus certain persons from Afghanistan, Bangladesh and Pakistan who were formerly
unable to apply for Indian citizenship would be eligible under Section 6 (naturalisation) if this Bill is
approved.
Moreover, it amends the Third Schedule reducing the time of residency required for naturalisation
from eleven years to six years, speeding up eligibility to access citizenship.125 It also changes the
definition of illegal migrants under Section 2(1)(b) of the principal Act and thus enables certain
minorities to be eligible for citizenship. This would be a significant for stateless persons formerly
considered ‘illegal migrants’ as it would remove the discriminatory provisions and practices of the
principal Act. However, the proposed amendment seeks to grant citizenship mainly to non-Muslim
minorities, while Muslims in the same situation would still be labelled ‘illegal migrants’ as per the
principal Act. This is in contravention of international law, in particular the right to nationality “without
distinction as to race, colour, or national or ethnic origin” (Article 5, CERD);126 but also India’s
Constitution which guarantees equality before the law (Article 14) and does not permit discrimination
on any ground (Article 15).127
122
The Registration of Births and Deaths Act, 1969 available at:
http://mha.nic.in/hindi/sites/upload_files/mhahindi/files/pdf/rbd_act_1969.pdf
123
Registrar General, ‘Vital Statistics of India based on the Civil Registration System, 2013’, Ministry of Home
Affairs, 2013, available at: http://www.censusindia.gov.in/2011-Documents/CRS_Report/CRS_Report2013.pdf
124
Indian archives: obtain birth certificate, available at:
http://www.archive.india.gov.in/howdo/howdoi.php?service=1
125
Section 4, The Citizenship (Amendment) Bill, 2016
126
Article 5(iii), UNGA, International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination, 21
December 1965, UNTS, vol. 660
127
Article 14 and 15, The Constitution of India, 1950
16
Article 253 of the Constitution gives the Parliament “power to make any law for the whole or any part
of the territory of India for implementing any treaty, agreement or convention with any other country
or countries or any decision made at any international conference, association or other body,” which
shows that India is in favour of international law however in practice it has not been fulfilling its human
rights obligations under international law on matters relating to statelessness. In the context of
inadequate consensus on international standards which do not consider the geopolitical complexities
of statelessness, India has favoured to enter into regional agreements to address statelessness
instead.128
However, the existing ad hoc measures taken to deal with stateless persons appear to be founded on
selective political conveniences rather than fostering respect for the rights of stateless persons under
international law. Such methods will not adequately address issues of statelessness in the long-term
until a uniform law on the protection of stateless persons is enacted as it would create a framework
by which the status of stateless persons would be accorded based on the principle of equality and
agreed standards of determination and treatment. Such a framework has the potential to reduce
frictions in India’s bilateral relations, as the act would be understood as a humanitarian and legal
action, rather than a political calculation. Even if there is a regional agreement in place to handle
stateless persons between India and other parties, it is advisable that India either accedes to the
Conventions on Statelessness or enacts its own laws with the view of ensuring mechanisms catering
to and preserving the rights of existing stateless persons but also preventing future statelessness.
5. Conclusion
This article aimed to analyse India’s nationality laws in light of the current international legal
framework surrounding statelessness. Statelessness in India, much like the rest of the world, is caused
by a variety of factors. The continuing difficulties of decolonisation paired with new socio-political
trends have heavily had an influence on the restrictive citizenship laws. The possible avenues open to
stateless persons to acquire citizenship would be through registration or naturalisation, however
there are certain provisions in the Citizenship Act in conjunction with the Citizenship Rules that create
obstacles for stateless persons to acquire citizenship. Moreover, there are no safeguards against
statelessness arising from renunciation, termination or deprivation of nationality, in fact they seem
rather punitive. Without positive action by the State to change the discriminatory nationality laws,
statelessness will continue being passed on from one generation to the next. Thus it should be in the
interest of India to accede to the Stateless Conventions and change its Citizenship laws as provided.
In order to address current issues of statelessness efficiently and secure a results based method of
preventing future statelessness, it is imperative that India accede to the 1954 and 1961 Conventions
on Statelessness and implement them into domestic law. Acceding to the Conventions would create
positive obligations on India’s part by requiring it to make the necessary changes in its national
framework. By acceding to the Conventions, India would be obliged to incorporate the internationally
accepted standards relating to nationality into its corresponding legislative provisions. This is desirable
not only for stateless persons as such a move would strengthen national frameworks on nationality
laws and allow such persons to access their rights and privileges as per the Conventions, but would
128
See Sen, S., “Paradoxes of the International Regime of Care,” Refugees and the State: Practices of Asylum
and Care in India, 1947-2000, SAGE Publications Pvt. Ltd., New Delhi, 2003, pp. 404-405.
17
also allow the government to efficiently maintain such populations with more accountability and
efficiency.
18

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Statelessness in India

Statelessness Working Paper Series

For more details, visit http://www.institutesi.org/forum/workingpapers.php.

Statelessness Working Paper Series No. 2017/02

Statelessness Working Paper Series No. 2017/02

2. Nationality in the Indian Legal Framework

2.1 The Constitution of India, 1950

2.2 The Citizenship Act, 1955

2.2.1 Citizenship by birth

2.2.2 Citizenship by descent

2.2.3 Citizenship by registration

2.2.4 Citizenship by naturalisation

2.2.5 Renunciation of Citizenship

2.2.6 Termination of Citizenship

2.2.7 Deprivation of Citizenship

2.3 Identification of persons in India

2.3.3 Foreigners Act, 1946

2.3.4 Passports Act, 1967

3.1 Assam Accord, 1985

3.2 Srimavo-Shastri Agreement between India and Sri Lanka, 1964

3.3 Land Boundary Agreement between India and Bangladesh

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