Thesis Title Child Abuse
Thesis Title Child Abuse
Thesis Title Child Abuse
In many Third World countries, violence against children continues to be a pressing problem. Such
violence is often manifested in the form of abuse. The Philippines is similar to many other Asian
countries in the way Western culture has greatly influenced its development and way of life. The
Philippines’ historical roots began with Spanish colonization four centuries ago. This colonization
contributed to the development of a culture in which the church and the school usually emerge as the
most influential institutions influencing the way children are brought up. Cases of physical and sexual
abuse, as well as those considered “abuses of neglect,” continue to be of major societal concern. Thus,
violence in schools as well as other institutional sectors of society that play a role in a child’s
development is a problem of global proportions faced by most developed and developing countries.
Despite the increasing global awareness of children’s rights, there continues to be numerous
documented cases of child abuse in many countries. In the Philippines, there are approximately 33
million children under the age of eighteen and authorities estimate that in 1999 alone, there were
roughly 12,000 cases of child abuse (Yacat & Ong, 2002). The Department of Social Welfare and
Development (DSWD) documented an increase incases of child abuse and neglect from 1991 to 1997
(Yacat & Ong, 2002). Of191
P1: MRM/SJS P2: MRMSVNY040-Denmark et al. February 25, 2005 15:7192 Richard Velayo these cases
44.5% were classified as sexual abuse, 21.67% as physical abuse, and 15.07% as neglect. The Philippine
General Hospital Child Protection Unit (PGH-CPU) (1998) also reported a similar trend during the same
year in which 67.7% of the cases they handled were documented as child abuse cases. Physical abuse
constituted only 10% of these cases. While the statistics suggest that the majority of alleged
perpetrators of abuse are familiar to the victims of child abuse, 66% of abusers are family members, the
statistics fail to reflect the abuse occurring in the Philippine institutions of the school and the church.
Abuse in these institutions is difficult to measure for many reasons. Because of the esteem schools and
the church hold in Philippine society, cultural factors prevent child abuse authorities from recognizing
and addressing abuse occurring in the schools and church. This paper will illustrate a perspective on the
problem of child abuse in Philippine society and will analyze institutional influences that have
contributed to this problem. The view of the child in Philippine society causes institutions and
authorities to overlook and oftentimes encourage child abuse. Philippine authorities and institutions
lack a clearly defined defini1tion of abuse, especially in regards to verbal and psychological abuse. In
conjunction with the Filipino view of the child, institutions remain focused on violence committed by
children, as opposed to the violence committed by educators and clergy members. Much attention has
been paid to child abuse occurring in families; however, with the considerable power and trust at
Why police women need in operation
Women account for a small but growing percentage of police officers (11.6% nationally, up from just 3%
in the 1970s). However, the need to recruit, train and promote more female officers is receiving far
more attention than ever before.
The encouraging momentum toward creating a more balanced public safety force is fueled in part by a
growing appreciation of certain unique and valuable professional qualities that women often bring to
law enforcement. Such qualities (the three most important are described below) are believed to
enhance the ability of law enforcement agencies to make a positive impact on the communities they
serve.
While most departments and law enforcement agencies are aware of the need to hire a diverse
workforce, diversity initiatives often focus more on ethnicity than gender. That’s a problem because,
with women making up such a small minority of law enforcement, almost half of the population has
been excluded from a career in which they could affect significant and positive change.
This despite considerable evidence that women are having “a profound impact on the culture of
policing,” according to Chuck Wexler, executive director of the Police Executive Research Forum, who
told the Associated Press that “they bring their own set of skills to a traditionally male-dominated
culture, and that is very helpful.”
Citing research that women are skilled at using communication to help diffuse potentially volatile
situations, a practice that is increasingly being emphasized in many police and sheriff’s departments,
Wexler said, “departments who have had a lot of experience hiring women recognize how invaluable
they are in diffusing contentious situations.”
Here are three ways women are having a positive impact on law enforcement practices.
One of the two most widely acknowledged benefits of recruiting more women for careers in criminal
justice is the fact that, according to an article in The Atlantic, “Women officers are less likely to use
excessive force or pull their weapon. They are defendants in lawsuits far less often than men, saving
municipalities millions in legal fees.”
This is especially important during a period when police use of force is under increased scrutiny, often
causing heightened tensions between police and the communities they serve.
2. Women officers are skilled at addressing violence against women and sex crimes.
One of the most critical areas where women in law enforcement can make a difference is in addressing
violence against women and sex crimes.
“It is absolutely critical to have women working in criminal justice,” said Jennifer Montoya, a criminal
investigator with the Department of Defense and now working toward her M.S. in Law Enforcement
Leadership at University of San Diego. “For example, with sexual assault cases, the victim might want to
talk to a woman. But that can’t always happen because there aren’t enough females in the department
and it ends up affecting the mission. These are human beings we are dealing with. Sexual assault is an
extremely sensitive issue and we need to be able to act humanely.”
The Washington Post shared findings on women’s aptitude for communication and restraint in using
force, reporting that “over the last 40 years, studies have shown that female officers are less
authoritarian in their approach to policing, less reliant on physical force and are more effective
communicators. Most importantly, female officers are better at defusing potentially violent
confrontations before those encounters turn deadly.”
“The dedication to ethical conduct and compassionate service is what law enforcement is, or should be,
all about,” said Tiffany Townsend, a San Diego sheriff detective who earned her master’s degree in Law
Enforcement Leadership from University of San Diego. “I believe I provide a public service every time I
go to work.”
If women have such a positive impact on the profession, why aren’t there more women working in law
enforcement agencies today? The reasons vary, from stereotypes to recruitment campaigns targeted at
males to physical ability tests that favor male upper body strength.
Along with the growing awareness of their potential to make a positive impact, more needs to be done
to encourage women to enter the field of law enforcement. One example of a recruiting effort aimed at
women comes from the U.S. Border Patrol and a hiring push focused exclusively on women. According
to Katherine Spillar, co-founder of the National Center for Women & Policing, “The agency recognized
that having just five percent women in its ranks impedes its ability to work with the tens of thousands of
migrant women who cross the U.S.-Mexico border each year, many of whom suffer sexual assaults
during their journey.”
Besides recruitment campaigns aimed at women, Montoya says encouraging young girls and offering
mentorship is another way to bring more females into the field. “I started in the Police Explorers
program when I was 15 and stayed in the program until I aged out at 21. … The Explorer program
changed my life entirely — it was my first taste of law enforcement. If it wasn’t for the Explorer program
it would have been so much harder for me to get where I am today.”
Asked what advice she would give to girls and women considering a career in the criminal justice field,
Montoya said, “Don’t be afraid — you can do anything you want. Don’t let anyone tell you can’t because
of your gender — it’s completely irrelevant.”
There is also a new generation of women being promoted to law enforcement leadership and command
roles, with a growing number of police chief positions across the country being filled by women.
“We may be gaining in presence. But I think we have a long way to go in developing future leaders,” said
Jennifer Tejada, a law enforcement veteran now leading serving as chief of police in Emeryville, Calif.,
while pursuing her master’s degree in Law Enforcement and Public Safety Leadership at University of
San Diego.
“What I like best (about the USD degree program) is that it’s extremely relevant to my position as well as
current issues in law enforcement today,” said Tejada, who believes advanced education is “very
important” for police leaders of any gender. “I would really encourage people to do this,” she said,
“because it really gives you the foundation you need to be the best that you can be in law
enforcement.”
[RELATED] Calif. Police Chief Says Master’s in Law Enforcement Leadership Helped Make Her a ‘Better
Leader’ >>
The USD master’s degree program differs from a traditional criminal justice degree by offering a
more extensive curriculum that goes beyond the basics and teaches the contemporary skills that are in
demand at both federal and local agencies.
Montoya, the DoD investigator and USD master’s degree student, is also a firm believer in the value of
advanced education in her line of work. “The law enforcement field is constantly changing and evolving
on a daily basis. Criminals get smarter and technology is always advancing,” said Montoya. “There is so
much that this master’s program has taught me — not only the professors, but the other students in the
program.”
The USD program’s unique online format, which stimulates interaction with fellow law enforcement
professionals from all over the country, is designed to be flexible so students can complete their degree
in less than two years while continuing to work full time and manage family obligations.
[RELATED] Should You Get a Degree in Criminal Justice or Law Enforcement Leadership? >>
“Programs like this one reinforce the emotional, academic and ethical practices of what is considered
‘good policing’ by teaching the importance of professionalism, open-mindedness and the framework of
ethical community policing,” says Jazzma Rainey, a Customs and Border Protection agent who recently
graduated from the program. “Learning about cultural and social issues that create a need for
organizations like Black Lives Matter from an academic standpoint enables law enforcement personnel
to engage with cultural and political movements with emotional intelligence and good moral conduct,
even in the toughest situations.”
Local studies
Women in the Philippine National Police are women in the Philippines who joined the police force in
the Philippines to become policewomen and law enforcers.
When Filipino women started to join the male-dominated Philippine National Police (PNP), they were
only given assignments that were administrative in nature and jobs that could be classified and
described as "desk duties".[1] Within the following thirty years - years after the establishment of the
PNP in the early period of the 1990s,[2] female Filipino police officers have been able to participate in
other police activities and functions, including risky PNP operations. They have also become
commanders in the field of police work. Among the Filipino policewomen who excelled in the PNP
were Lina Sarmiento and Lorlie Arroyo.[1]
In 2012, Sarmiento and Arroyo were the only two "female generals" in the Philippine National Police.
They were both Chief Superintendents, with Sarmiento being the head of the Police Security and
Protection Group (PSPG), while Arroyo was the head of the Crime Laboratory of the Philippine National
Police.[2] Arroyo's rank was equivalent to the rank of a brigadier general in the military.[1] In June 2012,
Sarmiento was promoted to become the "first two-star female general" of the Philippine National Police
and the "first female general to be named in the Directorial Staff of the PNP" since the inception of the
Philippine National Police.[2]
As of June 2012, there were 11,000 Filipino policewomen within the Philippine National Police, an
organization that at the time had a total of 143,000 police officers.[1]
Foreign studies
Background Child abuse has for a long time been recorded in literature, art and science in many parts of
the world. Reports of infanticide, mutilation, abandonment and other forms of violence against children
date back to ancient civilizations (1). The historical record is also filled with reports of unkempt, weak
and malnourished children cast out by families to fend for themselves and of children who have been
sexually abused. For a long time also there have existed charitable groups and others concerned with
children’s wellbeing who have advocated the protection of children. Nevertheless, the issue did not
receive widespread attention by the medical profession or the general public until 1962, with the
publication of a seminal work, The battered child syndrome, by Kempe et al. (2). The term ‘‘battered
child syndrome’’ was coined to characterize the clinical manifestations of serious physical abuse in
young children (2). Now, four decades later, there is clear evidence that child abuse is a global problem.
It occurs in a variety of forms and is deeply rooted in cultural, economic and social practices. Solving this
global problem, however, requires a much better understanding of its occurrence in a range of settings,
as well as of its causes and consequences in these settings. How are child abuse and neglect defined?
Cultural issues Any global approach to child abuse must take into account the differing standards and
expectations for parenting behaviour in the range of cultures around the world. Culture is a society’s
common fund of beliefs and behaviours, and its concepts of how people should conduct themselves.
Included in these concepts are ideas about what acts of omission or commission might constitute abuse
and neglect (3, 4). In other words, culture helps define the generally accepted principles of child-rearing
and care of children. Different cultures have different rules about what are acceptable parenting
practices. Some researchers have suggested that views on child-rearing across cultures might diverge to
such an extent that agreement on what practices are abusive or neglectful may be extremely difficult to
reach (5, 6). Nonetheless, differences in how cultures define what is abusive have more to do with
emphasizing particular aspects of parental behaviour. It appears that there is general agreement across
many cultures that child abuse should not be allowed, and virtual unanimity in this respect where very
harsh disciplinary practices and sexual abuse are concerned (7). Types of abuse The International Society
for the Prevention of Child Abuse and Neglect recently compared definitions of abuse from 58 countries
and found some commonality in what was considered abusive (7). In 1999, the WHO Consultation on
Child Abuse Prevention drafted the following definition (8): ‘‘Child abuse or maltreatment constitutes all
forms of physical and/or emotional ill-treatment, sexual abuse, neglect or negligent treatment or
commercial or other exploitation, resulting in actual or potential harm to the child’s health, survival,
development or dignity in the context of a relationship of responsibility, trust or power.’’ Some
definitions focus on the behaviours or actions of adults while others consider abuse to take place if
there is harm or the threat of harm to the child (8–13). The distinction between behaviour – regardless
of the outcome – and impact or harm is a potentially confusing one if parental intent forms part of the
definition. Some experts consider as abused those children who have been inadvertently harmed
through the actions of a parent, while others require that harm to the child be intended for the act to be
defined as abusive. Some of the literature on child abuse explicitly includes violence against children in
institutional or school settings (14–17). The definition given above (8) covers a broad spectrum of abuse.
This chapter focuses primarily on acts of commission and omission by parents or caregivers that result in
harm to the child. In particular, it explores the prevalence, causes and consequences of four types of
child maltreatment by caregivers, namely:
physical abuse; — sexual abuse; — emotional abuse; — neglect. Physical abuse of a child is defined as
those acts of commission by a caregiver that cause actual physical harm or have the potential for harm.
Sexual abuse is defined as those acts where a caregiver uses a child for sexual gratification. Emotional
abuse includes the failure of a caregiver to provide an appropriate and supportive environment, and
includes acts that have an adverse effect on the emotional health and development of a child. Such acts
include restricting a child’s movements, denigration, ridicule, threats and intimidation, discrimination,
rejection and other nonphysical forms of hostile treatment. Neglect refers to the failure of a parent to
provide for the development of the child – where the parent is in a position to do so – in one or more of
the following areas: health, education, emotional development, nutrition, shelter and safe living
conditions. Neglect is thus distinguished from circumstances of poverty in that neglect can occur only in
cases where reasonable resources are available to the family or caregiver. The manifestations of these
types of abuse are further described in Box 3.1. The extent of the problem Fatal abuse Information on
the numbers of children who die each year as a result of abuse comes primarily from death registries or
mortality data. According to the World Health Organization, there were an estimated 57 000 deaths
attributed to homicide among children under 15 years of age in 2000. Global estimates of child homicide
suggest that infants and very young children are at greatest risk, with rates for the 0–4-year-old age
group more than double those of 5–14-year-olds (see Statistical annex). The risk offatal abuse for
children varies according to the income level of a country and region of the world. For children under 5
years of age living in high-income countries, the rate of homicide is 2.2 per 100 000 for boys and 1.8 per
100 000 for girls. In low- to middle-income countries the rates are 2–3 times higher – 6.1 per 100 000 for
boys and 5.1 per 100 000 for girls. The highest homicide rates for children under 5 years of age are
found in the WHO African Region – 17.9 per 100 000 for boys and 12.7 per 100 000 for girls. The lowest
rates are seen in high-income countries in the WHO European, Eastern Mediterranean and Western
Pacific Regions (see Statistical annex). Many child deaths, however, are not routinely investigated and
postmortem examinations are not carried out, which makes it difficult to establish the precise number
of fatalities from child abuse in any given country. Even in wealthy countries there are problems in
properly recognizing cases of infanticide and measuring their incidence. Significant levels of
misclassification in the cause of death as reported on death certificates have been found, for example, in
several states of the United States of America. Deaths attributed to other causes – for instance, sudden
infant death syndrome or accidents – have often been shown on reinvestigation to be homicides (18,
19). Despite the apparent widespread misclassification, there is general agreement that fatalities from
child abuse are far more frequent than official records suggest in every country where studies of infant
deaths have been undertaken (20–22). Among the fatalities attributed to child abuse, the most common
cause of death is injury to the head, followed by injury to the abdomen (18, 23, 24). Intentional
suffocation has also been extensively reported as a cause of death (19, 22). Non-fatal abuse Data on
non-fatal child abuse and neglect come from a variety of sources, including official statistics, case
reports and population-based surveys. These sources, however, differ as regards their usefulness in
describing the full extent of the problem. Official statistics often reveal little about the patterns of child
abuse. This is partly because, in many countries, there are no legal or social systems with specific
responsibility for recording, let alone responding to, reports of child abuse and neglect (7). In addition,
there are differing legal and 60 . WORLD REPORT ON VIOLENCE AND HEALTH BOX 3.1 Manifestations of
child abuse and neglect Injuries inflicted by a caregiver on a child can take many forms. Serious damage
or death in abused children is most often the consequence of a head injury or injury to the internal
organs. Head trauma as a result of abuse is the most common cause of death in young children, with
children in the first 2 years of life being the most vulnerable. Because force applied to the body passes
through the skin, patterns of injury to the skin can provide clear signs of abuse. The skeletal
manifestations of abuse include multiple fractures at different stages of healing, fractures of bones that
are very rarely broken under normal circumstances, and characteristic fractures of the ribs and long
bones. The shaken infant Shaking is a prevalent form of abuse seen in very young children. The majority
of shaken children are less than 9 months old. Most perpetrators of such abuse are male, though this
may be more a reflection of the fact that men, being on average stronger than women, tend to apply
greater force, rather than that they are more prone than women to shake children. Intracranial
haemorrhages, retinal haemorrhages and small ‘‘chip’’ fractures at the major joints of the child’s
extremities can result from very rapid shaking of an infant. They can also follow from a combination of
shaking and the head hitting a surface. There is evidence that about one-third of severely shaken infants
die and that the majority of the survivors suffer long-term consequences such as mental retardation,
cerebral palsy or blindness. The battered child One of the syndromes of child abuse is the ‘‘battered
child’’. This term is generally applied to children showing repeated and devastating injury to the skin,
skeletal system or nervous system. It includes children with multiple fractures of different ages, head
trauma and severe visceral trauma, with evidence of repeated infliction. Fortunately, though the cases
are tragic, this pattern is rare. Sexual abuse Children may be brought to professional attention because
of physical or behavioural concerns that, on further investigation, turn out to result from sexual abuse. It
is not uncommon for children who have been sexually abused to exhibit symptoms of infection, genital
injury, abdominal pain, constipation, chronic or recurrent urinary tract infections or behavioural
problems. To be able to detect child sexual abuse requires a high index of suspicion and familiarity with
the verbal, behavioural and physical indicators of abuse. Many children will disclose abuse to caregivers
or others spontaneously, though there may also be indirect physical or behavioural signs. Neglect There
exist many manifestations of child neglect, including non-compliance with health care
recommendations, failure to seek appropriate health care, deprivation of food resulting in hunger, and
the failure of a child physically to thrive. Other causes for concern include the exposure of children to
drugs and inadequate protection from environmental dangers. In addition, abandonment, inadequate
supervision, poor hygiene and being deprived of an education have all been considered as evidence of
neglect.
Manifestations of child abuse and neglect Injuries inflicted by a caregiver on a child can take many
forms. Serious damage or death in abused children is most often the consequence of a head injury or
injury to the internal organs. Head trauma as a result of abuse is the most common cause of death in
young children, with children in the first 2 years of life being the most vulnerable. Because force applied
to the body passes through the skin, patterns of injury to the skin can provide clear signs of abuse. The
skeletal manifestations of abuse include multiple fractures at different stages of healing, fractures of
bones that are very rarely broken under normal circumstances, and characteristic fractures of the ribs
and long bones. The shaken infant Shaking is a prevalent form of abuse seen in very young children. The
majority of shaken children are less than 9 months old. Most perpetrators of such abuse are male,
though this may be more a reflection of the fact that men, being on average stronger than women, tend
to apply greater force, rather than that they are more prone than women to shake children. Intracranial
haemorrhages, retinal haemorrhages and small ‘‘chip’’ fractures at the major joints of the child’s
extremities can result from very rapid shaking of an infant. They can also follow from a combination of
shaking and the head hitting a surface. There is evidence that about one-third of severely shaken infants
die and that the majority of the survivors suffer long-term consequences such as mental retardation,
cerebral palsy or blindness. The battered child One of the syndromes of child abuse is the ‘‘battered
child’’. This term is generally applied to children showing repeated and devastating injury to the skin,
skeletal system or nervous system. It includes children with multiple fractures of different ages, head
trauma and severe visceral trauma, with evidence of repeated infliction. Fortunately, though the cases
are tragic, this pattern is rare. Sexual abuse Children may be brought to professional attention because
of physical or behavioural concerns that, on further investigation, turn out to result from sexual abuse. It
is not uncommon for children who have been sexually abused to exhibit symptoms of infection, genital
injury, abdominal pain, constipation, chronic or recurrent urinary tract infections or behavioural
problems. To be able to detect child sexual abuse requires a high index of suspicion and familiarity with
the verbal, behavioural and physical indicators of abuse. Many children will disclose abuse to caregivers
or others spontaneously, though there may also be indirect physical or behavioural signs. Neglect There
exist many manifestations of child neglect, including non-compliance with health care
recommendations, failure to seek appropriate health care, deprivation of food resulting in hunger, and
the failure of a child physically to thrive. Other causes for concern include the exposure of children to
drugs and inadequate protection from environmental dangers. In addition, abandonment, inadequate
supervision, poor hygiene and being deprived of an education have all been considered as evidence of
neglect.